16892	----	Transcribed from the 1894 Oliphant Anderson and Ferrier edition by David Price, email ccx074@coventry.ac.uk SAMUEL RUTHERFORD AND SOME OF HIS CORRESPONDENTS LECTURES DELIVERED IN ST. GEORGE'S FREE CHURCH EDINBURGH: BY ALEXANDER WHYTE, D.D. AUTHOR OF 'BUNYAN CHARACTERS' ETC. PUBLISHED BY OLIPHANT ANDERSON AND FERRIER 30 ST. MARY STREET, EDINBURGH, AND 24 OLD BAILEY, LONDON 1894 I. JOSHUA REDIVIVUS 'He sent me as a spy to see the land and to try the ford.' _Rutherford_. Samuel Rutherford, the author of the seraphic _Letters_, was born in the south of Scotland in the year of our Lord 1600. Thomas Goodwin was born in England in the same year, Robert Leighton in 1611, Richard Baxter in 1615, John Owen in 1616, John Bunyan in 1628, and John Howe in 1630. A little vellum-covered volume now lies open before me, the title-page of which runs thus:--'Joshua Redivivus, or Mr. Rutherford's Letters, now published for the use of the people of God: but more particularly for those who now are, or may afterwards be, put to suffering for Christ and His cause. By a well-wisher to the work and to the people of God. Printed in the year 1664.' That is all. It would not have been safe in 1664 to say more. There is no editor's name on the title-page, no publisher's name, and no place of printing or of publication. Only two texts of forewarning and reassuring Scripture, and then the year of grace 1664. Joshua Redivivus: That is to say, Moses' spy and pioneer, Moses' successor and the captain of the Lord's covenanted host come back again. A second Joshua sent to Scotland to go before God's people in that land and in that day; a spy who would both by his experience and by his testimony cheer and encourage the suffering people of God. For all this Samuel Rutherford truly was. As he said of himself in one of his letters to Hugh Mackail, he was indeed a spy sent out to make experiment upon the life of silence and separation, banishment and martyrdom, and to bring back a report of that life for the vindication of Christ and for the support and encouragement of His people. It was a happy thought of Rutherford's first editor, Robert M'Ward, his old Westminster Assembly secretary, to put at the top of his title-page, Joshua risen again from the dead, or, Mr. Rutherford's Letters written from his place of banishment in Aberdeen. In selecting his twelve spies, Moses went on the principle of choosing the best and the ablest men he could lay hold of in all Israel. And in selecting Samuel Rutherford to be the first sufferer for His covenanted people in Scotland, our Lord took a man who was already famous for his character and his services. For no man of his age in broad Scotland stood higher as a scholar, a theologian, a controversialist, a preacher and a very saint than Samuel Rutherford. He had been settled at Anwoth on the Solway in 1627, and for the next nine years he had lived such a noble life among his people as to make Anwoth famous as long as Jesus Christ has a Church in Scotland. As we say Bunyan and Bedford, Baxter and Kidderminster, Newton and Olney, Edwards and Northampton, Boston and Ettrick, M'Cheyne and St. Peter's, so we say Rutherford and Anwoth. His talents, his industry, his scholarship, his preaching power, his pastoral solicitude and his saintly character all combined to make Rutherford a marked man both to the friends and to the enemies of the truth. His talents and his industry while he was yet a student in Edinburgh had carried him to the top of his classes, and all his days he could write in Latin better than either in Scotch or English. His habits of work at Anwoth soon became a very proverb. His people boasted that their minister was always at his books, always among his parishioners, always at their sick-beds and their death-beds, always catechising their children and always alone with his God. And then the matchless preaching of the parish church of Anwoth. We can gather what made the Sabbaths of Anwoth so memorable both to Rutherford and to his people from the books we still have from those great Sabbaths: _The Trial and the Triumph of Faith_; _Christ Dying and Drawing Sinners to Himself_; and such like. Rutherford was the 'most moving and the most affectionate of preachers,' a preacher determined to know nothing but Jesus Christ and Him crucified, but not so much crucified, as crucified and risen again--crucified indeed, but now glorified. Rutherford's life for his people at Anwoth has something altogether superhuman and unearthly about it. His correspondents in his own day and his critics in our day stumble at his too intense devotion to his charge; he lived for his congregation, they tell us, almost to the neglect of his wife and children. But by the time of his banishment his home was desolate, his wife and children were in the grave. And all the time and thought and love they had got from him while they were alive had, now that they were dead, returned with new and intensified devotion to his people and his parish. Fair Anwoth by the Solway, To me thou still art dear, E'en from the verge of heaven I drop for thee a tear. Oh! if one soul from Anwoth Meet me at God's right hand, My heaven will be two heavens In Immanuel's Land. This then was the spy chosen by Jesus Christ to go out first of all the ministers of Scotland into the life of banishment in that day, so as to try its fords and taste its vineyards, and to report to God's straitened and persecuted people at home. To begin with, it must always be remembered that Rutherford was not laid in irons in Aberdeen, or cast into a dungeon. He was simply deprived of his pulpit and of his liberty to preach, and was sentenced to live in silence in the town of Aberdeen. Like Dante, another great spy of God's providence and grace, Rutherford was less a prisoner than an exile. But if any man thinks that simply to be an exile is a small punishment, or a light cross, let him read the psalms and prophecies of Babylon, the _Divine Comedy_, and Rutherford's _Letters_. Yes, banishment was banishment; exile was exile; silent Sabbaths were silent Sabbaths; and a borrowed fireside with all its willing heat was still a borrowed fireside; and, spite of all that the best people of Aberdeen could do for Samuel Rutherford, he felt the friendliest stairs of that city to be very steep to his feet, and its best bread to be very salt in his mouth. But, with all that, Samuel Rutherford would have been but a blind and unprofitable spy for the best people of God in Scotland, for Marion M'Naught, and Lady Kenmure, and Lady Culross, for the Cardonesses, father, and mother, and son, and for Hugh Mackail, and such like, if he had tasted nothing more bitter than borrowed bread in Aberdeen, and climbed nothing steeper than a granite stair. 'Paul had need,' Rutherford writes to Lady Kenmure, 'of the devil's service to buffet him, and far more, you and me.' I am downright afraid to go on to tell you how Satan was sent to buffet Samuel Rutherford in his banishment, and how he was sifted as wheat is sifted in his exile. I would not expose such a saint of God to every eye, but I look for fellow-worshippers here on these Rutherford Sabbath evenings, who know something of the plague of their own hearts, and who are comforted in their banishment and battle by nothing more than when they are assured that they are not alone in the deep darkness. 'When Christian had travelled in this disconsolate condition for some time he thought he heard the voice of a man as going before him and saying, "_Though I walk through the Valley of the Shadow of Death I will fear no ill, for Thou art with me_." Then he was glad, and that for these reasons:--Firstly, because he gathered from thence that some one who feared God was in this valley as well as himself. Secondly, for that he perceived that God was with them though in that dark and dismal state; and why not, thought he, with me? Thirdly, for that he hoped, could he overtake them, to have company by and by.' And, in like manner, I am certain that it will encourage and save from despair some who now hear me if I just report to them some of the discoveries and experiences of himself that Samuel Rutherford made among the siftings and buffetings of his Aberdeen exile. Writing to Lady Culross, he says:--'O my guiltiness, the follies of my youth and the neglects of my calling, they all do stare me in the face here; . . . the world hath sadly mistaken me: no man knoweth what guiltiness is in me.' And to Lady Boyd, speaking of some great lessons he had learnt in the school of adversity, he says, 'In the third place, I have seen here my abominable vileness, and it is such that if I were well known no one in all the kingdom would ask me how I do. . . . I am a deeper hypocrite and a shallower professor than any one could believe. Madam, pity me, the chief of sinners.' And, again, to the Laird of Carlton: 'Woe, woe is me, that men should think there is anything in me. The house-devils that keep me company and this sink of corruption make me to carry low sails. . . . But, howbeit I am a wretched captive of sin, yet my Lord can hew heaven out of worse timber than I am, if worse there be.' And to Lady Kenmure: 'I am somebody in the books of my friends, . . . but there are armies of thoughts within me, saying the contrary, and laughing at the mistakes of my many friends. Oh! if my inner side were only seen!' Ah no, my brethren, no land is so fearful to them that are sent to search it out as their own heart. 'The land,' said the ten spies, 'is a land that eateth up the inhabitants thereof; the cities are walled up to heaven, and very great, and the children of Anak dwell in them. We were in their sight as grasshoppers, and so we were in our own sight.' Ah, no! no stair is so steep as the stair of sanctification, no bread is so salt as that which is baked for a man of God out of the wild oats of his past sin and his present sinfulness. Even Joshua and Caleb, who brought back a good report of the land, did not deny that the children of Anak were there, or that their walls went up to heaven, or that they, the spies, were as grasshoppers before their foes: Caleb and Joshua only said that, in spite of all that, if the Lord delighted in His people, He both could and would give them a land flowing with milk and honey. And be it recorded and remembered to his credit and his praise that, with all his self-discoveries and self- accusings, Rutherford did not utter one single word of doubt or despair; so far from that was he, that in one of his letters to Hugh M'Kail he tells us that some of his correspondents have written to him that he is possibly too joyful under the cross. Blunt old Knockbrex, for one, wrote to his old minister to restrain somewhat his ecstasy. So true was it, what Rutherford said of himself to David Dickson, that he was 'made up of extremes.' So he was, for I know no man among all my masters in personal religion who unites greater extremes in himself than Samuel Rutherford. Who weeps like Rutherford over his banishment from Anwoth, while all the time who is so feasted in Christ's palace in Aberdeen? Who loathes himself like Rutherford? Not Bunyan, not Brea, not Boston; and, at the same time, who is so transported and lost to himself in the beauty and sweetness of Christ? As we read his raptures we almost say with cautious old Knockbrex, that possibly Rutherford is somewhat too full of ecstasy for this fallen, still unsanctified, and still so slippery world. It took two men to carry back the cluster of grapes the spies cut down at Eshcol, and there is sweetness and strength and ecstasy enough for ten men in any one of Rutherford's inebriated Letters. 'See what the land is, and whether it be fat or lean, and bring back of the fruits of the land.' This was the order given by Moses to the twelve spies. And, whether the land was fat or lean, Moses and all Israel could judge for themselves when the spies laid down their load of grapes at Moses' feet. 'I can report nothing but good of the land,' said Joshua Redivivus, as he sent back such clusters of its vineyards and such pots of its honey to Hugh Mackail, to Marion M'Naught, and to Lady Kenmure. And then, when all his letters were collected and published, never surely, since the Epistles of Paul and the Gospel of John, had such clusters of encouragement and such intoxicating cordials been laid to the lips of the Church of Christ. Our old authors tell us that after the northern tribes had tasted the warmth and the sweetness of the wines of Italy they could take no rest till they had conquered and taken possession of that land of sunshine where such grapes so plentifully grew. And how many hearts have been carried captive with the beauty and the grace of Christ, and with the land of Immanuel, where He drinks wine with the saints in His Father's house, by the reading of Samuel Rutherford's Letters, the day of the Lord will alone declare. Oh! Christ He is the Fountain, The deep sweet Well of love! The streams on earth I've tasted, More deep I'll drink above. There to an ocean fulness His mercy doth expand, And glory, glory dwelleth In Immanuel's Land. II. SAMUEL RUTHERFORD AND SOME OF HIS EXTREMES 'I am made of extremes.'--_Rutherford_. A story is told in Wodrow of an English merchant who had occasion to visit Scotland on business about the year 1650. On his return home his friends asked him what news he had brought with him from the north. 'Good news,' he said; 'for when I went to St. Andrews I heard a sweet, majestic- looking man, and he showed me the majesty of God. After him I heard a little fair man, and he showed me the loveliness of Christ. I then went to Irvine, where I heard a well-favoured, proper old man with a long beard, and that man showed me all my own heart.' The little fair man who showed this English merchant the loveliness of Christ was Samuel Rutherford, and the proper old man who showed him all his own heart was David Dickson. Dr. M'Crie says of David Dickson that he was singularly successful in dissecting the human heart and in winning souls to the Redeemer, and all that we know of Dickson bears out that high estimate. When he was presiding on one occasion at the ordination of a young minister, whom he had had some hand in bringing up, among the advices the old minister gave the new beginner were these:--That he should remain unmarried for four years, in order to give himself up wholly to his great work; and that both in preaching and in prayer he should be as succinct as possible so as not to weary his hearers; and, lastly, 'Oh, study God well and your own heart.' We have five letters of Rutherford's to this master of the human heart, and it is in the third of these that Rutherford opens his heart to his father in the Gospel, and tells him that he is made up of extremes. In every way that was so. It is a common remark with all Rutherford's biographers and editors and commentators what extremes met in that little fair man. The finest thing that has ever been written on Rutherford is Mr. Taylor Innes's lecture in the Evangelical Succession series. And the intellectual extremes that met in Rutherford are there set forth by Rutherford's acute and sympathetic critic at some length. For one thing, the greatest speculative freedom and theological breadth met in Rutherford with the greatest ecclesiastical hardness and narrowness. I do not know any author of that day, either in England or in Scotland, either Prelatist or Puritan, who shows more imaginative freedom and speculative power than Rutherford does in his _Christ Dying_, unless it is his still greater contemporary, Thomas Goodwin. And it is with corresponding distress that we read some of Rutherford's polemical works, and even the polemical parts of his heavenly Letters. There is a remarkable passage in one of his controversial books that reminds us of some of Shakespeare's own tributes to England: 'I judge that in England the Lord hath many names and a fair company that shall stand at the side of Christ when He shall render up the kingdom to the Father; and that in that renowned land there be men of all ranks, wise, valorous, generous, noble, heroic, faithful, religious, gracious, learned.' Rutherford's whole passage is worthy to stand beside Shakespeare's great passage on 'this blessed plot, this earth, this realm, this England.' But persecution from England and controversy at home so embittered Rutherford's sweet and gracious spirit that passages like that are but few and far between. But let him away out into pure theology, and, especially, let him get his wings on the person, and the work, and the glory of Christ, and few theologians of any age or any school rise to a larger air, or command a wider scope, or discover a clearer eye of speculation than Rutherford, till we feel exactly like the laird of Glanderston, who, when Rutherford left a controversial passage in a sermon and went on to speak of Christ, cried out in the church--'Ay, hold you there, minister; you are all right there!' A domestic controversy that arose in the Church of Scotland towards the end of Rutherford's life so separated Rutherford from Dickson and Blair that Rutherford would not take part with Blair, the 'sweet, majestic-looking man,' in the Lord's Supper. 'Oh, to be above,' Blair exclaimed, 'where there are no misunderstandings!' It was this same controversy that made John Livingstone say in a letter to Blair that his wife and he had had more bitterness over that dispute than ever they had tasted since they knew what bitterness meant. Well might Rutherford say, on another such occasion, 'It is hard when saints rejoice in the sufferings of saints, and when the redeemed hurt, and go nigh to hate the redeemed.' Watch and pray, my brethren, lest in controversy--ephemeral and immaterial controversy--you also go near to hate and hurt one another, as Rutherford did. And then, what strength, combined with what tenderness, there is in Rutherford! In all my acquaintance with literature I do not know any author who has two books under his name so unlike one another, two books that are such a contrast to one another, as _Lex Rex_ and the _Letters_. A more firmly built argument than _Lex Rex_, an argument so clamped together with the iron bands of scholastic and legal lore, is not to be met with in any English book; a more lawyer-looking production is not in all the Advocates' Library than just _Lex Rex_. There is as much emotion in the multiplication table as there is in _Lex Rex_; and then, on the other hand, the _Letters_ have no other fault but this, that they are overcharged with emotion. The _Letters_ would be absolutely perfect if they were only a little more restrained and chastened in this one respect. The pundit and the poet are the opposites and the extremes of one another; and the pundit and the poet meet, as nowhere else that I know of, in the author of _Lex Rex_ and the _Letters_. Then, again, what extremes of beauty and sweetness there are in Rutherford's style, too often intermingled with what carelessness and disorder. What flashes of noblest thought, clothed in the most apt and well-fitting words, on the same page with the most slatternly and down-at- the-heel English. Both Dr. Andrew Bonar and Dr. Andrew Thomson have given us selections from Rutherford's _Letters_ that would quite justify us in claiming Rutherford as one of the best writers of English in his day; but then we know out of what thickets of careless composition these flowers have been collected. Both Gillespie and Rutherford ran a tilt at Hooker; but alas for the equipment and the manners of our champions when compared with the shining panoply and the knightly grace of the author of the incomparable _Polity_. And then, morally, as great extremes met in Rutherford as intellectually. Newman has a fine sermon under a fine title, 'Saintliness not forfeited by the Penitent.' 'No degree of sin,' he says, 'precludes the acquisition of any degree of holiness, however high. No sinner so great, but he may, through God's grace, become a saint ever so great.' And then he goes on to illustrate that, and balance that, and almost to retract and deny all that, in a way that all his admirers only too well know. But still it stands true. A friend of mine once told me that it was to him often the most delightful and profitable of Sabbath evening exercises just to take down Newman's sermons and read their titles over again. And this mere title, I feel sure, has encouraged and comforted many: 'Saintliness not forfeited by the Penitent.' And Samuel Rutherford's is just another great name to be added to the noble roll of saintly penitents we all have in our minds taken out of Scripture and Church History. Neither great Saintliness nor great service was forfeited by this penitent; and he is constantly telling us how the extreme of demerit and the extreme of gracious treatment met in him; how he had at one time destroyed himself, and how God had helped him; how, where sin had abounded, grace had abounded much more. In one of the very last letters he ever wrote--his letter to James Guthrie in 166l--he is still amazed that God has not brought his sin to the Market Cross, to use his own word. But all through his letters this same note of admiration and wonder runs--that he has been taken from among the pots and his wings covered with silver and gold. Truly, in his case the most seraphic Saintliness was not forfeited, and we who read his books may well bless God it was so. And then, experimentally also, what extremes met in our author! Pascal in Paris and Rutherford in Anwoth and St. Andrews were at the very opposite poles ecclesiastically from one another. I do not like to think what Rutherford would have said of Pascal, but I cannot embody what I have to say of Rutherford's experimental extremes better than just by this passage taken from the _Thoughts_: 'The Christian religion teaches the righteous man that it lifts him even to a participation in the divine nature; but that, in this exalted state, he still bears within him the fountain of all corruption, which renders him during his whole life subject to error and misery, to sin and death, while at the same time it proclaims to the most wicked that they can still receive the grace of their Redeemer.' And again, 'Did we not know ourselves full of pride, ambition, lust, weakness, misery and injustice, we were indeed blind. . . . What then can we feel but a great esteem for a religion that is so well acquainted with the defects of man, and a great desire for the truth of a religion that promises remedies so precious.' And yet again, what others thought of him, and how they treated him, compared with what he knew himself to be, caused Rutherford many a bitter reflection. Every letter he got consulting him and appealing to him as if he had been God's living oracle made him lie down in the very dust with shame and self-abhorrence. Writing on one occasion to Robert Blair he told him that his letter consulting him about some matter of Christian experience had been like a blow in the face to him; it affects me much, said Rutherford, that a man like you should have any such opinion of me. And, apologising for his delay in replying to a letter of Lady Boyd's, he says that he is put out of all love of writing letters because his correspondents think things about him that he himself knows are not true. 'My white side comes out on paper--but at home there is much black work. All the challenges that come to me are true.' There was no man then alive on the earth so much looked up to and consulted in the deepest matters of the soul, in the secrets of the Lord with the soul, as Rutherford was, and his letters bear evidence on every page that there was no man who had a more loathsome and a more hateful experience of his own heart, not even Taylor, not even Owen, not even Bunyan, not even Baxter. What a day of extremest men that was, and what an inheritance we extreme men have had left us, in their inward, extreme, and heavenly books! Once more, hear him on the tides of feeling that continually rose and fell within his heart. Writing from Aberdeen to Lady Boyd, he says: 'I have not now, of a long time, found such high springtides as formerly. The sea is out, and I cannot buy a wind and cause it to flow again; only I wait on the shore till the Lord sends a full sea. . . . But even to dream of Him is sweet.' And then, just over the leaf, to Marion M'Naught: 'I am well: honour to God. . . . He hath broken in upon a poor prisoner's soul like the swelling of Jordan. I am bank and brim full: a great high springtide of the consolations of Christ hath overwhelmed me.' . . . But sweet as it is to read his rapturous expressions when the tide is full, I feel it far more helpful to hear how he still looks and waits for the return of the tide when the tide is low, and when the shore is full, as all left shores are apt to be, of weeds and mire, and all corrupt and unclean things. Rutherford is never more helpful to his correspondents than when they consult him about their ebb tides, and find that he himself either has been, or still is, in the same experience. But why do we disinter such texts as this out of such an author as Samuel Rutherford? Why do we tell to all the world that such an eminent saint was full of such sad extremes? Well, we surely do so out of obedience to the divine command to comfort God's people; for, next to their having no such extremes in themselves, their next best comfort is to be told that great and eminent saints of God have had the very same besetting sins and staggering extremes as they still have. If the like of Samuel Rutherford was vexed and weakened with such intellectual contradictions and spiritual extremes in his mind, in his heart and in his history, then may we not hope that some such saintliness, if not some such service as his, may be permitted to us also? III. MARION M'NAUGHT 'O woman beloved of God.'--_Rutherford_. 'The world knows nothing of its greatest men,' says Sir Henry Taylor in his _Philip Van Artevelde_; and it knows much less of its greatest women. I have not found Marion M'Naught's name once mentioned outside of Samuel Rutherford's Letters. But she holds a great place--indeed, the foremost place--in that noble book, to be written in which is almost as good as to be written in heaven. Rutherford's first letter to Marion M'Naught was written from the manse of Anwoth on the 6th of June 1627, and out of a close and lifelong correspondence we are happy in having had preserved to us some forty-five of Rutherford's letters to his first correspondent. But, most unfortunately, we have none of her letters back again to Anwoth or Aberdeen or London or St. Andrews. It is much to be wished we had, for Marion M'Naught was a woman greatly gifted in mind, as well as of quite exceptional experience even for that day of exceptional experiences in the divine life. But we can almost construct her letters to Rutherford for ourselves, so pointedly and so elaborately and so affectionately does Rutherford reply to them. Marion M'Naught is already a married woman, and the mother of three well- grown children, when we make her acquaintance in Rutherford's Letters. She had sprung of an ancient and honourable house in the south of Scotland, and she was now the wife of a well-known man in that day, William Fullarton, the Provost of Kirkcudbright. It is interesting to know that Marion M'Naught was closely connected with Lady Kenmure, another of Rutherford's chief correspondents. Lord Kenmure was her mother's brother. Kenmure had lived a profligate and popularity-hunting life till he was laid down on his death-bed, when he underwent one of the most remarkable conversions anywhere to be read of--a conversion that, as it would appear, his niece Marion M'Naught had no little to do with. As long as Kenmure was young and well, as long as he was haunting the purlieus of the Court, and selling his church and his soul for a smile from the King, the Provost of Kirkcudbright and his saintly wife were despised and forgotten; but when he was suddenly brought face to face with death and judgment, when his ribbons and his titles were now like the coals of hell in his conscience, nothing would satisfy him but that his niece must leave her husband and her children and take up her abode in Kenmure Castle. _The Last and Heavenly Speeches of Lord Kenmure_ was a classic memoir of those days, and in that little book we read of his niece's constant attendance at his bedside, as good a nurse for his soul as she was for his body. Samuel Rutherford's favourite correspondent was, to begin with, a woman of quite remarkable powers of mind. We gather that impression powerfully as we read deeper and deeper into the remarkable series of letters that Rutherford addressed to her. To no one does he go into deeper matters both of Church and State, both of doctrinal and personal religion than to her, and the impression of mental power as well as of personal worth she made on Rutherford, she must have made on many of the ablest and best men of that day. Robert Blair, for instance, tells us that when he was on his way home from London to Ireland he visited Scotland chiefly that he might see Rutherford at Anwoth and Marion M'Naught at Kirkcudbright, and when he came to Kirkcudbright he found Rutherford also there. And when Rutherford was in exile in Aberdeen, and in deep anxiety about his people at Anwoth, he wrote beseeching Marion M'Naught to go to Anwoth and give his people her counsel about their congregational and personal affairs. But, above all, it is from the depth and the power of Rutherford's letters to herself on the inward life that we best gather the depth and the power of this remarkable woman's mind. There is no other subject of thought that gives such scope for the greatest gifts of the human mind as does the life of God in the soul. There is no book in all the world that demands such a combination of mental gifts and spiritual graces to understand it aright as the Bible. The history and the biography of the Bible, the experimental parts of the Bible, the doctrines of grace deduced by the apostles out of the history and the experience recorded in the Bible, and then the personal, the most inward and most spiritual bearing of all that,--what occupation can be presented to the mind of man or woman to compare with that? True religion, really true religion, gives unequalled and ever-increasing scope for the best gifts of mind and for the best graces of heart and character. 'In truth, religious obedience is a very intricate problem, and the more so the farther we proceed in it.' And he has poor eyes and a poor heart for true religion, and for its best fruits both in the mind and the heart and the character, who does not see those fruits increasing letter by letter as Rutherford writes to Marion M'Naught. Her public spirit also made Marion M'Naught to be held in high honour. Her husband was a public man, and his intelligent fidelity to truth and justice in that day made his name far more public than ever he wished it to be. And in all his services and sufferings for the truth he had a splendid wife in Marion M'Naught. 'Remember me to your husband,' Rutherford writes; 'tell him that Christ is worthy to be suffered for not only to blows but to blood. He will find that innocence and uprightness will hold his feet firm and make him happy when jouking will not do it.' And again, 'Encourage your husband and tell him that truth will yet keep the crown of the causey in Scotland.' And when the petition is being got up for his being permitted to return to Anwoth, Rutherford asks his correspondent to procure that three or four hundred noblemen, gentlemen, countrymen and citizens shall be got to subscribe it--a telling tribute, surely, to her public spirit and her great influence. But an independent mind and a public spirit like hers could not exist in those days, or in any day this world has yet seen, without raising up many and bitter enemies. And both she and her husband suffered heavily, both in name and in estate, from the malice and the hatred that their fearless devotion to truth and justice stirred up. So much so, that some of the finest passages in Rutherford's early letters to her are those in which he counsels her and her husband to patience, and meekness, and forgiveness of injuries. 'Keep God's covenant in all your trials. Hold you by His blessed word, and sin not; flee anger, wrath, grudging, envying, fretting. Forgive an hundred pence to your fellow-servant, for your Lord has forgiven you ten thousand talents.' And again: 'Be patient; Christ went to heaven with many a wrong. His visage was more marred than that of any of the sons of men. He was wronged and received no reparation, but referred all to that day when all wrongs shall be righted.' And again: 'You live not upon men's opinion. Happy are you if, when the world trampleth upon you in your credit and good name, you are yet the King's gold and stamped with His image. Pray for the spirit of love, for love beareth all things, believeth all things, hopeth all things, endureth all things. Forgive, therefore, your fellow-servant his one talent. Always remember what has been forgiven you.' And on every page of the Kirkcudbright correspondence we see that, amid all these temptations and trials, no man had a better wife than the provost, and no children a better mother than Grizel and her two brothers. Her talents sought no nobler sphere for their exercise and increase than her own fireside; and her public spirit was better seen in her life at home than anywhere out of doors. Hers was truly a public spirit, and like a spirit it inspired and animated both her own and her husband's life with interest in and with care for the best good, both of the Church and the State. Her public spirit was not incompatible with great personal modesty and humility, and great attention to her domestic duties, all rooted in a life hid with Christ in God. And then, all this--her birth, her station, her talents, and her public spirit--could not fail to give her a great influence for good. In a single line of Rutherford's on this subject, we see her whole lifetime: 'You are engaged so in God's work in Kirkcudbright that if you remove out of that town all will be undone.' What a tribute is that to the provost's wife! And again, far on in the Letters he writes to Grizel Fullarton: 'Your dear mother, now blessed and perfected with glory, kept life in that place, and my desire is that you succeed her in that way.' What a pride to have such a mother; and what a tradition for a daughter to take up! So have we all known in country towns and villages one man or one woman who kept life in the place. Out of the memories of my own boyhood there rises up, here a minister and there a farmer, here a cloth- merchant and there a handloom weaver, here a blacksmith's wife and there a working housekeeper, who kept life in the whole place. It is not station that does it, nor talent, though both station and talent greatly help; it is character, it is true and genuine godliness. True and genuine godliness--especially when it is purged of pride, and harsh judgment, and too much talk, and is adorned with humility and meekness, and all the other fruits of holy love--true and pure godliness in a most obscure man or woman will find its way to a thousand consciences, and will impress and overawe a whole town, as Marion M'Naught's rare godliness impressed and overawed all Kirkcudbright. Just as, on the other hand, the ignorance, the censoriousness, the bitterness, the intolerance, that too often accompany what would otherwise be true godliness, work as widespread mischief as true godliness works good. 'One little deed done for God's sake, and against our natural inclination, though in itself only of a conceding or passive character, to brook an insult, to face a danger, or to resign an advantage, has in it a power outbalancing all the dust and chaff of mere profession--the profession whether of enlightened benevolence or candour, or, on the other hand, of high religious faith and fervent zeal;' or, as Rutherford could write to Marion M'Naught's daughter: 'There is a wide and deep difference between a name of godliness and the power of godliness.' Even the schoolboys of Kirkcudbright could quite well distinguish the name from the reality; and long after they were Christian men they would tell with reverence and with love when, and from whom, they took their first and never-to-be-forgotten impressions. It was, they would say to their children, from that woman of such rare godliness as well as public spirit, Marion M'Naught. It was all this, and nothing other and nothing less than all this, that made Marion M'Naught Rutherford's favourite correspondent. Her mind and her heart together early and often drew her across the country to Rutherford's preaching. Marion M'Naught had a good minister of her own at home; but Rutherford was Rutherford, and he made Anwoth Anwoth. I think I can understand something of her delight on Communion forenoons, when his text was Christ Dying, in John xii. 32, or the Syro-Phoenician woman, in Matt. xv. 28. And then the feasts on the fast-days at Kirkcudbright, over the cloud of witnesses, in Heb. xii. 1, and all tears wiped away, in Rev. xxi. 4, and the marriage of the Lamb, in xix. 7. And then, on the other hand, Rutherford is not surely to be blamed for loving such a hearer. His Master loved a Mary also of His day, for that also among other good reasons. If a good hearer likes a good preacher, why should a good preacher not like a good hearer? Take a holiday, and give us another day soon of such and such a preacher, our people sometimes say to us. And why should that preacher not also say to us, Give me a day soon again of your good hearers? As a matter of fact, our good preaching friends do say that to us. And why not? Fine hearers, deep hearers, thoroughly well-prepared hearers, hearers of genius are almost as scarce as fine, deep, thoroughly well-prepared preachers and preachers of genius. And who shall blame Rutherford for liking to see Marion M'Naught coming into the church on a Sabbath morning as well as she liked to see him coming into the pulpit? 'I go to Anwoth so often,' she said, 'because, though other ministers show me the majesty of God and the plague of my own heart, Mr. Samuel does both these things, but he also shows me, as no other minister ever does, the loveliness of Christ.' It is as great a mistake to think that all our Christian people are able to take in a sermon on the loveliness of Christ as it is that all ordained men can preach such a sermon. There are diversities of gifts among hearers as well as among preachers; and when the gifts of the pulpit meet the corresponding graces in the pew, you need not wonder that they recognise and delight in one another. Jesus Christ was Rutherford's favourite subject in the pulpit, and thus it was that he was Marion M'Naught's favourite preacher, as she, again, was his favourite hearer in the church and his favourite correspondent in the Letters. To how many in this house to-night could a preacher say that he wished them all to be 'over head and ears in love to Christ'? What preacher could say a thing like that in truth and soberness? And how many could hear it? Only a preacher of the holy passion of Rutherford, and only a hearer of the intellect and heart and rare experience of Marion M'Naught. 'O the fair face of the man Jesus Christ!' he cries out. And again: 'O time, time, why dost thou move so slowly! Come hither, O love of Christ! What astonishment will be mine when I first see that fairest and most lovely face! It would be heaven to me just to look through a hole of heaven's door to see Christ's countenance!' No wonder that the congregations were few, and the correspondents who could make anything of a man of such a 'fanatic humour' as that! But, then, no wonder, on the other hand, that, when two fanatics so full of that humour as Samuel Rutherford and Marion M'Naught met, they corresponded ever after with one another in their own enraptured language night and day. IV. LADY KENMURE 'Build your nest, Madam, upon no tree here, for God hath sold this whole forest to death.'--_Rutherford_. Lady Kenmure was one of the Campbells of Argyll, a family distinguished for the depth of their piety, their public spirit, and their love for the Presbyterian polity; and Lady Jane was one of the most richly-gifted members of that richly-gifted house. But, with all that, Lady Jane Campbell had her own crosses to carry. She had the sore cross of bad health to carry all her days. Then she had the sad misfortune to make a very bad marriage in the morning of her days; and, partly as the result of all that, and partly because of her peculiar mental constitution, her whole life was drenched with a deep melancholy. But, as we are told in John Howie and elsewhere, all these evils and misfortunes were made to work together for good to her through the special grace of God, and through the wise and wistful care of her lifelong friend and minister and correspondent, Samuel Rutherford. Lady Jane Campbell had very remarkable gifts of mind. We would have expected that from her distinguished pedigree; and we have abundant proof of that in Rutherford's sheaf of letters to her. His dedication of that most remarkable piece, _The Trial and Triumph of Faith_, is sufficient of itself to show how highly Rutherford esteemed Lady Kenmure, both as to her head and her heart. Till our theological students have been led to study _The Trial and Triumph of Faith: Christ Dying and Drawing Sinners to Himself_--which, to my mind, is by far the best of Rutherford's works--_The Covenant of Grace_ and _The Influences of Grace_, they will have no conception of the intellectual rank of Samuel Rutherford himself, or of the intelligence and the attainments of his hearers and readers and correspondents. Thomas Goodwin was always telling the theological students of Oxford in those days to thicken their too thin homilies with more doctrine: Rutherford's very thinnest books are almost too thick, both with theology and with thought. How ever a woman like Jane Campbell came to marry a man like John Gordon will remain a mystery. It was not that he was a man of no mind; he was a man of no worth or interest of any kind. He was a rake and a lick-spittle, the very last man in Scotland for Jane Campbell to throw herself away upon. And she was too clever and too good a woman not to make a speedy and a heart-breaking discovery of the fatal mistake she had committed. Poor Jane Campbell soon wakened up to the discovery that she had exchanged the name and the family of a brave and noble house for the name and the house of a poltroon. No wonder that Rutherford's letters to her are so often headed: 'To Lady Kenmure, under illness and depression of mind.' Could you have kept quite well had you been a Campbell with John Gordon for a husband? Think of having to nurse your humbug of a husband through a shammed illness. Think of having to take a hand in sending in a sham doctor's certificate because your husband was too much of a time-server to go to Edinburgh to give his vote for a persecuted church. Think of having to wear the title and decoration your husband had purchased for you at the cost of his truth and honour and manhood. Lady Kenmure needed Samuel Rutherford's very best letters to help to keep her in bare life all the time the county dames were green with envy at the dear-bought honours. And Kenmure himself had to be brought to his death-bed before he became a husband worthy of his wife. We still read in his _Last Speeches_ how God made Lord Gordon's sins to find him out, and with what firmness and with what tenderness Rutherford handled the soul of the dying man till all his cowardice, title-hunting, and truth- betraying life came back to his death-bed with a sharper sting in them than even his grossest sins. Whoredom and wine after all are but the lusts of a man, whereas time-serving and truth-selling are the lusts of a devil. 'Dig deeper,' said Rutherford to the dying courtier, and Kenmure did dig deeper, till he came down to the seals and the titles and the ribbons for which he had sold his soul. But he that confesses and forsakes his sins even at the eleventh hour shall always find mercy, and so it was with Lord Kenmure. 'Between the stirrup and the ground Mercy I sought and mercy found.' We do not grudge Viscount Kenmure all the grace he got from God; we shall need as much grace and more ourselves; but we do somewhat grudge such a man a place of honour among the Scots worthies. We are tempted to throw down the book and to demand what right John Gordon has to stand beside such men as Patrick Hamilton, and John Knox, and John Wishart, and Archibald Campbell, and Hugh M'Kail, and Richard Cameron, and Alexander Shields? But Lochgoin answers us that God sometimes accepts the late will for the whole timeous deed, and the bravery and loyalty of the wife for the meanness and poltroonery of the husband. 'Have you a present sense of God's love?' 'I have, I have,' said the dying Viscount. As Rutherford continued in prayer, Kenmure was observed to smile and look upwards. About sunset Lord Kenmure died, at the same instant that Rutherford said Amen to his prayer. _The Last and Heavenly Speeches_ is a rare pamphlet that will well repay its price to him who will seek it out and read it. This was the correspondent, then, to whom Samuel Rutherford wrote such counsels and encouragements as these: 'Therefore, madam, herein have comfort, that He who seeth perfectly through all your evils, and who knoweth the frame and constitution of your nature, and what is most healthful for your soul, holdeth every cup of affliction to your head with his own gracious hand. Never believe that your tender-hearted Saviour will mix your cup with one drachm-weight of poison. Drink, then, with the patience of the saints: wrestle, fight, go forward, watch, fear, believe, pray, and then you have all the infallible symptoms of one of the elect of Christ within you' (_Letter_ III.). On the death of her infant daughter, Rutherford writes to the elect lady: 'She is only sent on before, like unto a star, which, going out of our sight, doth not die and vanish, but still shineth in another hemisphere. What she wanted of time she hath gotten of eternity, and you have now some plenishing up in heaven. Build your nest upon no tree here, for God hath sold the whole forest to death' (_Letter_ IV.). 'Madam, when you are come to the other side of the water and have set down your foot on the shore of glorious eternity, and look back to the water and to your wearisome journey, and shall see in that clear glass of endless glory nearer to the bottom of God's wisdom, you shall then be forced to say, "If God had done otherwise with me than He hath done, I had never come to the enjoying of this crown of glory"' (_Letter_ XL). 'Madam, tire not, weary not; for I dare find you the Son of God caution that when you are got up thither and have cast your eyes to view the golden city and the fair and never-withering Tree of Life that beareth twelve manner of fruits every month, you shall then say, "Four-and-twenty hours' abode in this place is worth threescore and ten years' sorrow upon earth"' (_Letter_ XIX.). 'Your ladyship goeth on laughing and putting on a good countenance before the world, and yet you carry heaviness about with you. You do well, madam, not to make them witnesses of your grief who cannot be curers of it' (_Letter_ XX.). 'Those who can take the crabbed tree of the cross handsomely upon their backs and fasten it on cannily shall find it such a burden as its wings are to a bird or its sails to a ship' (_Letter_ LXIX.). 'I thought it had been an easy thing to be a Christian, and that to seek God had been at the next door; but, oh, the windings, the turnings, the ups and downs He hath led me through!' (_Letter_ CIV.) 'I may be a book-man and yet be an idiot and a stark fool in Christ's way! The Bible beguiled the Pharisees, and so may I be misled' (_Letter_ CVI.). 'I find you complaining of yourself, and it becometh a sinner so to do. I am not against you in that. The more sense the more life. The more sense of sin the less sin' (_Letter_ CVI.). 'Seeing my sins and the sins of my youth deserved strokes, how am I obliged to my Lord who hath given me a waled and chosen cross! Since I must have chains, He would put golden chains on me, watered over with many consolations. Seeing I must have sorrow (for I have sinned, O Preserver of men!), He hath waled out for me joyful sorrow--honest, spiritual, glorious sorrow' (_Letter_ CCVI.). There are hundreds of passages as good as these scattered up and down the forty-seven letters we have had preserved to us out of the large and intimate correspondence that passed between Samuel Rutherford and Lady Kenmure. V. LADY CARDONESS 'Think it not easy.'--_Rutherford_. What a lasting interest Samuel Rutherford's pastoral pen has given to the hoary old castle of Cardoness! Those nine so heart-winning letters that Rutherford wrote from Aberdeen to Cardoness Castle will still keep the memory of that old tower green long after its last stone has crumbled into dust. Readers of Rutherford's letters will long visit Cardoness Castle, and will musingly recall old John Gordon and Lady Cardoness, his wife, who both worked out each their own salvation in that old fortress, and found it a task far from easy. For nine faithful years Rutherford had been the anxious pastor of Cardoness Castle, and then, after he was banished from his pulpit and his parish, he only ministered to the Castle the more powerfully and prevailingly with his pen. After reading the Cardoness correspondence, we do not wonder to find the stout old chieftain heading the hard-fought battles which the people of Anwoth made both against Edinburgh and St. Andrews, when those cities and colleges attempted to take away their minister. Rough old Cardoness had a warm place in his heart for Samuel Rutherford. The tough old pagan did not know how much he loved the little fair man with the high-set voice and the unearthly smile till he had lost him; and if force of arms could have kept Rutherford in Anwoth, Cardoness would soon have buckled on his sword. He was ashamed to be seen reading the letters that came to the Castle from Aberdeen; he denied having read them even after he had them all by heart. The wild old laird was nearer the Kingdom of Heaven than any one knew; even his Christian lady did not know all that Rutherford knew, and it was a frank sentence of Rutherford's in an Aberdeen letter that took lifelong hold of the old laird, and did more for his conversion and all that followed it than all Rutherford's sermons and all his other letters. 'I find true religion to be a hard task; I find heaven hard to be won,' wrote Rutherford to the old man; and that did more for his hard and late salvation than all the sermons he had ever heard. 'A hard task, a hard task!' the serving-men and the serving-women often overheard their old master muttering, as he alighted from the hunt and as he came home from his monthly visit to Edinburgh. 'A hard task!' he was often heard muttering, but no one to the day of his death ever knew all that his muttering meant. 'Read over your past life often,' Rutherford wrote to the old man. And Cardoness found that to be one of the hardest tasks he had ever tried. He had not forgotten his past life; there were things that came up out of his past continually that compelled him to remember it. But what Rutherford meant was that his old parishioner should willingly, deliberately and repeatedly open the stained and torn leaves of his past life and read it all over in the light of his old age, approaching death, and late-awakened conscience. Rutherford wished Cardoness to sit down as Matthew Henry says the captives sat down by the rivers of Babylon, and weep 'deliberate tears.' There were pages in his past life that it was the very pains of hell to old Cardoness to read; but he performed the hard task, and thus was brought much nearer salvation than even his old pastor knew. 'It will take a long lance to go to the bottom of your heart, my friend,' wrote Rutherford, faithfully, and, at the same time, most respectfully, to the old man. 'Human nature is lofty and head-strong in you, and it will cost you far more suffering to be mortified and sanctified than it costs the ordinary run of men.' And, instead of that plain speech offending or angering the old laird, it had the very opposite effect; it softened him, and humbled him, and encouraged him, and gave him new strength for the hard task on which he was day and night employed. Cardoness was a small property, heavily bonded, and some of the leaves that were hardest to read in the diary of Gordon's early manhood told the bitter history of some added bonds. Sin would need to be sweet, for it is very dear. And then had come years of rack-renting of his tenants; the virtuous tenantry had to pay dearly for the vices of their lord. Rutherford had not been silent to old Cardoness about this matter in conversation, and he was not silent in his letters. 'You are now upon the very borders of the other life. I told you, when I was with you, the whole counsel of God in this matter, and I tell it you again. Awake to righteousness. Do not lay the burden of your house on other people; do not compel honest people to pay your old debts. Commit to memory 1 Sam. xii. 3, and ride out among your tenantry, my dear people, repeating, as you pass their stables and their cattle-stalls, "Behold, I am old and grey-headed; behold, here I am: whose ox have I taken? Whose ass have I taken? Whom have I defrauded? Whom have I oppressed?" I charge you to write to me here at once, and be plain with me, and tell me whether your salvation is sure. I hope for the best; but I know that your reckonings with the righteous Judge are both many and deep.' That was a hard task to set to a tyrannical old landlord who had been used to call no man master, or God either, to take such commands from a poor banished minister! But Cardoness did it. He mastered his rising pride and resentment and did it; and though he found it a hard task to go through with his reductions at next rent-day, yet he did it. Such boldness in the Day of Judgment will a good conscience give a man, as when old Cardoness actually stood up before the parishioners in the kirk of Anwoth and read to them, after the elders had conducted the exercises, a letter he had received last week from their silenced minister. It is one of Rutherford's longest and most passionate letters. Take a sentence or two out of it: 'My soul longeth exceedingly to hear whether there be any work of Christ in the parish that will bide the trial of fire and water. I think of my people in my sleep. You know how that, out of love to your souls, and out of the desire I had to make an honest account of you, I often testified my dislike of your ways, both in private and in public. Examine yourselves. I never knew so well what sin is as since I came to Aberdeen, though I was preaching about it every day to you. It would be life to me if you would read this letter to my people, and if they would profit by it. And now I write to thee, whoever thou art, O poor broken- hearted believer of the free salvation. Let Christ's atoning blood be on thy guilty soul. Christ has His heaven ready for thee, and He will make good His word before long. The blessing of a poor prisoner be upon you.' Salvation was all this time proving itself to be a hard and ever harder task to John Gordon, with his proud neck, with his past life to read, with his debts and bonds and increasing expenditure, and with old age heavy upon him and death at his door. And Lady Cardoness was not finding her salvation to be easy either in all these untoward circumstances. 'Think it not easy,' wrote Rutherford to her. And to make her salvation sure, and to lead her to help her burdened husband with his hard task, Rutherford made bold to touch, though always tenderly and scripturally, upon the family cross. Their burdened and crowded estate lay between the whole Cardoness family and their salvation. Rutherford had seen that from the first day he arrived in Anwoth, and Cardoness and its difficulties lay heavy upon his heart in his prison in Aberdeen. And he could not write consolations and comforts and promises to Lady Cardoness till he had told her the truth again as he had told her husband. 'The kingdom of God and His righteousness is the one thing needful for you and for Cardoness and for your children,' wrote Rutherford. 'Houses, lands, credit, honour may all be lost if heaven is won. See that Cardoness and you buy the field where the pearl is. Sell all and buy that field. I beseech you to make conscience of your ways. Deal kindly with your tenants. I have written my mind at length to your husband, and my counsel to you is that, when his passion overcometh him, a soft answer will turn away wrath. God casteth your husband often in my mind; I cannot forget him.' What a power for good is in Samuel Rutherford's pen! At a few touches it carries us across Scotland to the mouth of the Fleet, and back two hundred and fifty years, and summons up Cardoness Castle, and peoples the hoary old keep again with John Gordon and his wife and children. We see the castle; we see the rack-rented farms lying around the rock on which the castle stands; we see Anwoth manse and pulpit empty and silenced; and then we see Rutherford dreaming about Cardoness as he sleeps in his far- off prison. The stout old laird rises before our eyes with more than his proper share of human nature--a mass of sinful manhood, strong in will, hot in temper, burdened with debt--debt in Edinburgh, and a deeper and darker debt elsewhere. The old lion lay, taken in a net of trouble, and the more he struggled the more entangled he became. And then her ladyship, a religious woman; yes, really a religious woman, only, like so many religious women, more religious than moral; more emotional than practically helpful in everyday life. All who have only heard of Samuel Rutherford and his letters will feel sure that he was just the effusive minister, and that his letters were just the soft stuff, to foster a piety that came out in feminine moods and emotions rather than in well- kept accounts and a well-managed kitchen and nursery. But we who have read Rutherford know better than that. Lady Cardoness is told, in kindest and sweetest but most unmistakable language, that she has to work out a not easy salvation in Cardoness Castle, and that, if her husband fails in his hard task, no small part of his blood will lie at her door. But as we stand and look at Cardoness Castle, with its hard tasks for eternal life, a divine voice says to ourselves, Work out your own salvation with fear and trembling; and at that voice the old keep fades from our eyes, and our own house in modern Edinburgh rises up before us. Here, too, are old men with hard tasks between them and their salvation--a past life to read, to repent of, to redress, to reform, to weep deliberate and bitter tears over. There are debts and many other disorders that have to be put right; there are those under us--tenants and servants and poor relations--whose cases have to be dealt with considerately, justly, kindly, affectionately. There are things in those we love best--in a father, in a mother, in a husband, in a wife--that we have to be patient and forbearing with, and to command ourselves in the presence of Salvation was not easy in Cardoness Castle, with such a master, and such a mistress, and such children, and such tenants, and with such debts and straits of all kinds; and Cardoness Castle is repeated over and over again in hundreds of Edinburgh houses to-night. VI. LADY CULROSS 'Grace groweth best in winter.'--_Rutherford_. Elizabeth Melville was one of the ladies of the Covenant. It was a remarkable feature of a remarkable time in Scotland that so many ladies of birth, intellect and influence were found on the side of the persecuted Covenanters. I do not remember any other period in the history of the Church of Christ, since the day when the women of Galilee ministered of their substance to our Lord Himself, in which noble women took such a noble part as did Lady Culross, Lady Jane Campbell, the Duchess of Hamilton, the Duchess of Athol, and other such ladies in that eventful time. We had something not unlike it again in the ten years' conflict that culminated in the Disruption; and in the social and religious movements of our own day, women of rank and talent are not found wanting. At the same time, I do not know where to find such a cloud of witnesses for the faith of Christ from among the eminent women of any one generation as Scotland can show in her ladies of the Covenant. Lady Culross's name will always be held in tender honour in the innermost circles of our best Scottish Christians, for the hand she had in that wonderful outpouring of God's grace at the kirk of Shotts on that Thanksgiving Monday in 1636. Under God, that Covenanters' Pentecost was more due to Lady Culross than to any other human being. True, John Livingstone preached the Thanksgiving Sermon, but it was through Lady Culross's influence that he was got to preach it; and he preached it after a night of prayer spent by Lady Culross and her companions, such that we read of next day's sermon and its success as a matter of course. I cannot venture to tell a heterogeneous audience the history of that night they spent at Shotts with God. It is so unlike what we have ever seen or heard of. There may be one or two of us here who have spent whole nights in prayer at some crisis in our life, going from one promise to another, when, in the Psalmist's words, the sorrows of death compassed us, and the pains of hell gat hold upon us. And we, one or two of us, may have had miracles from heaven forthwith performed upon us, fit to match in a private way with the hand of God on the kirk of Shotts. But even those of us who have such secrets between us and God, we, I fear, never spent a whole Communion night, never shutting our eyes but to pray for a baptism of spiritual blessing upon to-morrow's congregation. What a mother in Israel was Lady Culross, with five hundred children born of her travail in one day! I have not found any of Lady Culross's letters to Samuel Rutherford, but John Livingstone's literary executors have published some eight letters she wrote to Livingstone, her close and lifelong friend. And Lady Culross's first letter to John Livingstone is in every point of view, a remarkable piece. It has a strength, an irony, and a tenderness in it that at once tell the reader that he is in the hands of a very remarkable writer. But it is not Lady Culross's literature that so much interests us and holds us, it is her religion; and it is its depth, its intensity, and the way it grows in winter. After a long and racy introduction, sometimes difficult to decipher, from its Fife idioms and obsolete spelling, she goes on thus: 'Did you get any heart to remember me and my bonds? As for me, I never found so great impediment within. Still, it is the Lord with whom we have to do, and He gives and takes, casts down and raises up, kills and makes alive as pleases His Majesty. . . . My task at home is augmented and tripled, and yet I fear worse. Sin in me and in mine is my greatest cross. I would, if it were the Lord's will, choose affliction rather than iniquity.--Yours in C., E. MELVIL.' It was now winter with John Livingstone. The persecution had overtaken him, and this is how her ladyship writes to him:-- 'My very worthy and dear brother: Courage, dear brother: it is all in love, all works together for the best. You must be hewn and hammered and drest and prepared before you can be a _Leiving-ston_ fit for His building. And if He is minded to make you meet to help others, you must look for another manner of strokes than you have yet felt, . . . but when you are laid low, and are vile in your own eyes, then He will raise you up and refresh you with some blinks of His favourable countenance, that you may be able to comfort others with those consolations wherewith you have been comforted of Him. . . . Since God has put His work in your weak hands, look not for long ease here: you must feel the full weight of your calling: a weak man with a strong God. The pain is but a moment, the pleasure is everlasting, . . . cross upon cross: the end of one with me is but the beginning of another: but guiltiness in me and in mine is my greatest cross.' And after midnight one Sabbath she writes again to Livingstone: 'You cannot but say that the Lord was with you to-day; therefore, not only be content, but bless His name who put His word in your heart and in your mouth, and has overcome you with mercy when you deserved nothing but wrath, and has not only forgiven your many sins, but has saved you from breaking out, as it may be better men have done; but He has covered you and restrained you; has loved you freely and has made His saints to love you; who will guide you also with His counsel, and afterwards receive you to His glory.' It was from his silent prison in Aberdeen that Samuel Rutherford wrote to Lady Culross the letter in which this sentence stands: 'I see that grace groweth best in winter.' Rutherford had had but a short and unsettled summer among the birds at Anwoth. His wife and his two children had been taken from him there, and now that which he loved more than wife or child had been taken from him too--his pulpit and pastoral work for Jesus Christ. He felt his banishment all the more keenly that he was the first of the evangelical ministers of Scotland to be so silenced. He will have plenty of companions in tribulation soon, if that will be any comfort to him; but, as it is, he confesses to Lady Culross that it was a peculiar pang to him to be 'the first in the kingdom put to utter silence.' The bitterness of banishment has been sung in immortal strains by Dante, whose grace under banishment also grew to a fruitfulness we still partake of to this day:-- 'Thou shall leave each thing Beloved most dearly: this is the first shaft Shot from the bow of exile. Thou shall prove How salt the savour is of other's bread, How hard the passage to descend and climb By other's stairs. But that shall gall thee most Will be the worthless and vile company With whom thou must be thrown into these straits.' But all this, to use a figure familiar among the Puritans of that day, only made Rutherford's true life return, like sap in winter, into its proper root, till we read in his later Aberdeen letters a rapture and a richness that his remain-at-home correspondents are fain to tone down. Not only does true grace grow best in winter, but winter is the best season for planting grace. 'I was to be married, and she died,' was a young man's explanation to me the other day for proposing to sit down at the Lord's Table. The winter cold that carried off his future wife saw planted in his ploughed-up heart the seeds of divine grace; and, no doubt, all down the coming winters, with such short interludes of summers as may be before him in this cold climate, the grace that was planted in winter will grow. It is not a speculation, it is a personal experience that hundreds here can testify to, that the Bible, the Sabbath, the Supper, all became so many means of grace to them after some great affliction greatly sanctified. The death of a bride, the death of a wife, the death of a child; some blow from bride or wife or child worse than death; a lost hope quenched for ever--these, and things like these, are needful, as it would seem, to be suffered by most men before they will wholly open their hearts to the grace of God. 'Before I was afflicted I went astray: but now have I kept Thy word.' At the same time, good and necessary as all such wintry experiences are, their good results on us do not last for ever. In too many cases they do not last long. It is rather a start in grace we take at such seasons than a steady and deep growth in it. The growth in grace that comes to us in connection with some sore affliction is apt to be violent and spasmodic; it comes and it goes with the affliction; it is not slow, constant, steady, sure, as all true and natural growth is. If one might say so, an unbroken winter in the soul, a continual inward winter, is needed to keep up a steady, deep and fruitful growth in grace. Now, is there anything in the spiritual husbandry of God that can be called such a winter of the soul? I think there is. The winter of our outward life--trials, crosses, sickness and death are all the wages of sin; and it is among these things that grace first strikes its roots. And what is the continual presence of sin in the soul but the true winter of the soul, amid which the grace that is planted in an outbreak of winter ever after strikes deeper root and grows? Once let a man be awakened of God to his own great sinfulness; and that not to its fruits in outward sorrow, but to its malignant roots that are twisted round and round and through and through his heart, and that man has thenceforth such a winter within him as shall secure to him a lifelong growth in the most inward grace. Once let a poor wretch awake to the unbroken winter of his own sinfulness, a sinfulness that is with him when he lies down and when he rises up, when he is abroad among men and when he is at home with himself alone: an incessant, increasing, agonising, overwhelming sense of sin,--and how that most miserable of men will grow in grace, and how he will drink in all the means of grace! How he will hear the word of grace preached, mixing it no longer with fault-finding, as he used to do, but with repentance and faith under any and every ministry. How he will examine himself every day; or, rather, how every day will examine, accuse, expose and condemn him; and how meekly he will accept the exposures and the condemnations! That man will not need you to preach to him about the sanctifying of the Sabbath, or about waiting on this and that means of grace. He will grow with or without the means of grace, but he will be of all men the most diligent in his devotion to them. He will almost get beyond the Word and within the Sacrament, so close up will his corruptions drive him to Christ and to God. Till, having provided for that man so much grace and so much growth in grace, God will soon have to give him glory, if only to satisfy him and pacify him and lift him out of the winter of his discontent. And then, 'Thy sun shall no more go down; neither shall thy moon withdraw herself; for the Lord shall be thine everlasting light, and the days of thy mourning shall be ended.' VII. LADY BOYD 'Be sorry at corruption.'--_Rutherford_. Out of various published and unpublished writings of her day we are able to gather an interesting and impressive picture of Lady Boyd's life and character. But there was a carefully written volume of manuscript, that I much fear she must have burned when on her death-bed, that would have been invaluable to us to-night. Lady Boyd kept a careful diary for many years of her later life, and it was not a diary of court scandal or of social gossip or even of family affairs, it was a memoir of herself that would have satisfied even John Foster, for in it she tried with all fidelity to 'discriminate the successive states of her mind, and so to trace the progress of her character, a progress that gives its chief importance to human life.' Lady Boyd's diary would, to a certainty, have pleased the austere Essayist, for she was a woman after his own heart, 'grave, diligent, prudent, a rare pattern of Christianity.' Thomas Hamilton, Lady Boyd's father, was an excellent scholar and a very able man. He rose from being a simple advocate at the Scottish Bar to be Lord President of the Court of Session, after which, for his great services, he was created Earl of Haddington. Christina, his eldest daughter, inherited no small part of her father's talents and strength of character. By the time we know her she has been some ten years a widow, and all her children are promising to turn out an honour to her name and a blessing to her old age. And, under the Divine promise, we do not wonder at that, when we see what sort of mother they had. For with all sovereign and inscrutable exceptions the rule surely still holds, 'Train up a child in the way he should go, and when he is old he will not depart from it.' All her days Lady Boyd was on the most intimate terms with the most eminent ministers of the Church of Scotland. We find such men as Robert Bruce, Robert Blair, John Livingstone, and Samuel Rutherford continually referring to her in the loftiest terms. But it was not so much her high rank, or her great ability, or her fearless devotion to the Presbyterian and Evangelical cause that so drew those men around her; it was rather the inwardness and the intensity of her personal religion. You may be a determined upholder of a Church, of Presbytery against Prelacy, of Protestantism against Popery, or even of Evangelical religion against Erastianism and Moderatism, and yet know nothing of true religion in your own heart. But men like Livingstone and Rutherford would never have written of Lady Boyd as they did had she not been a rare pattern of inward and spiritual Christianity. I have spoken of Lady Boyd's diary. 'She used every night,' says Livingstone, 'to write what had been the state of her soul all day, and what she had observed of the Lord's doing.' When all her neighbours were lying down without fear, her candle went not out till she had taken pen and ink and had called herself to a strict account for the past day. Her duties and her behaviour to her husband, to her children, to her servants, and to her many dependants; the things that had tried her temper, her humility, her patience, her power of self-denial; any strength and wisdom she had attained to in the government of her tongue and in shutting her ears from the hearing of evil; as, also, every ordinary as well as extraordinary providence that had visited her that day, and how she had been able to recognise it and accept it and take good out of it. Thus the Lady Boyd prevented the night-watches. When the women of her own rank sat down to write their promised letters of gossip and scandal and amusement she sat down to write her diary. 'We see many things, but we observe nothing,' said Rutherford in a letter to Lady Kenmure. All around her God had been dealing all that day with Lady Boyd's neighbours as well as with her, only they had not observed it. But she had not only an eye to see but a mind and a heart to observe also. She had a heart that, like the fabled Philosopher's Stone, turned all it touched and all that touched it immediately to fine gold. Riding home late one night from a hunting supper-party, young Lord Boyd saw his mother's candle still burning, and he made bold to knock at her door to ask why she was not asleep. Without saying a word, she took her son by the hand and set him down at her table and pointed him to the wet sheet she had just written. When he had read it he rose, without speaking a word, and went to his own room, and though that night was never all their days spoken of to one another, yet all his days Lord Boyd looked back on that night of the hunt as being the night when his soul escaped from the snare of the fowler. I much fear the diary is lost, but it would be well worth the trouble of the owner of Ardross Castle to cause a careful search to be made for it in the old charter chests of the family. Till Lady Boyd's lost diary is recovered to us let us gather a few things about this remarkable woman out of the letters and reminiscences of such men as Livingstone and Rutherford and her namesake, Principal Boyd of Trochrig. Rutherford, especially, was, next to her midnight page, her ladyship's confidential and bosom friend. 'Now Madam,' he writes in a letter from Aberdeen, 'for your ladyship's own case.' And then he addresses himself in his finest style to console his correspondent, regarding some of the deepest and most painful incidents of her rare and genuine Christian experience. 'Yes,' he says, 'be sorry at corruption, and be not secure about yourself as long as any of it is there.' Corruption, in this connection, is a figure of speech. It is a kind of technical term much in vogue with spiritual writers of the profounder kind. It expresses to those unhappy persons who have the thing in themselves, and who are also familiar with the Scriptural and experimental use of the word--to them it expresses with fearful truth and power the sinfulness of their own hearts, as that sinfulness abides and breaks out continually. Now, how could Lady Boyd, being the woman she was, but be sorry and inconsolably sorry to find all that in her own heart every day? No wonder that she and her son never referred to what she had written and he had read in his mother's lockfast book that never- to-be-forgotten night. 'Be sorry at corruption, and be not secure.' How could she be secure when she saw and felt every day that deadly disease eating at her own heart? She could not be secure for an hour; she would have been anything but the grave and prudent woman she was--she would have been mad--had she for a single moment felt secure with such a corrupt heart. You must all have read a dreadful story that went the round of the newspapers the other day. A prairie hunter came upon a shanty near Winnipeg, and found--of all things in the world!--a human foot lying on the ground outside the door. Inside was a young English settler bleeding to death, and almost insane. He had lost himself in the prairie-blizzard till his feet were frozen to mortification, and in his desperation he had taken a carving-knife and had hacked off his most corrupt foot and had thrown it out of doors. And then, while the terrified hunter was getting help, the despairing man cut off the other corrupt foot also. I hope that brave young Englishman will live till some Winnipeg minister tells him of a yet more terrible corruption than ever took hold of a frozen foot, and of a knife that cuts far deeper than the shanty carver, and consoles him in death with the assurance that it was of him that Jesus Christ spoke in the Gospel long ago, when He said that it is better to enter into life halt and maimed, rather than having two feet to be cast into everlasting fire. There was no knife in Ardross Castle that would reach down to Lady Boyd's corrupt heart; had there been, she would have first cleansed her own heart with it, and would then have shown her son how to cleanse his. But, as Rutherford says, she also had come now to that 'nick' in religion to cut off a right hand and a right foot so as to keep Christ and the life everlasting, and so had her eldest son, Lord Boyd. As Bishop Martensen also says, 'Many a time we cannot avoid feeling a deep sorrow for ourselves because of the bottomless depth of corruption which lies hidden in our heart--which sorrow, rightly felt and rightly exercised, is a weighty basis of sanctification.' To an able woman building on such a weighty basis as that on which Lady Boyd had for long been building, Rutherford was quite safe to lay weighty and unusual comforts on her mind and on her heart. 'Christ has a use for all your corruptions,' he says to her, to her surprise and to her comfort. 'Beata culpa,' cried Augustine; and 'Felix culpa,' cried Gregory. 'My sins have in a manner done me more good than my graces,' said holy Mr. Fox. 'I find advantages of my sins,' said that most spiritually-minded of men, James Fraser of Brea. Those who are willing and able to read a splendid passage for themselves on this paradoxical- sounding subject will find it on page xii. of the Address to the Godly and Judicious Reader in Samuel Rutherford's _Christ Dying and Drawing Sinners to Himself_. What Rutherford was bold to say to Lady Boyd about her corruptions she was able herself to say to Trochrig about her crosses. 'Right Honourable Sir,--It is common to God's children and to the wicked to be under crosses, but their crosses chase God's children to God. O that anything would chase me to my God!' There speaks a woman of mind and of heart who knows what she is speaking about. And, like her and her correspondents, when all our other crosses have chased us to God, then our master cross, the corruption of our heart, will chase us closer up to God than all our other crosses taken together. We have no cross to be compared with our corruptions, and when they have chased us close enough and deep enough into the secret place of God, then we will begin to understand and adorn the dangerous doxologies of Augustine and Gregory, Fraser and Fox. Yes; anything and everything is good that chases us up to God: crosses and corruptions, sin and death and hell. 'O that anything would chase me to my God!' cried saintly Lady Boyd. And that leads her ladyship in another letter to Trochrig to tell him the kind of preaching she needs and that she must have at any cost. 'It will not neither be philosophy nor eloquence that will draw me from the broad road of perdition: I must have a trumpet to tell me of my sins.' That was a well-said word to the then Principal of Glasgow University who had so many of the future ministers of Scotland under his hands, all vying with one another as to who should be the best philosopher and the most eloquent preacher. Trochrig was both an eloquent preacher and a philosophic principal and a spiritually- minded man, but he was no worse to read Lady Boyd's demand for a true minister, and I hope he read her letter and gave his students her name in his pastoral theology class. 'Lady Boyd on the broad road of perdition!' some of his students would exclaim. 'Why, Lady Boyd is the most saintly woman in all the country.' And that would only give the learned Principal an opportunity to open up to his class, as he was so well fitted to do, that saying of Rutherford to Lady Kenmure: that 'sense of sin is a sib friend to a spiritual man,' till some, no doubt, went out of that class and preached, as Thomas Boston did, to 'terrify the godly.' Such results, no doubt, came to many from Lady Boyd's letter to the Principal as to the preaching she needed and must at any cost have: not philosophy, nor eloquence, but a voice like a trumpet to tell her of her sin. Rutherford was in London attending the sittings of the Westminster Assembly when his dear friend Lady Boyd died in her daughter's house at Ardross. The whole Scottish Parliament, then sitting at St. Andrews, rose out of respect and attended her funeral. Rutherford could not be present, but he wrote a characteristically comforting letter to Lady Ardross, which has been preserved to us. He reminded her that all her mother's sorrows were comforted now, and all her corruptions healed, and all her much service of Christ and His Church in Scotland far more than recompensed. Children of God, take comfort, for so it will soon be with you also. Your salvation, far off as it looks to you, is far nearer than when you believed. You will carry your corruptions with you to your grave; 'they lay with you,' as Rutherford said to Lady Boyd, 'in your mother's womb,' and the nearer you come to your grave the stronger and the more loathsome will you feel your corruptions to be; but what about that, if only they chase you the closer up to God, and make what is beyond the grave the more sure and the more sweet to your heart. Lady Boyd is not sorry for her corruptions now. She is now in that blessed land where the inhabitant shall not say, I am sick. Take comfort, O sure child of God, with the most corrupt heart in all the world; for it is for you and for the like of you that that inheritance is prepared and kept, that inheritance incorruptible, and undefiled, and that fadeth not away. Take comfort, for they that be whole need not a physician, but they that are sick. VIII. LADY ROBERTLAND 'That famous saint, the Lady Robertland, and the rare outgates she so often got.'--Livingstone's _Characteristics_. The Lady Robertland ranks in the Rutherford sisterhood with Lady Kenmure, Lady Culross, Lady Boyd, Lady Cardoness, Lady Earlston, Marion M'Naught and Grizel Fullarton. Lady Robertland, like so many of the other ladies of the Covenant, was not only a woman of deep personal piety and great patriotism, she was also, like Lady Kenmure, Lady Boyd, and Marion M'Naught, a woman of remarkable powers of mind. For one thing, she had a fascinating gift of conversation, and, like John Bunyan, it was her habit to speak of spiritual things with wonderful power under the similitude and parable of outward and worldly things. At the time of the famous 'Stewarton sickness' Lady Robertland was of immense service, both to the ministers and to the people. Robert Fleming tells us that the profane rabble of that time gave the nickname of the Stewarton sickness to that 'extraordinary outletting of the Spirit' that was experienced in those days over the whole of the west of Scotland, but which fell in perfect Pentecostal power on both sides of the Stewarton Water. 'I preached often to them in the time of the College vacation,' says Robert Blair, 'residing at the house of that famous saint, the Lady Robertland, and I had much conference with the people, and profited more by them than I think they did by me; though ignorant people and proud and secure livers called them "the daft people of Stewarton."' The Stewarton sickness was as like as possible, both in its manifestations and in its results, to the Irish Revival of 1859, in which, when it came over and awakened Scotland, the Duchess of Gordon, another lady of the Covenant, acted much the same part in the North that Lady Robertland acted in her day in the West. Many of our ministers still living can say of Huntly Lodge, 'I resided often there, and preached to the people, profiting more by them than they could have done by me.' _Outgate_ is an old and an almost obsolete word, but it is a word of great expressiveness and point. It bears on the face of it what it means. An outgate is just a _gate out_, a way of redemption, deliverance and escape. And her _rare_ outgates does not imply that Lady Robertland's outgates were few, but that they were extraordinary, seldom matched, and above all expectation and praise. Lady Robertland's outgates were not rare in the sense of coming seldom and being few; for, the fact is, they filled her remarkable life full; but they were rare in the sense that she, like the Psalmist in Mr. James Guthrie's psalm, was a wonder unto many, and most of all unto herself. But a gate out, and especially such a gate as the Lady Robertland so often came out at, needs a key, needs many keys, and many keys of no common kind, and it needs a janitor also, or rather a redeemer and a deliverer of a kind corresponding to the kind of gate and the kind of confinement on which the gate shuts and opens. And when Lady Robertland thought of her rare outgates--and she thought more about them than about anything else that ever happened to her--and as often as she could get an ear and a heart into which to tell them, she always pictured to her audience and to herself the majestic Figure of the first chapter of the Revelation. She often spoke of her rare outgates to David Dickson, and Robert Blair, and John Livingstone, and to her own Stewarton minister, Mr. Castlelaw, whose name written in water on earth is written in letters of gold in heaven. 'Not much of a preacher himself, he encouraged his people to attend Mr. Dickson's sermons, and he often employed Mr. Blair to preach at Stewarton, and accompanied him back and forward, singing psalms all the way.' Her ladyship often told saintly Mr. Castlelaw of her rare outgates, and always so spoke to him of the Amen, who has the keys of hell and of death, that he never could read that chapter all his days without praising God that he had had the Lady Robertland and her rare outgates in his sin-sick parish. But it is time to turn to some of those special and rare outgates that the Amen with the keys gave to His favoured handmaiden, the Lady Robertland; and the first kind of outgate, on account of which she was always such an astonishment to herself, was what she would call her outgate from providential disabilities, entanglements, and embarrassments. She was wont to say to William Guthrie, who best understood her witty words and her wonderful history, that the wicked fairies had handicapped her infant feet in her very cradle. She could use a freedom of speech with Guthrie, and he with her, such as neither of them could use with Livingstone or with Rutherford. Rutherford could not laugh when his heart was breaking, as Lady Robertland and the witty minister of Fenwick were often overheard laughing. 'Yes, but your Ladyship has won the race with all your weights,' Guthrie would laugh and say. 'One of my many races,' she would answer, with half a smile and half a sigh; 'but I have a long race, many long races, still before me. It seemed _conclamatum est_ with me,' she would then say, quoting a well- known expression of Samuel Rutherford's, which is, being interpreted, It's all over and gone with me, 'but Providence, since the Amen took it in hand, has a thousand and more keys wherewith to give poor creatures like me our rare outgates.' There were few alive by that time who had known Lady Robertland in her early days, and she seldom spoke of those days; only, on the anniversary of her early marriage, she never forgot her feelings when her life as a Fleming came to an end and her new life as a Robertland began. There was a famous preacher of her day who sometimes spoke familiarly of the 'keys of the cupboard, that the Master carried at His girdle,' and she used sometimes to take up his homely words and say that she had had all the sweetest morsels and most delicate dainties of earth's cupboard taken out from under lock and key and put into her mouth. 'He ties terrible knots,' she would say, 'just to have the pleasure of loosing them off from those He loves. He lays nets and sets traps only that He may get a chance of healing broken bones and setting the terrified free.' No wonder that Wodrow calls her 'a much- exercised woman,' with such ingates and outgates, and with such miracles of an interposing Providence filling her childhood, her youth, her married and her widowed life. The _Analecta_ is full of remarkable providences, but Lady Robertland's exercises and outgates are too wonderful even for the pages of that always wonderful and sometimes too awful book. 'My Master hath outgates of His own which are beyond the wisdom of man,' writes Rutherford, in her own language, to Lady Robertland from 'Christ's prison in Aberdeen.' Rutherford's letters are full of more or less mysterious allusions to the rare outgates that God in Christ had given him also from the snares and traps into which he had fallen by the sins and follies of his unregenerate youth. Whatever trouble came on Rutherford all his days--the persecution of the bishop, his banishment to Aberdeen, the shutting of his mouth from preaching Christ, the loss of wife and child, and the poignant pains of sanctification--he gathered them all up under the familiar figure of a waled and chosen cross. 'Seeing that the sins of my youth deserved strokes, how am I obliged to my Lord, who, out of many possible crosses, hath given me this waled and chosen cross to suffer for the name of Jesus Christ. Since I must have chains, He has put golden chains on me. Seeing I must have sorrow, for I have sinned, O Preserver of mankind, Thou hast waled and selected out for me a joyful sorrow--an honest, spiritual, glorious sorrow. Oh, what am I, such a rotten mass of sin, to be counted worthy of the most honourable rod in my Father's house, even the golden rod wherewith the Lord the Heir was Himself stricken. Thou wast a God that forgavest them, though Thou tookest vengeance of their inventions.' Rutherford also was forgiven, and the only vengeance that God took of his inventions, the irregularities of his youth, was taken in the form of a 'waled cross.' 'I might have been proclaimed on the crown of the causey,' says Rutherford, 'but He has so waled my cross and His vengeance that I am suffering not for my sin but for His name.' What a life hid with Christ in God he must live, who, like Rutherford, takes all his trials on earth as a transmuted and substituted cross for his sins: and who is able to take all his deserved and demanded chastisements in the shape of inward and spiritual and sanctifying pain. O sweet vengeance of grace on our sinful inventions! O most intimate and most awful of all our secrets, the secrets of a love-waled, love-substituted cross! O rare outgate from the scorn of the causeway to the smelting-house of 'Him who hath His fire in Zion!' 'The sorrows of death compassed me,' sings the Psalmist, and 'the pains of hell gat hold upon me; I found trouble and sorrow.' What, you may well ask, were those pains of hell that gat such hold of David while yet he was a living and unreprobated man? Was it not too strong language to use about any earthly experience, however terrible, to call it the pains of hell? Ask that man whose sin has found him out what he thinks the pains of hell were in David's case, and he will tell you that remorse--unsoftened, unsweetened, unquenchable remorse--is hell; at any rate, it is hell upon earth; and till he confessed his sin it was David's hell. Sin taken up and laid by God's hand on the sinner's conscience, that makes that sinner's conscience hell. And, then, do we not read that Jehovah laid on our Surety the sin of us all till He was three hours in hell for us, and came out of it, as Rutherford says, with the keys of hell at His proud girdle? And it is with those captured keys that He now unlocks the true hell-gate in every guilty sinner's conscience. 'He comes the prisoners to relieve In Satan's bondage held; The gates of brass before Him burst, The iron fetters yield. . . . . . . We may not know, we cannot tell What pains He had to bear, But we believe it was for us He hung and suffered there. There was no other good enough To pay the price of sin; He only could unlock the gate Of heaven, and let us in.' 'Myself am hell,' cried out Satan, in his agony of pride and rage and remorse. 'Divines and dying men may talk of hell, But in my heart her several torments dwell.' So you say of yourself, as you well may, after such a life as yours has been. The Judge of all the earth would not be a just judge unless hell were already kindled in your heart. But He who is a just God is also a Saviour, and He has with His own hand hung the key of hell and of your self-made bed in it at the girdle of Jesus Christ. Go to Him to-night, and tell Him that you are in hell. Tell Him that, like David, and very much, so far as you can understand, for David's sins, you, too, are in the pains of very hell. Cast yourself, like John in the Revelation, at His feet, and see if He does not say to you what He said through Nathan to David, and what He said Himself to John, and what He said to Lady Robertland, and what He said to Samuel Rutherford. Cast yourself at His feet, and see if you do not get at His hands as rare an outgate and as wonderfully waled a cross as the very best of them got. Then all the rest of your life on this prison-house of an earth will be a history in you and to you of all kinds of rare outgates. For, once He who has the keys has taken your case in hand, He will not let either rust or dust gather on His keys till He has opened every door for you and set you free from every snare. There are many evil affections, evil habits, and evil practices that are still closely padlocked both on your outward and your inward life that you must be wholly delivered from. And He who has all the keys of your body and your soul too at His girdle, will not consider that you have got your full outgate, or that He has at all discharged His duty by you, till, as Rutherford says, your sinful habits and practices are all loosened off from your life and are driven back into the inner world of your inclinations; and then, after that, He will only take up still more skilful and still more intricate keys wherewith to turn the locks of delight, desire, and inclination. O blessed keys of hell and of death, of habit and inclination and evil affection! O blessed people who are under such a Redeemer from sin and death and hell! O truly famous saint, the Lady Robertland, who got so many and so rare outgates from the Amen with the keys! Who shall give me an outgate from this body? cries the great apostle, not chafing in his chains for death, but for the true life that lies beyond death. Paul, with all his intense love of life and service--nay, because of that intense love--felt sometimes that this present life at its very best was but a life of relaxed imprisonment rather than of true liberty. Paul was, as we say, a kind of first-class misdemeanant, as Samuel Rutherford also was in his prison-palace in Aberdeen, and the Lady Robertland in Stewarton House; they had a liberty that was not to be despised; they had light and air and exercise; they were not in chains in the dungeon; they had pen and ink; they had books and papers, and their friends might on occasion visit them. They might have better food also if they paid for it; and, best of all, they could, till their full release came, beguile and occupy the time in work for Christ and His Church. But still they were present in this body of sin and death, and absent from the Lord, and they pined, and, I fear, sinfully murmured sometimes, for the last and the greatest and the best outgate of all. 'As for myself,' writes Rutherford, 'I think that if a poor, weak, dying sheep seeks for an old dyke, and the lee-side of a hill in a storm, I surely may be allowed to long for heaven. I see little in this life but sin, and the sour fruits of sin; and oh! what a burden and what a bitterness is sin! What a miserable bondage it is to be at the nod of such a master as Sin! But He who hath the keys hath sworn that our sin shall not loose the covenant bond, and therefore I wait in hope and in patience till His time shall come to take off all my fetters and make a hole in this cage of death that the imprisoned bird may find its long-promised liberty.' 'I would not live alway, thus fettered with sin, Temptation without and corruption within; In a moment of strength, if I sever the chain, Scarce the victory is mine ere I'm captive again; E'en the rapture of pardon is mingled with fears, And the cup of thanksgiving with penitent tears; The festival trump calls for jubilant songs, But my spirit her own _miserere_ prolongs. 'Who, who would live always away from his God! Away from yon heaven, that blissful abode Where the rivers of pleasures flow o'er the bright plains, And the noon-tide of glory eternally reigns; Where the saints of all ages in harmony meet, Their Saviour and brethren transported to greet; While the songs of salvation exultingly roll, And the love of the Lord is the bliss of the soul.' IX. JEAN BROWN 'Sin poisons all our enjoyments.'--_Rutherford_. Jean Brown was one of the selectest associates of the famous Rutherford circle. We do not know so much of Jean Brown outside of the Rutherford Letters as we would like to know, but her son, John Brown of Wamphray, is very well known to every student of the theology and ecclesiastical history of Scotland in the second half of the seventeenth century. 'I rejoice to hear about your son John. I had always a great love to dear John Brown. Remember my love to John Brown. I never could get my love off that man.' And all Rutherford's esteem and affection for Jean Brown's gifted and amiable son was fully justified in the subsequent history of the hard-working and well-persecuted parish minister of Wamphray. Letter 84 is a very remarkable piece of writing even in Rutherford, and the readers of this letter would gladly learn more than even its eloquent pages tell them about the woman who could draw such a letter out of Samuel Rutherford's mind and heart, the woman who was also the honoured mother of such a student and such a minister as John Brown of Wamphray. This letter has a _bite_ in it--to use one of Rutherford's own words in the course of it--all its own. And it is just that profound and pungent element in this letter, that bite in it, that has led me to take this remarkable letter for my topic to-night. There had been some sin in Samuel Rutherford's student days, or some stumble sufficiently of the nature of sin, to secretly poison the whole of his subsequent life. Sin is such a poisonous thing that even a mustard-seed of it planted in a man's youth will sometimes spring up into a thicket of terrible trouble both to himself and to many other people all his and all their days. An almost invisible drop of sin let fall into the wellhead of life will sometimes poison the whole broad stream of life, as well as all the houses and fields and gardens, with all their flowers and fruits, that are watered out of it. When any misfortune falls upon a Hebrew household, when any Jewish man or woman's sin finds them out, they say that there is an ounce of the golden calf on it. They open their Exodus and they read there in their bitterness of how Moses in his hot anger took the calf, which the children of Israel had polluted themselves with, and burned it in the fire, and ground it to powder, and strewed it upon the water, and made the children of Israel to drink of it. And, though God turned the poisoned, dust-laden waters of Samuel Rutherford's life into very milk and wine, yet to Rutherford's subtle and detective taste there was always a certain tang of the unclean and accursed thing in it. The best waled and most tenderly substituted cross in Rutherford's chastised life had always a certain galling corner in it that recalled to him, as he bled inwardly under it, the lack of complete purity and strict regularity in his youth. And it is to be feared that there are but too few men or women either who have not some Rutherford- like memory behind them that still clouds their now sheltered life and secretly poisons their good conscience. Some disingenuity, some simulation or dissimulation of affection, some downright or constructive dishonesty, some lack towards some one of open and entire integrity, some breach of good faith in spirit if not in letter, some still stinging tresspass of the golden rule, some horn or hoof of the golden calf, the bitter dust of which they taste to this day in their sweetest cup and at their most grace-spread table. There are more men and women in the Church of Christ than any one would believe who sing with a broken heart at every communion table: 'He hath not dealt with us after our sins, nor rewarded us according to our iniquities. As far as the east is from the west, so far hath He removed our transgressions from us.' And even after such men and women might have learned a lesson, how soon we see all that lesson forgotten. Even after God's own hand has so conspicuously cut the bars of iron in sunder; after He has made the solitary to dwell in families; we still see sin continuing in new shapes and in other forms to poison the sweetest things in human life. What selfishness we see in family life, and that, too, after the vow and the intention of what self-suppression and self-denial. What impatience with one another, what bad temper, what cruel and cutting words, what coldness and rudeness and neglect, in how many ways our abiding sinfulness continues to poison the sweetest springs of life! And, then, how soon such unhappy men begin to see themselves reproduced and multiplied in their children. How many fathers see, with a secret bitterness of spirit that never can be told, their own worst vices of character and conduct reproduced and perpetuated in their children! One father sees his constitutional and unextirpated sensuality coming out in the gluttony, the drunkenness, and the lust of his son; while another sees his pride, his moroseness, his kept-up anger and his cruelty all coming out in one who is his very image. While many a mother sees her own youthful shallowness, frivolity, untruthfulness, deceit and parsimony in her daughter, for whose morality and religion she would willingly give up her own soul. And then our children, who were to be our staff and our crown, so early take their own so wilful and so unfilial way in life. They betake themselves, for no reason so much as just for intended disobedience and impudent independence, to other pursuits and pleasures, to other political and ecclesiastical parties than we have ever gone with. And when it is too late we see how we have again mishandled and mismanaged our families as we had mishandled and mismanaged our own youth, till it is only one grey head here and another there that does not go down to the grave under a crushing load of domestic sorrow. When the best things in life are so poisoned by sin, how bitter is that poison! If an unpoisoned youth and an unembittered family life are some of the sweetest things this earth can taste, then a circle of close and true and dear friendships does not come very far behind them. Rutherford had plenty of trouble in his family life that he used to set down to the sins of his youth; and then the way he poisoned so many of his best friendships by his so poisonous party spirit is a humbling history to read. He quarrelled irreconcilably with his very best friends over matters that were soon to be as dead as Aaron's golden calf, and which never had much more life or decency in them. The matters were so small and miserable over which Rutherford quarrelled with such men as David Dickson and Robert Blair that I could not interest you in them at this time of day even if I tried. They were as parochial, as unsubstantial, and as much made up of prejudice and ill-will as were some of those matters that have served under Satan to poison so often our own private and public and religious life. Rutherford actually refused to assist Robert Blair at the Lord's Supper, so embittered and so black was his mind against his dearest friend. 'I would rather,' said sweet-tempered Robert Blair, 'have had my right hand hacked off at the cross of Edinburgh than have written such things.' 'My wife and I,' wrote dear John Livingstone, 'have had more bitterness together over these matters than we have ever had since we knew what bitterness was.' And no one in that day had a deeper hand in spreading that bitterness than just the hand that wrote Rutherford's letters. There is no fear of our calling any man master if we once look facts fair in the face. The precariousness of our best friendships, the brittle substance out of which they are all composed and constructed, and the daily accidents and injuries to which they are all exposed--all this is the daily distress of all true and loving hearts. What a little thing will sometimes embitter and poison what promised to be a loyal and lifelong friendship! A passing misunderstanding about some matter that will soon be as dead to us both as the Resolutions and Protestations of Rutherford's day now are to all men; an accidental oversight; our simple indolence in letting an absent friendship go too much out of repair for want of a call, or a written message, or a timeous gift: a thing that only a too-scrupulous mind would go the length of calling sin, will yet poison an old friendship and embitter it beyond all our power again to sweeten it. And, then, how party spirit poisons our best enjoyments as it did Rutherford's. How all our minds are poisoned against all the writers and the speakers, the statesmen and the journalists of the opposite camp, and even against the theologians and preachers of the opposite church. And, then, inside our own camp and church how new and still more malignant kinds of poison begin to distil out of our incurably wicked hearts to eat out the heart of our own nearest and dearest friendships. Envy, for one thing, which no preacher, not even Pascal or Newman, no moralist, no satirist, no cynic has yet dared to tell the half of the horrible truth about: drip, drip, drip, its hell-sprung venom soaks secretly into the oldest, the dearest and the truest friendship. Yes, let it be for once said, the viper-like venom of envy--the most loyal, the most honourable, the most self-forgetting and self-obliterating friendship is never in this life for one moment proof against it. We live by admiration; yes, but even where we admire our most and live our best this mildew still falls with its deadly damp. What did you suppose Rutherford meant when he wrote as he did write about himself and about herself to that so capable and so saintly woman, Jean Brown? Do you accuse Samuel Rutherford of unmeaning cant? Was he mouthing big Bible words without any meaning? Or, was he not drinking at that moment of the poison-filled cup of his own youthful, family, and friendship sins? Nobody will persuade me that Rutherford was a canting hypocrite when he wrote those terrible and still unparaphrased words: 'Sin, sin, this body of sin and corruption embittereth and poisoneth all our enjoyments. Oh that I were home where I shall sin no more!' Puritan was an English nickname rather than a Scottish, but our Scots Presbyterians were Puritans at bottom like their English brethren both in their statesmanship and in their churchmanship, as well as in their family and personal religion. And they held the same protest as the English Puritans held against the way in which the scandalous corruptions of the secular court, and the equally scandalous corruptions of the sacred bench, were together fast poisoning the public enjoyments of England and of Scotland. You will hear cheap, shallow, vinous speeches at public dinners and suchlike resorts about the Puritans, and about how they denounced so much of the literature and the art of that day. When, if those who so find fault had but the intelligence and the honesty to look an inch beneath the surface of things they would see that it was not the Puritans but their persecutors who really took away from the serious- minded people of Scotland and England both the dance and the drama, as well as so many far more important things in that day. Had the Puritans and their fathers always had their own way, especially in England, those sources of public and private enjoyment would never have been poisoned to the people as they were and are, and that cleft would never have been cut between the conscience and some kinds of culture and delight which still exists for so many of the best of our people. Charles Kingsley was no ascetic, and his famous _North British_ article, 'Plays and Puritans,' was but a popular admission of what a free and religious-minded England owes on one side of their many-sided service to the Puritans of that impure day. Christina Rossetti is no Calvinist, but she puts the Calvinistic and Puritan position about the sin-poisoned enjoyments of this life in her own beautiful way: 'Yes, all our life long we shall be bound to refrain our soul, and keep it low; but what then? For the books we now forbear to read we shall one day be endued with wisdom and knowledge. For the music we will not now listen to we shall join in the song of the redeemed. For the pictures from which we turn we shall gaze unabashed on the beatific vision. For the companionship we shun we shall be welcomed into angelic society and the companionship of triumphant saints. For the amusements we avoid we shall keep the supreme jubilee. For all the pleasure we miss we shall abide, and for ever abide, in the rapture of heaven.' All through Rutherford's lifetime preaching was his chiefest enjoyment and his most exquisite delight. He was a born preacher, and his enjoyment of preaching was correspondingly great. Even when he was removed from Anwoth to St. Andrews, where, what with his professorship and principalship together, one would have thought that he had his hands full enough, he yet stipulated with the Assembly that he should be allowed to preach regularly every Sabbath-day. But sin, again, that dreadful, and, to Rutherford, omnipresent evil, poisoned all his preaching also and made it one of the heaviest burdens of his conscience and his heart and his life. There is a proverb to the effect that when the best things become corrupt then that is corruption indeed. And so Rutherford discovered it to be in the matter of his preaching. Do what he would, Rutherford, like Shepard, could not keep the thought of what men would think out of his weak and evil mind, both before, and during, but more especially after his preaching. And that poisoned and corrupted and filled the pulpit with death to Rutherford, in a way and to a degree that nobody but a self-seeking preacher will believe or understand. Rutherford often wondered that he had not been eaten up of worms in his pulpit like King Herod on his throne, and that for the very same atheistical and blasphemous reason. Those in this house who have followed all this with that intense and intelligent sympathy that a somewhat similar experience alone will give, will not be stumbled to read what Rutherford says in his letter to his near neighbour, William Glendinning: 'I see nothing in this life but sin, sin and the sour fruits of sin. O what a miserable bondage it is to be at the nod and beck of Sin!' Nor will they wonder to read in his letter to Lady Boyd, that she is to be sorry all her days on account of her inborn and abiding corruptions. Nor, again, that he himself was sick at his heart, and at the very yolk of his heart, at sin, dead-sick with hatred and disgust at sin, and correspondingly sick with love and longing after Jesus Christ. Nor, again, that he awoke ill every morning to discover that he had not yet awakened in his Saviour's sinless likeness. Nor will you wonder, again, at the seraphic flights of love and worship that Samuel Rutherford, who was so poisoned with sin, takes at the name and the thought of his divine Physician. For to Rutherford that divine Physician has promised to come 'the second time without sin unto salvation.' The first time He came He sucked the poison of sin out of the souls of sinners with His own lips, and out of all the enjoyments that He had sanctified and prepared for them in heaven. And He is coming back--He has now for a long time come back and taken Rutherford home to that sanctification that seemed to go further and further away from Rutherford the longer he lived in this sin-poisoned world. And, amongst all those who are now home in heaven, I cannot think there can be many who are enjoying heaven with a deeper joy than Samuel Rutherford's sheer, solid, uninterrupted, unadulterated, and unmitigated joy. X. JOHN GORDON OF CARDONESS, THE YOUNGER 'Put off a sin or a piece of a sin every day.'--_Rutherford_. If that gaunt old tower of Cardoness Castle could speak, and would tell us all that went on within its walls, what a treasure to us that story would be! Even the sighs and the meanings that visit us from among its mouldering stones tell us things that we shall not soon forget. They tell us how hard a task old John Gordon found salvation to be in that old house; and they tell us still, to deep sobs, how hard it was to him to see the sins and faults of his own youth back upon him again in the sins and faults of his son and heir. Old John Gordon's once so wild heart was now somewhat tamed by the trials of life, by the wisdom and the goodness of his saintly wife, and not least by his close acquaintance with Samuel Rutherford; but the comfort of all that was dashed from his lips by the life his eldest son was now living. Cardoness had always liked a good proverb, and there was a proverb in the Bible he often repeated to himself in those days as he went about his grounds: 'The fathers have eaten sour grapes, and the children's teeth are set on edge.' The miserable old man was up to the neck in debt to the Edinburgh lawyers; but he was fast discovering that there are other and worse things that a bad man entails on his eldest son than a burdened estate. There was no American wheat or Australian wool to reduce the rents of Cardoness in that day; but he had learnt, as he rode in to Edinburgh again and again to raise yet another loan for pocket-money to his eldest son, that there are far more fatal things to a small estate than the fluctuations and depressions of the corn and cattle markets. Gordon's own so expensive youth was now past, as he had hoped: but no, there it was, back upon him again in a most unlooked-for and bitter shape. 'The fathers have eaten sour grapes' was all he used to say as he rose to let in his drunken son at midnight; he scarcely blamed him; he could only blame himself, as his beloved boy reeled in and cursed his father, not knowing what he did. The shrinking income of the small estate could ill afford to support two idle and expensive families, but when young Cardoness broke it to his mother that he wished to marry, she and her husband were only too glad to hear it. To meet the outlay connected with the marriage, and to provide an income for the new family, there was nothing for it but to raise the rents of the farms and cottages that stood on the estate. Anxious as Rutherford was to see young Cardoness settled in life, he could not stand by in silence and see honest and hard-working people saddled with the debts and expenses of the Castle; and he took repeated opportunities of telling the Castle people his mind; till old Cardoness in a passion chased him out of the house, and rode next Sabbath-day over to Kirkdale and worshipped in the parish church of William Dalgleish. The insolent young laird continued, at least during the time of his courtship, to go to church with his mother, but Rutherford could not shut his eyes to the fact that he studied all the time how he could best and most openly insult his minister. He used to come to church late on the Sabbath morning; and he never remained till the service was over, but would rise and stride out in his spurs in the noisiest way and at the most unseemly times. Rutherford's nest at Anwoth was not without its thorns. And that such a crop of thorns should spring up to him and to his people from Lady Cardoness's house, was one of Rutherford's sorest trials. The marriage- day, from which so much was expected, came and passed away; but what it did for young Cardoness may be judged from such expressions in Rutherford's Aberdeen letters as these: 'Be not rough with your wife. God hath given you a wife, love her; drink out of your own fountain, and sit at your own fireside. Make conscience of cherishing your wife.' His marriage did not sanctify young Cardoness; it did not even civilise him; for, long years after, when he was an officer in the Covenanters' army, he writes from Newcastle, apologising to his ill-used wife for the way he left her when he went to join his regiment: 'We are still ruffians and churls at home long after we are counted saints abroad.' One day when Rutherford was in the Spirit in his silent prison, whether in the body or out of the body, he was caught up into Paradise to see the beauty of his Lord, and to hear his little daughter singing Glory. And among the thousands of children that sang around the throne he told young Cardoness that he saw and heard little Barbara Gordon, whose death had broken every heart in Cardoness Castle. 'I give you my word for it,' wrote Rutherford to her broken-hearted father, 'I saw two Anwoth children there, and one of them was your child and one of them was mine.' And when another little voice was silenced in the Castle to sing Glory in heaven, Rutherford could then write to young Cardoness all that was in his heart; he could not write too plainly now or too often. Not that you are to suppose that they were all saints now at Cardoness Castle, or that all their old and inherited vices of heart and character were rooted out: no number of deaths will do that to the best of us till our own death comes; but it was no little gain towards godliness when Rutherford could write to young Gordon, now old with sorrow, saying, 'Honoured and dear brother, I am refreshed with your letter, and I exhort you by the love of Christ to set to work upon your own soul. Read this to your wife, and tell her that I am witness for Barbara's glory in heaven.' We would gladly shut the book here, and bring the Cardoness correspondence to a close, but that would not be true to the whole Cardoness history, nor profitable for ourselves. We have buried children, like John Gordon; and, like him, we have said that it was good for us to be sore afflicted; but not even the assurance that we have children in heaven has, all at once, set our affections there, or made us meet for entrance there. We feel it like a heavy blow on the heart, it makes us reel as if we had been struck in the face, to come upon a passage like this in a not-long-after letter to little Barbara Gordon's father: 'Ask yourself when next setting out to a night's drinking: What if my doom came to-night? What if I were given over to God's sergeants to-night, to the devil and to the second death?' And with the same post Rutherford wrote to William Dalgleish telling him that if young Cardoness came to see him he was to do his very best to direct and guide him in his new religious life. But Rutherford could not roll the care of young Cardoness over upon any other minister's shoulders; and thus it is that we have the long practical and powerful letter from which the text is taken: 'Put off a sin or a piece of a sin every day.' Old Cardoness had been a passionate man all his days; he was an old man before he began to curb his passionate heart; and long after he was really a man of God, the devil easily carried him captive with his besetting sin. He bit his tongue till it bled as often as he recollected the shameful day when he swore at his minister in the rack-renting dispute. And he never rode past Kirkdale Church without sinning again as he plunged the rowels into his mare's unoffending sides. Cardoness did not read Dante, else he would have said to himself that his anger often filled his heart with hell's dunnest gloom. The old Castle was never well lighted; but, with a father and a son in it like Cardoness and his heir, it was sometimes like the Stygian pool itself. Rutherford had need to write to her ladyship to have a soft answer always ready between such a father and such a son. If you have the Inferno at hand, and will read what it says about the Fifth Circle, you will see what went on sometimes in that debt-drained and exasperated house. Rutherford was far away from Cardoness Castle, but he had memory enough and imagination enough to see what went on there as often as fresh provocation arose; and therefore he writes to young Gordon to put off a piece of his fiery anger every day. 'Let no complaining tenants, let no insulting letter, let no stupid or disobedient servant, let no sudden outburst of your father, let no peevish complaint of your wife make you angry. Remember every day that sudden and savage anger is one of your besetting sins: and watch against it, and put a piece of it off every day. Determine not to speak back to your father even if he is wrong and is doing a wrong to you and to your mother; your anger will not make matters better: hold your peace, till you can with decency leave the house, and go out to your horses and dogs till your heart is again quiet.' Rutherford was not writing religious commonplaces when he wrote to Cardoness Castle; if he had, we would not have been reading his letters here to-night. He wrote with his eye and his heart set on his correspondents. And thus it is that 'night-drinking' occurs again and again in his letters to young Gordon. The Cardoness bill to Dumfries for drink was a heavy one; but it seems never to have occurred, even to the otherwise good people of those days, that strong drink was such a costly as well as such a dangerous luxury. It distresses and shocks us to read about 'midnight drinking' in Cardoness Castle, and in the houses round about, after all they had come through, but there it is, and we must not eviscerate Rutherford's outspoken letters. The time is not so far past yet with ourselves when we still went on drinking, though we were in debt for the necessaries of life, and though our sons reeled home from company we had made them early acquainted with. If you will not even yet pass the wine altogether, take a little less every day, and the good conscience it will give you will make up for the forbidden bouquet; till, as Rutherford said to Gordon, 'You will more easily master the remainder of your corruptions.' Let us all try Samuel Rutherford's piecemeal way of reformation with our own anger; let us put a bridle on our mouths part of every day. Let us do this if we can as yet go no further; let us bridle our mouths on certain subjects, and about certain people, and in certain companies. If you have some one you dislike, some one who has injured or offended you, some rival or some enemy, whom to meet, to see, to read or to hear the name of, always brings hell's dunnest gloom into your heart--well, put off this piece of your sin concerning him; do not speak about him. I do not say you can put the poison wholly out of your heart; you cannot: but you can and you must hold your peace about him. And if that beats you--if, instead of all that making you more easily master of your corruption, it helps you somewhat to discover how deep and how deadly it is--then Samuel Rutherford will not have written this old letter in vain for you. XI. ALEXANDER GORDON OF EARLSTON 'A man of great spirit, but much subdued by inward exercise.' Livingstone's _Characteristics_. The Gordons of Airds and Earlston could set their family seal to the truth of the promise that the mercy of the Lord is from everlasting to everlasting upon them that fear Him, and His righteousness to children's children. For the life of grace entered the Gordon house three long generations before it came to our Alexander of to-night, and it still descended upon his son and his son's son. His great-grandfather, Alexander Gordon also, was early nicknamed 'Strong Sandy,' on account of his gigantic size and his Samson-like strength. While yet a young man, happily for himself and for all his future children, as well as for the whole of Galloway, Gordon had occasion to cross the English border on some family business, to buy cattle or cutlery or what not, when he made a purchase he had not intended to make when he set out. He brought home with him a copy of Wycliffe's contraband New Testament, and from the day he bought that interdicted book till the day of his death, Strong Sandy Gordon never let his purchase out of his own hands. He carried his Wycliffe about with him wherever he went, to kirk and to market; he would as soon have thought of leaving his purse or his dirk behind him as his Wycliffe, his bosom friend. And many were the Sabbath-days that the laird of Earlston read his New Testament in the woods of Earlston to his tenants and neighbours, the Testament in the one hand and the dirk in the other. Tamed and softened as old Sandy Gordon became by that taming and softening book, yet there were times when the old Samson still came to the surface. As the Sabbath became more and more sanctified in Reformed Scotland, the Saints' days of the Romish Calendar fell more and more into open neglect, till the Romish clergy got an Act passed for the enforced observance of all the fasts and festivals of the Romish Communion. One of the enacted clauses forbade a plough to be yoked on Christmas Day, on pain of the forfeiture and public sale of the cattle that drew the plough. Old Earlston, at once to protest against the persecution, and at the same time to save his draught-oxen, yoked ten of his stalwart sons to the mid-winter plough, and, after ploughing the whole of Christmas Day, openly defied both priest and bishop to distrain his team. Christmas Day, whatever its claims and privileges might be, had no chance in Scotland till it came with better reasons than the threat of a Popish king and Parliament. The Patriarch of Galloway, as the south of Scotland combined to call old Alexander Gordon of Earlston, lived to the ripe age of over a hundred years, and we are told that he kept family worship himself to the day of his death, holding his Wycliffe in his own hand, and yielding it and his place at the family altar over to none. But it is with the name-son and great-grandson of this sturdy old saint that we have chiefly to do to-night. And I may say of him, to begin with, that he was altogether worthy to inherit and to hand on the tradition of family grace and truth that had begun so early and so conspicuously with the head of the Earlston house. 'Alexander Gordon of Earlston,' says John Livingstone, in one of his priceless little etchings, 'was a man of great spirit, but much subdued by inward exercise, and who attained the most rare experiences of downcasting and uplifting.' And in Rutherford's first letter to this Earlston, written from Anwoth in 1636, he says, in that lofty oracular way of his, 'Jesus Christ has said that Alexander Gordon must lead the ring in Galloway in witnessing a good conscience.' This, no doubt, refers to the prosecution that Gordon was at that moment undergoing at the hands of the Bishop of Glasgow for refusing to admit a nominee of the Bishop into the pulpit of a reclaiming parish. It would have gone still worse with Earlston than it did had not Lord Lorne, the true patron of the parish, taken his place beside Earlston at the Bishop's bar, and testified his entire approval of all that Earlston had done. With all that, the case did not end till Earlston was banished beyond the Tay for his resistance to the will of the Bishop of Glasgow. This all took place in the early half of the seventeenth century, so that Dr. Robert Buchanan might with more correctness have entitled his able book 'The Two Hundred Years' Conflict' than 'The Ten,' so early was the battle for Non-Intrusion begun in Galloway. Alexander Gordon was a Free Churchman 200 years before the Disruption, and Lord Lorne was the forerunner of those evangelical and constitutional noblemen and gentlemen in Scotland who helped so much to carry through the Disruption of 1843. We find both Lord Lorne, and Earlston his factor, sitting as elders beside one another in the Glasgow Assembly of 1638, and then we find Earlston the member for Galloway in the Parliament of 1641. We do not know exactly on what occasion it was that Earlston refused to accept the knighthood that was offered him by the Crown; but we seem to hear the old Wycliffite come back again in his great-grandson as he said, 'No, your Majesty, excuse and pardon me; but no.' Alexander Gordon felt that it would be an everlasting dishonour to him and to his house to let his shoulder be touched in knighthood by a sword that was wet, and that would soon be still more wet, with the best blood in Scotland. 'No, your Majesty, no.' Almost all that we are told about Earlston in the histories of his time bears out the greatness of his spirit; that, and the stories that gives rise to, take the eye of the ordinary historian; but good John Livingstone, though not a great historian in other respects, is by far the best historian of that day for our purpose. John Livingstone's _Characteristics_ is a perfect gallery of spiritual portraits, and the two or three strokes he gives to Alexander Gordon make him stand out impressively and memorably to all who understand and care for the things of the Spirit. 'A man of great spirit, but much subdued by inward exercise.' I do not need to tell you what exercise is--at least bodily exercise. All that a man does to draw out, develop, and healthfully occupy his bodily powers in walking, riding, running, wrestling, carrying burdens, and leaping over obstacles--all that is called bodily exercise, and some part of that is absolutely necessary every day for the health of the body and for the continuance and the increase of its strength. But we are not all body; we are soul as well, and much more soul than body. Bodily exercise profiteth little, says the Apostle,--compared, that is, with the exercise of the soul, of the mind, and of the heart. Now, Alexander Gordon was such an athlete of the heart that all who knew him saw well what exercise he must have gone through before he was subdued in his high mind and proud spirit to be so humble, so meek, so silent, so unselfish, and so full of godliness and brotherly kindness--what a world of inward exercise all that bespoke! Alexander Gordon's patience under wrong, his low esteem of himself and of all he did, his miraculous power over himself in the forgiveness of enemies and in the forgetfulness of injuries, his contentment amid losses and disappointments, his silence when other men were bursting to speak, and his openness to be told that when he did speak he had spoken rashly, unadvisedly, and offensively--in all that Earlston was a conspicuous example of what inward exercise carried on with sufficient depth and through a sufficiently long life will do even for a man of a hot temper and a proud heart. Alexander Gordon had, to begin with, a large heart. A large heart was a family possession of the Gordons; the fathers had it and the mothers had it; and whatever came and went in the family estate, the Gordon heart was always entailed unimpaired--increased indeed--upon the children. And after some generations of true religion, inwardly and deeply exercising the Gordon heart, it almost came as a second nature to our Gordon to take to heart all that happened to him, and to exercise his large and deep heart yet more thoroughly with it. The affairs of the family, the affairs of the estate, the affairs of the Church, his duties as a landlord, a farmer, a heritor, and a factor, and the persecutions and sufferings that all these things brought upon him, some of which we know--all that found its way into Earlston's wide and deep and still unsanctified heart. And then, there is a law and a provision in the life of grace that all those men come to discover who live before God as Earlston lived, a provision that secures to such men's souls a depth, and an inwardness, and an increasing exercise that carries them on to reaches of inward sanctification that the ruck and run of so-called Christians know nothing about, and are incapable of knowing. Such men as Earlston, while the daily rush of outward things is let in deeply into their hearts, are not restricted to these things for the fulness of their inward exercise; their own hearts, though there were no outward world at all, would sufficiently exercise them to all the gifts and graces and attainments of the profoundest spiritual life. For one thing, when once Earlston had begun to keep watch over his own heart in the matter of its motives--it was David Dickson, one fast-day at Irvine, on 1 Sam. ii., who first taught Gordon to watch his motives--from that day Rutherford and Livingstone, and all his family, and all his fellow- elders saw a change in their friend that almost frightened them. There was after that such a far-off tone in his letters, and such a far-off look in his eyes, and such a far-off sound in his voice as they all felt must have come from some great, and, to them, mysterious advance in his spiritual life; but he never told even his son William what it was that had of late so softened and quieted his proud and stormy heart. But, all the time, it was his motives. The baseness of his motives even when he did what it was but his duty and his praise to do, that quite killed Earlston every day. The loathsomeness of a heart that hid such motives in its unguessed depths made him often weep in the woods which his grandfather had sanctified by his Bible readings a century before. Rutherford saw with the glance of genius what was going on in his friend's heart, when, in one letter, not referring to himself at all, Earlston suddenly said, 'If Lucifer himself would but look deep enough and long enough into his own heart, the sight of it would make him a little child.' 'Did not I say,' burst out Rutherford, as he read, 'that Alexander Gordon would lead the ring in Galloway?' Earlston frightened into silence the Presbytery of Kirkcudbright on one occasion also, when at their first meeting after he had spoken out so bravely before the king and the Parliament, and they were to move him a vote of thanks, he cried out: 'Fathers and brethren, the heart is deceitful above all things, and desperately wicked, and you do not know it. For I had a deep, malicious, revengeful motive in my heart behind all my fine and patriotic speeches in Parliament. I hated Montrose more than I loved the freedom of the Kirk. Spare me, therefore, the sentence of putting that act of shame on your books!' It was discoveries like this that accumulated in John Livingstone's note-book till he blotted out all his instances and left only the blessed result, 'Alexander Gordon, a man of great spirit, but much subdued by inward exercise, and who was visited with most rare experiences of downcasting and uplifting.' No doubt, dear John Livingstone; we can well believe it. Too rare with us, alas! but every day with your noble friend; every day and every night, when he lay down and when he rose up. His very dreams often cast him down all day after them; for he said, If my heart were not one of the chambers of hell itself, such hateful things would not stalk about in it when the watchman is asleep. Downcastings! downcastings! Yes, down to such depths of self-discovery and self-detestation and self-despair as compelled his Heavenly Master to give commandment that His prostrate servant should be lifted up as few men on the earth have ever been lifted up, or could bear to be. Yes; they were rare experiences both of downcastings and of upliftings; when such downcastings and upliftings become common the end of this world will have come, and with it the very Kingdom of Heaven. The last sight we see of Alexander Gordon in this world is after his Master has given commandment that the last touch be put to His servant's subdued and childlike humility. The old saint is sitting in his grandfather's chair and his wife is feeding him like a weaned child. John Livingstone tells that Mr. John Smith, a minister in Teviotdale, had all the Psalms of David by heart, and that instead of a curtailed, monotonous, and mechanical grace before meat he always repeated a whole Psalm. Earlston must have remembered once dining in the Manse of Maxton at a Communion time; for, as his tender-handed wife took her place beside his chair to feed her helpless husband, he always lifted up his palsied hand and always said to himself, to her, and above all, to God, the 131st Psalm-- 'As child of mother weaned; my soul Is like a weaned child;' till all the godly households in Galloway knew the 131st Psalm as Alexander Gordon of Earlston's grace before meat. XII. EARLSTON THE YOUNGER 'A renowned Gordon, a patriot, a good Christian, a confessor, and, I may add, a martyr of Jesus Christ.'--Livingstone's _Characteristics_. Thomas Boston in his most interesting autobiography tells us about one of his elders who, though a poor man, had always 'a brow for a good cause.' Now nothing could better describe the Gordons of Earlston than just that saying. For old Alexander Gordon, the founder of the family, lifted up his brow for the cause of the Bible and the Sabbath-day when his brow was as yet alone in the whole of Galloway; his great-grandson Alexander also lifted up his brow in his day for the liberty of public worship and the freedom of the courts and congregations of the Church of Scotland, and paid heavily for his courage; and his son William, of whom we are to speak to-night, showed the same brow to the end. The Gordons, as John Howie says, have all along made no small figure in our best Scottish history, and that because they had always a brow for the best causes of their respective days. As Rutherford also says, the truth kept the causey in the south-west of Scotland largely through the intelligence, the courage, and the true piety of the Gordon house. While still living at home and assisting his father in his farms and factorships, young Earlston was already one of Rutherford's most intimate correspondents. In a kind of reflex way we see what kind of head and heart and character young Earlston must already have had from the letters that Rutherford wrote to him. If we are to judge of the character and attainments and intelligence of Rutherford's correspondents by the letters he wrote to them, then I should say that William Gordon of Earlston must have been a remarkable man very early in life, both in the understanding and the experience of divine things. One of the Aberdeen letters especially, numbered 181 in Dr. Andrew Bonar's edition, for intellectual power, inwardness, and eloquence stands almost if not altogether at the head of all the 365 letters we have from Rutherford's pen. He never wrote an abler or a better letter than that he wrote to William Gordon the younger of Earlston on the 16th of June 1637. Not James Durham, not George Gillespie, not David Dickson themselves ever got a stronger, deeper, or more eloquent letter from Samuel Rutherford than did young William Gordon of Airds and Earlston. William Gordon was but a young country laird, taken up twelve hours every day and six days every week with fences and farm-houses, with horses and cattle, but I think an examination paper on personal religion could be set out of Rutherford's letters to him that would stagger the candidates and the doctors of divinity for this year of grace 1891. 'William Gordon was a gentlemen,' says John Howie, 'of good parts and endowments; a man devoted to religion and godliness.' Unfortunately we do not possess any of the letters young Earlston wrote to Rutherford. I wish we did. I would have liked to have seen that letter of Gordon's that so 'refreshed' Rutherford's soul; and that other letter of which Rutherford says that Gordon will be sure to 'come speed' with Christ if he writes to heaven as well about his troubles as he had written to Rutherford in Aberdeen. What a detestable time that was in Scotland when such a man as William Gordon was fined, and fined, and fined; hunted out of his house and banished, till at last he was shot by the soldiers of the Crown and thrown into a ditch as if he had been a highwayman. The first thing that strikes me in reading Rutherford's letters to young Earlston and to several other young men of that day is the extraordinary frankness and self-forgetfulness of the writer. He takes his young correspondents into his confidence in a remarkable way. He opens up his whole heart to them. He goes back with a startling boldness and unreserve and plainness of speech on his own youth, and he lays himself alongside of his youthful correspondents in a way that only a strong man and a humble could afford to do. Let young men read Rutherford's letters to young William Gordon of Earlston, and to young John Gordon of Cardoness, and to young Lord Boyd, and such like, and they will be surprised to find that even Samuel Rutherford was once a young man exactly like themselves, and that he never forgot the days of his youth nor the trials and temptations and transgressions of those perilous days. Let them read his Letters, and they will see that Rutherford could not only write home to the deepest experiences of Lady Boyd and Lady Kenmure and Marion M'Naught, but that he was quite as much at home with their sons and daughters also. Rutherford told young Earlston how terribly he had 'ravelled his own hesp' in the days of his youth, and he tells another of his correspondents that after eighteen years he was not sure he had even yet got his ravelled hesp put wholly right. Young Edinburgh gentlemen who have been born with the silver spoon in their mouth will not understand what a ravelled hesp is. But those who have been brought up at the pirn- wheel in Thrums, and in suchlike handloom towns, have the advantage of some of their fellow-worshippers to-night. They do not need to turn to Dr. Bonar's Glossary or to Jamieson's Scottish Dictionary to find out what a ravelled hesp is. They well remember the stern yoke of their youth when they were sent supperless to bed because they had ravelled their hesp, and all the old times rush back on them as Rutherford confesses to Earlston how recklessly he ravelled his hesp when he was a student in Edinburgh, and how, twenty times a day, he still ravels it after he is Christ's prisoner in Aberdeen. When the hesp is ravelled the pirn is badly filled, and then the shuttle is choked and arrested in the middle of its flight, the web is broken and knotted and uneven, and the weaver is dismissed, or, at best, he is fined in half his wages. And so, said Rutherford, is it with the weaver and the web of life, when a man's life-hesp is ravelled in the morning of his days. I stood not long ago at the grave's mouth of a dear and intimate friend of mine who had fatally ravelled both his own hesp and that of other people, till we had to get the grave-diggers to take a cord and help us to bury him. Horace said that in his day most men fled the empty cask; and all but two or three fled my poor friend's ravelled hesp. He had recovered the lost thread before he died, but his tangled life was past unravelling in this world, and we wrapped his ragged hesp around him for a winding-sheet, and left him with Christ, who so graciously took the cumber of Rutherford's ill-ravelled life also. Young men whose hesp still runs even, and whose web is not yet torn, as Rutherford says to Earlston, 'Make conscience of your thoughts and study in everything to mortify your lusts. Wash your hands in innocency, and God, who knoweth what you have need of before you ask Him, will Himself lead you to encompass His holy altar, and thus to enter the harbour of a holy home and an unravelled life.' Rutherford's Letters are all gleaming with illustrations, some homely enough, like the ill-ravelled hesp, and some classically beautiful, like the arrow that has gone beyond the bowman's mastery. Writing to young Lord Boyd about seeking Christ in youth, and about the manifold advantages of an early and a complete conversion, Rutherford says: 'It is easy to set an arrow right before the string is drawn, but when once the arrow is in the air the bowman has lost all power over it.' Look around at the men and women beside you and see how true that is. Look at those whose arrow is shot, and see how impossible it is for them, even when they wish it, either to call their arrow back or to correct its erring flight. And thank God that you are still in your youth, and that the arrow of your future life is not yet shot. And while your arrow still lies trembling on the string be sure your face is in the right direction and your aim well taken. Rutherford, with all his experience and all his frankness and all his eloquence, could not tell his young correspondents half the advantages of an early conversion. Nor can I tell you half of the changes for good that would immediately take place in you with an early, immediate, and complete conversion. Perhaps the very first thing some of you would do would be to get a new minister and to join a new church. Then on the week-day some of you would at once leave your present business, and seek a new means of livelihood in which you could at least keep your hands and your conscience clean. Then you would choose a new friend and a new lover, or else you would get God to do for them what He has been so good as to do for you, give them a new heart with which to weave their hesp and shoot their arrow. You would read new books and new journals, or, else, you would read the old books and the old journals in a new way. The Sabbath-day would become a new day to you, the Bible a new book, and your whole future a new outlook to you;--but why particularise and specify, when all old things would pass away, and all things would become new? Oh dear young men of Edinburgh, and young men come up to Edinburgh to get your bow well strung and your arrow well winged, look well before you let go the string, for, once your arrow is shot, you cannot recall it so as to take a second aim. With an early and a complete conversion you would have the advantage also of having your whole life for growth in grace and for the knowledge of yourself, of the word of God and of Jesus Christ; for the formation of your character also, and for the service of God and of your generation. And then when your friends met around your grave, instead of hiding you and your ravelled hesp away in shame and silence, they would stand, a worshipping crowd, saying over you: 'Those that be planted in the house of the Lord shall flourish in the courts of our God. They shall still bring forth fruit in old age, they shall be fat and flourishing.' And then, like the true and sure guide to heaven that Rutherford was, he led his young correspondents on from strength to strength, and from one degree and one depth of grace to another, as thus, 'Common honesty will not take a man to heaven. Many are beguiled with this, that they are clear of scandalous sins. But the man that is not born again cannot enter the Kingdom of Heaven. The righteous are scarcely saved. God save me from a disappointment, and send me salvation. Speer at Christ the way to heaven, for salvation is not soon found; many miss it. Say, I must be saved, cost me what it will.' And to a nameless young man, supposed to be one of his Anwoth parishioners, he writes, 'So my real advice is that you acquaint yourself with prayer, and with searching the Scriptures of God, so that He may shew you the only true way that will bring rest to your soul. Ordinary faith and country holiness will not save you. Take to heart in time the weight and worth of an immortal soul; think of death, and of judgment at the back of death, that you may be saved.--Your sometime pastor, and still friend in God, S. R.' The civility of the New Jerusalem, he is continually reminding his genteel and correct-living correspondents, is a very different thing from the civility of Edinburgh, or Aberdeen, or St. Andrews. And so it is, else it would not be worth both Christ and all Christian men both living and dying for it. And this leads Rutherford on, in the last place, to say what Earlston, and Cardoness, and Lord Boyd, while yet in their unconversion and their early conversion, would not understand. For, writing to Robert Stuart, the son of the Provost of Ayr, Rutherford says to him, 'Labour constantly for a sound and lively sense of sin,' and to the Laird of Cally, 'Take pains with your salvation, for without much wrestling and sweating it is not to be won.' A sound and lively sense of sin. As we read these sound and lively letters, we come to see and understand something of what their writer means by that. He means that Stuart and Cally, Cardoness and Earlston, young laymen as they were, were to labour in sin and in their own hearts till they came to see something of the ungodliness of sin, something of its fiendishness, its malignity, its loathesomeness, its hell-deservingness, its hell-alreadyness. 'All his religious illuminations, affections, and comforts,' says Jonathan Edwards of David Brainerd, 'were attended with evangelical humiliation, that is to say, with a deep sense of his own despicableness and odiousness, his ignorance, pride, vileness, and pollution. He looked on himself as the least and the meanest of all saints, yea, very often as the vilest and worst of mankind.' But let Rutherford and Brainerd and Edwards pour out their blackest vocabulary upon sin, and still sin goes and will go without its proper name. Only let those Christian noblemen and gentlemen to whom Rutherford wrote, labour in their own hearts all their days for some sound and lively and piercing sense of this unspeakably evil thing, and they will know, as Rutherford wrote to William Gordon, that they have got to some sound and lively sense of sin when they feel that there is no one on earth or in hell that has such a sinful heart as they have. The nearer to heaven you get, the nearer will you feel to hell, said Rutherford to young Earlston, till, all at once, the door will open over you, and, or ever you are aware, you will be for ever with Christ and the blessed; as it indeed was with William Gordon at the end. For as he was on his way to join the Covenanters at Bothwell Bridge, he was shot by a gang of English dragoons and flung into a ditch. Jesus Christ, says Rutherford, went suddenly home to His father's house all over with his own blood, and it was surely enough for William Gordon that he went home like his Master. XIII. ROBERT GORDON OF KNOCKBREX 'A single-hearted and painful Christian, much employed in parliaments and public meetings after the year 1638.'--_Livingstone_. 'Hall-binks are slippery.'--_Gordon to Rutherford_. Robert Gordon of Knockbrex, in his religious character, was a combination of Old Honest and Mr. Fearing in the _Pilgrim's Progress_. He was as single-hearted and straightforward as that worthy old gentleman was who early trysted one Good-Conscience to meet him and give him his hand over the river which has no bridge; and he was at the same time as troublesome to Samuel Rutherford, his minister and correspondent, as Greatheart's most troublesome pilgrim was to him. In two well-chosen words John Livingstone tells us the deep impression that the laird of Knockbrex made on the men of his day. With a quite Scriptural insight and terseness of expression, Livingstone simply says that Robert Gordon was the most 'single-hearted and painful' of all the Christian men known to his widely- acquainted and clear-sighted biographer. Now there may possibly be some need that the epithet 'painful' should be explained, as it is here applied to this good man, but everybody knows without any explanation what it is for any man to be 'single-hearted.' This was the fine character our Lord gave to Nathanael when He saluted him as an Israelite indeed in whom was no guile. It is singleness of heart that so clears up the understanding and the judgment that, as our Lord said at another time, it fills a man's whole soul with light. And Paul gives it as the best character that a servant can bring to or carry away from his master's house, that he is single-hearted and not an eye- servant in all that he says and does. I keep near me on my desk a book called Roget's _Thesaurus_, which is a rich treasure-house of the English language. And though I thought I knew what Livingstone meant when he called Robert Gordon a single-hearted man, at the same time I felt sure that Roget would help me to see Gordon better. And so he did. For when I had opened his book at the word 'single-hearted,' he at once told me that Knockbrex was an open, frank, natural, straightforward, altogether trustworthy man. He was above-board, outspoken, downright, blunt even, and bald, always calling a spade a spade. And with each new synonym Robert Gordon's honest portrait stood out clearer and clearer before me, till I thought I saw him, and wished much that we had more single-hearted men like him in the public and the private life of our day. And then, as to his 'painfulness,' we have that so well expounded and illustrated in John Bunyan's Mr. Fearing, that all I need to do is to recall that inimitable character to your happy memory. 'He was a man that had the root of the matter in him, but at the same time he was the most troublesome pilgrim that ever I met with in all my days. He lay roaring at the Slough of Despond for above a month together. He would not go back neither. The Celestial City, he said he should die if he came not to it, and yet was dejected at every difficulty and stumbled at every straw. He had, I think, a Slough of Despond in his mind, a slough that he carried everywhere with him, or else he could never have been as he was.' Yes, both Mr. Fearing and the laird of Knockbrex were painful Christians. That is to say, they took pains, special and exceptional pains, with the salvation of their own souls. They took their religion with tremendous earnestness. They would have pleased Paul had they lived in his day, for they both worked out their own salvation with fear and trembling. They looked on sin and death and hell with absorbing and overwhelming solemnity, and they set themselves with all their might to escape from these direst of evils. Pardon of sin, peace with God, a clean heart and a Christian character, all these things were their daily prayer; for these things they wrestled many a night like Jacob at the Jabbok. The day of death, the day of judgment, heaven and hell--these things were more present with them than the things they saw and handled every day. And this was why they were such troublesome pilgrims. This was why they sometimes stumbled at what their neighbours called a straw; and this was why they feared neither king nor bishop, man nor devil, they feared God and sin and death and hell so much. This was why, while all other men were so full of torpid assurance, they still carried, to the annoyance and anger of all their serene-minded neighbours, such a Slough of Despond in their anxious minds. This was why sin so poisoned all their possessions and enjoyments that Greatheart could not get Fearing, any more than Rutherford could get Gordon, out of the Valley of Humiliation. And this was why Gordon so often turned upon Rutherford when he was exalted above measure, and reminded his minister, in the old Scottish proverb, that 'Hall-binks are slippery.' Seats of honour, Mr. Samuel, are unsafe seats for unsanctified sinners. Ecstasies do not last, and they leave the soul weaker and darker than they found it. It is a comely thing even for a saint to be well-clothed about with humility, and the deepest valley is safer and seemlier walking for a lame man than the mountain-top; and so on, till Rutherford admitted that Robert Gordon's warnings were neither impertinent nor untimeous. The sin- stricken laird of Knockbrex was like Mr. Fearing at the House Beautiful. When all the other pilgrims sat down without fear at the table, that so timid and so troublesome pilgrim, remembering the proverb, stole away behind the screen and found his meat and his drink in overhearing the good conversation that went on in the banquet-hall. Gordon could not understand all Rutherford's joy. He did not altogether like it. He did not answer the ecstatic letters so promptly as he answered those which were composed on a soberer key. He was a blunt, plain-spoken, matter-of- fact man; he immensely loved and honoured his minister, but he could not help reminding him after one of his specially enraptured letters that 'Hall-binks are slippery seats.' The golden mean lay somewhere between the hall-bink and the ash-pit; somewhere between Rutherford's ecstasy and Gordon's depression. But as the Guide said in the exquisite conversation, the wise God will have it so, some must pipe and some must weep: and, for my part, I care not for that profession that begins not with heaviness of mind. Only, here was the imperfection of Mr. Fearing and Robert Gordon, that they would play upon no other music but this to their latter end. So much so, that the thick woods of Knockbrex are said to give out to this day the sound of the sackbut to those who have their ears set to such music; there are men in that country who say that they still hear it when they pass the plantations of Knockbrex alone at night. Knockbrex is now a fine modern mansion that is sometimes let for the summer to city people seeking solitude and rest. Among these thick woods and along these silent sands Samuel Rutherford and Robert Gordon were wont to walk and talk together. And here still a man who wishes it may be free from the noise and the hurrying of this life. Here a man shall not be let and hindered in his contemplations as in other places he is apt to be. There are woods here that he who loves a pilgrim's life may safely walk in. The soil also all hereabouts is rich and fruitful, and, under good management, it brings forth by handfuls. The very shepherd boys here live a merry life, and wear more of the herb called heart's- ease in their bosoms than he that is clad in silk and velvet. What a rich inheritance to the right heir is the old estate of Knockbrex! What an opportunity, and what an education, it must be to tenant Knockbrex with recollection, with understanding, and with sympathy even for a season. Robert Gordon would very willingly have remained behind the screen all his days. He would very willingly have given himself up to the care of his estate, to the upbringing of his children, and to the working out of his own salvation, but such a man as he now was could not be hid. The stone that is fit for the wall is not let lie in the ditch. We have a valuable letter of Rutherford's addressed to Marion M'Naught about the impending election of a commissioner for Parliament for the town of Kirkcudbright. In that letter he urges her to try to get her husband, William Fullarton, to stand for the vacant seat. 'It is an honourable and necessary service,' he says. And speaking of one of the candidates, he further says: 'I fear he has neither the skill nor the authority for the post.' Now, it was either at this election, or it was at the next election, that an influential deputation of the gentry and burgesses and ministers and elders of the district waited on Robert Gordon to get him to stand for one of the vacant seats in Galloway; and once he was chosen and had shown himself to the world he was never let return again to his home occupations. 'He was much employed in those years,' says Livingstone, 'in parliaments and public meetings.' There are some good men among us who think that the world is so bad that it is fit for nothing but to be abandoned to the devil and his angels altogether, and that a genuine man of God is too good to be made a member of Parliament or to be much seen on the platforms of public meetings. Such was not Samuel Rutherford's judgment, as will be seen in his 36th Letter. And such was not Robert Gordon's judgment, when he left the woods and fields of Knockbrex and gave himself wholly up to the politics of his entangled and distressful day. What he would have said to the summons had the marches been already redd between Lex and Rex, and had the affairs of the Church of Christ not been still too much mixed up with the affairs of the State, I do not know. Only, as long as the Crown and the Parliament had their hands so deeply in the things of the Church, Knockbrex was not hard to persuade to go to Parliament to watch over interests that were dearer to him than life, or family, or estate. Robert Gordon carried the old family brow with him into all the debates and dangers of that day; and he added to all that a singleness of heart and a painstaking mind all his own. And it was no wonder that such a man was much in demand at such a time. In our own far happier time what a mark does a member of Parliament still make, or a speaker at public meetings, who is seen to be single in his heart, and is at constant pains with himself and with all his duties. It is at bottom our doubleness of heart and our lack of sufficient pains with ourselves and with the things of truth and righteousness that so divide us up into bitter factions, hateful and hating one another. And when all our public men are like Robert Gordon in the singleness of their aims and their motives, and when they are at their utmost pains to get at the truth about all the subjects they are called to deal with, party, if not parliamentary government, with all its vices and mischiefs, will have passed away, and the absolute Monarchy of the Kingdom of Heaven will have come. So much, then, is told us of Robert Gordon in few words: 'A single-hearted and painful Christian, much employed in parliaments and public meetings.' To which may be added this extract taken out of the Minute Book of the Covenanters' War Committee: 'The same day there was delyverit to the said commissioners by Robert Gordoun of Knockbrax sex silver spoones Scots worke, weightan vi. unce xii. dropes.' Had Knockbrex also, like the Earlstons, been fined by the bishops and harried by the dragoons till he had nothing left to deliver to the Commissioners but six silver spoons and a single heart? It would seem so. Like the woman in the Gospel, Gordon gave to the Covenant all that he had. Had Robert Gordon been a Highlander instead of a Lowlander; had he been a Ross-shire crofter instead of a small laird in Wigtown, he would have been one of the foremost of the well-known 'men.' His temperament and his experiences would have made him a prince among the ministers and the men of the far north. Were it nothing else, the pains he spent on the growth of the life of grace in his own soul,--that would have canonised him among the saintliest of those saintly men. He would have set the Question on many a Communion Friday, and the Question in his hands would not have concerned itself with surface matters. Was it because Rutherford had now gone nearer that great region of experimental casuistry that he started that excellent Friday problem in a letter from Aberdeen to Knockbrex in 1637? With Rutherford everything,--the most doctrinal, experimental, ecclesiastical, political, all--ran always up into Christ, His love and His loveableness. 'Is Christ more to be loved for gaining for us justification or sanctification?' Such was one of the questions Rutherford set to his correspondent in the south. Did any of you north-country folk ever hear that question debated out before one of your Highland communions? If you care to see how Rutherford the minister and Knockbrex the man debated out their debt to Jesus Christ, read the priceless correspondence that passed between them, and especially, read the 170th Letter. But first, and before that, do you either know, or care to know, what either justification or sanctification is? When you do know and do care for these supreme things, then you too will in time become a single-hearted and painstaking Christian like Robert Gordon, or else an ecstatic and enraptured Christian like Samuel Rutherford. And that again will be very much according to your natural temperament, your attainments, and your experiences. And nothing in this world will thereafter interest and occupy you half so much as just those questions that are connected first with all that Christ is in Himself and all that He has done for you, and then with the signs and the fruits of the life of grace in your own souls. XIV. JOHN GORDON OF RUSCO 'Remember these seven things.'--_Rutherford_. There were plenty of cold Covenanters, as they were called, in Kirkcudbright in John Gordon's day, but the laird of Rusco was not one of them. Rusco Castle was too near Anwoth Kirk and Anwoth Manse, and its owner had had Samuel Rutherford too long for his minister and his near neighbour to make it possible for him to be 'ane cold covenanter quha did not do his dewtie in everything committed to his charge thankfullie and willinglie.' We find Gordon of Rusco giving good reasons indeed, as he thought, why he should not be sent out of the Stewartry on the service of the covenant, but the war committee 'expelled his resounes' and instantly commanded his services. And from all we can gather out of the old Minute Book, Rusco played all the noble part that Rutherford expected of him in the making of Scotland and in the salvation of her kirk. Like the Psalmist in the hundred and second Psalm, we take pleasure in the stones of Rusco Castle, and we feel a favour to the very dust thereof. Even in Rutherford's day that rugged old pile was sacred and beautiful to the eyes of Rutherford and his people, because of what the grace of God had wrought within its walls; and, both for that, and for much more like that, both in Rutherford's own day and after it, we also look with awe and with desire at the ruined old mansion-house. A hundred years before John Gordon bade Rusco farewell for heaven, we find a friend of John Knox's on his deathbed there, and having a departure from his deathbed administered to him there as confident and as full of a desire to depart as John Knox's own. 'The Last and Heavenly Speeches of John, Viscount Kenmure' also still echo through the deserted rooms of Rusco, and after he had gone up from it we find still another Gordon there with his wife and children and farm-tenants, all warm Covenanters, and all continuing the Rusco tradition of godliness and virtue. At the same time Samuel Rutherford was not the man to take it for granted that John Gordon and his household were all saved and home in heaven because they lived within such sacred walls and were all church members and warm Covenanters. He was only the more anxious about the Gordon family because they had such an ancestry and were all bidding so fair to leave behind them such a posterity. And thus it is that, from his isle of Patmos, Samuel Rutherford, like the apostle John to his seven churches, sends to John Gordon seven things that are specially to be remembered and laid to heart by the laird of Rusco. 1. Remember, in the first place, my dear brother, those most solemn and too much forgotten words of our Lord, that there are but few that be saved. Is that really so? said a liberal-minded listener to our Lord one day. Is that really so, that there are but few that be saved? Mind your own business, was our Lord's answer. For there are many lost by making their own and other men's salvation a matter of dialectic and debate in the study and in the workshop rather than of silence, and godly fear, and a holy life. Yes, there are few that be saved, said Samuel Rutherford, writing again the same year to Farmer Henderson, who occupied the home- steading of Rusco. Men go to heaven in ones and twos. And that you may go there, even if it has to be alone, love your enemies and stand to the truth I taught you. Fear no man, fear God only. Seek Christ every day. You will find Him alone in the fields of Rusco. Seek a broken heart for sin, for, otherwise, you may seek Him all your days, but you will never find Him. And it is not in our New Testament only, and in such books as Rutherford's _Letters_ only, that we are reminded of the loneliness of our road to heaven; in a hundred places in the wisest and deepest books of the heathen world we read the same warning; notably in the Greek Tablet of Cebes, which reads almost as if it had been cut out of the Sermon on the Mount. 'Do you not see,' says the old man, 'a little door, and beyond the door a way which is not much crowded, for very few are going along it, it is so difficult of access, so rough, and so stony?' 'Yes,' answers the stranger. 'And does there not seem,' subjoins the old man, 'to be a high hill and the road up it very narrow, with precipices on each side? Well, that is the way that leads to the true instruction.' 'A cause is not good,' says Rutherford in another of his pungent books, 'because it is followed by many. Men come to Zion in ones and twos out of a whole tribe, but they go to hell in their thousands. The way to heaven is overgrown with grass; there are the traces of but few feet on that way, only you may see here and there on it the footprints of Christ's bloody feet to let you know that you are not gone wrong but are still on the right way.' 2. Remember also that other word of our Lord,--that heaven is like a fortress in this, that it must be taken by force. Only our Lord means that the force must not be done to the gates or the walls of heaven, but to our own hard hearts and evil lives. 'I find it hard to be a Christian,' writes Rutherford to Rusco. 'There is no little thrusting and thringing to get in at heaven's gates. Heaven is a strong castle that has to be taken by force.' 'Oh to have one day more in my pulpit in Aberdeen!' cried a great preacher of that day when he was dying. 'What would you do?' asked another minister who sat at his bedside. 'I would preach to the people the difficulty of salvation,' said the dying man. 'Remember,' wrote Rutherford to Rusco from the same city, 'Remember that it is violent sweating and striving that alone taketh heaven.' 3. Remember also that there are many who start well at the bottom of the hill who never get to the top. We ministers and elders know that only too well; we do not need to be reminded of that. There are the names of scores and scores of young communicants on our session books of whom we well remember how we boasted about them when they took the foot of the hill, but we never mention their names now, or only with a blush and in a whisper. Some take to the hill-foot at one age, and some at another; some for one reason and some for another. A bereavement awakens one, a sickness--their own or that of some one dear to them--another; a disappointment in love or in business will sometimes do it; a fall into sin will also do it; a good book, a good sermon, a conversation with a friend who has been some way up the hill; many things may be made use of to make men and women, and young men and women, take a start toward a better life and a better world. But for ten, for twenty, who so start not two ever come to the top. 'Heaven is not next door,' writes Rutherford to Rusco; 'if it were we would all be saved.' There was a well-known kind of Christians in Rutherford's day that the English Puritans called by the nickname of the Temporaries; and it is to pluck Rusco from among them that Rutherford writes to him this admonitory letter. And there is an equally well-known type of Christian in our day, though I do not know that any one has so happily nicknamed him as yet. 'The Scriptures beguiled the Pharisees,' writes Rutherford; and the Christian I refer to is self-beguiled with the very best things in the Scriptures. The cross is always in his mouth, but you will never find it on his back. He has got, at least in language, as far as the cross, but he remains there. He says the burden is off his back, and he takes care that he shall keep out of that kind of life that would put it on again. He has been once pardoned, and he takes his stand upon that. He strove hard till he was converted, and he sometimes strives hard to get other men brought to the same conversion. But his conversion has been all exhausted in the mere etymology of the act, for he has only turned round in his religious life, he has not made one single step of progress. But let one of the greatest masters of true religion that ever taught the Church of Christ speak to us on the subject of this gin-horse Christian. 'The Scriptures,' says Jonathan Edwards, 'everywhere represent the seeking, the striving, and the labour of a Christian as being chiefly to be gone through _after_ his conversion, and his conversion as being but the beginning of the work. And almost all that is said in the New Testament of men's watching, giving earnest heed to themselves, running the race that is set before them, striving and agonising, pressing forward, reaching forth, crying to God night and day; I say, almost all that is said in the New Testament of these things is spoken of and is directed to God's saints. Where these things are applied once to sinners seeking salvation, they are spoken of the saint's prosecution of their high calling ten times. But many have got in these days into a strange anti-scriptural way of having all their striving and wrestling over _before_ they are converted, and so having an easy time of it afterwards.' 4. Remember, also, wrote Rutherford, to look up the Scriptures and read and lay to heart the lessons of Esau's life and Judas's, of the life of Balaam, and Saul, and Pharaoh, and Simon Magus, and Caiaphas, and Ahab, and Jehu, and Herod, and the man in Matthew viii. 19, and the apostates in Hebrews vi. For all these were at best but watered brass and reprobate silver. 'One day,' writes Mrs. William Veitch of Dumfries in her autobiography, 'having been at prayer, and coming into the room where one was reading a letter of Mr. Rutherford's directed to one John Gordon of Rusco--giving an account of how far one might go and yet prove a hypocrite and miss heaven--it occasioned great exercise in me.' Dr. Andrew Bonar is no doubt entirely right when he says that this letter, now open before us, must have been the heart-searching letter that caused that God-fearing woman, fresh from her knees, so great exercise. Let us share her great exercise, and in due time we shall share her great salvation. Not otherwise. 5. 'And remember,' he proceeds, 'what your besetting sin may cost you in the end. I beseech you therefore and obtest you in the Lord, to make conscience of all rash and passionate oaths, of raging and avenging anger, of night-drinking, of bad company, of Sabbath-breaking, of hurting any under you by word or deed, of hurting your very enemies. Except you receive the Kingdom of God as a little child, you cannot enter it. That is a word that should make your great spirit fall.' 'If men allow themselves in malice and envy,' writes Thomas Shepard, a contemporary of Rutherford's, 'or in wanton thoughts, that will condemn them, even though their corruptions do not break out in any scandalous way. Such thoughts are quite sufficient evidence of a rotten heart. If a man allows himself in malice or in envy, though he thinks he does it not, yet he is a hypocrite; if in his heart he allows it he cannot be a saint of God. If there be one evil way, though there have been many reformations, the man is an ungodly man. One way of sin is exception enough against any man's salvation. A small shot will kill a man as well as a large bullet, a small leak let alone will sink a ship, and a small, and especially a secret and spiritual sin, will cost a man his soul.' 6. 'Remember, also, your shortening sand-glass.' On the day when John Gordon was born a sand-glass with his name written upon it was filled, and from that moment it began to run down before God in heaven. For how long it was filled God who filled it alone knew. Whether it was filled to run out in an hour, or to run till Gordon was cut down in mid-time of his days, or till he had attained to his threescore years and ten, or whether it was to run on to the labour and sorrow of four-score years, not even his guardian angel knew, but God only. And then beside that sand-glass a leaf, taken out of the seven-sealed book, was laid open, on the top of which was found written the as yet unbaptized name of this new- born child. And under his name was found written all that John Gordon was appointed and expected to do while his sand-glass was still running. His opening life as child and boy and man in Galloway; his entrance on Rusco; his friendship with Samuel Rutherford; his duties to his family, to his tenants, to his Church, and to the Scottish Covenant; the inward life he was commanded and expected to live alone with God; the seven things he was every day to remember; the evangelical graces of heart and life and character he was to be told and to be enabled to put on; the death he was to die, and the 'freehold' he was after all these things to enter on in heaven. And it is of that sand-glass that was at that moment running so fast and so low within the veil that Rutherford writes so often and so earnestly to the so-forgetful laird of Rusco. And how solemnising it is, if anything would solemnise our hard hearts, that we all have a sand-glass standing before God with our names written upon it, and that it is running out before God day and night unceasingly. We shall all be too suddenly solemnised when the last grain of our measured- out sand has dropped down, and the blind Fury will come, and without pity and without remorse will slit our thin-spun life with her abhorred shears. And that whether our life-work is finished or no, half-finished or no, or not even begun. The night cometh, and the shears with it, when no man can work. Our family must then be left behind us, however they have been brought up; our farm also, however it has been worked; our estate also, however it has been managed; our pulpit, our pew, our church, our character, and even our salvation, and we must, all alone with God, face and account for the empty sand-glass and the accusing book. Is it any wonder that John Gordon's minister, when he was in the spirit in Patmos, should write him as we here read? What kind of a minister would he have been, and what a sand-glass, and what a book of angry account he would have had soon to face himself, if he had let all his people in Anwoth live on and suddenly die in total forgetfulness of the sand and the shears, the book of duty and the book of judgment. 'Remember,' Rutherford wrote, 'remember and misspend not your short sand- glass, for your forenoon is already spent, your afternoon has come, and your night will be on you when you will not see to work. Let your heart, therefore, be set upon finishing your journey and summing up and laying out the accounts of your life and the grounds of your death alone before God.' 7. And, above all, remember that after you have done all, it is the blood of Christ alone that will set you down safely as a freeholder in Heaven. But His blood, and your everyday remembrance of His blood, and your everyday obligation to it, will surely set you, John Gordon of Rusco on earth, so down a freeholder in heaven. 'Soon shall the cup of glory Wash down earth's bitterest woes, Soon shall the desert briar Break into Eden's Rose: I stand upon His merit, I know no other stand, Not e'en where glory dwelleth In Immanuel's land.' XV. BAILIE JOHN KENNEDY 'Die well.'--_Rutherford_. Bailie John Kennedy, of Ayr, was the remarkable son of a remarkable father. Old Hugh Kennedy's death-bed was for long a glorious tradition among the godly in the West of Scotland. The old saint was visited in his last hours on earth with a joy that was unspeakable and full of glory: the mere report of it made an immense impression both on the Church and the world. And his son John, who stood entranced beside his father's chariot of fire, never forgot the transporting sight. He did not need Rutherford's warning never to forget his father's example and his father's end. For John Kennedy was a 'choice Christian,' as a well- known writer of that day calls him. And he was not alone. There were many choice Christians in that day in Scotland. Were there ever more, for its size, in any land or in any church on the face of the earth? I do not believe there ever were. Next to that favoured land that produced the Psalmists and the Prophets, I know no land that, for its numbers, possessed so many men and women of a profoundly spiritual experience, and of an adoring and heavenly mind, as Scotland possessed in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. The Wodrow volumes should be studied throughout by every lover of his church and his country, and especially by every student of divinity and church history. But we need go no further than Samuel Rutherford's letter-bag; for, when we open it, what rich treasures of the religious life pour out of it! What minds and what hearts those men and women had! And how they gave up their whole mind and heart to the life of godliness in the land, and to the life of God in their own hearts! How thin and poor our religious life appears beside theirs! What minister in Scotland to-day could write such letters? And to whom could he address them after they were written? Was it the persecution? Was it the new reformation doctrines? Was it the masculine and Pauline preaching: preaching, say, like Robert Bruce's and Rutherford's that did it? What was it that raised up in Scotland such a crop of ripe and rich saints? Who are these, and whence came they? Rutherford was always on the outlook for opportunities to employ his private pen for the conversion of sinners, and for the comfort, the upbuilding, and the holiness of God's people. From his manse at Anwoth, from his prison at Aberdeen, from his class-room at St. Andrews, and from the Jerusalem Chamber at Westminster, his letter-bag went out full of those messages, so warm, so tender, so powerful, to his multitudinous correspondents. Public events, domestic joys and sorrows, personal matters, special providences,--to turn them all to a good result Rutherford was always on the watch. News had come to Rutherford's ears of an almost fatal accident that Kennedy had had through his boat being swept out to sea; and that was too good a chance to lose of trying to touch his correspondent's heart yet more deeply about death, and the due preparation for it. Read his letter to John Kennedy on his deliverance from shipwreck. See with what apostolic dignity and sweetness he salutes Kennedy. See how he lifts up Kennedy's accident out of the hands of winds and waves, and traces it all up to the immediate hand of God. See how he speaks of Kennedy's reprieve from death; and how the spared man should make use of his lengthened days. Altogether, a noble, powerful, apostolic letter; a letter that must have had a great influence in making Bailie Kennedy the choice Christian that he was and that he became. We have only three letters preserved of Rutherford's to Kennedy. But we have sufficient evidence that they were fast and dear friends. Rutherford writes to Kennedy from Aberdeen, upbraiding him for forgetting him; and what a letter that also is! It stands well out among the foremost of his letters for fulness of all the great qualities of Rutherford's intellect and heart. But it is with the shipwreck letter that we have to do to-night; and with the expressions in it we have taken for our text: 'Die well, for the last tide will ebb fast.' 'It is appointed to all men once to die,' says the Apostle, in a most solemn passage. Think of that, think often of that, think it out, think it through to the end. God has appointed our death. He has our name down in His seven-sealed Book; and when the Lamb opens the Book, and finds the place, He reads our name, and all that is appointed us till death, and after death. The exact and certain time of our death is all appointed; the place of it also; and all the circumstances. Just when it is to happen; to-night, to-morrow, this year, next year, perhaps not this dying century; we shall perhaps live to write A.D. 1901 on our letters. Near or afar off, it is all appointed. And all the circumstances of it also. I don't know why Rutherford should say to Kennedy that it is a terrible thing to 'die in one's day clothes,' unless he hides a parable under that. But whether in day clothes or night clothes; whether like Dr. Andrew Thomson, our first minister, in Melville Street, and with his hand on the latchkey of his own door; or, like Dr. Candlish, his successor, in his bed, and repeating, now Shakespeare, and now the Psalmist; by the upsetting of a boat, the shape in which death came near to Kennedy, or by the upsetting of a coach, as I escaped myself, not being ready. 'The Lord knew,' writes Rutherford, 'that you had forgotten something that was necessary for your journey, and let you go back for it. You had not all your armour on wherewith to meet with the last enemy.' By day or by night; by land or by sea; alone, or surrounded by weeping friends; in rapture like Hugh Kennedy, or in thick darkness like your Lord; all, all is appointed. Just think of it; the types may be cast, the paper may be woven, the ink may be made that is to announce to the world your death and mine. It is all appointed, and we cannot alter it or postpone it. The only thing we have any hand in is this: whether our death, when it comes, is to be a success or a failure; that is to say, whether we shall die well or ill. Since we die but once, then, and since so much turns upon it, let us take advice how we are to do it well. We cannot come back to make a second attempt; if we do not shoot the gulf successfully, we cannot climb back and try the leap again; we die once, and, after death, the judgment. Now, when we have any difficult thing before us, how do we prepare ourselves for it? Do we not practise it as often as we possibly can? If it is running in a race, or wrestling in a match, or playing a tune, or shooting at a target, do we not assiduously practise it? Yes, every sensible man is careful to have his hand and his foot accustomed to the trial before the appointed day comes. Practice makes perfect: practise dying, then, as Rutherford counsels you, and you will make a perfect thing of your death, and not otherwise. But how are we to practise dying? Fore-fancy it, as Rutherford says. Act it over beforehand; die speculatively, as Goodwin says. Say to yourself, Suppose this were death at my door to-night. Suppose he were to visit me in the night, what would I say to him, and what would he say to me? Make acquaintance with death, Rutherford writes to Lady Kenmure also. Learn his ways, his manner of approach, his language, and his look. Conjure him up, practise upon him, have your part rehearsed and ready to be performed. Let not a heathen be beforehand with you in dying. Seneca said that every night after his lamp was out, and the house quiet, he went over all his past day, and looked at it all in the light of death. What he did after that he does not tell us; but Rutherford will tell you if you consult him what you should do. Well, that is one way of practising dying. For Sleep is the brother of Death. And to meet the one brother right will prepare us to meet the other. Speculate at night, then--speculate and say, Suppose this were my last night. Suppose, O my soul, thou wert to cast anchor to- morrow in Eternity, how shouldst thou close thine eyes to-night? Speculate also at other men's funerals. When the clod thuds down on their coffin, think yourself inside of it. When you see the undertaker's man screwing down the lid, suppose it yours. Take your own way of doing it; only, practise dying, and let not death spring upon you unawares. Die daily, for, as Dante says, 'The arrow seen beforehand slacks its flight.' Writing to another old man, Rutherford points out to him the gracious purpose of God in appointing him his death in old age. 'It is,' says Rutherford, 'that you may have full leisure to look over all your accounts and papers before you take ship.' What a tangle our papers also are in as life goes on; and what need we have of a time of leisure to set things right before we hand them over. Rutherford, therefore, makes us see old Carlton on his bed with his pillows propping him up, and a drawer open on the bed, and bundles of old letters and bills spread out before him. Old love letters; old business letters; his mother's letters to him when he was a boy at Edinburgh College; letters in cipher that no human eye can read but those old, bleared, weeping eyes that fill that too late drawer with their tears. The old voyager is looking over his papers before he takes ship. And he comes on things he had totally forgotten: debts he had thought paid; petitions he had thought answered; promises he had thought fulfilled; till he calls young Carlton, his son, to his bedside, and tells him things that break both men's hearts to say and to hear; and commits to his son and heir sad duties that should never have been due; debts, promises, obligations, reparations, such that, to remember them, is a terrible experience on an old man's deathbed. But what mercy that he was not carried off, and his drawer unopened! Now, speaking of taking ship, when we are preparing for a voyage, and a visit to another country and another city, we 'read up,' as we say, before we set sail. Before we start for Rome we read our Tacitus and our Horace, our Gibbon and our Merivale. If it is Florence we take down Vasari and Dante, Lord Lindsay and Mrs. Jamieson, and so on. Now, if Eternity holds for us a new world, with cities and peoples that are all new to us, should we not prepare ourselves for them also? Have you, then, laid in a library for your old age, when, like old Carlton, you will be lying waiting at the water-side? What books do you read when you wish to put on the mind of a man who intends to die well? 'Read to me where I first cast my anchor,' said John Knox, when dying, to his weeping wife. Does your wife know where you first cast your anchor? Does she know already what to read to you when you are preparing for the last voyage? And then, having prepared for, and practised dying well, play the man and perform it well when the day comes. 'Die as your father died,' says Rutherford to Kennedy. Now, that is too much to ask of any man, because old Hugh Kennedy's deathbed was what it was by the special grace of God. You cannot command any man to die in rapture. But Rutherford does not mean that, as he is careful to explain. He means, as he says, 'die believing.' It will be your last act as a believer, therefore do it well. You have been practising faith all your days; show that practice makes perfection at the end. As Rutherford said to George Gillespie when he was on his deathbed, 'Hand over all your bills, paid and unpaid, to your surety. Give him the keys of the drawer, and let him clear it out for himself after you are gone.' And then, with the ruling passion strong in death, he added, 'Die not on sanctification but on justification, die not on inherent but on imputed righteousness.' And then, to come to the very last act of all, there is what we call the death-grip. A dying man feels the whole world giving way under him. All he built upon, leaned upon, looked to, is like sliding sand, like sinking water; and he grasps at anything, anybody, the bedpost, the bed-curtains, the bed-clothes, his wife's hand, his son's arm, the very air sometimes. On what, on whom will you seize hold in your last gasp and death-grip? 'Rock of Ages, cleft for me, Let me hide myself in Thee!' XVI. JAMES GUTHRIE 'The short man who could not bow.'--_Cromwell_. James Guthrie was the son of the laird of that ilk in the county of Angus. St. Andrews was his _alma mater_, and under her excellent nurture young Guthrie soon became a student of no common name. His father had destined him for the Episcopal Church, and, what with his descent from an ancient and influential family, his remarkable talents, and his excellent scholarship, it is not to be wondered at that a bishop's mitre sometimes dangled before his ambitious eyes. 'He was then prelatic,' says Wodrow in his _Analecta_, 'and strong for the ceremonies.' But as time went on, young Guthrie's whole views of duty and of promotion became totally changed, till, instead of a bishop's throne, he ended his days on the hangman's ladder. After having served his college some time as regent or assistant professor in the Moral Philosophy Chair, Guthrie took licence, and was immediately thereafter settled as parish minister of Lauder, in the momentous year 1638. And when every parish in Scotland sent up its representatives to Edinburgh to subscribe the covenant in Greyfriars Churchyard, the parish of Lauder had the pride of seeing its young minister take his life in his hand, like all the best ministers and truest patriots in the land. But just as Guthrie was turning in at the gate of the Greyfriars, who should cross the street before him, so as almost to run against him, but the city executioner! The omen--for it was a day of omens--made the young minister stagger for a moment, but only for a moment. At the same time the ominous incident made such an impression on the young Covenanter's heart and imagination, that he said to some of his fellow-subscribers as he laid down the pen, 'I know that I shall die for what I have done this day, but I cannot die in a better cause.' In the lack of better authorities we are compelled to trace the footsteps of James Guthrie through the Laodicean pages of Robert Baillie for several years to come. Baillie did not like Guthrie, and there was no love lost between the two men. The one man was all fire together in every true and noble cause, and the other we spew out of our mouth at every page of his indispensable book. As Carlyle says, Baillie contrived to 'carry his dish level' through all that terrible jostle of a time. And accordingly while we owe Baillie our very grateful thanks that he kept such a diary, and carried on such an extensive and regular correspondence during all that distracted time, we owe him no other thanks. He carried his dish level, and he had his reward. As we trace James Guthrie's passionate footsteps for the years to come through Principal Baillie's sufficiently gossiping, but not unshrewd, pages, we soon see that he is travelling fast and sure toward the Nether Bow. We hear continually from our time-serving correspondent of Guthrie's 'public invective,' of his 'passionate debates,' of his 'venting of his mind,' of his 'peremptory letters,' of his 'sharp writing,' and of his being 'rigid as ever,' and so on. All that about his too zealous co-presbyter, and then his fulsome eulogy of the returning king--his royal wisdom, his moderation, his piety, and his grave carriage--as also what he says of 'the conspicuous justice of God in hanging up the bones of Oliver Cromwell, the disgracing of the two Goodwins, blind Milton, John Owen, and others of that maleficent crew,' all crowned with the naive remark that 'the wisest and best are quiet till they see whither these things will go'--it is plain that while our wise and good author is carrying his dish as level as the uneven roads will allow, Guthrie is as plainly carrying his head straight to the Cross of Edinburgh, and to the iron spikes of the Canongate. All the untold woes of that so woful time came of the sword of the civil power being still grafted on the crook of the Church; as also of the insane attempt of so many of our forefathers to solder the crown of Charles Stuart to the crown of Jesus Christ. How those two so fatal, and not even yet wholly remedied, mistakes, brought Argyll to the block and Guthrie to the ladder in one day in Edinburgh, we read in the instructive and inspiriting histories of that terrible time; and we have no better book on that time for the mass of readers than just honest John Howie's _Scots Worthies_. There is a passage in our Scottish martyr's last defence of himself that has always reminded me of Socrates' similar defence before the judges of Athens. 'My lords,' said Guthrie, 'my conscience I cannot submit. But this old and crazy body I do submit, to do with it whatsoever you will; only, I beseech you to ponder well what profit there is likely to be in my blood. It is not the extinguishing of me, or of many more like me, that will extinguish the work of reformation in Scotland. My blood will contribute more for the propagation of the Covenant and the full reformation of the kirk than my life and liberty could do, though I should live on for many years.' One can hardly help thinking that Guthrie must have been reading _The Apology_ in his manse in Stirling at the moment he was apprehended. But in the case of Guthrie, as in the case of Socrates, no truth, no integrity, and no eloquence could save him; for, as Bishop Burnet frankly says, 'It was resolved to make a public example of a Scottish minister, and so Guthrie was singled out. I saw him suffer,' the Bishop adds, 'and he was so far from showing any fear that he rather expressed a contempt of death.' James Cowie, his precentor, and beadle, and body-servant, also saw his master suffer, and, like Bishop Burnet, he used to tell the impression that his old master's last days made upon him. 'When he had received sentence of death,' Cowie told Wodrow's informant, 'he came forth with a kind of majesty, and his face seemed truly to shine.' It needed something more than this world could supply to make a man's face to shine under the sentence that he be hanged at the Cross of Edinburgh, his body dismembered, and his head fixed on an iron spike in the West Port of the same city. The disgraceful and ghastly story of his execution, and the hacking up of his body, may all be read in Howie, beside a picture of the Nether Bow as it still stands in our Free Church and Free State Day. 'Art not Thou from everlasting, O Lord my God?' were James Guthrie's last words as he stood on the ladder. 'O mine Holy One: I shall not die, but live. Now lettest Thou Thy servant depart in peace; for mine eyes have seen Thy salvation.' There is one fine outstanding feature that has always characterised and distinguished the whole of the Rutherford circle in our eyes, and that is their deep, keen Pauline sense of sin. Without this, all their patriotism, all their true statesmanship, and even all their martyrdom for the sake of the truth, would have had, comparatively speaking, little or no interest for us. What think ye of sin? is the crucial question we put to any character, scriptural or ecclesiastical, who claims our time and our attention. If they are right about sin, they are all the more likely to be right about everything else; and if they are either wrong or only shallow about sin, their teaching and their experience on other matters are not likely to be of much value or much interest to us. We have had written over our portals against all comers: Know thyself if thou wouldst either interest us or benefit us, or with the understanding and the spirit worship with us. And all the true Rutherford circle, without one exception, have known the true secret and have given the true password. Their keen sense and scriptural estimate of the supreme evil of sin first made them correspondents of Rutherford's; and as that sense and estimate grew in them they passed on into an inner and a still more inner circle of those Scottish saints and martyrs who corresponded with Rutherford, and closed, with so much honour and love, around him. And the two Guthries, James and William, as we shall see, were famous even in that day for their praying and for their preaching about sin. There is an excellent story told of James Guthrie's family worship in the manse of Stirling, that bears not unremotely on the matter we have now on hand. Guthrie was wont to pray too much, both at the family altar and in the pulpit, as if he had been alone with his own heart and God. And he carried that bad habit at last to such a length in his family, that he almost drove poor James Cowie, his man-servant, out of his senses, till when Cowie could endure no longer to be singled out and exposed and denounced before the whole family, he at last stood up with some boldness before his master and demanded to be told out, as man to man, and not in that cruel and injurious way, what it was he had done that made his master actually every day thus denounce and expose him. 'O James, man, pardon me, pardon me. I was, I see now, too much taken up with my own heart and its pollutions to think enough of you and the rest.' 'It was that, and the like of that,' witnessed Cowie, 'that did me and my wife more good than all my master's well-studied sermons.' The intimacy and tenderness of the minister and his man went on deeper and grew closer, till at the end we find Cowie reading to him at his own request the Epistle to the Romans, and when the reader came to the passage, 'I will have mercy on whom I will have mercy,' the listener burst into tears, and exclaimed, 'James, James, halt there, for I have nothing but that to lippen to.' And then, on the ladder, and before a great crowd of Edinburgh citizens: 'I own that I am a sinner--yea, and one of the vilest that ever made a profession of religion. My corruptions have been strong and many, and they have made me a sinner in all things--yea, even in following my duty. But blessed be God, who hath showed His mercy to such a wretch, and hath revealed His Son unto me, and made me a minister of the everlasting Gospel, and hath sealed my ministry on the hearts of not a few of His people.' James Guthrie's ruling passion, as Cowie remarked, was still strong in his death. On one occasion Guthrie and some of his fellow-ministers were comparing experiences and confessing to one another their 'predominant sins,' and when it came to Guthrie's turn he told them that he was much too eager to die a violent death. For, said he, I would like to die with all my wits about me. I would not like eyesight and memory and reason and faith all to die out on my deathbed and leave me to tumble into eternity bereft of them all. Guthrie was greatly afraid at the thought of death, but it was the premature death of his reason, and even of his faith, that so much alarmed and horrified him to think of. He envied the men who kneeled down on the scaffold, or leaped off the ladder, in full possession at the last moment of all their senses and all their graces. 'Give me a direct answer, sir,' demanded Dr. Johnson of his physician when on his deathbed. . . . 'Then I will take no more opiates, for I have prayed that I may be able to render up my soul to God unclouded.' And when pressed by his attendants to take some generous nourishment, he replied almost with his last breath, 'I will take anything but inebriating sustenance.' But in nothing was good James Guthrie's tenderness to sin better seen than in the endless debates and dissensions of which that day was so full. So sensitive was he to the pride and the anger and the ill-will that all controversy kindles in our hearts that, as soon as he felt any unholy heat in his own heart, or saw it in the hearts of the men he debated with, he at once cut short the controversy with some such words as these: 'We have said too much on this matter already; let us leave it till we love one another more.' If hot-blooded Samuel Rutherford had sat more at James Guthrie's feet in the matter of managing a controversy, his name would have been almost too high and too spotless for this present life. Samuel Rutherford's one vice, temper, was one of James Guthrie's chief virtues. We have only two, or at most three, of the many letters that must have passed between Rutherford and Guthrie preserved to us. And, as is usual with Rutherford when he writes to any member of his innermost circle, he writes to Guthrie so as still more completely to win his heart. And in nothing does dear Rutherford win all our hearts more than in his deep humility, and quick, keen sense of his own inability and utter unworthiness. 'I am at a low ebb,' he writes to Guthrie from the Jerusalem Chamber, 'yea, as low as any gracious soul can possibly be. Shall I ever see even the borders of the good land above?' I read that fine letter again last Sabbath afternoon in my room at hospitable Helenslee, overlooking the lower reaches of the Clyde, and as I read this passage, I recollected the opportune sea-view commanded by my window. I had only to rise and look out to see an excellent illustration of my much- exercised author; for the forenoon tide had just retreated to the sea, and the broad bed of the river was left by the retreated tide less a river than a shallow, clammy channel. Shoals of black mud ran out from our shore, meeting and mingling with shoals of black mud from the opposite shore. There was scarce clean water enough to float the multitude of buoys that dipped and dragged in their bed of mire. That any ship, to call a ship, could ever work its way up that sweltering sewer seemed an utter impossibility. There was Rutherford's low ebb, then, under my very eyes. There was low water indeed. And the low water seemed to laugh the waiting seamen's hopes to scorn. But next morning my heart rose high as I looked out at my window and saw all the richly-laden vessels lighting their fires and spreading their sails, and setting their faces to the replenished river. And I thought of Samuel Rutherford's ship, far past all her ebbing tides now, and for ever anchored in her haven above. On the wall of my room in the same beautiful house there was a powerful cartoon of Peter's crucifixion, head downwards, for his Master's sake. The masterpiece of Filippino Lippi I felt to be an excellent illustration also of Rutherford's letter to James Guthrie and the rest of the ministers and elders who were imprisoned in the Castle of Edinburgh for daring to remind Charles Stuart of the contents of the Covenant to which both he and the whole nation had solemnly sworn. 'If Christ doth own me,' Rutherford wrote to the martyrs in the Castle, 'let me be laid in my grave in a bloody winding-sheet; let me go from the scaffold to the spikes in four quarters--grave or no grave, as He pleases, if only He but owns me.' And I seemed to see the crucified disciple's glorified Master appearing over his reversed cross and saying, 'Thou art Peter, and with this thy blood I will sow widespread my Church.' Yes, my brethren, if Christ but owns us, that will far more than make up to us in a moment for all our imprisonments, and all our martyrdoms, and all our ebbing tides down here. 'Angels, men, and Zion's elders eye us in all our suffering for Christ's sake, but what of all these? Christ is by us, and looketh on, and writeth it all up Himself.' James Guthrie was hanged and dismembered at the Cross of Edinburgh on the first day of June, 1661. His snow-white head was cut off, and was fixed on a spike in the Nether Bow. James Guthrie got that day that which he had so often prayed for--a sudden plunge into everlasting life with all his senses about him and all his graces at their brightest and their keenest exercise. XVII. WILLIAM GUTHRIE 'A merry heart doeth good like a medicine.'--_Solomon_. William Guthrie was a great humorist, a great sportsman, a great preacher, and a great writer. The true Guthrie blood has always had a drop of humour in it, and the first minister of Fenwick was a genuine Guthrie in this respect. The finest humour springs up out of a wide and a deep heart, and it always has its roots watered at a wellhead of tears. 'William Guthrie was a great melancholian,' says Wodrow, and as we read that we are reminded of some other great melancholians, such as Blaise Pascal and John Foster and William Cowper. William Guthrie knew, by his temperament, and by his knowledge of himself and of other men, that he was a great melancholian, and he studied how to divert himself sometimes in order that he might not be altogether drowned with his melancholy. And thus, maugre his melancholy, and indeed by reason of it, William Guthrie was a great humorist. He was the life of the party on the moors, in the manse, and in the General Assembly. But the life of the party when he was present was always pure and noble and pious, even if it was sometimes somewhat hilarious and boisterous. 'If a man's melancholy temperament is sanctified,' says Rutherford in his _Covenant of Grace_, 'it becomes to him a seat of sound mortification and of humble walking.' And that was the happy result of all William Guthrie's melancholy; it was always alleviated and relieved by great outbursts of good-humour; but both his melancholy and his hilarity always ended in a humbler walk. Samuel Rutherford confides in a letter to his old friend, Alexander Gordon, that he knows a man who sometimes wonders to see any one laugh or sport in this so sinful and sad life. But that was because he had embittered the springs of laughter in himself by the wormwood sins of his youth. William Guthrie had no such remorseful memories continually taking him by the throat as his divinity professor had, and thus it was that with all his melancholy he was known as the greatest humorist and the greatest sportsman in the Scottish Kirk of his day. No doubt he sometimes felt and confessed that his love of fun and frolic was a temptation that he had to watch well against. In his _Saving Interest_ he speaks of some sins that are wrought up into a man's natural humour and constitution, and are thus as a right hand and a right eye to him. 'My merriment!' he confessed to one who had rebuked him for it, 'I know all you would say, and my merriment costs me many a salt tear in secret.' At the same time this was often remarked with wonder in Guthrie, that however boisterous his fun was, in one moment he could turn from it to the most serious things. 'It was often observed,' says Wodrow, 'that, let Mr. Guthrie be never so merry, he was presently in a frame for the most spiritual duty, and the only account I can give of it,' says wise Wodrow, 'is, that he acted from spiritual principles in all he did, and even in his relaxations.' Poor Guthrie had a terrible malady that preyed on his most vital part continually--a malady that at last carried him off in the mid- time of his days, and, like Solomon in the proverb, he took to a merry heart as an alleviating medicine. Like our own Thomas Guthrie, too, William Guthrie was a great angler. He could gaff out a salmon in as few minutes as the deftest-handed gamekeeper in all the country, and he could stalk down a deer in as few hours as my lord himself who did nothing else. When he was composing his _Saving Interest_, he somehow heard of a poor countryman near Haddington who had come through some extraordinary experiences in his spiritual life, and he set out from Fenwick all the way to Haddington to see and converse with the much-experienced man. All that night and all the next day Guthrie could not tear himself away from the conversation of the man and his wife. But at last, looking up and down the country, his angling eye caught sight of a trout-stream, and, as if he had in a moment forgotten all about his book at home and all that this saintly man had contributed to it, Guthrie asked him if he had a fishing-rod, and if he would give him a loan of it. The old man felt that his poor rough tackle was to be absolutely glorified by such a minister as Guthrie condescending to touch it, but his good wife did not like this come-down at the end of such a visit as his has been, and she said so. She was a clever old woman, and I am not sure but she had the best of it in the debate that followed about ministers fishing, and about their facetious conversation. The Haddington stream, and the dispute that rose out of it, recall to my mind a not unlike incident that took place in the street of Ephesus, in the far East, just about 1800 years ago. John, the venerable Apostle, had just finished the fourteenth chapter of his great Gospel, and felt himself unable to recollect and write out any more that night. And coming out into the setting sun he began to amuse himself with a tame partridge that the Bactrian convert had caught and made a present of to his old master. The partridge had been waiting till the pen and the parchment were put by, and now it was on John's hand, and now on his shoulder, and now circling round his sportful head, till you would have thought that its owner was the idlest and foolishest old man in all Ephesus. A huntsman, who greatly respected his old pastor, was passing home from the hills and was sore distressed to see such a saint as John was trifling away his short time with a stupid bird. And he could not keep from stopping his horse and saying so to the old Evangelist. 'What is that you carry in your hand?' asked John at the huntsman with great meekness. 'It is my bow with which I shoot wild game up in the mountains,' replied the huntsman. 'And why do you let it hang so loose? You cannot surely shoot anything with your bow in that condition!' 'No,' answered the amused huntsman, 'but if I always kept my bow strung it would not rebound and send home my arrow when I needed it. I unstring my bow on the street that I may the better shoot with it when I am up among my quarry.' 'Good,' said the Evangelist, 'and I have learned a lesson from you huntsmen. For I am playing with my partridge to-night that I may the better finish my Gospel to-morrow. I am putting everything out of my mind to-night that I may to-morrow the better recollect and set down a prayer I heard offered up by my Master, now more than fifty years ago.' We readers of the Fourth Gospel do not know how much we owe to the Bactrian boy's tame partridge, and neither John Owen nor Thomas Chalmers knew how much they owed to the fishing-rods and curling-stones, the fowling-pieces and the violins that crowded the corners of the manse of Fenwick. I do not know that William Guthrie made a clean breast to the Presbytery of all the reasons that moved him to refuse so many calls to a city charge, though I think I see that David Dickson, the Moderator, divined some of them by the joke he made about the moors of Fenwick to one of the defeated and departing deputations. William Guthrie, the eldest son and sole heir of the laird of Pitforthy, might have had fishing and shooting to his heart's content on his own lands of Pitforthy and Easter Ogle had he not determined, when under Rutherford at St. Andrews, to give himself up wholly to his preaching. But, to put himself out of the temptation that hills and streams and lochs and houses and lands would have been to a man of his tastes and temperament, soon after his conversion William made over to a younger brother all his possessions and all his responsibilities connected therewith, in order that he might give himself up wholly to his preaching. And his reward was that he soon became, by universal consent, the greatest practical preacher in broad Scotland. He could not touch Rutherford, his old professor, at pure theology; he had neither Rutherford's learning, nor his ecstatic eloquence, nor his surpassing love of Jesus Christ, but for handling broken bones and guiding an anxious inquirer no one could hold the candle to William Guthrie. Descriptions of his preaching abound in the old books, such as this: A Glasgow merchant was compelled to spend a Sabbath in Arran, and though he did not understand Gaelic, he felt he must go to the place of public worship. Great was his delight when he saw William Guthrie come into the pulpit. And he tells us that though he had heard in his day many famous preachers, he had never seen under any preacher so much concern of soul as he saw that day in Arran, under the minister of Fenwick. There was scarcely a dry eye in the whole church. A gentleman who was well known as a most dissolute liver was in the church that day, and could not command himself, so deeply was he moved under Guthrie's sermon. That day was remembered long afterwards when that prodigal son had become an eminent Christian man. We see at one time a servant girl coming home from Guthrie's church saying that she cannot contain all that she has heard to-day, and that she feels as if she would need to hear no more on this side heaven. Another day Wodrow's old mother has been at Fenwick, and comes home saying that the first prayer was more than enough for all her trouble without any sermon at all. 'He had a taking and a soaring gift of preaching,' but it was its intensely practical character that made Guthrie's pulpit so powerful and so popular. The very fact that he could go all the way in those days from Fenwick to Haddington, just to have a case of real soul-exercise described to him by the exercised man himself, speaks volumes as to the secret of Guthrie's power in the pulpit. His people felt that their minister knew them; he knew himself, and therefore he knew them. He did not pronounce windy orations about things that did not concern or edify them. He was not learned in the pulpit, nor eloquent, or, if he was--and he was both--all his talents, and all his scholarship, and all his eloquence were forgotten in the intensely practical turn that his preaching immediately took. All the broken hearts in the west country, all those whose sins had found them out, all those who had learned to know the plague of their own heart, and who were passing under a searching sanctification--all such found their way from time to time from great distances to the Kirk of Fenwick. From Glasgow they came, and from Paisley, and from Hamilton, and from Lanark, and from Kilbride, and from many other still more distant places. The lobbies of Fenwick Kirk were like the porches of Bethesda with all the blind, halt, and withered from the whole country round about. After Hutcheson of the _Minor Prophets_ had assisted at the communion of Fenwick on one occasion, he said that, if there was a church full of God's saints on the face of the earth, it was at Fenwick communion-table. Pitforthy and Glen Ogle, and all the estates in Angus, were but dust in the balance compared with one Sabbath-day's exercise of such a preaching gift as that of William Guthrie. 'There is no man that hath forsaken houses and lands for My sake and the Gospel's, but shall receive an hundredfold now in this life, and in the world to come life everlasting.' But further, besides being a great humorist and a great sportsman and a great preacher, William Guthrie was a great writer. A great writer is not a man who fills our dusty shelves with his forgotten volumes. It is not given to any man to fill a whole library with first-rate work. Our greatest authors have all written little books. Job is a small book, so is the Psalms, so is Isaiah, so is the Gospel of John, so is the Epistle to the Romans, so is the _Confessions_, so is the _Comedy_, so is the _Imitation_, so are the _Pilgrim_ and the _Grace Abounding_, and though William Guthrie's small book is not for a moment to be ranked with such master-pieces as these, yet it is a small book on a great subject, and a book to which I cannot find a second among the big religious books of our day. You will all find out your own favourite books according to your own talents and tastes. My calling a book great is nothing to you. But it may at least interest you for the passing moment to be told what two men like John Owen, in the seventeenth century, and Thomas Chalmers, in the nineteenth, said about William Guthrie's one little book. Said John Owen, drawing a little gilt copy of _The Great Interest_ out of his pocket, 'That author I take to be one of the greatest divines that ever wrote. His book is my _vade mecum_. I carry it always with me. I have written several folios, but there is more divinity in this little book than in them all.' Believe John Owen. Believe all that he says about Guthrie's _Saving Interest_; but do not believe what he says about his own maligned folios till you have read twenty times over his _Person and Glory of Christ_, his _Holy Spirit_, his _Spiritual-mindedness_, and his _Mortification, Dominion, and Indwelling of Sin_. Then hear Dr. Chalmers: 'I am on the eve of finishing Guthrie, which I think is the best book I ever read.' After you have read it, if you ever do, the likelihood is that you will feel as if somehow you had not read the right book when you remember what Owen and Chalmers have said about it. Yes, you have read the right enough book; but the right book has not yet got in you the right reader. There are not many readers abroad like Dr. John Owen and Dr. Thomas Chalmers. In its style William Guthrie's one little book is clear, spare, crisp, and curt. Indeed, in some places it is almost too spare and too curt in its bald simplicity. True students will not be deterred from it when I say that it is scientifically and experimentally exact in its treatment of the things of the soul. They will best understand and appreciate this statement of Guthrie's biographer that 'when he was working at his _Saving Interest_ he endeavoured to inform himself of all the Christians in the country who had been under great depths of exercise, or were still under such depths, and endeavoured to converse with them.' Guthrie is almost as dry as Euclid himself, and almost as severe, but, then, he demonstrates almost with mathematical demonstration the all-important things he sets out to prove. There is no room for rhetoric on a finger- post; in a word, and, sometimes without a word, a finger-post tells you the right way to take to get to your journey's end. And many who have wandered into a far country have found their way home again under William Guthrie's exact marks, clear evidences, and curt directions. You open the little book, and there is a sentence of the plainest, directest, and least entertaining or attractive prose, followed up with a text of Scripture to prove the plain and indisputable prose. Then there is another sentence of the same prose, supported by two texts, and thus the little treatise goes on till, if you are happy enough to be interested in the author's subject-matter, the eternal interests of your own soul, a strong, strange fascination begins to come off the little book and into your understanding, imagination, and heart, till you look up again what Dr. Owen and Dr. Chalmers said about your favourite author, and feel fortified in your valuation of, and in your affection for, William Guthrie and his golden little book. XVIII. GEORGE GILLESPIE 'Our apprehensions are not canonical.'--_Rutherford_. George Gillespie was one of that remarkable band of statesmanlike ministers that God gave to Scotland in the seventeenth century. Gillespie died while yet a young man, but before he died, as Rutherford wrote to him on his deathbed, he had done more work for his Master than many a hundred grey-headed and godly ministers. Gillespie and Rutherford got acquainted with one another when Rutherford was beginning his work at Anwoth. In the good providence of God, Gillespie was led to Kenmure Castle to be tutor in the family of Lord and Lady Kenmure, and that threw Rutherford and Gillespie continually together. Gillespie was still a probationer. He was ready for ordination, and many congregations were eager to have him, but the patriotic and pure-minded youth could not submit to receive ordination at the hands of the bishops of that day, and this kept him out of a church of his own long after he was ready to begin his ministry. But the time was not lost to Gillespie himself, or to the Church of Christ in Scotland,--the time that threw Rutherford and Gillespie into the same near neighbourhood, and into intimate and affectionate friendship. The mere scholarship of the two men would at once draw them together. They read the same deep books; they reasoned out the same constitutional, ecclesiastical, doctrinal, and experimental problems; till one day, rising off their knees in the woods of Kenmure Castle, the two men took one another by the hand and swore a covenant that all their days, and amid all the trials they saw were coming to Scotland and her Church, they would remain fast friends, would often think of one another, would often name one another before God in prayer, and would regularly write to one another, and that not on church questions only and on the books they were reading, but more especially on the life of God in their own souls. Of the correspondence of those two remarkable men we have only three letters preserved to us, but they are enough to let us see the kind of letters that must have frequently passed between Kenmure Castle and Aberdeen, and between St. Andrews and Edinburgh during the next ten years. Gillespie was born in the parish manse of Kirkcaldy in 1613; he was ordained to the charge of the neighbouring congregation of Wemyss in 1638, was translated thence to Edinburgh in 1642, and then became one of the four famous deputies who were sent up from the Church of Scotland to sit and represent her in the Westminster Assembly in 1643. Gillespie's great ability was well known, his wide learning and his remarkable controversial powers had been already well proved, else such a young man would never have been sent on such a mission; but his appearance in the debates at Westminster astonished those who knew him best, and won for him a name second to none of the oldest and ablest statesmen and scholars who sat in that famous house. 'That noble youth,' Baillie is continually exclaiming, after each new display of Gillespie's learning and power of argument; 'That singular ornament of our Church'; 'He is one of the best wits of this isle,' and so on. And good John Livingstone, in his wise and sober _Characteristics_, says that, being sent as a Commissioner from the Church of Scotland to the Assembly of Divines at Westminster, Gillespie, 'promoted much the work of reformation, and attained to a gift of clear, strong, pressing, and calm debating above any man of his time.' Many stories were told in Scotland of the debating powers of young Gillespie as seen on the floor of the Westminster Assembly. Selden was one of the greatest lawyers in England, and he had made a speech one day that both friend and foe felt was unanswerable. One after another of the Constitutional and Evangelical party tried to reply to Selden's speech, but failed. 'Rise, George, man,' said Rutherford to Gillespie, who was sitting with his pencil and note-book beside him. 'Rise, George, man, and defend the Church which Christ hath purchased with His own blood.' George rose, and when he had sat down, Selden is reported to have said to some one who was sitting beside him, 'That young man has swept away the learning and labour of ten years of my life.' Gillespie's Scottish brethren seized upon his note-book to preserve and send home at least the heads of his magnificent speech, but all they found in his little book were these three words: _Da lucem_, _Domine_; Give light, O Lord. Rutherford had foreseen all this from the days when Gillespie and he talked over Aquinas and Calvin and Hooker and Amesius and Zanchius as they took their evening walks together on the sands of the Solway Firth. It is told also that when the Committee of Assembly was engaged on the composition of the Shorter Catechism, and had come to the question, What is God? like the able men they were, they all shrank from attempting an answer to such an unfathomable question. In their perplexity they asked Gillespie to offer prayer for help, when he began his prayer with these words: 'O God, Thou art a Spirit, infinite, eternal, and unchangeable in Thy being, wisdom, power, holiness, justice, goodness, and truth.' As soon as he said Amen, his opening sentences were remembered, and taken down, and they stand to this day the most scriptural and the most complete answer to that unanswerable question that we have in any creed or catechism of the Christian Church. As her best tribute to the talents and services of her youngest Commissioner, the Edinburgh Assembly of 1648 appointed Gillespie her Moderator; but his health was fast failing, and he died in the December of that year, in the thirty-sixth year of his age. The inscription on his tombstone at Kirkcaldy ends with these sober and true words: 'A man profound in genius, mild in disposition, acute in argument, flowing in eloquence, unconquered in mind. He drew to himself the love of the good, the envy of the bad, and the admiration of all.' Such was the life and work of George Gillespie, one of the most intimate and confidential correspondents of Samuel Rutherford;--for it was to him that Rutherford wrote the words now before us, 'Our apprehensions are not canonical.' Every line of life has its own language, its own peculiar vocabulary, that none but its experts, and those who have been brought up to it, know. Go up to the Parliament House and you will hear the advocates and judges talking to one another in a professional speech that the learned layman no more than the ignorant can understand. Our doctors, again, have a shorthand symbolism that only themselves and the chemists understand. And so it is with every business and profession; each several trade strikes out a language for itself. And so does divinity, and, especially, experimental divinity, of which Rutherford's letters are full. We not only need a glossary for the obsolete Scotch, but we need the most simple and everyday expressions of the things of the soul explained to us till once we begin to speak and to write those expressions ourselves. There are judges and advocates and doctors and specialists of all kinds among us who will only be able to make a far-off guess at the meaning of my text, just as I could only make a far-off guess at some of their trade texts. This technical term, 'apprehension,' does not once occur in the Bible, and only once or twice in Shakespeare. 'Our death is most in apprehension,' says that master of expression; and, again, he says that 'we cannot outfly our apprehensions.' And Milton has it once in _Samson_, who says:-- 'Thoughts, my tormentors, armed with deadly stings, Mangle my apprehensive tenderest parts.' But, indeed, we all have the thing in us, though we may never have put its proper name upon it. We all know what a forecast of evil is--a secret fear that evil is coming upon us. It lays hold of our heart, or of our conscience, as the case may be, and will not let go its hold. And then the heart and the conscience run out continually and lay hold of the future evil and carry it home to our terrified bosoms. We apprehend the coming evil, and feel it long before it comes. We die, like the coward, many times before our death. Now, Rutherford just takes that well-known word and applies it to his fears and his sinkings of heart about his past sins, and about the unsettled wages of his sins. His conscience makes him a coward, till he thinks every bush an officer. But then he reasons and remonstrates with himself in his deep and intimate letter to Gillespie, and says that these his doubts, and terrors, and apprehensions are not canonical. He is writing to a divine and a scholar, as well as to an experienced Christian man, and he uses words that such scholars and such Christian men quite well understand and like to make use of. The canon that he here refers to is the Holy Scriptures; they are the rule of our faith, and they are also the rule of God's faithfulness. What God has said to us in His word, that we must believe and hold by; that, and not our deserts or our apprehensions, must rule and govern our faith and our trust, just as God's word will be the rule and standard of His dealings with us. His word rules us in our faith and life; and again it rules Him also in His dealings with our faith and with our life. God does not deal with us as we deserve; He does not deal with us as we, in our guilty apprehensions, fear He will. He deals with the apprehensive, penitent, believing sinner according to the grace and the truth of His word. His promises are canonical to Him, not our apprehensions. Thomas Goodwin, that perfect prince of pulpit exegetes, lays down this canon, and continually himself acts upon it, that 'the context of a scripture is half its interpretation; . . . if a man would open a place of scripture, he should do it rationally; he should go and consider the words before and the words after.' Now, let us apply this rule to the interpretation of this text out of Rutherford, and look at the context, before and after, out of which it is taken. Remembering his covenant with young Gillespie in the woods of Kenmure, Rutherford wrote of himself to his friend, and said:--'At my first entry on my banishment here my apprehensions worked despairingly upon my cross.' By that he means, and Gillespie would quite well understand his meaning, that his banishment from his work threw him in upon his conscience, and that his conscience whispered to him that he had been banished from his work because of his sins. God is angry with you, his conscience said; He does not love you, He has not forgiven you. But his sanctified good sense, his deep knowledge of God's word, and of God's ways with His people, came to his rescue, and he went on to say to Gillespie that our apprehensions are not canonical. No, he says, our apprehensions tell lies of God and of His grace. So they do in our case also. When any trouble falls upon us, for any reason,--and there are many reasons other than His anger why God sends trouble upon us,--conscience is up immediately with her interpretation and explanation of our troubles. This is your wages now, conscience says. God has been slow to wrath, but His patience is exhausted now. As Rutherford says in another letter, our tearful eyes look asquint at Christ and He appears to be angry, when all the time He pities and loves us. Is there any man here to-night whose apprehensions are working upon his cross? Is there any man of God here who has lost hold of God in the thick darkness, and who fears that his cross has come to him because God is angry with him? Let him hear and imitate what Rutherford says when in the same distress: 'I will lay inhibitions on my apprehensions,' he says; 'I will not let my unbelieving thoughts slander Christ. Let them say to me "there is no hope," yet I will die saying, It is not so; I shall yet see the salvation of God. I will die if it must be so, under water, but I will die gripping at Christ. Let me go to hell, I will go to hell believing in and loving Christ.' Rutherford's worst apprehensions, his best-grounded apprehensions, could not survive an assault of faith like that. Imitate him, and improve upon him, and say, that with a thousand times worse apprehensions than ever Rutherford could have, yet, like him, you will make your bed in hell, loving, and adoring, and justifying Jesus Christ. And, if you do that, hell will have none of you; all hell will cast you out, and all heaven will rise up and carry you in. 'Challenges' is another of Rutherford's technical terms that he constantly uses to his expert correspondents. 'I was under great challenges,' he says, in this same letter; and in a letter written the same month of March to William Rigg, of Athernie, he says, 'Old challenges revive, and cast all down.' Dr. Andrew Bonar, Rutherford's expert editor, gives this glossary upon these passages: 'Charges, self- upbraidings, self-accusations.' Challenges of conscience came to Rutherford like these: 'Why art thou writing letters of counsel to other men? Counsel thyself first. Why art thou appealed to and trusted and loved by God's best people in Scotland, when thou knowest that thou art a Cain in malice and a Judas in treachery, all but the outbreaks? Why art thou taking thy cross so easily, when thou knowest the unsettled controversy the Lord still has with thee?' 'Hall binks are slippery,' wrote stern old Knockbrex, challenging his old minister for his too great joy. 'Old challenges now and then revive and cast all down again.' That reminds me of a fine passage in that great book of Rutherford's, _Christ Dying_, where he shows us how to take out a new charter for all our possessions, and for the salvation of our souls themselves when our salvation, or our possessions and our right to them, is challenged. It is better, he says, to hold your souls and your lands by prayer than by obedience, or conquest, or industry. Have you wisdom, honour, learning, parts, eloquence, godliness, grace, a good name, wife, children, a house, peace, ease, pleasure? Challenge yourself how you got them, and see that you hold them by an unchallengeable charter, even by prayer, and then by grace. And if you hold these things by any other charter, hasten to get a new conveyance made and a new title drawn out. And thus old, and angry, and threatening challenges will work out a charter that cannot be challenged. And, then, when George Gillespie was lying on his deathbed in Edinburgh, with his pillow filled with stinging apprehensions, as is often the case with God's best servants and ripest saints, hear how his old friend, now professor of divinity in St. Andrews, writes to him:-- 'My reverend and dear brother, look to the east. Die well. Your life of faith is just finishing. Finish it well. Let your last act of faith be your best act. Stand not upon sanctification, but upon justification. Hand all your accounts over to free grace. And if you have any bands of apprehension in your death, recollect that your apprehensions are not canonical.' And the dying man answered: 'There is nothing that I have done that can stand the touchstone of God's justice. Christ is my all, and I am nothing.' XIX. JOHN FERGUSHILL 'Ho, ye that have no money, come and buy in the poor man's market.'--_Rutherford_. It makes us think when we find two such men as Samuel Rutherford and John Fergushill falling back for their own souls on a Scripture like this. We naturally think of Scriptures like this as specially sent out to the chief of sinners; to those men who have sold themselves for naught, or, at least, to new beginners in the divine life. We do not readily think of great divines and famous preachers like Rutherford, or of godly and able pastors like Fergushill, as at all either needing such Scriptures as this, or as finding their own case at all met in them. But it is surely a great lesson to us all--a great encouragement and a great rebuke--to find two such saintly men as the ministers of Anwoth and Ochiltree reassuring and heartening one another about the poor man's market as they do in their letters to one another. And their case is just another illustration of this quite familiar fact in the Church of Christ, that the preachers who press their pulpits deepest into the doctrines of grace, and who, at the same time, themselves make the greatest attainments in the life of grace, are just the men, far more than any of their hearers, both to need and to accept the simplest, plainest, freest, fullest offer of the Gospel. If the men of the house of Israel will not accept the peace you preach to them, said our Lord to His first apostles, then take that peace home to yourselves. And how often has that been repeated in the preaching of the Gospel since the days of Peter and John! How often have our best preachers preached their best sermons to themselves! 'I preached the following Lord's Day,' says Boston in his diary, 'on "Why art thou cast down, O my soul?" and my sermon was mostly on my own account.' And it was just because Boston preached so often in that egoistical way that the people of Ettrick were able to give such a good account of what they heard. Weep yourselves, if you would have your readers weep, said the shrewd old Roman poet to the shallow poetasters of his Augustan day. And the reproof and the instruction come up from every pew to every pulpit still. 'Feel what you say, if you would have us feel it. Believe what you say, if you would have us believe it. Flee to the refuge yourselves, if you would have us flee. And let us see you selling all in the poor man's market, if you would see us also selling all and coming after you.' The people of Anwoth and Ochiltree were very well off in this respect also that their ministers did not bid them do anything that they did not first do themselves. The truest and best apostolical succession had come to those two parishes in that their two pastors were able, with a good conscience before God and before their people, to say with Paul to the Philippians: 'Those things, which ye have both learned, and received, and heard, and seen in me do; and the God of peace shall be with you.' As to the merchandise of the poor man's market,--that embraces everything that any man can possibly need or find any use for either in this world or in the next. Absolutely everything is found in the poor man's market--everything, from God Himself, the most precious of all things, down to the sinner himself, the most vile and worthless of all things. The whole world, and all the worlds, are continually thrown into this market, both by the seller and by the purchaser. The seller holds nothing back from this market, and the purchaser comes to this market for everything. Even what he already possesses; even what he bought and paid for but yesterday; even what everybody else would call absolutely the poor man's own, he throws it all back again upon God every day, and thus holds all he has as his instant purchase of the great Merchantman. The poor man's market is as far as possible from being a Vanity Fair, but the catalogues and the sale-lists of that fair may be taken as a specimen of the things that change hands continually in the poor man's market also. For here also are sold such merchandise as houses, lands, trades, places, honours, preferments, pleasures and delights of all sorts; wives, husbands, children, masters, servants, lives, blood, bodies, souls, gold, silver, and what not. All these things God sells to poor men every day; and for all these things, as often as they need any of them, His poor men come to His market for them. And, as has been said, even after they have got possession of any or all of these things, as if the market had an absolute fascination for them, like gamblers who cannot stay away from the wheel, they are back again, buying and selling what, but yesterday, they took home with them as the best bargain they had ever made. Yes, the things that, once possessed, either by inheritance or by purchase or by gift, you would think they would die rather than part with--a patrimony in ancient lands and houses, a possession they had toiled and prayed and waited for all their days, Christ on His cross, their own child in his cradle--absolutely everything they possess, or would die to possess, they part with again, just that they may have the excitement, the debate, the delight, the security, and the liberty of purchasing it all over again every day in the poor man's market. Over all this merchandise God Himself is the Master Merchant. It all belongs to Him, and He has put it all into the poor man's purchase. He owns all the merchandise, and He has opened the market: He invites and advertises the purchasers, fixes the prices, and settles the conditions of sale. And the first condition of sale is that all intending purchasers shall come to Himself immediately for whatever they need. All negotiation here must be held immediately with God. There are no middlemen here. They have their own place in the markets of earth; but there is no room and no need for them here. The producer and the purchaser meet immediately here. He employs whole armies of servants to distribute and deliver His goods, but the bargain itself must be struck with God alone. The price must be paid directly to Him; and then, with His own hand, He will write out your right and title to your purchase. Let every poor man, then, be sure to draw near to God, and to God alone. Draw near to God, and He will draw near to you. Ho, ye that have no money: incline your ear, and come to Me: hear, and your soul shall live! Now, surely, one of the most remarkable things about the purchasers in this market is just their fewness. We find Isaiah in his day canvassing the whole of Jerusalem, high and low, and glad to get even one purchaser here and another there. And Rutherford, looking back to Anwoth from Aberdeen, was not sure that he had got even so much as one really earnest purchaser brought near to God. And thus it was that, while at Anwoth, he was so much in that market himself. Partly on the principle that preachers are bidden to take to themselves for their trouble what their proud people refuse, and partly because Rutherford was out of all sight the poorest man in all Anwoth. Now, what made Isaiah and Rutherford and Fergushill such poor men themselves, was just this, that they came out of every money-making enterprise in the divine life far poorer men than they entered it. There are some unlucky men in life who never prosper in anything. Everything goes against them. Everything makes shipwreck into which they adventure their time and their money and their hope. They go into one promising concern after another with flying colours and a light heart. Other men have made great fortunes here, and so will they; but before long their old evil luck has overtaken them, and they are glad that they are not all their life in prison for the uttermost farthing. And so on, till at last they have to go to the poor man's market for the last decencies of their death and burial; for their winding-sheet, and their coffin, and their grave. And so was it with the ministers of Anwoth and Ochiltree; and so it is with all that poverty-stricken class of ministers to which they belonged. For, whatever their attainments and performances in preaching or in pastoral work may do to enrich others, one thing is certain: all they do only impoverishes to pennilessness the men who put their whole life and their whole heart into the performance of such work. Their whole service of God, both in the public ministry of the word, and in their more personal submission to His law, has this fatal and hopeless principle ruling it, that the better it is done, and the more completely any man gives himself up to the doing of it, the poorer and the weaker it leaves him who does it. So much so, that while he leads other men into the way of the greatest riches, he himself sinks deeper and deeper into poverty of spirit every day. Till, out of sheer pity, and almost remorse, that His service should entail such poverty on all His servants, Christ sends them out continually less with an invitation to their people than to themselves, saying always to them, 'Take the invitation to yourselves; and he of My servants who hath no money let him buy without money and bear away what he will.' 'My dear Fergushill, our Lord is not so cruel as to let a poor man see salvation and never let him touch it for want of money; indeed, the only thing that commendeth sinners to Christ is their extreme necessity and want. Ho, he that hath no money, that is the poor man's market.' When James Guthrie was lying ill and like to die, he called in his man, James Cowie, to read in the Epistle to the Romans to him, and when Cowie came to these words, 'I will have mercy on whom I will have mercy,' his master burst into tears, and said, 'James, I have nothing but that to lippen to.' Look now at the prices that are demanded and paid in the poor man's market. And, paradoxical and past all understanding as are so many of the things connected with this matter, the most paradoxical and past all understanding of them all is the price that is always asked, and that is sometimes paid, in that market. When any man comes here to buy, it is not the value of the article on sale that is asked of him; but the first question that is asked of him is, How much money have you got? And if it turns out that he is rich and increased with goods, then, to him, the price, even of admittance to this market, is all that he has. The very entrance-money, before he comes in sight of the stalls and tables at all, has already stripped him bare of every penny he possesses. And that is why so few purchasers are found in this market; they do not feel able or willing to pay down the impoverishing entrance-price. As a matter of fact, it is a very unusual thing to find a young man who has been so well taught about this market by his parents, his schoolmasters, or even by his ministers, that he is fit to enter early on its great transactions. And increasing years do not tend of themselves to reconcile him to the terms on which God sells His salvation. The price in the poor man's market is absolutely everything that a rich man possesses; and then, when he has nothing left, when he has laid down all that he has, or has lost all, or has been robbed of all, only then the full paradox of the case comes into his view; for then he begins to discover that the price he could not meet or face so long as he was a rich and a well-to-do man is such a price that, in his absolute penury, he can now pay it down till all the market is his own. Multitudes of poor men up and down the land remember well, and will never forget, this poor man Rutherford's so Isaiah-like words, 'Our wants best qualify us for Christ'; and again, 'All my own stock of Christ is some hunger for Him.' 'Say Amen to the promises, and Christ is yours,' he wrote to Lady Kenmure. 'This is surely an easy market. You need but to look to Him in faith; for Christ suffered for all sin, and paid the price of all the promises.' 'Faith cannot be so difficult, surely,' says William Guthrie in his _Saving Interest_, 'when it consists of so much in _desire_.' Now, both its exceeding difficulty and its exceeding ease also just consist in that. Nothing is so easy to a healthy man as the desire for food; but, then, nothing is so impossible to a dead man, or even to a sick man, as just desire. Desire sounds easy, but how few among us have that capacity and that preparation for Christ and His salvation that stands in desire. Have you that desire? Really and truly, in your heart of hearts, have you that desire? Then how well it is with you! For that is all that God looks for in him who comes to the poor man's market; indeed, it is the only currency accepted there. Isaiah's famous invitation is drawn out just to meet the case of a man who has desire, and nothing but desire, in his heart. All the encouragements and assurances that his evangelical genius can devise are set forth by the prophet to attract and to win the desiring heart. The desiring heart says to itself, I would give the whole world if I had it just to see Christ, just to be near Christ, and just, if it were but possible, that I should ever be the least thing like Christ. Now, that carries God. God, the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, cannot resist that. No true father could, and least of all a father who loves his son, and who has such a son to love as God has in Christ. Well, He says; if you love and desire, honour and estimate My Son like that, I cannot deny Him the reward and the pleasure of possessing you and your love. And thus, without any desert in you--any desert but sheer desire--you have made the greatest, the easiest, the speediest, the most splendid purchase that all the poor man's market affords. No, William Guthrie; faith is not so very difficult to the sinner who has desire. For where desire of the right quality is, and the right quantity, there is everything. And all the merchandise of God is at that sinner's nod and bid. Ho, then, he that hath no money, but only the _desire_ for money, and for what money can, and for what money cannot, buy, come and buy, without money and without price. Instead of money, instead of merit, even if you have nothing but Rutherford's only fitness for Christ, 'My loathsome wretchedness,' then come with that. Come boldly with that. Come as if you had in and on you the complete opposite of that. The opposite of loathsomeness is delightsomeness; and the opposite of wretchedness is happiness. Yes! but you will search all the Book of God and all its promises, and you will not find one single letter of them all addressed to the abounding and the gladsome and the self-satisfied. It is the poor man's market; and this market goes best when the poor man is not only poor, but poor beyond all ordinary poverty: poor, as Samuel Rutherford always was, to 'absolute and loathsome wretchedness.' Let him here, then, whose sad case is best described in Rutherford's dreadful words, let him come to Rutherford's market and make Rutherford's merchandise, and let him do it now. Ho, he that hath no money, he that hath only misery, let him come, and let him come now. XX. JAMES BAUTIE, STUDENT OF DIVINITY 'You crave my mind.'--_Rutherford_. As a rule the difficulties of a divinity student are not at all the difficulties of the best of his future people. A divinity student's difficulties are usually academic and speculative, whereas the difficulties of the best people in his coming congregation will be difficulties of the most intensely real and practical kind. And thus it is that we so often hear lately-ordained ministers confessing that they have come to the end of their resources and experiences, and have nothing either fresh or certain left to preach to the people about. Just as, on the other hand, so many congregations complain that they look up to the pulpit from Sabbath to Sabbath and are not fed. It is not much to be wondered at that a raw college youth cannot all at once feed and guide and extricate an old saint; or that a minister, whose deepest difficulties hitherto have been mostly of the debating society kind, should not be able to afford much help to those of his people who are wading through the deep and drowning waters of the spiritual life. And whether something could not be done by the institution of chairs of genuine pastoral and experimental theology for the help of our students and the good of our people is surely a question that well deserves the earnest attention of all the evangelical churches. Meantime we are to be introduced to a divinity student of the middle of the seventeenth century who was early and deeply exercised in those intensely real problems of the soul which occupied such a large place both in the best religious literature and in the best pulpit work of that intensely earnest day. James Bautie, or Beattie, as we shall here call him on Dr. Bonar's suggestion, was a candidate for the ministry such that the ripest and most deeply exercised saints in Scotland might well have rejoiced to have had such an able and saintly youth for their preacher on the Sabbath-day as well as for their pastor all the week. As James Beattie's college days drew on to an end he became more and more exercised about his mental deficiencies, and still more about his spiritual unfitness to be anybody's minister. Beattie had, to begin with, this always infallible mark of an able man--an increasing sense of his own inability: and he had, along with that, this equally infallible mark of a spiritually-minded man--an overwhelming sense of his utter lack of anything like a spiritual mind. No man but a very able man could have written the letter that Beattie wrote about himself to Samuel Rutherford; and Rutherford's letter back to Beattie will not be a bad test of a divinity student whether he has enough of the true divinity student mind in him to read that letter, to understand it, and to translate it. Beattie had an excellent intellect, and his excellent intellect had not been laid out at college on those windy fields that so puff up a beginner in knowledge and in life; his whole mind had been given up already to those terrible problems of the soul that both humble and exalt the man who spends his life among them. Beattie's future congregation will not vaunt themselves about their minister's ability or scholarship or eloquence; his sermons will soon push his people back behind all such superficial matters. Beattie's preaching and his whole pastorate will soon become another illustration of the truth that it is not gifts but graces in a minister that will in the long-run truly edify the body of Christ. You have James Beattie's portrait as a divinity student in Rutherford's 249th letter, and you will find a complementary portrait of Beattie as a grey-haired pastor in Dr. Stalker's _Preacher and his Models_. 'He was a man of competent scholarship, and had the reputation of having been in early life a powerful and popular preacher. But it was not to those gifts that he owed his unique influence. He moved through the town, with his white hair and somewhat staid and dignified demeanour, as a hallowing presence. His very passing in the street was a kind of benediction; the people, as they looked after him, spoke of him to each other with affectionate reverence. Children were proud when he laid his hand on their heads, and they treasured the kindly words which he spoke to them. They who laboured along with him in the ministry felt that his mere existence in the community was an irresistible demonstration of Christianity and a tower of strength to every good cause. Yet he had not gained this position of influence by brilliant talents or great achievements or the pushing of ambition; for he was singularly modest, and would have been the last to credit himself with half the good he did. The whole mystery lay in this, that he had lived in the town for forty years a blameless life, and was known by everybody to be a godly and a prayerful man. The prime qualification for the ministry is goodness.' Beattie as a student challenged himself severely on this account also, that some truths found a more easy and unshaken credit with him than other truths. This is a common difficulty with many of our modern students also, and how best to advise with them under this real difficulty constantly puts their professors and their pastors to the test. Whatever Beattie may have got, I confess I do not get much help in this difficulty out of Rutherford's letter back to Beattie. Rutherford, with all his splendid gifts of mind and heart, had sometimes a certain dogmatic and dictatorial way with him, and this is just the temper that our students still meet with too often in their old and settled censors. The 'torpor of assurance' has not yet settled on the young divine as it has done on too many of the old. There was a modest, a genuine, and an every way reasonable difficulty in this part of Beattie's letter to Rutherford, and I wish much that Rutherford had felt himself put upon his quite capable mettle to deal with the difficulty. Or, if he had not time to go to the bottom of all Beattie's deep letter, as he says he has not, he might have referred his correspondent--for his correspondent was a well-read student--to a great sermon by the greatest of English Churchmen--a sermon that a reader like Rutherford must surely have had by heart, entitled, 'A Learned and Comfortable Sermon of the Certainty and Perpetuity of Faith in the Elect.' But, unfortunately for England and Scotland both, England was thrusting that sermon and all the other writings of its author on the Church of Christ in Scotland at the point of the bayonet, and that is the very worst instrument that can be employed in the interests of truth and of ecclesiastical comprehension and conformity. And among the many things we have to be thankful for in our more emancipated and more catholic day, it is not the least that Rutherford and Hooker lie in peace and in complemental fulness beside one another on the tables of all our students of divinity. Coming still closer home to himself, our divinity student puts this acute difficulty to his spiritual casuist: Whether a man of God, and especially a minister of Christ, can be right who does not love God for Himself, for His nature and for His character solely and purely, and apart altogether from all His benefactions both in nature and in grace. James Beattie had been brought up with such a love for the Kirk of Scotland, and for her ministers and her people; he had of late grown into such a love for his books also, and for the work of the ministry, that in examining himself in prospect of his approaching licence he had felt afraid that he loved the thought of a study, and a pulpit, and a manse, and its inhabitants, and, indeed, the whole prospective life of a minister, with more keenness of affection than he loved the souls of men, or even his Master Himself. And he put that most distressing difficulty also before Rutherford. Now there was an expression on that matter that was common in the pulpits of Rutherford's school in that day that Rutherford would be sure to quote in his second letter to Beattie, if not in his first. It was a Latin proverb, but all the common people of that day quite well understood it, not to speak of a student like Beattie. _Aliquid in Christo formosius Salvatore_, wrote Rutherford to distressed Beattie; that is to say, There is that in Christ which is far more fair and sweet than merely His being a Saviour. Never be content, that is, till you can rise up above manses and pulpits and books and sermons, and even above your own salvation, to see the pure and infinite loveliness of Christ Himself. Dost thou, O my soul, love Jesus Christ for Himself alone, and not only as thy Redeemer? though to love Him as such He doth allow thee, yet there is that in Christ that is far more amiable than merely in His being thy Saviour. And yet the two kinds of love may quite well stand together, writes Rutherford, just as a child loves his mother because she is his mother, and yet his love leaps the more out when she gives him an apple. At the same time, to love Christ for Himself alone is the last end of a true believer's love. It was one of the great experimental problems much agitated among the greater evangelical divines of that deep, clear-eyed, and honest day, Why the truly regenerate are all left so full of all manner of indwelling sin. We never hear that question raised nowadays, nor any question at all like that. The only difficulty in our day is why any man should have any difficulty about his own indwelling sin at all. But neither Beattie, nor Rutherford, nor any of the masters who remain to us had got so far as we. And as for the Antinomian, perfectionist, and higher-life preachers of that day, they are all so dead and forgotten that you would not know their names even if I repeated them. Beattie, as a beginner in the spiritual life, had made this still not uncommon mistake. He had taken those New Testament passages in which the apostles portray an ideal Christian man as he stands in the election and calling of God, and as he will be found at last and for ever in heaven, and he had prematurely and inconsequently applied all that to himself as a young man under sanctification and under the painful and humiliating beginnings of it; and no wonder that, so confusing the very first principles of the Gospel, he confused and terrified himself out of all peace and all comfort and all hope. Now, that was just the kind of difficulty with which Rutherford could deal with all his evangelical freedom and fulness, depth and insight. No preacher or writer of that day held up the absolute necessity of holiness better than Rutherford did; but then, that only the more compelled him to hold up also such comfort as he conveys in his consoling and reassuring letter to despairing Beattie: 'Comparing the state of one truly regenerate, whose heart is a temple of the Holy Ghost, with your own, which is full of uncleanness and corruption, you stand dumb and dare not call Christ heartsomely your own. But, I answer, the best regenerate have their defilements, and, wash as they will, there will be the filth of sin in their hearts to the end. Glory alone will make our hearts pure and perfect, never till then will they be absolutely sinless.' And if we, Rutherford's so weak-kneed successors, preached the law of God and true holiness as he preached those noble doctrines, the sheer agony of our despairing people would compel us to preach also the true nature, the narrow limits, and the whole profound laws of evangelical sanctification as we never preach, and scarce dare to preach, those things now. They who preach true holiness best are just thereby the more compelled to preach its partial, tentative, elementary, and superficial character in this life. And the hearer who knows in the word of God and in his own heart what indeed true holiness is, will insist on having its complementary truths frequently preached to him to keep him from despair; or else he will turn continually to those great divines who, though dead, yet preach such things in their noble books. And that those books are not still read and preached among us, and that the need for them and their doctrines is so little felt, is only another illustration of the true proverb that where no oxen are the crib is clean. James Beattie was in very good company when he said that he must have more assurance, both of his gifts and his graces, before he could enter on his ministry. For Moses, and Isaiah, and Jeremiah, and many another minister who could be named, have all felt and said the same thing. Now that he is near the door of the pulpit, Beattie feels that he cannot enter it till he has more certainty that it is all right with himself. But our young ministers will attain to assurance not so much by consulting Rutherford, skilled casuist in such matters as he is, as by themselves going forward in a holy life and a holy ministry. 'It is not God's design,' says Jonathan Edwards, 'that men should obtain assurance in any other way than by mortifying corruption, increasing in grace, and obtaining the lively exercises of it. Assurance is not to be obtained so much by self-examination as by action. Paul obtained assurance of winning the prize more by running than by reflecting. The swiftness of his pace did more toward his assurance of the goal than the strictness of his self-examination.' 'I wish you a share of my feast,' replies Rutherford. 'But, for you, hang on our Lord, and He will fill you with a sense of His love, as He has so often filled me. Your feast is not far off. Hunger on; for there is food already in your hunger for Christ. Never go away from Him, but continue to fash Him; and if He delays, yet come not away, albeit you should fall aswoon at His feet.' Pray, says Rutherford, and you will not long lack assurance. Work, says Edwards, and assurance of God's love will be an immediate earnest of your full wages. XXI. JOHN MEINE, JUNR., STUDENT OF DIVINITY 'If you would be a deep divine I recommend you to sanctification.'--_Rutherford_. Old John Meine's shop was a great howf of Samuel Rutherford's all the time of his student life in Edinburgh. Young Rutherford had got an introduction to the Canongate shopkeeper from one of the elders of Jedburgh, and the old shopkeeper and the young student at once took to one another, and remained fast friends all their days. John Meine's shop was so situated at a corner of the Canongate that Rutherford could see the Tolbooth and John Knox's house as he looked up the street, and Holyrood Palace as he looked down, and the young divine could never hear enough of what the old shopkeeper had to tell him of Holyrood and its doings on the one hand, and of the Reformer's house on the other. The very paving-stones of the Canongate were full of sermons on the one hand, and of satires on the other, in that day. 'He was an old man when he came to live near my father's shop,' John Meine would say to the eager student. 'But, even as an errand boy, taking parcels up his stair, I felt what a good man's house I was in, and I used to wish I was already a man, that I might either be a soldier or a minister.' The divinity student often sat in the shopkeeper's pew on Sabbath-days, and after sermon they never went home till they had again visited John Knox's grave. And as they turned homeward, old Meine would lay his hand on young Rutherford's shoulder and say: 'Knoxes will be needed in Edinburgh again, before all is over, and who knows but you may be elect, my lad, to be one of them?' Barbara Hamilton, who lived above her husband's shop, was almost more young Rutherford's intimate friend than even her intimate husband. Barbara Hamilton was both a woman of eminent piety and of a high and bold public spirit. And stories are still told in the Wodrow Books of her interest and influence in the affairs of the Kirk and its silenced ministers. The godly old couple had two children: John, called after his father, and Barbara, called after her mother, and Barbara assisted her mother in the house, while John ran errands and assisted his father. Rutherford and the little boy had made a great friendship while the latter was still a boy; and one of Rutherford's fellow-students had made a still deeper friendship upstairs than any but the two friends themselves suspected. Twenty years after this Barbara Hume will receive a letter from Samuel Rutherford, written in the Jerusalem Chamber at Westminster, consoling and sanctifying her for the death of his old friend William Hume, lately chaplain in the Covenanters' army at Newcastle. By the time that Rutherford was minister at Anwoth, and then prisoner in Aberdeen, John Meine, junior, had grown up to be almost a minister himself. He is not yet a minister, but he is now a divinity student, hard at work at his books, and putting on the shopkeeper's apron an hour every afternoon to let his father have a rest. The old merchant used to rise at all hours in the morning, and spend the early summer mornings on Arthur's Seat with his Psalm-book in his hand, and the winter mornings at his shop fire, reading translations from the Continental Reformers, comparing them with his Bible, singing Psalms by himself and offering prayer. Till his student son felt, as he stood behind the counter for an hour in the afternoon, that he was like Aaron and Hur holding up his father's praying and prevailing hands. There have always been speculative difficulties and animated debates in our Edinburgh Theological Societies, and, from the nature of the study, from the nature of the human mind, and from the nature of the Scottish mind, there will always be. John Meine's difficulties were not the same difficulties that exercise the minds of the young divines in our day, but they were anxious and troublesome enough to him, and he naturally turned to his old friend at Anwoth for counsel and advice. When Rutherford came in to Edinburgh, there was always a prophet's chamber in Barbara Hamilton's house ready for him; and when the winter session came to a close her young son would set off to Anwoth with a thousand questions in his head. But Aberdeen was too far away, and, though the posts of that day were expensive and uncertain, the old merchant did not grudge to see his son's letters sent off to Samuel Rutherford. Samuel Rutherford knew that John Meine, junior, was not shallow in his divinity, young as he was, nor an entire stranger to sanctification, else he would not have written that still extant letter back to him:--'I have little of Christ in this prison, little but desires. All my present stock of Christ is some hunger for Him; I cannot say but that I am rich in that. But, blessed be my Lord, who taketh me as I am. Christ had only one summer in His year, and shall we insist on two? My love to your father. And, for yourself, if you would be a deep divine, I recommend you to sanctification.' What with his father and his mother, his books, his acquaintance with Rutherford and Hume, and, best of all, his acquaintance with his own evil heart, young John Meine must have been a somewhat deep divine already, else Rutherford would not have cast such pearls of experience down before him. A divine, according to our division of labour, is a man who has chosen as his life-work to study the things of God; the things, that is, of God in Christ, in Scripture, in the Church, and in the heart and life of man. John and James and Peter and Andrew ceased to be fishermen, and became divines when Christ said to them 'Follow me.' And after seventy years of sanctification the second son of Zebedee had at last attained to divinity enough to receive the Revelation, to write it out, and to be called by the early Church John the Divine. But what is this process of sanctification that makes a young man already a deep divine? What is sanctification? Rutherford had a deep hand in drawing up the well-known definition, and, therefore, we may take it as not far from the truth: 'Sanctification is the work of God's free grace, whereby we are renewed in the whole man after the image of God, and are enabled more and more to die unto sin and live unto righteousness.' That, or something like that, was the recipe that Samuel Rutherford sent south to John Meine, student of divinity, with the assurance that, if he followed it close enough and long enough, it would result in making him a deep divine. I wonder if he took the recipe; I wonder if he kept to it; I wonder how he pictured to himself the image of God; I wonder, nay, I know, how he felt as he submitted his whole man--body, soul, and spirit--to the renewing of the Holy Ghost. And did he begin and continue to die more and more unto sin, till he died altogether to this sinful world, and live more and more unto righteousness, till he went to live with Knox, and Rutherford, and Hume, and his father and mother in the Land of Life? 'Did he begin with regeneration?' Dr. John Duncan, of the New College, asked his daughter, one Sabbath when she had come home from church full of praise of a sermon she had just heard on sanctification. Dr. Duncan was perhaps the deepest divine this century has seen in Edinburgh; and his divinity took its depth from the same study and the same exercise that Rutherford recommended to John Meine. Dr. Duncan was a great scholar, but it was not his scholarship that made him such a singularly deep divine. He was a profound philosopher also; but neither was it his philosophy. He was an immense reader also; but neither was it the piles of books; it was, he tells us, first the new heart that he got as a student in Aberdeen, and then it was the lifelong conflict that went on within him between the old heart and the new. And it is this that makes sanctification rank and stand out as the first and the oldest of all the experimental sciences. Long before either of the Bacons were born, the humblest and most obscure of God's saints were working out their own salvation on the most approved scientific principles and methods. Long before science and philosophy had discovered and set their seal to that method, the Church of Christ had taught it to all her true children, and all her best divines had taken a deep degree by means of it. What experimentalists were David and Asaph and Isaiah and Paul; and that, as the subtlest and deepest sciences must be pursued, not upon foreign substances but upon themselves, upon their own heart, and mind, and will, and disposition, and conversation, and character. Aristotle says that 'Young men cannot possess practical judgment, because practical judgment is employed upon individual facts, and these are learned only by experience, and a youth has not experience, for experience is gained only by a course of years.' 'A truly great divine,' was Jonathan Edwards' splendid certificate to our own Thomas Boston. Now, when we read his _Memoirs_, written by himself, we soon see what it was that made Boston such a truly great and deep divine. It was not the number of his books, for he tells us how he was pained when a brother minister opened his book-press and smiled at its few shelves. 'I may be a great bookman,' writes Rutherford to Lady Kenmure, 'and yet be a stark idiot in the things of Christ.' It was not his knowledge of Hebrew, though he almost discovered that hidden language in Ettrick. No, but it was his discovery of himself, and his experimental study of his own heart. 'My duties, the best of them, would damn me; they must all be washed with myself in that precious blood. Though I cannot be free of sin, God Himself knows that He would be welcome to make havoc of all my lusts to-night, and to make me holy. I know no lust I would not be content to part with to-night. The first impression on my spirit this morning was my utter inability to put away sin. I saw that it was as possible for a rock to raise itself as it was for me to raise my heart from sin to holiness.' But the study of divinity is not a close profession: a profession for men only, and from which women are shut out; nor is the method of it shut off from any woman or any man. 'I counsel you to study sanctification,' wrote Rutherford, the same year to the Lady Cardoness. And if you think that Rutherford was a closet mystic and an unpractical and head-carried enthusiast, too good for this rough world, read his letter to Lady Cardoness, and confess your ignorance of this great and good man. 'Deal kindly with your tenants,' he writes, 'and let your conscience be your factor'; and again, 'When your husband's passion overcomes him, my counsel to your ladyship is, that a soft answer putteth away wrath.' And lastly, 'Let it not be said that the Lord hath forsaken your house because of your neglect of the Sabbath-day and its exercises. I counsel you to study sanctification among your tenants, and beside your husband, and among your children and your guests. Your lawful and loving pastor, in his only, only Lord,--SAMUEL RUTHERFORD. XXII. ALEXANDER BRODIE OF BRODIE 'Mr. Rutherford's letter desiring me to deny myself.'--Brodie's _Diary_. Alexander Brodie was born at Brodie in the north country in the year 1617. That was the same year that saw Samuel Rutherford matriculate in the College of Edinburgh. Of young Brodie's early days we know nothing; for, though he has left behind him a full and faithful diary both of his personal and family life, yet, unfortunately, Brodie did not begin to keep that diary till he was well advanced in middle age. Young Brodie's father died when his son and heir was but fourteen years old, and after taking part of the curriculum of study in King's College, Aberdeen, the young laird married a year before he had come to his majority. His excellent wife was only spared to be with him for two years when she was taken away from him, leaving him the widowed father of one son and one daughter. As time goes on we find the laird of Brodie a member of Parliament, a member of General Assembly, and a Lord of Session. He was one of the commissioners also, who were sent out to the Hague to carry on negotiations with Charles, and during the many troubled years that followed that mission, we find Brodie corresponding from time to time with Cromwell and his officers, and with Charles and his courtiers, both about public and private affairs. Brodie was one of the ablest men of his day in Scotland, and he should have stood in the very front rank of her statesmen and her saints; but, as it is, he falls very far short of that. We search the signatures of the National Covenant in vain for the name of Alexander Brodie, and the absence of his name from that noble roll is already an ill-omen for his future life. David Laing, in his excellent preface to Brodie's _Diary_, is good enough to set down the absence of Brodie's name from the Covenant to his youth and retired habits. I wish I could take his editor's lenient view of Brodie's absence from Greyfriars church on the testing day of the Covenant. It would be an immense relief to me if I could persuade myself to look at Brodie in that matter with Mr. Laing's eyes. I have tried hard to do so, but I cannot. Far younger men than the laird of Brodie were in the Greyfriars churchyard that day, and far more modest men than he was. And I cannot shut my eyes to what appears to me, after carefully studying his life and his character, a far likelier if a far less creditable reason. After the Restoration Brodie's life, if life it could be called, was spent in a constant terror lest he should lose his estates, his liberty, and his life in the prelatic persecution; but, with his sleepless management of men, if not with the blessing of God and the peace of a good conscience, Alexander Brodie died in his own bed, in Brodie Castle, on the 17th of April, 1680. There were some things in which Alexander Brodie ran well, to employ the apostle's expression; in some things, indeed, no man of his day ran better. To begin with, Brodie had an excellent intellect. If he did not always run well it was not for want of a sound head or a sharp eye. In reading Brodie's diary you all along feel that you are under the hand of a very able man, and a man who all his days does excellent justice to his excellent mind, at least on its intellectual side. The books he enters as having read on such and such a date, the catalogues of books he buys on his visits to Edinburgh and London, and the high planes of thought on which his mind dwells when he is at his best, all bespeak a very able man doing full justice to his great ability. The very examinations he puts himself under as to his motives and mainsprings in this and that action of his life; the defences and exculpations he puts forward for this and that part of his indefensible conduct; the debate he holds now with the presbyterian party and now with the prelatist; the very way he puts his finger down on the weak and unsound places in both of the opposing parties; and, not least, his power of aphoristic thought and expression in the running diary of his spiritual life, all combine to leave the conviction on his reader's mind that Lord Brodie was one of the very ablest men of a very able day in Scotland. I open his voluminous diary at random, and I at once come on such passages as these: 'If substantial duties are neglected or slighted it is a shrewd suspicion, be the repentance what it will, that all is not right. Lord, discover Thyself in the duties of the time, and in every substantial duty. At the same time, hang not the weight of our wellbeing on our duties, but on Christ by faith. I am a reeling, unstable, staggering, unsettled, lukewarm creature. For Thy compassion's sake forgive and heal, warm, establish, enlighten, draw me and I will follow. I am full of self-love, darkness in my judgment, fear to confess Thee, or hazard myself, or my estate, or my peace. . . . We poor creatures are commanded by our affections and our passions; they are not at our command; but the Holy One doth exercise all His attributes at His own will; they are all at His command; they are not passions or perturbations in His mind, though they transport us. When I would hate, I cannot. When I would love, I cannot. When I would grieve, I cannot. When I would desire, I cannot. But it is the better for us that all is as He wills. . . . Another of the deep deceits of my heart is this, that I have more affection in prayer than I have corresponding holiness in my walk or conversation. I wondered not to see the men of the world so taken up with covetous, ambitious, vain projects, for no man's head and heart can be so full of them as my head and heart are. Oh keep me from these unsober, distempered, mad, unruly thoughts! When I am away from Thee then I am quite out of my wit. But God can make use of poison to expel poison. Oh, if I were examined and brought to the light, what a monstrous creature I would be seen to be! For as I see myself I am no better than a devil, void of sincerity and of uprightness in what I do myself, and yet judge others, condemning in another man what I excuse and even approve in myself: plunged in deep snares of self-love, not loving others nor judging nor acting for others as I do for myself and for my relations.' And then a passage which might have been taken from _The Confessions_ itself: 'Ere I come to glory and to my journey's end, I shall have spent so much of Thy free grace--what in pardoning, what in preventing, what in convincing, what in enlightening, what in strengthening, and confirming, and upholding; what in watering and making me to grow; what in growth of sanctification, knowledge, faith, experience, patience, mortification, uprightness, steadfastness, watchfulness, humiliation, resolution, and self-denial; what for public, what for private, and what for the family; what against snares on the right hand and on the left;--O Lord, the all-sufficiency of Thy grace!' Surely the man must run well and must make a good goal at last who can write about sin and grace in himself in that fashion! And that is not all he wrote on that subject and in that style. You have no idea of the wealth of personal and experimental matter there lies buried in Alexander Brodie's diary. When I first read Brodie's big diary I said to myself, What a treasure is this I have stumbled upon! Here is yet another of Scotland's statesmen, scholars, and eminent saints. Here, I thought, is an author on the inward life to be set beside Brae and Halyburton, if not beside Shepard and Edwards themselves. In the religious upbringing also, and lifelong care of his orphaned son and daughter, Brodie was all we could wish to see. In the sanctification and wise occupation of the Sabbath-day; in the family preparation for communion seasons; in the personal and private covenants he encouraged his children to make with God in their own religious life; in the company he brought to his house and to his table; in his own devotional habits at home--in all these all-important matters Brodie was all that a father of children too early bereft of their mother ought to be. Till we do not wonder to find his son commencing his diary on the day of his father's death in this way: 'My precious, worthy, and dear father! I can hardly apprehend the consequence of it to the land, and the Church, and his family. The Lord give instruction. I have seen the godly conversation, holy and Christian walk of a father, his watchfulness and fruitfulness, his secret communion with God, and yet I cannot say that my heart has been won to God by his example.' A complete directory, indeed, for a Highland gentleman's household religion might easily be collected out of Alexander Brodie's domestic diary. Another thing that greatly drew me to Brodie when I first read his diary was his noble and truly Christian acknowledgment of God in all the manifold experiences and events of his daily life. '23_rd_ _July_, 1661.--Came through the fells in England to Alsbori and dined there, saw a country full of grass, plentiful in comparison of us, and acknowledged God in it. . . . Thus I saw a large beautiful country, not straitened with the poverty that my native soil labours under. I desired to consider and understand this. . . . I saw a mighty city, London, numerous, many souls in it, great plenty of things, and thought him a great king that had so many things at his command; yet how much greater is He who hath at His command all things created in heaven and on earth. Who shall not fear Him? . . . _August_ 17.--Went this afternoon with Cassilis to the Bridge for natural refreshment, and I saw this populous city, and plenty in it. I therein saw something of the Lord's providence, who hath divided the kingdoms of the earth and given them their habitations, not all alike, but as His wisdom hath seen fit. I saw the copper-works also, and acknowledged the Lord in the gifts and the faculties He hath given to the children of men. 27.--I did see the Lord Mayor, his solemnities, and desired to be instructed by what I saw. The variety of the Lord's creatures on other parts of the earth was represented. In this I did acknowledge Him. But all the glory of the city neither abides nor can make its owner any the happier. It cannot be laid hold upon. It is not solid; it is but in conceit. Oh learn me to be crucified to all this and the like, and make me wise unto salvation! _Nov_. 9--Dined at Billingsgate; saw the prison of King's Bench at Southwark, and the workers of glass, in all which I saw the manifold wisdom of God in all the gifts and faculties He hath given to the sons of men. But alas! I am so barren of any thoughts of God, and so have I found myself this day and at all times.' 'Yet, all these fences, and their whole array, One cunning bosom sin blows quite away.' Now, there is no more cunning bosom sin in some men than the sin of covetousness, and that sin in Alexander Brodie's heart and life blew almost, if not altogether, away all these and many more fences of his salvation. Well as David Laing edits Alexander Brodie's _Diary_, unfortunately for some of his readers he leaves his index an index of names only, neglecting things. And thus I have had to extemporise an index for myself under such sad heads as those of Brodie's 'passionateness,' his 'covetousness,' his 'time-serving' and 'tuft-hunting,' and suchlike. And I am compelled in truth to say that the entries in my index under 'covetousness' and under 'time-serving' and 'tergiversation' is a long and yet far from exhaustive list. And now, acting, I hope, on the Scriptural principle that 'The saints are lowered that the world may rise,' I shall say a single word on each of Brodie's two so besetting sins. And, doing in the matter of Brodie's vices as I have just done in the matter of his virtues, I shall let the singularly honest Diarist speak for himself. I certainly would not dare, on any evidence, to characterise or condemn a man like Brodie as he will now characterise and condemn himself. '_July_ 30, 1653.--I find covetousness getting deeper and deeper into my heart, insatiable desires of lands and riches, the desire of acquiring my neighbour's property, and many vain projects and want of contentment, albeit I have already what might satisfy and well content me. I find that it is not ten hundred times what I possess that would content and stay my mind from greedy lusts and insatiable desires. What avails prayer as long as these lusts remain? I scarcely allow meat and fish and beer and victual to my family and to the poor. Lord, pity! 21 _Aug_.--Sin and snare are inseparable from this haste to be rich. Lord, in this Thou punishest one sin with another, with unrighteousness, oppression, unevenness, uncharitableness, deceit, falsehood, rigour to tenants, straitenedness to the poor. 24 _Sept_.--Read 1 Cor. viii. 14, 15, which did reprove my straitenedness, my coldness, and my parsimony. 19 _July_.--Was taken up inordinately with trash and hagg. Let not the Lord impute it! 9 _Oct_.--My heart challenged me that I could so freely lay out money on books, plenishing, clothes to myself, and was so loth to lay out for the Lord. Oh, what does this presage and witness but that I am of the earth and that my portion is not blessed, but that my goods are rather accursed! 4 _Nov_.--Neil Campbell staid with me. I found my niggardly nature still encroaching upon me, and made my supplication for escape. _July_ 1.--Because I have not employed my wealth in charitable uses, therefore does the Lord take other ways more grievous to me to scatter what I have so sinfully kept back.' And so on, alternately scrimping and confessing; filling his pockets with money, and praying that he may be enabled to open them, he goes on till we read such miserably self-deceiving entries as this almost at the end of his doleful diary: 'I purpose, if the Lord would give strength and grace and constancy, and an honest and sound heart, to lay by some money for such uses from time to time, whereof this much shall be a sign and memorial.' And then, as to his fear of man, his time-serving, and vacillation in the day of difficult duty, hear his own humiliating confessions: '_Jan_. 20, 1662.--My perplexity continues as to whether I shall move now or not, stay or return, hold by Lauderdale, or make use of the Bishop. I desired to reflect on giving titles, speaking fair, and complying. I found Lauderdale changed to me, and I desired to spread this out before God. I went to Sir George Mushet's funeral, where I was looked at, as I thought, like a speckled bird. I apprehend much trouble to myself, my family, and my affairs, from the ill-will of those who govern. May God keep me under the shadow of His wings. _Oct_. 16.--Did see the Bishop, and in my discourse with him did go far in fair words and the like. The 31.--James Urquhart was with me. Oh that I could attain to his steadfastness and firmness! But, alas! I am soon overcome; I soon yield to the least difficulty. The 26.--Duncan Cuming was here, and I desired him to tell the honest men in the south that though I did not come up their length, I hoped they would not stumble at me.' In other words, 'Tell the prisoners in the Bass and in Blackness, and the martyrs of the Grass-market and the Tolbooth, that Lord Brodie is a Presbyterian at heart, and ought to be a Covenanter and a sufferer with his fellows; but that he loves Brodie Castle and a whole skin better than he loves the Covenant and the Covenanters, or even the Surety of the better covenant.' And having despatched his sympathetic message to the honest men in the South, he takes up his pen again to carry on his diary, which he carries on in these actual terms. Believe me, I copy literally and scrupulously from the humiliating book. 'Die Dom.--I find great averseness in myself to suffering. I am afraid to lose life or estate. I hold it a duty not to abandon those honest ministers that have stuck to the Reformation. And if the Lord would strengthen me, I would desire to confess the truth like them. . . . I questioned whether I might not safely use means to decline the cross and to ward off the wrath of the Lords and the Magistrates. Shall I begin to hear Mr. William Falconer? Shall I write to Seaforth and Argyll to ask them to clear and vindicate me? Shall I forbear to hear that honest minister, James Urquhart, for a time, seeing the storm is like to fall on me if I do so? What counsel shall I give my son? Shall I expose myself and my family to danger at this time? What is Thy will? What is my duty?' And then this able and honest hypocrite has the grace to add: 'A grain of sound faith would easily answer all these questions.' I have a sheaf of such passages. It is sickening work to speak and hear such things. But they must sometimes be spoken and heard, if only to afford a reply to Paul's question in the text: 'Ye did run well: what did hinder you?' How well Alexander Brodie ran for a time, and how well he might have run to the end but for those two sins that did so easily beset him--the love of money and the fear of man! But under the arrest and overthrow that those two so mean and so contemptible vices brought on Brodie, we see his spiritual life, or what might have ripened into spiritual life, gradually but surely decaying, even in his diary, till we read this last entry on the day of his death: 'My darkness has not taken an end, nor my confusions.' Alexander Brodie being long dead yet speaketh with terrible power in every page of his solemnising diary. Young men of Scotland, he says, young statesmen, young senators of the College of Justice, young churchmen, young magistrates, young landlords, and all young men of talent and of influence, sons of the Cavaliers and the Covenanters alike--seek the right and the true, the just and the honourable, in your day; choose it for your part, and take your stand firmly and boldly upon it. Make hazards in order to stand upon it. Read my humbling life, and take warning from me. And when your times are confused and perplexed; when truth and duty are not wholly and commandingly clear; give a good conscience the benefit of the doubt, and suspect the side on which safety and promotion and public praise lie. Pray without ceasing, and then live as you pray. And then my diary shall not have been written and left open among you in vain. XXIII. JOHN FLEMING, BAILIE OF LEITH 'I wish that I could satisfy your desire in drawing up and framing for you a Christian Directory.'--_Rutherford_. Samuel Rutherford and John Fleming, Bailie of Leith, were old and fast friends. Away back in the happy days when Rutherford was still a student, and was still haunting the back-shop of old John Meine in the Canongate of Edinburgh, he had formed a fast friendship with the young wood-merchant of Leith. And all the trials and separations of life, instead of deadening their love for one another, or making them forget one another, had only drawn the two men the closer to one another. For when Rutherford's two great troubles came upon him,--first his dismissal from the Latin regency in Edinburgh University, and then his banishment from his pulpit at Anwoth,--John Fleming came forward on both occasions with money, and with letters, and with visits that were even better than money, to the penniless and friendless professor and exiled pastor. 'Sir, I thank you kindly for your care of me and of my brother. I hope it is laid up for you and remembered in heaven.' Robert M'Ward, the first editor of Rutherford's _Letters_, with all his assiduity, was only able to recover four letters out of the heap of correspondence that had passed between the rich timber-merchant of Leith and the exiled minister, but, those four tell us volumes, both about the intimacy of the two men and about the depth and the worth of the bailie's character. Fleming wrote a letter to Rutherford in the spring of 1637, which must have run in some such terms as these:--'My life is fast ebbing away, and I am not yet begun aright to live. I am in mid-time of my days. I sometimes feel that I am coming near the end of them; and what evil days they have been! My business that my father left me is prosperous. I have a good and kind wife, as you know. My children are not wholly without promise. My place in this town is far too honourable for me, and I have many dear friends among the godly both in Leith and in Edinburgh. But I feel bitterly that I have no business to mix myself among them, and to be counted one of them. For, what with the burdensome affairs of this great seaport, and my own growing business, my days and my nights are like a weaver's shuttle. I intend and I begin well, but another year and another year comes to an end and I am just where I was. I have had some success, by God's blessing, in making money, but I am a bankrupt before Him in my soul. My inward life is a ravelled hesp, and I need guidance and direction if I am ever to come out of this confusion and to come to any good. Protestant and Presbyterian as I am,' he goes on, 'if I could only find a director who would take trouble with me and command me as I take trouble with and command my servants, I vow to you that I would put the reins without reserve into his hands. Will you not take me in hand? You know me of old. We used to talk in dear old John Meine's back-shop on week-nights and upstairs on Sabbath nights about these things. And long as it is since we saw much of one another, I feel that you know me out and in, and through and through, as no one else knows me. Tell me, then, what I am to do with myself. I will try to do what you tell me, for I am wearied and worn out with my stagnant and miserable life. Pity me, Mr. Samuel, my honoured and dear friend, for my pirn is almost run out, and I am not near saved.' 'My worthy and dearly beloved brother in the Lord,' replied Rutherford to Fleming, 'I dare not take it upon me to lay down rules and directions for your inner life. I have not the judiciousness, nor the experience, nor the success in the inner life myself that would justify me. And, besides, there is no lack of such Directories as you ask me for. Search the Scriptures. Buy Daniel Rogers, and Richard Greenham, and especially William Perkins. My own wall is too much broken down, my own garden is too much overrun with weeds; I dare not attempt to lay down the law to you. But I will do this since you are so importunate; I will tell you, as you have told me, some of my own mistakes and failings and shipwrecks, and the rocks on which I have foundered may thus, be made to carry a lantern to light your ship safely past them.' 'Fool, said my Muse to me, look in thy heart and write; and, like Sir Philip Sydney, Samuel Rutherford looked into his own heart, and drew a Directory out of it for the better Christian conduct of his friend John Fleming. 1. Now--would you believe it?--the first thing Samuel Rutherford found his own heart accusing him in before God was, of all things, the way he had wasted his time. Would you believe it that the student who was summer and winter in his study at three o'clock in the morning, and the minister who, as his people boasted, was always preparing his sermons, always visiting his people, always writing books, and always entertaining strangers,--would you believe it that one of his worst consciences was for the bad improvement of his time? What an insatiable thirst for absolute and unearthly perfection God has awakened in the truly gracious heart! Give the truly gracious heart a little godliness and it cries out night and day for more. Give it more, and it straightway demands all. Give it all and it still accuses you that it has literally got none at all. Samuel Rutherford gave all his time and all his strength to his pastoral and his professorial duties, and yet when he looked into his own heart to write a letter to Bailie Fleming out of it, his whole heart condemned him to his face because he had so mismanaged his time, and had not aright redeemed it. 'You complain that your time is fast speeding away, and that you have not even begun to employ it well. So is mine. I give a good part of my time to my business, as you say you do to yours; but, just like you, that leaves me no time to give to God. God forgive me for the way I forget Him and neglect Him all the time that I am bustling about in the things of His house! Let us both begin, and me especially, to give some of God's best earthly gift back to Him again. Let us spare a little of His time that He allows us and bestow it back again upon Himself. He values nothing so much as a little of our allotted time. Let us meditate on Him more, and pray more to Him. Let us throw up ejaculations of prayer to Him more and more while we are at our daily employments; you in the timber-yard, down among the ships, at the desk, and at the Council-table; and I among my books, and among my people, and in my pulpit. These are always golden moments to me, and why they do not multiply themselves into hours and days and years is to me but another proof of my deep depravity. And, John Fleming, sanctify you the Sabbath. As you love and value your immortal soul, sanctify and do not waste and desecrate the Sabbath. Let no man steal from you a single hour of the Sabbath-day. Six days shalt thou labour and do all thy work, but the seventh day is the Sabbath of the Lord thy God.' 2. And again and again in his letters to Fleming Rutherford returns to the sins of the tongue. Rutherford himself was a great sinner by his tongue, and he seems to have taken it for granted that the bailies of Leith were all in the same condemnation. 'Observe your words well,' he writes out of the bitterness of his own heart. 'Make conscience of all your conversations.' Cut off a right hand, pluck out a right eye, says Christ. And I wonder that half of His disciples have not bitten out their offending tongues. What a world of injury and of all kinds of iniquity has the tongue always and everywhere been! In Jerusalem in David's day; and still in Jerusalem in James's day; in Anwoth and Aberdeen and St. Andrews in Rutherford's day; and in Leith in John Fleming's day; and still in all these places in our own day. The tongue can no man tame, and no wonder, for it is set on fire of hell. 'I shall show you,' says Rutherford, 'what I would fain be at myself, howbeit I always come short of my purpose.' Rutherford made many enemies both as a preacher and as a doctrinal and an ecclesiastical controversialist. He was a hot, if not a bad-blooded man himself, and he raised both hot and bad blood in other men. He was a passionate-hearted man, was Rutherford; he would not have been our sainted Samuel Rutherford if he had not had a fast and a high-beating heart. And his passionate heart was not all spent in holy love to Jesus Christ, though much of it was. For the dregs of it, the unholy scum and froth of it, came out too much in his books of debate and in his differences with his own brethren. His high-mettled and almost reckless sense of duty brought him many enemies, and it was his lifelong sanctification to try to treat his enemies aright, and to keep his own heart and tongue and pen clean and sweet towards them. And he divined that among the merchants and magistrates of Leith, anger and malice, rivalry and revenge were not unknown any more than they were among their betters in the Presbytery and the General Assembly. He knew, for Fleming had told him, that his very prosperity and his father's prosperity had procured for Fleming many enemies. The Norway timber trade was not all in the Fleming hands for nothing. The late Council election also had left Fleming many enemies, and his simple duty at the Council-table daily multiplied them. It was quite unaccountable to him how enemies sprang up all around him, and it was well that he had such an open-eyed and much-experienced correspondent as Rutherford was, to whom he could confide such ghastly discoveries, and such terrible shocks to faith and trust and love. 'Watch well this one thing, Bailie Fleming, even your deep desire for revenge. Be sure that it is in your heart in Leith to seek revenge as well as it is in my heart here in Aberdeen. Watch, as you would the workings of a serpent, the workings of your sore- hurt heart in the matter of its revenges. Watch how the calamities that come on your enemies refresh and revive you. Watch how their prosperity and their happiness depress and darken you. Disentangle the desire for revenge and the delight in it out of the rank thickets of your wicked heart; drag that desire and delight out of its native darkness; know it, name it, and it will be impossible but that you will hate it like death and hell, and yourself on account of it. Do you honestly wish, as you say you do, for direction as to your duty to your many enemies in Leith, and to God and your own soul among them? Then begin with this: watch and find yourself out in your deep desire for revenge, and in your secret satisfaction and delight to hear it and to speak it. Begin with that; and, then, long after that, and as the divine reward of that, you will be enabled to begin to try to love your enemies, to bless them that curse you, to do good to them that hate you, and to pray for them that despitefully use you and persecute you. You need no Directory for these things from me when you have the Sermon on the Mount in your own New Testament.' 3. And, still looking into his own heart and writing straight out of it, Rutherford says to Fleming, 'I have been much challenged in my conscience, and still am, for not referring all I do to God as my last and chiefest end.' Which is just Samuel Rutherford's vivid way of taking home to himself the first question of the Shorter Catechism which he had afterwards such a deep hand in drawing up. I do not know any other author who deals so searchingly with this great subject as that prince among experimental divines, Thomas Shepard, the founder of Yale in New England. His insight is as good as his style is bad. His English is execrable, but his insight is nothing short of divine. 'The pollution of the whole man, and of all his actions,' he says in his _Parable of the Ten Virgins_, 'consists chiefly in his self-seeking, in making ourselves our utmost end. This makes our most glorious actions vile; this stains them all. And so the sanctification of a sinner consists chiefly in making the Lord our utmost end in all that we do. Every man living seeks himself as his last end and chiefest good, and out of this captivity no human power can redeem us. . . . Make this your last and best end--to live to Christ and to do His will. This is your last end; this is the end of your being born again--nay, of your being redeemed by His blood--that you may live unto Christ.' And in the same author's _Meditations and Spiritual Experiences_, he says, 'On Sabbath morning I saw that I had a secret eye to my own name in all that I did, and I judged myself to be worthy of death because I was not weaned from all created glory, from all honour and praise, and from the esteem of men. . . . On Sabbath, again, when I came home, I saw into the deep hypocrisy of my own heart, because in my ministry I sought to comfort and quicken the people that the glory might reflect on me as well as on God. . . . On the evening before the sacrament I saw it to be my duty to sequester myself from all other things and to prepare me for the next day. And I saw that I must pitch first on the right end. I saw that mine own ends were to procure honour to myself and not to the Lord. There was some poor little eye in seeking the name and glory of Christ, yet I sought not it only, but my own glory, too. After my Wednesday sermon I saw the pride of my heart acting thus, that when I had done public work my heart would presently look out and inquire whether I had done it well or ill. Hereupon I saw my vileness to be to make men's opinions my rule, and that made me vile in mine own eyes, and that more and more daily.' 'I have been much challenged,' writes Rutherford to Fleming, 'because I do not refer all I do to God as my last end: that I do not eat and drink and sleep and journey and speak and think for God.' And, the fanatic that he is, he seems to think that that is the calling and chief end not only of ministers like himself and Shepard, but of the bailies and timber-merchants of Edinburgh and Leith also. 4. Lastly, in the closing sentences of this inexhaustible letter, Rutherford says to his waiting and attentive correspondent: 'Growth in grace, sir, should be cared for by you above all other things.' And so it should. Literally and absolutely above all other things. Above good health, above good name, above wealth, and station, and honour. These things, take them all together, if need be, are to be counted loss in order to gain growth in grace. But what is growth in grace? It is growth in everything that is truly good; but Fleming, as he read his Directory daily, would always think of growth in grace as the right improvement of his remaining time, and, especially, its religious use and dedication to God; as also of the government of his own untamed tongue; the extinction of the desire for revenge, and of all delight in the injury of his enemies; and, above all, and including all, in making God his chief end in all that he did. How all-important, then, is a sound and Scriptural Directory to instruct us how we are to grow in grace. And how precious must that directory-letter have been to a man in dead earnest like John Fleming. It was precious to his heart, you may be sure, above all his ships, and all his woodyards, and all his fine houses, and all his seats of honour. And if his growth in grace in Leith has now become full-grown glory in Heaven, how does he there bless God to- day that ever he met with Samuel Rutherford in old John Maine's shop in his youth, and had him for a friend and a director all his after-days. And when John Fleming at the table above forgets not all His benefits, high up, you may be very sure, among them all he never forgets to put Samuel Rutherford's letters; and, more especially, this very directory- letter we have read here for our own direction and growth in grace this Communion-Sabbath night. XXIV. THE PARISHIONERS OF KILMACOLM 'For want of time I have put you all in one letter.'--_Rutherford_. There is a well-known passage in _Lycidas_ that exactly describes the religious condition of the parish of Kilmacolm in the year 1639. For the shepherd of that unhappy sheepfold also had climbed up some other way before he knew how to hold a sheephook, till, week after week, the hungry sheep looked up and were not fed. The parishioners of Kilmacolm must have been fed to some purpose at one time, for the two letters they write to Rutherford in their present starvation bear abundant witness on every page to the splendid preaching and the skilful pastorate that this parish must at one time have enjoyed. There must have been men of no common ability, as well as of no common profundity of spiritual life in Kilmacolm during those trying years, for the letters they wrote to Rutherford would have done credit to any of Rutherford's ablest and best correspondents--to William Guthrie, or David Dickson, or Robert Blair, or John Livingstone. Indeed, the expert author of the _Therapeutica_ himself would have been put to it to answer fully and satisfactorily those two so acute and so searching letters. The Kilmacolm people had heard about the famous answers that Samuel Rutherford, now home again in Anwoth, had written both from Anwoth and from Aberdeen to all classes of people and on all kinds of subjects; copies, indeed, of some of those now already widespread letters had come to Kilmacolm itself, till, at one of their private meetings for conference and prayer, it was resolved that a small committee of their elders should gather up their painful experiences in the spiritual life that got no help from the parish pulpit, and should set them by way of submission and consultation before the great spiritual casuist. Everybody else was getting what counsel and comfort they needed from the famous adviser of Anwoth, and why not they, the neglected parishioners of Kilmacolm? And thus it was that two or three of the oldest and ablest men in the kirk-session so wrote to Rutherford, as, after some delay, to get back the elaborate letter from Anwoth numbered 286 in Dr. Bonar's edition. I am tempted to think it possible that the old, long-experienced, and much-exercised saints of Kilmacolm may have demanded a little too much of their minister: at any rate, I am quite as anxious to hear what Rutherford shall say to them as they can be to hear from him themselves. And all that leads me to believe that not only must there have been some quite remarkable people in the parish church at that date, but that they must also have had some very special pulpit and pastoral work expended on them in former years. Or, if not that, then their case is just another illustration of what Rutherford says in his reassuring answer, namely, that the life of grace among a people is not at all tied up to the lips of their minister. Which, again, is just another way of putting what the Psalmist says of himself in his humble and happy boast: 'I have more understanding than all my teachers, for Thy testimonies are my meditation. I understand more than the ancients, because I keep Thy precepts.' 1. The first complaint that came to Anwoth from Kilmacolm was expressed in the quaint and graphic language natural to that day. 'Security, strong and sib to nature, is stealing in upon us.' The holy law of God, they mean, was never preached in their parish; at any rate, it was never carried home to any man's conscience. Nobody was ever disturbed. Nobody's feelings were ever hurt. Nobody in all the parish had ever heard a voice of thunder saying, Thou art the man. Toothless and timid generalities made up all the preaching they ever heard either on the ethical or on the evangelical side: and generalities disturb no man's peace of mind. The pulpit of Kilmacolm was but too sib to the pew, and both pulpit and pew slept on together in undisturbed security. And that supplied Samuel Rutherford with an excellent text for a sermon he was continually preaching in every utterance of his--the constant danger we all lie under as long as we are in this life. Danger from sin, and, in its own still subtler way, as much danger from grace; danger from want, and danger from fulness; danger from our weakness, and danger from our strength. So much danger is there that if any man in this life is in a state of security about himself he is surely the foolishest of all foolish men. For, Thy close pursuers' busy hands do plant Snares in thy substance, snares attend thy want; Snares in thy credit, snares in thy disgrace; Snares in thy high estate, snares in thy base; Snares tuck thy bed, and snares attend thy board; Snares watch thy thoughts, and snares attack thy word; Snares in thy quiet, snares in thy commotion; Snares in thy diet, snares in thy devotion; Snares lurk in thy resolves, snares in thy doubt; Snares lurk within thy heart, and snares without; Snares are above thy head, and snares beneath; Snares in thy sickness, snares are in thy death. What a fool and what a sluggard nature must be, as Rutherford here says she is, if she can lull us into security about ourselves in such a life as this! And what a noble field does this snare-filled life supply for all a preacher's boldest and best powers! 2. They have some new beginners in Kilmacolm in spite of all its spiritual stagnation, and the older people are full of anxiety lest those new beginners should not be rightly directed. 'Tell them for one thing,' says Rutherford in reply, 'to dig deep while they are yet among their foundations. Tell them that a sick night for sin is not so common either among young or old as I would like to see it. Make them to understand what I mean by digging deep. I mean deep into their own heart in order to discover and lay bare to themselves the corrupt motives from which they act every day even in the very best things they do. And that of itself will give them many sufficiently sick days and nights too, both as new beginners and as old believers. And tell them, also, from me, that once they have seen themselves in their own hearts, and Jesus Christ in His heart, it will be impossible for them ever to go back from Him. Absolutely impossible. So much so that it is perfectly certain that he who goes back from Christ has never really seen himself or Christ either. He may have seen something somewhat more or less like Christ, but, all the time, it was not Christ. Let your soul once come up to close quarters with Christ, and I defy you ever to forget Him again. Tell all your new beginners that from me, Samuel Rutherford, who, after all, am not yet well begun myself.' 3. 'You complain bitterly of a dead ministry in your bounds. I have heard as much. But I will reply that a living ministry is not indispensable to a parish. All our parishes ought to have it, and we ought to see to it that they all get it; but neither the conversion of sinners, nor the sanctification and comfort of God's saints, is tied up to any man's lips. You will read your unread Bibles more: you will buy more good books: you will meet more in private converse and prayer: and it will not be bad for you for a season to look above the pulpit, and to look Jesus Christ Himself more immediately in the face.' As Fraser of Brea also said in a striking passage in his diary, so Rutherford says in his reply letter: 'in your sore famine of the water of life, run your pipe right up to the fountain.' 4. If the parishioners of Kilmacolm were severe on their minister it was not that they let themselves escape. And there was something in their present letters that led Rutherford to warn them against a mistake that only people of the Kilmacolm type will ever fall into. 'Some of the people of God,' says their sharp-eyed censor, 'slander the grace of God in their own soul.' And that is true of some of God's best people still. We meet with such people now and then in our own parishes to-day. They are so possessed with penitence and humility; they have such high and inflexible and spiritual standards for measuring themselves by; the law has so fatally entered their innermost souls that they will not even admit or acknowledge what the grace of God has, to all other men's knowledge, done in them. Seek out, says Rutherford, the signs of true grace in yourselves as well as the signs of secret sin. And when you have found such and such an indubitable sign of grace, say so. Say _this_, and _this_, and _this_, pointing it out, is assuredly the work of God in my soul. When you, after all defeat, really discover your soul growing in grace; in patience under injuries; in meekness under reproofs and corrections; in love for, or at least in peace of heart toward, those you at one time did not like, but disliked almost to downright hatred; in silent and assenting acceptance, if not yet in actual and positive enjoyment, of another man's talents and success, gain and fame; in the decay and disappearance of party spirit, and in openness to all the good and the merit of other men; in prayerfulness; in liberality, and so on; when you cannot deny these things in yourself, then speak good of Christ, and do not traduce and backbite His work because it is in your own soul. 'Some wretches murmur of want while all the time their money in the bank and their fat harvests make them liars.' Rutherford thinks he has put his finger upon some such saintly liars in the kirk-session of Kilmacolm. 5. 'Fear your light, my lord,' wrote Rutherford to Lord Craighall from Aberdeen; 'stand in awe of your light.' But the poor Kilmacolm people did not need that sharp rebuke, for they had written to Rutherford at their own instance to consult him in their terror of conscience about this very matter, till Rutherford had to exhaust his vocabulary of comfort in trying to pacify his correspondents just in this sufficiently disquieting matter of light in the mind with great darkness in the heart and the life. Our light in this world, he tells them, is a broad and shining field, whereas our life of obedience is at best but a short and straggling furrow. Only in heaven shall the broad and basking fields of light and truth be covered from end to end with the songs of the rejoicing reapers. And Rutherford is very bold in this matter, because he knows he has the truth about it. A perfect life, he says, up to our ever-increasing light, is impossible to us here, if only because our light always increases with every new progress in duty. The field of light expands to a new length and breadth every time the plough passes through it. And, knowing well to whom he writes on this subject, Rutherford goes on to say that there is a sorrow for sin, and for shortcoming in service, that is as acceptable with God in the evangelical covenant as would be the very service itself. But, then, it must be what Rutherford calls 'honest sorrow after a sincere aim.' And let no man easily allow himself to take shelter under that, lest it turn out to him like taking shelter in a thunderstorm under a lightning rod. For what an aim must that be, and then, what a sorrow, that is as good in the sight of God as a full obedience is itself. At the same time, 'A sincere aim, and then an honest sorrow, both of the right quality and quantity, taken together with Christ's intercession, must be our best life before God till we be over in the other country where the law of God will get a perfect soul in which to fulfil itself. Your complaint on this head is already booked in the New Testament (Rom. vii. 18).' 6. 'The less sense of liberty and sweetness, the more true spirituality in the service of God,' is Rutherford's reply to their next perplexity. Ought we to go on with our work and with our worship when our hearts are dry and when we have no delight in what we do? That is just the time to persevere, replies their evangelical guide, for it is in the absence of all sense of liberty and sweetness that our duties prove themselves to be truly spiritual. A sweet service has often its sweetness from an altogether other source than the spiritual world. Let a man be engaged in divine service, or in any other religious work, and let him have sensible support and success in it; let him have liberty and enjoyment in the performance of it; and, especially, let him have the praise of men after it, and he will easily be deceived into thinking that he has had God's Spirit with him, and the light of God's countenance, whereas all the time it has only been an outpouring on his deceived heart of his own lying spirit of self-seeking, self-pleasing, and self-exalting. While, again, a man's spirit may be all day as dry as the heath in the wilderness, and all other men's spirits around him and toward him the same, yet a very rich score may be set down beside that unindulged servant's name against the day of the 'well-dones.' 'I believe that many think that obedience is lifeless and formal unless the wind be in the west, and all their sails are filled with the joys of sense. But I am not of their mind who think so.' 7. The scrupulosity of the Kilmacolm people was surely singular and remarkable even in that day of tests and marks and scruples in the spiritual life. The ministry may not have been wholly dead in and around Kilmacolm, though it could not keep pace and patience with those so eager and so anxious souls who would have Rutherford's mind on all possible points of their complicated case. Six of their complaints we have just seen, but their troubles are not yet all told. 'Surely,' they wrote, 'a Master like our Lord, who gave such service when He was still a servant Himself,--surely He will have hearty and unfeigned service from us, or none at all. Will He not spue the lukewarm servant out of His mouth?' I grant you, wrote Rutherford, that our Master must have honesty. The one thing He will unmask and will not endure is hypocrisy. But if you mean to insinuate that our hearts must always be entirely given up to His service in all that we do, else He will cast us away, for all I am worth in the world I would not have that true of me. I would not have that true, else where would my hope be? An English contemporary of Rutherford's puts it memorably: 'Our Master tries His servants not with the balances of the sanctuary, but with the touchstone.' Take that, says Rutherford, for my reply to your opinion that Christ must always have a perfect service at our hands, or none at all. 8. Again, hold by the ground-work when the outworks and the superstructure are assailed. Fall back the more nakedly upon your sure foundation. Keep the ground of your standing and acceptance clear, and take your stand on that ground at every time when despair assaults you. For great faults and for small, for formality in spiritual service, for cold-heartedness and for half-heartedness, you have always open to you your old and sure ground, the blood and the righteousness of your Covenant-surety. 'Seek still the blood of atonement for faults much and little. Know the gate to the fountain, and lie about it. Make much of assurance, for it keepeth the anchor fixed.' 9. The last paragraph of Rutherford's letter to the parishioners of Kilmacolm is taken up with the consolation that always comes to a Christian man's heart after every deed of true self-mortification. That is an experience that all Christian men must often have, whether they take note sufficiently of it or no. Let any man suffer for Christ's sake; let any man be evil-entreated and for Christ's sake take it patiently; let him be reviled and persecuted in public or in private for the truth; let him deny himself some indulgence--allowed, doubtful, or condemned--and all truly for the sake of Christ and other men; and immediately, and as a consequence of that, a peace, a liberty, a light as of God's countenance will infallibly visit his heart. After temptation resisted and overcome angels will always visit us. 'Temptations,' says Bunyan in the fine preface to his _Grace Abounding_, 'when we meet them first are as the lion that roared upon Samson; but, if we overcome them, the next time we see them we shall find a nest of honey within them.' 'Blessed are they that mourn,' says our Lord, 'for they shall be comforted.' 'After my greatest mortifications,' said Edwards, 'I always find my greatest comforts.' And even Renan tells us of a Roman lady who had 'the ineffable joy of renouncing joy.' 'A Christ bought with strokes,' says Rutherford in closing, 'is the sweetest of all Christs.' 
15251	----	The Biography of Robert Murray M'Cheyne [Illustration: Robert Murray M'Cheyne with Signature] * * * * * The Biography of Robert Murray M'Cheyne BY ANDREW A. BONAR ZONDERVAN PUBLISHING HOUSE GRAND RAPIDS, MICHIGAN * * * * * PUBLISHER'S PREFACE The telling of the deeply spiritual life story of the young minister of the Gospel of St. Peters Church, Dundee, Scotland, Robert Murray M'Cheyne, has been used of God to bring challenge, blessing and inspiration to hundreds of thousands down through the years since his death in 1843 at the early age of 30. Few men have lived a life filled with such power and blessing in such a short span of years. Dr. Andrew A. Bonar's biography of this stalwart young man of God has been the standard recognized work on the life of this prince among men. This biography is from the larger _Memoirs and Remains of the Rev. Robert Murray M'Cheyne_ with just the memoirs--or biography--reprinted. The "remains," letters and sermons of M'Cheyne have been recently republished in the Wyckliffe Series issued by the Moody Press, but we are presenting in the pages of this volume Bonar's soul-stirring biography of this young man who was so completely and wholly surrendered to the will of God. Dr. Wilbur M. Smith, in his "Profitable Bible Study," says, "Every minister, of whatever denomination, should have this marvelous work." The publishers of this unabridged edition send it forth once again with the earnest prayer that God will continue to use it to the inspiration and challenge of young and old alike to realize what can be done with a life completely and absolutely dedicated to Him. * * * * * MEMOIR. * * * * * CHAPTER I. HIS YOUTH, AND PREPARATION FOR THE MINISTRY "_Many shall rejoice at his birth; for he shall be great in the sight of the Lord_"--Luke 1:14. In the midst of the restless activity of such a day as ours, it will be felt by ministers of Christ to be useful in no common degree, to trace the steps of one who but lately left us, and who, during the last years of his short life, walked calmly in almost unbroken fellowship with the FATHER and the SON. The date of his birth was May 21, 1813. About that time, as is now evident to us who can look back on the past, the Great Head had a purpose of blessing for the Church of Scotland. Eminent men of God appeared to plead the cause of Christ. The Cross was lifted up boldly in the midst of Church Courts which had long been ashamed of the gospel of Christ. More spirituality and deeper seriousness began a few years onward to prevail among the youth of our divinity halls. In the midst of such events, whereby the Lord was secretly preparing a rich blessing for souls in all our Borders, the subject of this Memoir was born. "Many were to rejoice at his birth;" for he was one of the blessings which were beginning to be dropped down upon Scotland, though none then knew that one was born whom hundreds would look up to as their spiritual father. The place of his birth was Edinburgh, where his parents resided. He was the youngest child of the family, and was called ROBERT MURRAY, after the name of some of his kindred. From his infancy his sweet and affectionate temper was remarked by all who knew him. His mind was quick in its attainments; he was easily taught the common lessons of youth, and some of his peculiar endowments began early to appear. At the age of four, while recovering from some illness, he selected as his recreation the study of the Greek alphabet, and was able to name all the letters, and write them in a rude way upon a slate. A year after, he made rapid progress in the English class, and at an early period became somewhat eminent among his schoolfellows for his melodious voice and powers of recitation. There were at that time catechetical exercises held in the Tron Church, in the interval between sermons; and some friends remember the interest often excited in the hearers by his correct and sweet recitation of the Psalms and passages of Scripture. But as yet he knew not the Lord, he lived to himself, "having no hope, and without God in the world." Eph. 2:12. In October 1821 he entered the High School, where he continued his literary studies during the usual period of six years. He maintained a high place in his classes, and in the Rector's class distinguished himself by eminence in geography and recitation. It was during the last year of his attendance at the High School that he first ventured on poetical composition, the subject being "Greece, but living Greece no more." The lines are characterized chiefly by enthusiasm for liberty and Grecian heroism, for in these days his soul had never soared to a higher region. His companions speak of him as one who had even then peculiarities that drew attention: of a light, tall form--full of elasticity and vigor--ambitious, yet noble in his dispositions, disdaining everything like meanness or deceit. Some would have been apt to regard him as exhibiting many traits of a Christian character; but his susceptible mind had not, at that time, a relish for any higher joy than the refined gaieties of society, and for such pleasures as the song and the dance could yield. He himself regarded these as days of ungodliness--days wherein he cherished a pure morality, but lived in heart a Pharisee. I have heard him say that there was a correctness and propriety in his demeanor at times of devotion, and in public worship, which some, who knew not his heart, were ready to put to the account of real feeling. And this experience of his own heart made him look with jealousy on the mere outward signs of devotion in dealing with souls. He had learnt in his own case how much a soul, unawakened to a sense of guilt, may have satisfaction in performing from the proud consciousness of integrity towards man, and a sentimental devotedness of mind that chastens the feelings without changing the heart. He had great delight in rural scenery. Most of his summer vacations used to be spent in Dumfriesshire, and his friends in the parish of Ruthwell and its vicinity retain a vivid remembrance of his youthful days. His poetic temperament led him to visit whatever scenes were fitted to stir the soul. At all periods of his life, also, he had a love of enterprise. During the summer months he occasionally made excursions with his brother, or some intimate friend, to visit the lakes and hills of our Highlands, cherishing thereby, unawares, a fondness for travel, that was most useful to him in after days. In one of these excursions, a somewhat romantic occurrence befell the travellers, such as we might rather have expected to meet with in the records of his Eastern journey. He and his friends had set out on foot to explore, at their leisure, Dunkeld, and the highlands in its vicinity. They spent a day at Dunkeld, and about sunset set out again with the view of crossing the hills to Strathardle. A dense mist spread over the hills soon after they began to climb. They pressed on, but lost the track that might have guided them safely to the glen. They knew not how to direct their steps to any dwelling. Night came on, and they had no resource but to couch among the heath, with no other covering than the clothes they wore. They felt hungry and cold; and, awaking at midnight, the awful stillness of the lonely mountains spread a strange fear over them. But, drawing close together, they again lay down to rest, and slept soundly till the cry of some wild birds and the morning dawn aroused them. Entering the Edinburgh University in November 1827, he gained some prize in all the various classes he attended. In private he studied the modern languages; and gymnastic exercises at that time gave him unbounded delight. He used his pencil with much success, and then it was that his hand was prepared for sketching the scenes of the Holy Land. He had a very considerable knowledge of music, and himself sang correctly and beautifully. This, too, was a gift which was used to the glory of the Lord in after days,--wonderfully enlivening his secret devotions, and enabling him to lead the song of praise in the congregation wherever occasion required. Poetry also was a never-failing recreation; and his taste in this department drew the attention of Professor Wilson, who adjudged him the prize in the Moral Philosophy class for a poem, "On the Covenanters." In the winter of 1831 he commenced his studies in the Divinity Hall under Dr. Chalmers, and the study of Church History under Dr. Welsh. It may be naturally asked, What led him to wish to preach salvation to his fellow-sinners? Could he say, like Robert Bruce, "_I was first called to my grace, before I obeyed my calling to the ministry?_" Few questions are more interesting than this; and our answer to it will open up some of the wonderful ways of Him "whose path is in the great waters, and whose footsteps are not known," Psalm 77:19; for the same event that awakened his soul to a true sense of sin and misery, led him to the ministry. During his attendance at the literary and philosophical classes he felt occasional impressions, none of them perhaps of much depth. There can be no doubt that he himself looked upon the death of his eldest brother, David, as the event which awoke him from the sleep of nature, and brought the first beam of divine light into his soul. By that providence the Lord was calling one soul to enjoy the treasures of grace, while He took the other into the possession of glory. In this brother, who was his senior by eight or nine years, the light of divine grace shone before men with rare and solemn loveliness. His classical attainments were very high; and, after the usual preliminary studies, he had been admitted Writer to the Signet. One distinguishing quality of his character was his sensitive truthfulness. In a moment would the shadow flit across his brow, if any incident were related wherein there was the slightest exaggeration; or even when nothing but truth was spoken, if only the deliverer seemed to take up a false or exaggerated view. He must not merely speak the whole truth himself, but he must have the hearer also to apprehend the whole truth. He spent much of his leisure hours in attending to the younger members of the family. Tender and affectionate, his grieved look when they vexed him by resisting his counsels, had (it is said) something in it so persuasive that it never failed in the end to prevail on those with whom his words had not succeeded. His youngest brother, at a time when he lived according to the course of this world, was the subject of many of his fervent prayers. But a deep melancholy, in a great degree the effect of bodily ailments, settled down on David's soul. Many weary months did he spend in awful gloom, till the trouble of his soul wasted away his body: but the light broke in before his death; joy from the face of a fully reconciled Father above lighted up his face; and the peace of his last days was the sweet consolation left to his afflicted friends, when, 8th July 1851, he fell asleep in Jesus. The death of this brother, with all its circumstances, was used by the Holy Spirit to produce a deep impression on Robert's soul. In many respects--even in the gifts of a poetic mind--there had been a congeniality between him and David. The vivacity of Robert's ever active and lively mind was the chief point of difference. This vivacity admirably fitted him for public life; it needed only to be chastened and solemnized, and the event that had now occurred wrought this effect. A few months before, the happy family circle had been broken up by the departure of the second brother for India, in the Bengal Medical Service; but when, in the course of the summer, David was removed from them forever, there were impressions left such as could never be effaced, at least from the mind of Robert. Naturally of an intensely affectionate disposition, this stroke moved his whole soul. His quiet hours seem to have been often spent in thoughts of him who was now gone to glory. There are some lines remaining in which his poetic mind has most touchingly, and with uncommon vigor, painted him whom he had lost,--lines all the more interesting, because the delineation of character and form which they contain cannot fail to call up to those who knew him the image of the author himself. Some time after his brother's death he had tried to preserve the features of his well-remembered form, by attempting a portrait from memory; but throwing aside the pencil in despair, he took up the pen, and poured out the fulness of his heart. ON PAINTING THE MINIATURE LIKENESS OF ONE DEPARTED. ALAS! not perfect yet--another touch, And still another, and another still, Till those dull lips breathe life, and yonder eye Lose its lack lustre hue, and be lit up With the warm glance of living feeling. No-- It never can be! Ah, poor, powerless art! Most vaunting, yet most impotent, thou seek'st To trace the thousand, thousand shades and lights That glowed conspicuous on the blessed face Of him thou fain wouldst imitate--to bind Down to the fragile canvas the wild play Of thought and mild affection, which were wont To dwell in the serious eye, and play around The placid mouth. Thou seek'st to give again That which the burning soul, inhabiting Its clay-built tenement, alone can give-- To leave on cold dead matter the impress Of living mind--to bid a line, a shade, Speak forth, not words, but the soft intercourse Which the immortal spirit, while on earth It tabernacles, breathes from every pore-- Thoughts not converted into words, and hopes, And fears, and hidden joys, and griefs, unborn Into the world of sound, but beaming forth In that expression which no words, or work Of cunning artist, can express. In vain, Alas! in vain! Come hither, Painter; come, Take up once more thine instruments--thy brush And palette--if thy haughty art be, as thou say'st, Omnipotent, and if thy hand can dare To wield creative power. Renew thy toil, And let my memory, vivified by love, Which Death's cold separation has but warmed And rendered sacred dictate to thy skill, And guide thy pencil. From the jetty hair Take off that gaudy lustre that but mocks The true original; and let the dry, Soft, gentle-turning locks, appear instead. What though to fashion's garish eye they seem Untutored and ungainly? still to me, Than folly's foppish head-gear, lovelier far Are they, because bespeaking mental toil, Labor assiduous, through the golden days (Golden if so improved) of guileless youth, Unwearied mining in the precious stores Of classic lore--and better, nobler still, In God's own holy writ. And scatter here And there a thread of grey, to mark the grief That prematurely checked the bounding flow Of the warm current in his veins, and shed An early twilight o'er so bright a dawn. No wrinkle sits upon that brow!--and thus It ever was. The angry strife and cares Of avaricious miser did not leave Their base memorial on so fair a page. The eyebrows next draw closer down, and throw A softening shade o'er the mild orbs below. Let the full eyelid, drooping, half conceal The back-retiring eye; and point to earth The long brown lashes that bespeak a soul Like his who said, "I am not worthy, Lord!" From underneath these lowly turning lids, Let not shine forth the gaily sparkling light Which dazzles oft, and oft deceives; nor yet The dull unmeaning lustre that can gaze Alike on all the world. But paint an eye In whose half-hidden, steady light I read A truth-inquiring mind; a fancy, too, That could array in sweet poetic garb The truth he found; while on his artless harp He touched the gentlest feelings, which the blaze Of winter's hearth warms in the homely heart. And oh! recall the look of faith sincere, With which that eye would scrutinize the page That tells us of offended God appeased By awful sacrifice upon the cross Of Calvary--that bids us leave a world Immersed in darkness and in death, and seek A better country. Ah! how oft that eye Would turn on me, with pity's tenderest look, And, only half-upbraiding, bid me flee From the vain idols of my boyish heart! It was about the same time, while still feeling the sadness of this bereavement, that he wrote the fragment entitled "THE RIGHTEOUS PERISHETH, AND NO MAN LAYETH IT TO HEART." A grave I know Where earthly show Is not--a mound Whose gentle round Sustains the load Of a fresh sod. Its shape is rude, And weeds intrude Their yellow flowers-- In gayer bowers Unknown. The grass, A tufted mass, Is rank and strong, Unsmoothed and long. No rosebud there Embalms the air; No lily chaste Adorns the waste, Nor daisy's head Bedecks the bed. No myrtles wave Above that grave; Unknown in life, And far from strife, He lived:--and though The magic flow Of genius played Around his head, And he could weave "The song at eve," And touch the heart, With gentlest art; Or care beguile, And draw the smile Of peace from those Who wept their woes Yet when the love Of Christ above To guilty men Was shown him--then He left the joys Of worldly noise, And humbly laid His drooping head Nor heather-bell Is there to tell Of gentle friend Who sought to lend A sweeter sleep To him who deep Beneath the ground Repose has found. No stone of woe Is there to show The name, or tell How passing well He loved his God, And how he trod The humble road That leads through sorrow To a bright morrow He sought the breath: But which can give The power to live-- Whose word alone Can melt the stone, Bid tumult cease, And all be peace! He sought not now To wreathe his brow With laurel bough. He sought no more To gather store Of earthly lore, Nor vainly strove To share the love Of heaven above, With aught below That earth can show The smile forsook His cheek--his look Was cold and sad; And even the glad Return of morn, When the ripe corn Waves o'er the plains, And simple swains With joy prepare The toil to share Of harvest, brought No lively thought To him. And spring adorns The sunny morns With opening flowers; Upon the cross; And thought the loss Of all that earth Contained--of mirth, Of loves, and fame, And pleasures' name-- No sacrifice To win the prize, Which Christ secured, When He endured For us the load-- The wrath of God! With many a tear, And many a fear, With many a sigh And heart-wrung cry Of timid faith, Where intervenes No darkening cloud Of sin to shroud The gazer's view. Thus sadly flew The merry spring; And gaily sing The birds their loves In summer groves. But not for him Their notes they trim. His ear is cold-- His tale is told. Above his grave The grass may wave-- The crowd pass by Without a sigh Above the spot. They knew him not-- They could not know; And even though, Why should they shed Above the dead Who slumbers here A single tear? I cannot weep, Though in my sleep I sometimes clasp With love's fond grasp His gentle hand, And see him stand Beside my bed, And lean his head Upon my breast, O'er lawn and mead; Its virgin head The snowdrop steeps In dew, and peeps The crocus forth, Nor dreads the north. But even the spring No smile can bring To him, whose eye Sought in the sky For brighter scenes. And bid me rest Nor night nor day Till I can say That I have found The holy ground In which there lies The Pearl of Price-- Till all the ties The soul that bind, And all the lies The soul that blind, Be Nothing could more fully prove the deep impression which the event made than these verses. But it was not a transient regret, nor was it the "sorrow of the world." He was in his eighteenth year when his brother died; and if this was not the year of his new birth, at least it was the year when the first streaks of dawn appeared in his soul. From that day forward his friends observed a change. His poetry was pervaded with serious thought, and all his pursuits began to be followed out in another spirit. He engaged in the labors of a Sabbath school, and began to seek God to his soul, in the diligent reading of the word, and attendance on a faithful ministry. How important this period of his life appeared in his own view, may be gathered from his allusions to it in later days. A year after, he writes in his diary: "On this morning last year came the first overwhelming blow to my worldliness; how blessed to me, Thou, O God, only knowest, who hast made it so." Every year he marked this day as one to be remembered, and occasionally its recollections seem to have come in like a flood. In a letter to a friend (8th July 1842), upon a matter entirely local, he concludes by a postscript: "This day eleven years ago, my holy brother David entered into his rest, aged 26." And on that same day, writing a note to one of his flock in Dundee (who had asked him to furnish a preface to a work printed 1740, _Letters on Spiritual Subjects_), he commends the book, and adds: "Pray for me, that I may be made holier and wiser--less like myself, and more like my heavenly Master; that I may not regard my life, if so be I may finish my course with joy. This day eleven years ago, I lost my loved and loving brother, and began to seek a Brother who cannot die." It was to companions who could sympathize in his feelings that he unbosomed himself. At that period it was not common for inquiring souls to carry their case to their pastor. A conventional reserve upon theses subjects prevailed even among lively believers. It almost seemed as if they were ashamed of the Son of man. This reserve appeared to him very sinful; and he felt it to be so great an evil, that in after days he was careful to encourage anxious souls to converse with him freely. The nature of his experience, however, we have some means of knowing. On one occasion, a few of us who had studied together were reviewing the Lord's dealings with our souls, and how He had brought us to himself all very nearly at the same time, though without any special instrumentality. He stated that there was nothing sudden in his case, and that he was led to Christ through deep and ever-abiding, but not awful or distracting, convictions. In this we see the Lord's sovereignty. In bringing a soul to the Saviour, the Holy Spirit invariably leads it to very deep consciousness of sin; but then He causes this consciousness of sin to be more distressing and intolerable to some than to others. But in one point does the experience of all believing sinners agree in this matter, viz. their soul presented to their view nothing but an abyss of sin, when the grace of God that bringeth salvation appeared. The Holy Spirit carried on his work in the subject of this Memoir, by continuing to deepen in him the conviction of his ungodliness, and the pollution of his whole nature. And all his life long, he viewed _original sin_, not as an excuse for his actual sins, but as an aggravation of them all. In this view he was of the mind of David, taught by the unerring Spirit of Truth. See Psalm 51:4, 5. At first light dawned slowly; so slowly, that for a considerable time he still relished an occasional plunge into scenes of gaiety. Even after entering the Divinity Hall, he could be persuaded to indulge in lighter pursuits, at least during the two first years of his attendance; but it was with growing alarm. When hurried away by such worldly joys, I find him writing thus:--"_Sept. 14._--May there be few such records as this in my biography." Then, "_Dec. 9._--A thorn in my side--much torment." As the unholiness of his pleasures became more apparent, he writes:--"_March 10, 1832._--I hope never to play cards again." "_March 25._--Never visit on a Sunday evening again." "_April 10._--Absented myself from the dance; upbraidings ill to bear. But I must try to bear the cross." It seems to be in reference to the receding tide, which thus for a season repeatedly drew him back to the world, that on July 8, 1836, he records: "This morning five years ago, my dear brother David died, and my heart for the first time knew true bereavement. Truly it was all well. Let me be dumb, for Thou didst it: and it was good for me that I was afflicted. I know not that any providence was ever more abused by man than that was by me; and yet, Lord, what mountains Thou comest over! none was ever more blessed to me." To us who can look at the results, it appears probable that the Lord permitted him thus to try many broken cisterns, and to taste the wormwood of many earthly streams, in order that in after days, by the side of the fountain of living waters, he might point to the world he had forever left, and testify the surpassing preciousness of what he had now found. Mr. Alexander Somerville (afterwards minister of Anderston Church, Glasgow) was his familiar friend and companion in the gay scenes of his youth. And he, too, about this time, having been brought to taste the powers of the world to come, they united their efforts for each other's welfare. They met together for the study of the Bible, and used to exercise themselves in the Septuagint Greek and the Hebrew original. But oftener still they met for prayer and solemn converse; and carrying on all their studies in the same spirit, watched each other's steps in the narrow way. He thought himself much profited, at this period, by investigating the subject of Election and the Free Grace of God. But it was the reading of _The Sum of Saving Knowledge_, generally appended to our Confession of Faith, that brought him to a clear understanding of the way of acceptance with God. Those who are acquainted with its admirable statements of truth, will see how well fitted it was to direct an inquiring soul. I find him some years afterwards recording:--"_March 11, 1834._--Read in the _Sum of Saving Knowledge_, the work which I think first of all wrought a saving change in me. How gladly would I renew the reading of it, if that change might be carried on to perfection!" It will be observed that he never reckoned his soul saved, notwithstanding all his convictions and views of sins, until he really went into the Holiest of all on the warrant of the Redeemer's work; for assuredly a sinner is still under wrath, until he has actually availed himself of the way to the Father opened up by Jesus. All his knowledge of his sinfulness, and all his sad feeling of his own need and danger, cannot place him one step farther off from the lake of fire. It is "he that comes to Christ" that is saved. Before this period he had received a bias towards the ministry from his brother David, who used to speak of the ministry as the most blessed work on earth, and often expressed the greatest delight in the hope that his younger brother might one day become a minister of Christ. And now, with altered views,--with an eye that could gaze on heaven and hell, and a heart that felt the love of a reconciled God,--he sought to become a herald of salvation. He had begun to keep a register of his studies, and the manner in which his time slipped away, some months before his brother's death. For a considerable time this register contains almost nothing but the bare incidents of the diary, and on Sabbaths the texts of the sermons he had heard. There is one gleam of serious thought--but it is the only one--during that period. On occasion of Dr. Andrew Thomson's funeral, he records the deep and universal grief that pervaded the town, and then subjoins: "Pleasing to see so much public feeling excited on the decease of so worthy a man. How much are the times changed within these eighteen centuries, since the time when Joseph besought _the body_ in secret, and when he and Nicodemus were the only ones found to bear the body to the tomb!" It is in the end of the year that evidences of a change appear. From that period and ever onward his dry register of every-day incidents is varied with such passages as the following:-- "_Nov. 12._--Reading H. Martyn's Memoirs. Would I could imitate him, giving up father, mother, country, house, health, life, all--for Christ. And yet, what hinders? Lord, purify me, and give me strength to dedicate myself, my all, to Thee!" "_Dec. 4._--Reading Legh Richmond's Life. Poetentia profunda, non sine lacrymis. Nunquam me ipsum, tam vilem, tam inutilem, tam pauperim, et præcipue tam ingratum, adhuc vidi. Sint lacrymæ dedicationis meæ pignora!'" ["Deep penitence, not unmixed with tears. I never before saw myself so vile, so useless, so poor, and, above all, so ungrateful. May these tears be the pledges of my self-dedication!"] There is frequently at this period a sentence in Latin occurring like the above in the midst of other matter, apparently with the view of giving freer expression to his feelings regarding himself. "_Dec. 9._--Heard a street-preacher: foreign voice. Seems really in earnest. He quoted the striking passage, 'The Spirit and the bride say, Come, _and let him that heareth say, Come!'_ From this he seems to derive his authority. Let me learn from this man to be in earnest for the truth, and to despise the scoffing of the world." _Dec. 18._--After spending an evening too lightly, he writes: "My heart must break off from all these things. What right have I to steal and abuse my Master's time? 'Redeem it,' He is crying to me." "_Dec. 25._--My mind not yet calmly fixed on the Rock of Ages." "_Jan._ 12, 1832.--Cor non pacem habet. Quare? Peccatum apud fores manet." ["My heart has not peace. Why? Sin lieth at my door."] "_Jan. 25._--A lovely day. Eighty-four cases of cholera at Musselburgh, How it creeps nearer and nearer like a snake! Who will be the first victim here? Let thine everlasting arms be around us, and we shall be safe." "_Jan. 29_, Sabbath.--Afternoon heard Mr. Bruce (then minister of the New North Church, Edinburgh) on Malachi 1:1-6. It constitutes the very gravamen of the charge against the unrenewed man, that he has affection for his earthly parent, and reverence for his earthly master, but none for God! Most noble discourse." "_Feb. 2_.--Not a trait worth remembering! And yet these four-and-twenty hours must be accounted for." _Feb. 5_, Sabbath.--In the afternoon, having heard the late Mr. Martin of St. George's,[1] he writes, on returning home: "O quam humilem, sed quam diligentissimum; quam dejectum, sed quam vigilem, quam die noctuque precantem, decet me esse quum tales viros aspicio. Juva, Pater, Fili, et Spiritus!" ["Oh! how humble, yet how diligent, how lowly, yet how watchful, how prayerful night and day it becomes me to be, when I see such men. Help, Father, Son, and Spirit!"] [1] He says of him on another occasion, _June 8, 1834_: "A man greatly beloved of whom the world was not worthy." "An apostolic man." His own calm deep holiness, resembled in many respects Mr. Martin's daily walk. From this date he seems to have sat, along with his friend Mr. Somerville, almost entirely under Mr. Bruce's ministry. He took copious notes of his lectures and sermons, which still remain among his papers. "_Feb. 28._--Sober conversation. Fain would I turn to the most interesting of all subjects. Cowardly backwardness: 'For whosoever is ashamed of me and my words,'" etc. At this time, hearing, concerning a friend of the family, that she had said, "_That she was determined to keep by the world,_" he penned the following lines on her melancholy decision:-- She has chosen the world, And its paltry crowd; She has chosen the world, And an endless shroud! She has chosen the world With its misnamed pleasures; She has chosen the world, Before heaven's own treasures. She hath launched her boat On life's giddy sea, And her all is afloat For eternity. But Bethlehem's star Is not in her view; And her aim is far From the harbor true. When the storm descends From an angry sky, Ah! where from the winds Shall the vessel fly? [Away, then--oh, fly From the joys of earth! Her smile is a lie-- There's a sting in her mirth.]* When stars are concealed, And rudder gone, And heaven is sealed To the wandering one The whirlpool opes For the gallant prize; And, with all her hopes, To the deep she hies! But who may tell Of the place of woe, Where the wicked dwell, Where the worldlings go? For the human heart Can ne'er conceive What joys are the part Of them who believe; Nor can justly think Of the cup of death, Which all must drink Who despise the faith. *Come, leave the dreams Of this transient night, And bask in the beams Of an endless light. *TRANSCRIBER'S NOTE: In the original "Memoirs and Remains of the Reverend Robert Murray McCheyne", the passage in brackets was the first half of the last, eight-line stanza, and the following quartet was part of the eight-line stanza beginning "When the storm descends". "_March 6._--Wild wind and rain all day long. Hebrew class--Psalms. New beauty in the original every time I read. Dr. Welsh--lecture on Pliny's letter about the Christians of Bithynia. Professor Jameson on quartz. Dr. Chalmers grappling with Hume's arguments. Evening--Notes, and little else. Mind and body dull." This is a specimen of his register of daily study. _March 20._--After a few sentences in Latin, concluding with "In meam animam veni, Domine Deus omnipotens," he writes, "Leaning on a staff of my own devising, it betrayed me, and broke under me. It was not thy staff. Resolving to be a god, Thou showedst me that I was but a man. But my own staff being broken, why may I not lay hold of thine?--Read part of the Life of Jonathan Edwards. How feeble does my spark of Christianity appear beside such a sun! But even his was a borrowed light, and the same source is still open to enlighten me." "_April 8._--Have found much rest in Him who bore all our burdens for us." "April 26.--To-night I ventured to break the ice of unchristian silence. Why should not selfishness be buried beneath the Atlantic in matters so sacred?" _May 6_, Saturday evening.--This was the evening previous to the Communion; and in prospect of again declaring himself the Lord's at his table, he enters into a brief review of his state. He had partaken of the ordinance in May of the year before for the first time; but he was then living at ease, and saw not the solemn nature of the step he took. He now sits down and reviews the past:-- "What a mass of corruption have I been! How great a portion of my life have I spent wholly without God in the world, given up to sense and the perishing things around me! Naturally of a feeling and sentimental disposition, how much of my religion has been, and to this day is, tinged with these colors of earth! Restrained from open vice by educational views and the fear of man, how much ungodliness has reigned within me! How often has it broken through all restraints, and come out in the shape of lust and anger, mad ambitions, and unhallowed words! Though my vice was always refined, yet how subtile and how awfully prevalent it was! How complete a test was the Sabbath--spent in weariness, as much of it as was given to God's service! How I polluted it by my hypocrisies, my self-conceits, my worldly thoughts, and worldly friends! How formally and unheedingly the Bible was read,--how little was read,--so little that even now I have not read it all! How unboundedly was the wild impulse of the heart obeyed! How much more was the creature loved than the Creator!--O great God, that didst suffer me to live whilst I so dishonored Thee, Thou knowest the whole; and it was thy hand alone that could awaken me from the death in which I was, and was contented to be. Gladly would I have escaped from the Shepherd that sought me as I strayed; but He took me up in his arms and carried me back; and yet He took me not for anything that was in me. I was no more fit for his service than the Australian, and no more worthy to be called and chosen. Yet why should I doubt? not that God is unwilling, not that He is unable--of both I am assured. But perhaps my old sins are too fearful, and my unbelief too glaring? Nay; I come to Christ, not _although_ I am a sinner, but just _because_ I am a sinner, even the chief." He then adds, "And though sentiment and constitutional enthusiasm may have a great effect on me, still I believe that my soul is in sincerity desirous and earnest about having all its concerns at rest with God and Christ,--that his kingdom occupies the most part of all my thoughts, and even of my long-polluted affections. Not unto me, not unto me, be the shadow of praise or of merit ascribed, but let all glory be given to thy most holy name! As surely as Thou didst make the mouth with which I pray, so surely dost Thou prompt every prayer of faith which I utter. Thou hast made me all that I am, and given me all that I have." Next day, after communicating, he writes: "I well remember when I was an enemy, and especially abhorred this ordinance as binding me down; but if I be bound to Christ in heart, I shall not dread any bands that can draw me close to Him." Evening--"Much peace. Look back, my soul, and view the mind that belonged to thee but twelve months ago. My soul, thy place is in the dust!" "_May 19._--Thought with more comfort than usual of being a witness for Jesus in a foreign land." "June 4.--Walking with A. Somerville by Craigleith. Conversing on missions. If I am to go to the heathen to speak of the unsearchable riches of Christ, this one thing must be given me, to be out of the reach of the baneful influence of esteem or contempt. If worldly motives go with me, I shall never convert a soul, and shall lose my own in the labor." "_June 22._--Variety of studies. Septuagint translation of Exodus and Vulgate. Bought Edwards' works. Drawing--Truly there was nothing in me that should have induced Him to choose me. I was but as the other brands upon whom the fire is already kindled, which shall burn for evermore! And as soon could the billet leap from the hearth and become a green tree, as my soul could have sprung to newness of life." _June 25._--In reference to the office of the holy ministry; "How apt are we to lose our hours in the vainest babblings, as do the world! How can this be with those chosen for the mighty office? fellow-workers with God? heralds of His Son? evangelists? men set apart to the work, chosen out of the chosen, as it were the very pick of the flocks, who are to shine as the stars forever and ever? Alas, alas! my soul, where shall thou appear? O Lord God, I am a little child! But Thou wilt send an angel with a live coal from off the altar, and touch my unclean lips, and put a tongue within my dry mouth, so that I shall say with Isaiah, 'Here am I, send me.'" Then, after reading a little of Edwards' works: "Oh that heart and understanding may grow together, like brother and sister, leaning on one another!" "_June 27._--Life of David Brainerd. Most wonderful man! What conflicts, what depressions, desertions, strength, advancement, victories, within thy torn bosom! I cannot express what I think when I think of thee. To-night, more set upon missionary enterprise than ever." "_June 28._--Oh for Brainerd's humility and sin-loathing dispositions!" "_June 30._--Much carelessness, sin, and sorrow. 'Oh wretched man than I am, who shall deliver me from this body of sin and death?' Enter thou, my soul, into the rock, and hide thee in the dust for fear of the Lord and the glory of his majesty." And then he writes a few verses, of which the following are some stanzas:-- I will arise and seek my God, And, bowed down beneath my load, Lay all my sins before Him; Then He will wash my soul from sin, And put a new heart me within, And teach me to adore Him. O ye that fain would find the joy-- The only one that wants alloy-- Which never is deceiving; Come to the Well of Life with me, And drink, as it is proffered, free, The gospel draught receiving. I come to Christ, because I know The very worst are called to go; And when in faith I find Him, I'll walk in Him, and lean on Him, Because I cannot move a limb Until He say, "Unbind him." "_July 3._--This last bitter root of worldliness that has so often betrayed me has this night so grossly, that I cannot but regard it as God's chosen way to make me loathe and forsake it forever. I would vow; but it is much more like a weakly worm to pray. Sit in the dust, O my soul!" I believe he was enabled to keep his resolution. Once only, in the end of this year, was he again led back to gaiety; but it was the last time. "_July 7_, Saturday.--After finishing my usual studies, tried to fast a little, with much prayer and earnest seeking of God's face, remembering what occurred this night last year." (Alluding to his brother's death.) "_July 22._--Had this evening a more complete understanding of that self-emptying and abasement with which it is necessary to come to Christ,--a denying of self, trampling it under foot,--a recognizing of the complete righteousness and justice of God, that could do nothing else with us but condemn us utterly, and thrust us down to lowest hell,--a feeling that, even in hell, we _should_ rejoice in his sovereignty, and say that all was rightly done." "_Aug. 15._--Little done, and as little suffered. Awfully important question, Am I redeeming the time?" "_Aug. 18._--Heard of the death of James Somerville[2] by fever, induced by cholera. O God, thy ways and thoughts are not as ours! He had preached his first sermon. I saw him last on Friday, 27th July, at the College gate; shook hands, and little thought I was to see him no more on earth." [2] Son of the minister of Drumelzier,--very promising and very amiable. "_Sept. 2_, Sabbath evening.--Reading. Too much engrossed, and too little devotional. Preparation for a fall. Warning. We may be too engrossed with the shell even of heavenly things." "_Sept. 9._--Oh for true, unfeigned humility! I know I have cause to be humble; and yet I do not know one-half of that cause. I know I am proud; and yet I do not know the half of that pride." "_Sept. 30._--Somewhat straitened by loose Sabbath observance. Best way is to be explicit and manly." "_Nov. 1._--More abundant longings for the work of the ministry. Oh that Christ would but count me faithful, that a dispensation of the gospel might be committed to me!" And then he adds, "Much peace. _Peaceful, because believing_." _Dec. 2._--Hitherto he used to spend much of the Sabbath evening in extending his notes of Mr. Bruce's sermons, but now, "Determined to be brief with these, for the sake of a more practical, meditative, resting, sabbatical evening." "_Dec. 11._--Mind quite unfitted for devotion. Prayerless prayer." "_Dec. 31._--God has in this past year introduced me to the preparation of the ministry,--I bless Him for that. He has helped me to give up much of my shame to name his name, and be on his side, especially before particular friends,--I bless Him for that. He has taken conclusively away friends that might have been a snare,--must have been a stumbling-block,--I bless Him for that. He has introduced me to one Christian friend, and sealed more and more my amity with another,--I bless Him for that." _Jan. 27_, 1833.--On this day it had been the custom of his brother David to write a "Carmen Natale" on their father's birth-day. Robert took up the domestic song this year; and in doing so, makes some beautiful and tender allusions. Ah! where is the harp that was strung to thy praise, So oft and so sweetly in happier days? When the tears that we shed were the tears of our joy, And the pleasures of home were unmixed with alloy? The harp is now mute--its last breathings are spoken-- And the cord, though 'twas threefold, is now, alas, broken! Yet why should we murmur, short-sighted and vain, Since death to that loved one was undying gain? Ah, fools! shall we grieve that he left this poor scene, To dwell in the realms that are ever serene? Through he sparkled the gem in our circle of love, He is even more prized in the circles above. And though sweetly he sung of his father on earth, When this day would inspire him with tenderest mirth, Yet a holier tone to his harp is now given, _As he sings to his unborn Father in heaven_. Feb. 3.--Writing to a medical friend of his brother William's, he says, "I remember long ago a remark you once made to William, which has somehow or other stuck in my head, viz. that medical men ought to make a distinct study of the Bible, purely for the sake of administering conviction and consolation to their patients. I think you also said that you had actually begun with that view. Such a determination, though formed in youth, is one which I trust riper years will not make you blush to own." "_Feb. 11._--Somewhat overcome. Let me see: there is a creeping defect here. Humble purpose-like reading of the word omitted. What plant can be unwatered and not wither?" "_Feb. 16._--Walk to Corstorphine Hill. Exquisite clear view,--blue water, and brown fields, and green firs. Many thoughts on the follies of my youth. How many, O Lord, may they be? Summed up in one--ungodliness!" "_Feb. 21._--Am I as willing as ever to preach to the lost heathen?" "_March 8._--Biblical criticism. This must not supersede heart-work. How apt it is!" "_March 12._--Oh for activity, activity, activity!" "_March 29._--To-day my second session (at the Divinity Hall) ends. I am now in the middle of my career. God hold me on with a steady pace!" "_March 31._--The bull tosses in the net! How should the Christian imitate the anxieties of the worldling!" _April 17._--He heard of the death of one whom many friends had esteemed much and lamented deeply. This led him to touch the strings of his harp again, in a measure somewhat irregular, yet sad and sweet. "WE ALL DO FADE AS A LEAF." SHE LIVED-- So dying-like and frail, That every bitter gale Of winter seemed to blow Only to lay her low! She lived to show how He, Who stills the stormy sea, Can overrule the winter's power, And keep alive the tiniest flower-- Can bear the young lamb in his arms And shelter it from death's alarms. SHE DIED-- When spring, with brightest flowers, Was fresh'ning all the bowers. The linnet sung her choicest lay, When her sweet voice was hush'd for aye The snowdrop rose above the ground When she beneath her pillow found, Both cold, and white, and fair,-- She, fairest of the fair, She died to teach us all The loveliest must fall. A curse is written on the brow Of beauty; and the lover's vow Cannot retain the flitting breath, Nor save from all-devouring death. SHE LIVES-- The spirit left the earth; And he who gave her birth Has called her to his dread abode, To meet her Saviour and her God. She lives, to tell how blest Is the everlasting rest Of those who, in the Lamb's blood laved, Are chosen, sanctified, and saved! How fearful is their doom Who drop into the tomb Without a covert from the ire Of Him who is consuming fire! SHE SHALL LIVE-- The grave shall yield his prize, When, from the rending skies, Christ shall with shouting angels come To wake the slumberers of the tomb. And many more shall rise Before our longing eyes. Oh! may we all together meet, Embracing the Redeemer's feet! "_May 20._--General Assembly. The motion regarding Chapels of Ease lost by 106 to 103. Every shock of the ram is heavier and stronger, till all shall give way." "_June 4._--Evening almost lost. Music will not sanctify, though it make feminine the heart." "_June 22._--Omissions make way for commissions. Could I but take effective warning! A world's wealth would not make up for that saying, 'If any man sin, we have an Advocate with the Father.' But how shall we that are dead to sin live any longer therein?" "_June 30._--Self-examination. Why is a missionary life so often an object of my thoughts? Is it simply for the love I bear to souls? Then, why do I not show it more where I am? Souls are as precious here as in Burmah. Does the romance of the business not weigh anything with me?--the interest and esteem I would carry with me?--the nice journals and letters I should write and receive? Why would I so much rather go to the East than to the West Indies? Am I wholly deceiving my own heart? and have I not a spark of true missionary zeal? Lord, give me to understand and imitate the spirit of those unearthly words of thy dear Son: 'It is enough for the disciple that he be as his Master, and the servant as his Lord.' 'He that loveth father or mother more than me, is not worthy of me.' _Gloria in excelsis Deo!_ "_Aug. 13._--Clear conviction of sin is the only true origin of dependence on another's righteousness, and therefore (strange to say!) of the Christian's peace of mind and cheerfulness." "_Sept. 8._--Reading _Adams' Private Thoughts_. Oh for his heart-searching humility! Ah me! on what mountains of pride must I be wandering, when all I do is tinctured with the very sins this man so deplores; yet where are my wailings, where my tears, over my love of praise?" "_Nov. 14._--Composition--a pleasant kind of labor. I fear the love of applause or effect goes a great way. May God keep me from preaching myself instead of Christ crucified." "_Jan. 15_, 1834.--Heard of the death of J.S., off the Cape of Good Hope. O God! how Thou breakest into families! Must not the disease be dangerous, when a tender-hearted surgeon cuts deep into the flesh? How much more when God is the operator, 'who afflicteth not _from his heart_ [[Hebrew: meilivo]], nor grieveth the children of men!' Lam. 3:33." "_Feb. 23_, Sabbath.--Rose early to seek God, and found Him whom my soul loveth. Who would not rise early to meet such company? The rains are over and gone. They that sow in tears shall reap in joy." _Feb. 24._--He writes a letter to one who, he feared, was only sentimental, and not really under a sense of sin. "Is it possible, think you, for a person to be conceited of his miseries? May there not be a deep leaven of pride in telling how desolate and how unfeeling we are?--in brooding over our unearthly pains?--in our being excluded from the unsympathetic world?--in our being the invalids of Christ's hospital?" He had himself been taught by the Spirit that it is more humbling for us to _take what grace offers_, than to bewail our wants and worthlessness. Two days after, he records, with thankful astonishment, that for the first time in his life he had been blest to awaken a soul. All who find Christ for themselves are impelled, by the holy necessity of constraining love, to seek the salvation of others. Andrew findeth his brother Peter, and Philip findeth his friend Nathanael. So was it in the case before us. He no sooner knew Christ's righteousness as his own covering, than he longed to see others clothed in the same spotless robe. And it is peculiarly interesting to read the feelings of one who was yet to be blest in plucking so many brands from the fire, when, for the first time, he saw the Lord graciously employing him in this more than angelic work. We have his own testimony. "_Feb. 26._--After sermon. The precious tidings that a soul has been melted down by the grace of the Saviour. How blessed an answer to prayer, if it be really so! 'Can these dry bones live? Lord, Thou knowest.' What a blessed thing it is to see the first grievings of the awakened spirit, when it cries, 'I cannot see myself a sinner; I cannot pray, for my vile heart wanders!' It has refreshed me more than a thousand sermons. I know not how to thank and admire God sufficiently for this incipient work. Lord, perfect that which Thou hast begun!" A few days after: "Lord, I thank Thee that Thou hast shown me this marvellous working, though I was but an adoring spectator rather than an instrument." It is scarcely less interesting, in the case of one so gifted for the work of visiting the careless, and so singularly skilled in ministering the word by the bedside of the dying, to find a record of the occasion when the Lord led him forth to take his first survey of this field of labor. There existed at that time, among some of the students attending the Divinity Hall, a society, the sole object of which was to stir up each other to set apart an hour or two every week for visiting the careless and needy in the most neglected portions of the town. Our rule was, not to subtract anything from our times of study, but to devote to this work an occasional hour in the intervals between different classes, or an hour that might otherwise have been given to recreation. All of us felt the work to be trying to the flesh at the outset; but none ever repented of persevering in it. One Saturday forenoon, at the close of the usual prayer-meeting, which met in Dr. Chalmers' vestry, we went up together to a district in the Castle Hill. It was Robert's first near view of the heathenism of his native city, and the effect was enduring. "_March 3._--Accompanied A.B. in one of his rounds through some of the most miserable habitations I ever beheld. Such scenes I never before dreamed of. Ah! why am I such a stranger to the poor of my native town? I have passed their doors thousands of times; I have admired the huge black piles of building, with their lofty chimneys breaking the sun's rays,--why have I never ventured within? How dwelleth the love of God in me? How cordial is the welcome even of the poorest and most loathsome to the voice of Christian sympathy! What imbedded masses of human beings are huddled together, unvisited by friend or minister! 'No man careth for our souls' is written over every forehead. Awake, my soul! Why should I give hours and days any longer to the vain world, when there is such a world of misery at my very door? Lord, put thine own strength in me; confirm every good resolution; forgive my past long life of uselessness and folly." He forthwith became one of the society's most steady members, cultivating a district in the Canongate, teaching a Sabbath school, and distributing the Monthly Visitor, along with Mr. Somerville. His experience there was fitted to give him insight into the sinner's depravity in all its forms. His first visit in his district is thus noticed: "_March 24._--Visited two families with tolerable success. God grant a blessing may go with us! Began in fear and weakness, and in much trembling. May the power be of God." Soon after, he narrates the following scene:--"Entered the house of ----. Heard her swearing as I came up the stair. Found her storming at three little grandchildren, whom her daughter had left with her. She is a seared, hard-hearted wretch. Read Ezekiel 33. Interrupted by the entrance of her second daughter, furiously demanding her marriage lines. Became more discreet. Promised to come back--never came. Her father-in-law entered, a hideous spectacle of an aged drunkard, demanding money. Left the house with warnings." Another case he particularly mentions of a sick woman, who, though careless before, suddenly seemed to float into a sea of joy, without being able to give any scriptural account of the change. She continued, I believe, to her death in this state; but he feared it was a subtile delusion of Satan as an angel of light. One soul, however, was, to all appearance, brought truly to the Rock of Ages during his and his friend's prayerful visitations. These were first-fruits. He continues his diary, though often considerable intervals occur in the register of his spiritual state. "_May 9._--How kindly has God thwarted me in every instance where I sought to en lave myself! I will learn at least to glory in disappointments." "_May 10._--At the Communion. Felt less use for the minister than ever. Let the Master of the feast alone speak to my heart." He felt at such times, as many of the Lord's people have always done, that it is not the addresses of the ministers in serving the table, but the _Supper itself_, that ought to "satiate their souls with fatness." _May 21._--It is affecting to us to read the following entry:--"This day I attained my twenty-first year. Oh! how long and how worthlessly I have lived, Thou only knowest. _Neff_ died in his thirty-first year; when shall I?"[3] [3] It is worthy of notice how often the Lord has done much work by a few years of holy labor. In our Church, G. Gillespie and J. Durham died at thirty-six; Hugh Binning at twenty-six; Andrew Gray when scarcely at twenty-two. Of our witnesses, Patrick Hamilton was cut off at twenty-four, and Hugh M'Kail at twenty-six. In other churches we might mention many, such as John Janeway at twenty-three, David Brainerd at thirty, and Henry Martyn at thirty-two. Theirs was a short life, filled up with usefulness, and crowned with glory. Oh to be as they! _May 29._--He this day wrote very faithfully, yet very kindly, to one who seemed to him not a believer, and who nevertheless appropriated to herself the _promises_ of God. "If you are wholly unassured of your being a believer, is it not a contradiction in terms to say, that you are sure the believers' promises belong to you? Are you _an assured believer_? If so, rejoice in your heirship; and yet rejoice with trembling; for that is the very character of God's heirs. But are you _unassured_--nay, _wholly unassured_? then what mad presumption to say to your soul, that these promises, being in the Bible, must belong indiscriminately to all! It is too gross a contradiction for you to compass, except in word." He then shows that _Christ's free offer_ must be accepted by the sinner, and so the _promises_ become his. "This sinner complies with the call or offer, 'Come unto me;' and thereafter, but not before, can claim the annexed _promise_ as his: 'I will give thee rest.'" "_Aug. 14._--Partial fast, and seeking God's face by prayer. This day thirty years, my late dear brother was born. Oh for more love, and then will come more peace!" That same evening he wrote the hymn, "_The Barren Fig-tree_." "_Oct. 17._--Private meditation exchanged for conversation. Here is the root of the evil,--forsake God, and He forsakes us." Some evening this month he had been reading _Baxter's Call to the Unconverted_. Deeply impressed with the affectionate and awfully solemn urgency of the man of God, he wrote-- Though Baxter's lips have long in silence hung, And death long hush'd that sinner-wakening tongue, Yet still, though dead, he speaks aloud to all, And from the grave still issues forth his "Call:" Like some loud angel-voice from Zion hill, The mighty echo rolls and rumbles still. Oh grant that we, when sleeping in the dust, May thus speak forth the wisdom of the just! Mr. M'Cheyne was peculiarly subject to attacks of fever, and by one of these was he laid down on a sick-bed on November 15th. However, this attack was of short duration. On the 21st he writes: "Bless the Lord, O my soul, and forget not all his benefits. Learned more and more of the value of _Jehovah Tzidkenu_." He had, three days before, written his well-known hymn, "_I once was a stranger_," etc., entitled _Jehovah Tzidkenu, the Watchword of the Reformers_. It was the fruit of a slight illness which had tried his soul, by setting it more immediately in view of the judgment-seat of Christ; and the hymn which he so sweetly sung reveals the sure and solid confidence of his soul. In reference to that same illness, he seems to have penned the following lines. November 24th:-- He tenderly binds up the broken in heart, The soul bowed down He will raise: For mourning, the ointment of joy will impart: For heaviness, garments of praise. Ah, come, then, and sing to the praise of our God, Who giveth and taketh away; Who first by his kindness, and then by his rod, Would teach us, poor sinners, to pray. For in the assembly of Jesus' first-born, Who anthems of gratitude raise, Each heart has by great tribulation been torn, Each voice turned from wailing to praise. "_Nov. 9._--Heard of Edward Irving's death. I look back upon him with awe, as on the saints and martyrs of old. A holy man in spite of all his delusions and errors. He is now with his God and Saviour, whom he wronged so much, yet, I am persuaded, loved so sincerely. How should we lean for wisdom, not on ourselves, but on the God of all grace!" "_Nov. 21._--If nothing else will do to sever me from my sins, Lord send me such sore and trying calamities as shall awake me from earthly slumbers. It must always be best to be alive to Thee, whatever be the quickening instrument. I tremble as I write, for oh! on every hand do I see too likely occasions for sore afflictions." "_Feb._ 15, 1835.--To-morrow I undergo my trials before the Presbytery. May God give me courage in the hour of need. What should I fear? If God see meet to put me into the ministry, who shall keep me back? If I be not meet, why should I be thrust forward? To thy service I desire to dedicate myself over and over again." "_March 1._--Bodily service. What change is there in the heart! Wild, earthly affections there are here; strong, coarse passions; bands both of iron and silk. But I thank Thee, O my God, that they make me cry, 'Oh wretched man!' Bodily weakness, too, depresses me." "_March 29._--College finished on Friday last. My last appearance there. Life itself is vanishing fast. Make haste for eternity." In such records as these, we read God's dealings with his soul up to the time when he was licensed to preach the gospel. His preparatory discipline, both of heart and of intellect, had been directed by the Great Head of the Church in a way that remarkably qualified him for the work he was to perform in the vineyard. His soul was prepared for the awful work of the ministry by much prayer, and much study of the word of God; by affliction in his person; by inward trials and sore temptations; by experience of the depth of corruption in his own heart, and by discoveries of the Saviour's fulness of grace. He learned experimentally to ask, "Who is he that overcometh the world, but he that believeth that Jesus is the Son of God!" I John 5:5. During the four years that followed his awakening, he was oftentimes under the many waters, but was ever raised again by the same divine hand that had drawn him out at the first; till at length, though still often violently tossed, the vessel was able steadily to keep the summit of the wave. It appears that he learned the way of salvation experimentally, ere he knew it accurately by theory and system; and thus no doubt it was that his whole ministry was little else than a giving out of his own inward life. The Visiting Society noticed above was much blessed to the culture of his soul, and not less so the Missionary Association and the Prayer Meeting connected with it. None were more regular at the hour of prayer than he, and none more frequently led up our praises to the throne. He was for some time Secretary to the Association, and interested himself deeply in details of missionary labors. Indeed, to the last day of his life, his thoughts often turned to foreign lands; and one of the last notes he wrote was to the Secretary of the Association in Edinburgh, expressing his unabated interest in their prosperity. During the first years of his college course, his studies did not absorb his whole attention; but no sooner was the change on his soul begun, than his studies shared in the results. A deeper sense of responsibility led him to occupy his talents for the service of Him who bestowed them. There have been few who, along with a devotedness of spirit that sought to be ever directly engaged in the Lord's work, have nevertheless retained such continued and undecaying esteem for the advantages of study. While attending the usual literary and philosophical classes, he found time to turn his attention to Geology and Natural History. And often in his days of most successful preaching, when, next to his own soul, his parish and his flock were his only care, he has been known to express a regret that he had not laid up in former days more stores of all useful knowledge; for he found himself able to use the jewels of the Egyptians in the service of Christ. His previous studies would sometimes flash into his mind some happy illustration of divine truth, at the very moment when he was most solemnly applying the glorious gospel to the most ignorant and vile. His own words will best show his estimate of study, and at the same time the prayerful manner in which he felt it should be carried on. "Do get on with your studies," he wrote to a young student in 1840. "Remember you are now forming the character of your future ministry in great measure, if God spare you. If you acquire slovenly or sleepy habits of study now, you will never get the better of it. Do everything in its own time. Do everything in earnest; if it is worth doing, then do it with all your might. Above all, keep much in the presence of God. Never see the face of man till you have seen his face who is our life, our all. Pray for others; pray for your teachers, fellow-students," etc. To another he wrote: "Beware of the atmosphere of the classics. It is pernicious indeed; and you need much of the south wind breathing over the Scriptures to counteract it. True, we ought to know them; but only as chemists handle poisons--to discover their qualities, not to infect their blood with them." And again: "Pray that the Holy Spirit would not only make you a believing and holy lad, but make you wise in your studies also. A ray of divine light in the soul sometimes clears up a mathematical problem wonderfully. The smile of God calms the spirit, and the left hand of Jesus holds up the fainting head, and his Holy Spirit quickens the affection, so that even natural studies go on a million times more easily and comfortably." Before entering the Divinity Hall, he had attended a private class for the study of Hebrew; and having afterwards attended the two sessions of Dr. Brunton's college class, he made much progress in that language. He could consult the Hebrew original of the Old Testament with as much ease as most of our ministers are able to consult the Greek of the New. It was about the time of his first year's attendance at the Hall that I began to know him as an intimate friend. During the summer vacations,--that we might redeem the time,--some of us who remained in town, when most of our fellow-students were gone to the country, used to meet once every week in the forenoon, for the purpose of investigating some point of _Systematic Divinity_, and stating to each other the amount and result of our private reading. At another time we met in a similar way, till we had overtaken the chief points of the _Popish controversy_. Advancement in our acquaintance with the Greek and Hebrew Scriptures also brought us together; and one summer the study of _Unfulfilled Prophecy_ assembled a few of us once a week, at an early morning hour, when, though our views differed much on particular points, we never failed to get food to our souls in the Scriptures we explored. But no society of this kind was more useful and pleasant to us than one which, from its object, received the name of _Exegetical_. It met during the session of the Theological classes every Saturday morning at half-past six. The study of Biblical criticism, and whatever might cast light on the word of God, was our aim; and these meetings were kept up regularly during four sessions. Mr. M'Cheyne spoke of himself as indebted to this society for much of that discipline of mind on Jewish literature and Scripture geography which was found to be so useful in the Mission of Inquiry to the Jews in after days.[4] [4] The members of this Society were--Rev. _William Laughton_, now Minister of St Thomas's, Greenock, in connection with the Free Church; _Thomas Brown,_ Free Church, Kinneff; _William Wilson_, Free Church, Carmyllie; _Horatius Bonar_, Free Church, Kelso; _Andrew A. Bonar_, Free Church, Collace; _Robert M. M'Cheyne; Alexander Somerville_, Free Church, Anderston, Glasgow; _John Thomson_, Mariners' Free Church, Leith; _Robert K. Hamilton_, Madras; _John Burne_, for some time at Madeira; _Patrick Borrowman_, Free Church, Glencairn; _Walter Wood_, Free Church, Westruther; _Henry Moncrieff_, Free Church, Kilbride; _James Cochrane_, Established Church, Cupar; _John Miller_, Secretary to Free Church Special Commission; _G. Smeaton_, Free Church, Auchterarder; _Robert Kinnear_, Free Church, Moffat; and _W.B. Clarke_, Free Church, Half-Morton. Every meeting was opened and closed with prayer. Minutes of the discussions were kept; and the essays read were preserved in volumes. A very characteristic essay of Mr. M'Cheyne's is "Lebanon and its Scenery" (inserted in the _Remains_), wherein he adduces the evidence of travellers for facts and customs which he himself was afterwards to see. Often, in 1839, pleasant remembrances of these days of youthful study were suggested by what we actually witnessed; and in the essay referred to I find an interesting coincidence. He writes: "What a refreshing sight to his eye, yet undimmed with age, after resting forty years on the monotonous scenery of the desert, now to rest on Zion's olive-clad hills, and Lebanon, with its vine-clad base and overhanging forests, and towering peaks of snow!" This was the very impression on our minds when we ourselves came up from the wilderness as expressed in the _Narrative_, chap. 2--"May 29. Next morning we saw at a distance a range of hills, running north and south, called by the Arabs _Djebel Khalie_. After wandering so many days in the wilderness, with its vast monotonous plains of level sand, the sight of these distant mountains was a pleasant relief to the eye; and we thought we could understand a little of the feeling with which Moses, after being forty years in the desert, would pray, 'I pray Thee let me go over,'" Deut. 3:25. But these helps in study were all the while no more than supplementary. The regular systematic studies of the Hall furnished the main provision for his mental culture. Under Dr. Chalmers for Divinity, and under Dr. Welsh for Church History, a course of four years afforded no ordinary advantages for enlarging the understanding. New fields of thought were daily opened up. His notes and his diary testify that he endeavored to retain what he heard, and that he used to read as much of the books recommended by the professors as his time enabled him to overtake. Many years after, he thankfully called to mind lessons that had been taught in these classes. Riding one day with Mr. Hamilton (now of Regent Square, London) from Abernyte to Dundee, they were led to speak of the best mode of dividing a sermon. "I used," said he, "to despise Dr. Welsh's rules at the time I heard him; but now I feel I _must use_ them, for nothing is more needful for making a sermon memorable and impressive than a logical arrangement." His intellectual powers were of a high order: clear and distinct apprehension of his subject, and felicitous illustration, characterized him among all his companions. To an eager desire for wide acquaintance with truth in all its departments, and a memory strong and accurate in retaining what he found, there was added a remarkable candor in examining what claimed to be the truth. He had also an ingenious and enterprising mind--a mind that could carry out what was suggested, when it did not strike out new light for itself. He possessed great powers of analysis; often his judgment discovered singular discrimination. His imagination seldom sought out object of grandeur; for, as a friend has truly said of him, "he had a kind and quiet eye, which found out the living and beautiful in nature, rather than the majestic and sublime." He might have risen to high eminence in the circles of taste and literature, but denied himself all such hopes, that he might win souls. With such peculiar talents as he possessed, his ministry might have, in any circumstances, attracted many; but these attractions were all made subsidiary to the single desire of awakening the dead in trespasses and sins. Nor would he have expected to be blessed to the salvation of souls unless he had himself been a monument of sovereign grace. In his esteem, "_to be in Christ before being in the ministry_" was a thing indispensable. He often pointed to those solemn words of Jeremiah (23:21): "_I have not sent these prophets, yet they ran; I have not spoken to them, yet they prophesied. But if they had stood in my counsel, and caused my people to hear my words, then they should have turned them from their evil way, and from the evil of their doings._" It was with faith already in his heart that he went forward to the holy office of the ministry, receiving from his Lord the rod by which he was to do signs, and which, when it had opened rocks and made waters gush out, he never failed to replace upon the ark whence it was taken, giving glory to God! He knew not the way by which God was leading him; but even then he was under the guidance of the pillar-cloud. At this very period he wrote that hymn, _They sing the song of Moses_. His course was then about to begin; but now that it has ended, we can look back and plainly see that the faith he therein expressed was not in vain. CHAPTER II HIS LABORS IN THE VINEYARD BEFORE ORDINATION. "_He that goeth forth and weepeth, bearing precious seed, shall doubtless come again with rejoicing, bringing his sheaves with him._"--Ps. 126:6. While he was still only undergoing a student's usual examinations before the Presbytery, in the spring and summer of 1835, several applications were made to him by ministers in the Church, who desired to secure his services for their part of the vineyard. He was especially urged to consider the field of labor at Larbert and Dunipace, near Stirling, under Mr. John Bonar, the pastor of these united parishes. This circumstance led him (as is often done in such cases) to ask the Presbytery of Edinburgh, under whose superintendence he had hitherto carried on his studies, to transfer the remainder of his public trials to another Presbytery, where there would be less press of business to occasion delay. This request being readily granted, his connection with Dumfriesshire led him to the Presbytery of Annan, who licensed him to preach the gospel on 1st July 1835. His feelings at the moment appear from a record of his own in the evening of the day: "Preached three probationary discourses in Annan Church, and, after an examination in Hebrew, was solemnly licensed to preach the gospel by Mr. Monylaws, the moderator. 'Bless the Lord, O my soul; and all that is within me, be stirred up to praise and magnify his holy name!' What I have so long desired as the highest honor of man, Thou at length givest me--me who dare scarcely use the words of Paul: 'Unto me who am less than the least of all saints is this grace given, that I should preach the unsearchable riches of Christ.' Felt somewhat solemnized, though unable to feel my unworthiness as I ought. Be clothed with humility." An event occurred the week before which cast a solemnizing influence on him, and on his after fellow-traveller and brother in the gospel, who was licensed by another Presbytery that same day. This event was the lamented death of the Rev. John Brown Patterson of Falkirk--one whom the Lord had gifted with preeminent eloquence and learning, and who was using all for his Lord, when cut off by fever. He had spoken much before his death of the awfulness of a pastor's charge, and his early death sent home the lesson to many, with the warning that the pastor's account of souls might be suddenly required of him. On the following Sabbath, Mr. M'Cheyne preached for the first time in Ruthwell Church, near Dumfries, on "the Pool of Bethesda;" and in the afternoon on "the Strait Gate." He writes that evening in his diary: "Found it a more awfully solemn thing than I had imagined to announce Christ authoritatively; yet a glorious privilege!" The week after (Saturday, July 11): "Lord, put me into thy service when and where Thou pleasest. In thy hand all my qualities will be put to their appropriate end. Let me, then, have no anxieties." Next day, also, after preaching in St. John's Church, Leith: "Remembered, before going into the pulpit, the confession which says,[5] 'We have been more anxious about the messenger than the message.'" In preaching that day, he states, "It came across me in the pulpit, that if spared to be a minster, I might enjoy sweet flashes of communion with God in that situation. The mind is entirely wrought up to speak for God. It is possible, then, that more vivid acts of faith may be gone through then, than in quieter and sleepier moments." [5] He here refers to the _Full and Candid Acknowledgment of Sin_, for Students and Ministers, drawn up by the Commission of Assembly in 1651, and often reprinted since. It was not till the 7th of November that he began his labors at Larbert. In the interval he preached in various places, and many began to perceive the peculiar sweetness of the word in his lips. In accepting the invitation to labor in the sphere proposed, he wrote: "It has always been my aim, and it is my prayer, to have _no plans_ with regard to myself, well assured as I am, that the place where the Saviour sees meet to place me must ever be the best place for me." The parish to which he had come was very large, containing six thousand souls. The parish church is at Larbert; but through the exertions of Mr. Bonar, many years ago, a second church was erected for the people of Dunipace. Mr. Hanna, afterwards minister of Skirling, had preceded M'Cheyne in the duties of assistant in his field of labor; and Mr. M'Cheyne now entered on it with a fully devoted and zealous heart, although in a weak state of health. As assistant, it was his part to preach every alternate Sabbath at Larbert and Dunipace, and during the week to visit among the population of both these districts, according as he felt himself enabled in body and soul. There was a marked difference between the two districts in their general features of character; but equal labor was bestowed on both by the minister and his assistant; and often did their prayer ascend that the windows of heaven might be opened over the two sanctuaries. Souls have been saved there. Often, however, did the faithful pastor mingle his tears with those of his younger fellow-soldier, complaining, "Lord, who hath believed our report?" There was much sowing in faith; nor was this sowing abandoned even when the returns seemed most inadequate. Mr. M'Cheyne had great delight in remembering that Larbert was one of the places where, in other days, that holy man of God, Robert Bruce, had labored and prayed. Writing at an after period from the Holy Land, he expressed the wish, "May the Spirit be poured upon Larbert as in Bruce's days." But more than all associations, the souls of the people, whose salvation he longed for, were ever present to his mind. A letter to Mr. Bonar, in 1837, from Dundee, shows us his yearnings over them. "What an interest I feel in Larbert and Dunipace! It is like the land of my birth. Will the Sun of Righteousness ever rise upon it, making its hills and valleys bright with the light of the knowledge of Jesus?" No sooner was he settled in his chamber here, than he commenced his work. With him, the commencement of all labor invariably consisted in the preparation of his own soul. The forerunner of each day's visitations was a calm season of private devotion during morning hours. The walls of his chamber were witnesses of his prayerfulness,--I believe of his tears as well as of his cries. The pleasant sound of psalms often issued from his room at an early hour. Then followed the reading of the word for his own sanctification; and few have so fully realized the blessing of the first Psalm. His leaf did not wither, for his roots were in the waters. It was here, too, that he began to study so closely the works of Jonathan Edwards,--reckoning them a mine to be wrought, and if wrought, sure to repay the toil. Along with this author, the _Letters of Samuel Rutherford_ were often in his hand. Books of general knowledge he occasionally perused; but now it was done with the steady purpose of finding in them some illustration of spiritual truth. He rose from reading _Insect Architecture_, with the observation, "God reigns in a community of ants and ichneumons, as visibly as among living men or mighty seraphim!" His desire to grow in acquaintance with Scripture was very intense; and both Old and New Testament were his regular study. He loved to range over the wide revelation of God. "He would be a sorry student of this world," said he to a friend, "who should forever confine his gaze to the fruitful fields and well-watered gardens of this cultivated earth. He could have no true idea of what the world was, unless he had stood upon the rocks of our mountains, and seen the bleak muirs and mosses of our barren land; unless he had paced the quarter-deck when the vessel was out of sight of land, and seen the waste of waters without any shore upon the horizon. Just so, he would be a sorry student of the Bible who would not know all that God has inspired; who would not examine into the most barren chapters to collect the good for which they were intended; who would not strive to understand all the bloody battles which are chronicled, that he might find 'bread out of the eater, and honey out of the lion.'"--(June 1836.) His anxiety to have every possible help to holiness led him to notice what are the disadvantages of those who are not daily stirred up by the fellowship of more advanced believers. "I have found, by some experience, that in the country here my watch does not go so well as it used to do in town. By small and gradual changes I find it either gains or loses, and I am surprised to find myself different in time from all the world, and, what is worse, from the sun. The simple explanation is, that in town I met with a steeple in every street, and a good-going clock upon it; and so any aberrations in my watch were soon noticed and easily corrected. And just so I sometimes think it may be with that inner watch, whose hands point not to time but to eternity. By gradual and slow changes the wheels of my soul lag behind, or the springs of passions become too powerful; and I have no living timepiece with which I may compare, and by which I may amend my going. You will say that I may always have the sun: And so it should be; but we have many clouds which obscure the sun from our weak eyes."--(_Letter to Rev. H. Bonar, Kelso._) From the first he fed others by what he himself was feeding upon. His preaching was in a manner the development of his soul's experience. It was a giving out of the inward life. He loved to come up from the pastures wherein the Chief Shepherd had met him--to lead the flock entrusted to his care to the spots where he found nourishment. In the field of his labor he found enough of work to overwhelm his spirit. The several collieries and the Carron Ironworks furnish a population who are, for the most part, either sunk in deep indifference to the truth, or are opposed to it in the spirit of infidelity. Mr. M'Cheyne at once saw that the pastor whom he had come to aid, whatever was the measure of his health, and zeal, and perseverance, had duties laid on him which were altogether beyond the power of man to overtake. When he made a few weeks' trial, the field appeared more boundless, and the mass of souls more impenetrable, than he had ever conceived. It was probably, in some degree, his experience at this time that gave him such deep sympathy with the Church Extension Scheme, as a truly noble and Christian effort for bringing the glad tidings to the doors of a population who must otherwise remain neglected, and were themselves willing so to live and die. He conveyed his impressions on this subject to a friend abroad, in the following terms: "There is a soul-destroying cruelty in the cold-hearted opposition which is made to the multiplication of ministers in such neglected and overgrown districts as these. If one of our Royal Commissioners would but consent to undergo the bodily fatigue that a minister ought to undergo in visiting merely the sick and dying of Larbert (let alone the visitation of the whole, and preparation for the pulpit), and that for one month, I would engage that if he be able to rise out of his bed by the end of it, he would change his voice and manner at the Commission Board." A few busy weeks passed over, occupied from morning to night in such cares and toils, when another part of the discipline he was to undergo was sent. In the end of December, strong oppression of the heart and an irritating cough caused some of his friends to fear that his lungs were affected; and for some weeks he was laid aside from public duty. On examination, it was found that though there was a dulness in the right lung, yet the material of the lungs was not affected. For a time, however, the air-vessels were so clogged and irritated, that if he had continued to preach, disease would have quickly ensued. But this also was soon removed, and, under cautious management, he resumed his work. This temporary illness served to call forth this extreme sensitiveness of his soul to the responsibilities of his office. At its commencement--having gone to Edinburgh "in so sweet a sunshine morning that God seemed to have chosen it for him"--he wrote to Mr. Bonar: "If I am not recovered before the third Sabbath, I fear I shall not be able to bear upon my conscience the responsibility of leaving you any longer to labor alone, bearing unaided the burden of 6,000 souls. No, my dear sir, I must read the will of God aright in his providence, and give way, when He bids me, to fresh and abler workmen. I hope and pray that it may be his will to restore me again to you and your parish, with a heart tutored by sickness, to speak more and more as dying to dying." Then, mentioning two of the sick: "Poor A.D. and C.H., I often think of them. I can do no more for their good, except pray for them. Tell them that I do this without ceasing." The days when a holy pastor, who knows the blood-sprinkled way to the Father, is laid aside, are probably as much a proof of the kindness of God to his flock as days of health and activity. He is occupied, during this season of retirement, in discovering the plagues of his heart, and in going in, like Moses, to plead with God face to face for his flock, and for his own soul. Mr. M'Cheyne believed that God had this end in view with him; and that the Lord should thus deal with him at his entrance into the vineyard made him ponder these dealings the more. "Paul asked," says he, "'What wilt Thou have me _to do_?' and it was answered, 'I will show him what great things he must _suffer_ for my name's sake.' Thus it may be with me. I have been too anxious to do great things. The lust of praise has ever been my besetting sin; and what more befitting school could be found for me than that of suffering alone, away from the eye and ear of man?" Writing again to Mr. Bonar, he tells him: "I feel distinctly that the whole of my labor during this season of sickness and pain should be in the way of prayer and _intercession_. And yet, so strongly does Satan work in our deceitful hearts, I scarcely remember a season wherein I have been more averse to these duties. I try to build myself up in my most holy faith, praying in the Holy Ghost, keeping myself in the love of God, and looking for the mercy of the Lord Jesus unto eternal life.' That text of Jude has peculiar beauties for me at this season. If it be good to come under the love of God once, surely it is good to keep ourselves there. And yet how reluctant we are! I cannot doubt that boldness is offered me to enter into the holiest of all; I cannot doubt my right and title to enter continually by the new and bloody way; I cannot doubt that when I do enter in, I stand not only forgiven, but accepted in the Beloved; I cannot doubt that when I do enter in, the Spirit is willing and ready to descend like a dove, to dwell in my bosom as a Spirit of prayer and peace, enabling me to 'pray in the Holy Ghost;' and that Jesus is ready to rise up as my intercessor with the Father, praying for me though not for the world; and that the prayer-hearing God is ready to bend his ear to requests which He delights to hear and answer. I cannot doubt that thus to dwell in God is the true blessedness of my nature; and yet, strange unaccountable creature! I am too often unwilling to enter in. I go about and about the sanctuary, and I sometimes press in through the rent veil, and see the blessedness of dwelling there to be far better than that of the tents of wickedness; yet it is certain that I do not dwell within."--"My prayers follow you, especially to the sick-beds of A.D. and C.H. I hope they still survive, and that Christ may yet be glorified in them." On resuming his labors, he found a residence in Carronvale. From this pleasant spot he used to ride out to his work. But pleasant as the spot was, yet being only partially recovered, he was not satisfied; he lamented that he was unable to overtake what a stronger laborer would have accomplished. He often cast a regretful look at the collieries; and remembering them still at a later period, he reproached himself with neglect, though most unjustly. "The places which I left utterly unbroken in upon are Kinnaird and Milton. Both of these rise up against my conscience, particularly the last, through which I have ridden so often." It was not the comfort, but the positive usefulness of the ministry, that he envied; and he judged of places by their fitness to promote this great end. He said of a neighboring parish, which he had occasion to visit: "The manse is altogether too sweet; other men could hardly live there without saying, 'This is my rest.' I don't think ministers' manses should ever be so beautiful." A simple incident was overruled to promote the ease and fluency of his pulpit ministrations. From the very beginning of his ministry he reprobated the custom of reading sermons, believing that to do so does exceedingly weaken the freedom and natural fervor of the messenger in delivering his message. Neither did he recite what he had written. But his custom was to impress on his memory the substance of what he had beforehand carefully written, and then to speak as he found liberty. One morning, as he rode rapidly along to Dunipace, his written sermons were dropped on the wayside. This accident prevented him having the opportunity of preparing in his usual manner; but he was enabled to preach with more than usual freedom. For the first time in his life, he discovered that he possessed the gift of extemporaneous composition, and learned, to his own surprise, that he had more composedness of mind and command of language than he had believed. This discovery, however, did not in the least degree diminish his diligent preparation. Indeed, the only use that he made of the incident at the time it occurred was, to draw a lesson of dependence on God's own immediate blessing rather than on the satisfactory preparation made. "One thing always fills the cup of my consolation, that God may work by the meanest and poorest words, as well as by the most polished and ornate,--yea, perhaps more readily, that the glory may be all his own." His hands were again full, distributing the bread of life in fellowship with Mr. Bonar. The progress of his own soul, meanwhile, may be traced in some of the few entries that occur in his diary during this period:-- "_Feb. 21, 1836_, Sabbath.--Blessed be the Lord for another day of the Son of man. Resumed my diary, long broken off; not because I do not feel the disadvantages of it,--making you assume feelings and express rather what you wish to be than what you are,--but because the advantages seem greater. It ensures sober reflection on the events of the day as seen in God's eye. Preached twice in Larbert, on the righteousness of God, Rom. 1:16. In the morning was more engaged in preparing the head than the heart. This has been frequently my error, and I have always felt the evil of it, especially in prayer. Reform it, then, O Lord." "_Feb. 27._--Preached in Dunipace with more heart than ever I remember to have done, on Rom. 5:10, owing to the gospel nature of the subject and prayerful preparation. Audience smaller than usual! How happy and strange is the feeling when God gives the soul composure to stand and plead for Him! Oh that it were altogether for Him I plead, not for myself!" "_March 5._--Preached in Larbert with very much comfort, owing chiefly to my remedying the error of 21st Feb. Therefore the heart and the mouth were full. 'Enlarge my heart, and I shall run,' said David. 'Enlarge my heart, and I shall preach.'" In this last remark we see the germ of his remarkably solemn ministry. His heart was filled, and his lips then spoke what he felt within his heart. He gave out not merely living water, but living water drawn at the springs that he had himself drank of; and is not this a true gospel ministry? Some venture to try what they consider a more _intellectual_ method of addressing the conscience; but ere a minister attempts this mode, he ought to see that he is one who is able to afford more deep and anxious preparation of heart than other men. Since the intellectual part of the discourse is not that which is most likely to be an arrow in the conscience, those pastors who are intellectual men must bestow tenfold more prayerfulness on their work, if they would have either their own or their people's souls affected under their word. If we are ever to preach with compassion for the perishing, we must ourselves be moved by those same views of sin and righteousness which moved the human soul of Jesus. (See Psalm 38 and 55.) About this time he occasionally contributed papers to the _Christian Herald_: one of these was _On sudden Conversions_, showing that Scripture led us to expect such. During this month he seems to have written the _Lines on Mungo Park_, one of the pieces which attracted the notice of Professor Wilson. But whatever he engaged in, his aim was to honor his Master. I find him, after hearing sermon by another, remarking (_April 3_), "Some things powerful; but I thirst to hear more of Christ." On Sabbath 16, he writes: "Preached with some tenderness of heart. Oh, why should I not weep, as Jesus did over Jerusalem? Evening--Instructing two delightful Sabbath schools. Much bodily weariness. Gracious kindness of God in giving rest to the weary." "_April 13._--Went to Stirling to hear Dr. Duff once more upon his system. With greater warmth and energy than ever. He kindles as he goes. Felt almost constrained to go the whole length of his system with him. If it were only to raise up an audience, it would be defensible; but when it is to raise up teachers, it is more than defensible. I am now made willing, if God shall open the way, to go to India. Here am I; send me!" The missionary feeling in his soul continued all his life. The Lord had really made him willing; and this preparedness to go anywhere completed his preparation for unselfish, self-denied work at home. Must there not be somewhat of this missionary tendency in all true ministers? Is any one truly the Lord's messenger who is not quite willing to go when and where the Lord calls? Is it justifiable in any to put aside a call from the north, on the ground that he _wishes_ one from the south? We must be found in the position of Isaiah, if we are to be really sent of God. "_April 24._--Oh that this day's labor may be blessed! and not mine alone, but all thy faithful servants all over the world, till _thy Sabbath_ come." "_April 26._--Visiting in Carron-shore. Well received everywhere. Truly a pleasant labor. Cheered me much. Preached to them afterwards from Proverbs 1." "_May 8._--Communion in Larbert. Served as an elder and help to the faithful. Partook with some glimpses of faith and joy. Served by a faithful old minister (Mr. Dempster of Denny), one taught of God. This morning stood by the dying--evening, stood by the dead, poor J.F. having died last night. I laid my hand on her cold forehead, and tried to shut her eyes. Lord, give me strength for living to Thee!--strength also for a dying hour." "_May 15._--This day an annular eclipse of the sun. Kept both the services together in order to be in time. Truly a beautiful sight to see the shining edge of the sun all round the dark disc of the moon. Lord, one day thy hand shall put out those candles; for there shall be no need of the sun to lighten the happy land: the Lamb is the light thereof; a sun that cannot be eclipsed--that cannot go down." "_May 17._--Visited thirteen families, and addressed them all in the evening in the school, on Jeremiah 1:4, 'Going and weeping.' Experienced some enlargement of soul; said some plain things; and had some desire for their salvation, that God might be praised." "_May 21._--Preparation for the Sabbath. My birth-day. I have lived twenty-three years. Blessed be my Rock. Though I am a child in knowledge of my Bible and of Thee, yet use me for what a child can do, or a child can suffer. How few sufferings I have had in the year that is past, except in my own body. Oh that as my day is my strength may be! Give me strength for a suffering and for a dying hour!" "_May 22._--O Lord, when Thou workest, all discouragements vanish; when Thou art away, anything is a discouragement. Blessed be God for such a day--one of a thousand! Oh! why not always this? Watch and pray." Being in Edinburgh this month, during the sitting of the General Assembly, he used the opportunity of revisiting some of his former charge in the Canongate. "J.S., a far-off inquirer, but surely God is leading. His hand draws out these tears. Interesting visits to L., near death, and still in the same mind. I cannot but hope that some faith is here. Saw Mrs. M.; many tears: felt much, though I am still doubtful, and in the dark. Thou knowest, Lord!" "_June 11._--Yesterday up in Dunipace. It would seem as if I were afraid to name the name of Christ. Saw many worldly people greatly needing a word in season, yet could not get up my heart to speak. What I did failed almost completely. I am not worthy, Lord! To-day sought to prepare my heart for the coming Sabbath. After the example of Boston, whose life I have been reading, examined my heart with prayer and fasting. 1. Does my heart really close with the offer of salvation by Jesus? Is it my choice to be saved in the way which gives Him all the praise, and me none? Do I not only see it to be the Bible way of salvation, but does it cordially approve itself to my heart as delightful? Lord search me and try me, for I cannot but answer, Yes, yes. 2. Is it the desire of my heart to be made altogether holy? Is there any sin I wish to retain? Is sin a grief to me, the sudden risings and overcomings thereof especially? Lord, Thou knowest all things--Thou knowest that I hate all sin, and desire to be made altogether _like Thee_. It is the sweetest word in the Bible: 'Sin _shall not_ have dominion over you.' Oh, then, that I might lie low in the dust,--the lower the better,--that Jesus' righteousness and Jesus' strength alone be admired! Felt much deadness, and much grief that I cannot grieve for this deadness. Towards evening revived. Got a calm spirit through psalmody and prayer." "_June 12_, Sabbath.--To-day a sinner preached Jesus, the same Jesus who has done all things for him and that so lately! A day of much help, of some earnest looking-up of the heart to that alone quickening power, of much temptation to flattery and pride. Oh for breathing gales of spiritual life! Evening--Somewhat helped to lay Jesus before little children in his beauty and excellency. Much fatigue, yet some peace. Surely a day in thy courts is better than a thousand." "_June 15._--Day of visiting (rather a happy one) in Carron-shore. Large meeting in the evening. Felt very happy after it, though mourning for _bitter speaking of the gospel_. Surely it is a gentle message, and should be spoken with angelic tenderness, especially by such a needy sinner." Of this bitterness in preaching, he had little indeed in after days; yet so sensible was he of its being quite natural to all of us, that oftentimes he made it the subject of conversation, and used to grieve over himself if he had spoken with anything less than solemn compassion. I remember on one occasion, when we met, he asked what my last Sabbath's subject had been. It had been, "The wicked shall be turned into hell." On hearing this awful test, he asked, "Were you able to preach it _with tenderness_?" Certain it is that the tone of reproach and upbraiding is widely different from the voice of solemn warning. It is not saying hard things that pierces the consciences of our people; it is the voice of divine love heard amid the thunder. The sharpest point of the two-edged sword is not _death_, but _life_; and against self-righteous souls this latter ought to be more used than the former. For such souls can hear us tell of the open gates of hell and the unquenchable fire far more unconcernedly than of the gates of heaven wide open for their immediate return. When we preach that the glad tidings _were intended to impart immediate assurance of eternal life to every sinner that believes them_, we strike deeper upon the proud enmity of the world to God, then when we show the eternal curse and the second death. "_June 19_, Sabbath.--Wet morning. Preached at Dunipace to a small audience, on Parable of the Tares. I thank God for that blessed parable.--In both discourses I can look back on many hateful thoughts of pride, and self-admiration, and love of praise, stealing the heart out of the service." "_June 22._--Carron-shore. My last. Some tears; yet I fear some like the messenger, not the message; and I fear I am so vain as to love that love. Lord, let it not be so. Perish _my_ honor, but let _thine_ be exalted forever." "_June 26._--True Sabbath-day. Golden sky. Full church, and more liveliness than sometimes. Shall I call the liveliness of this day a gale of the Spirit, or was all natural? I know that all was not of grace; the self-admiration, the vanity, the desire of honor, the bitterness--these were all breaths of earth or hell. But was there no grace? Lord, Thou knowest. I dare not wrong Thee by saying--No! Larbert Sabbath school with the same liveliness and joy. Domestic work with the same. Praised be God! Oh that the savor of it may last through the week! By this may I test if it be all of nature, or much of grace. Alas! how I tremble for my Monday mornings--those seasons of lifelessness. Lord, bless the seeds sown this day in the hearts of my friends, by the hand of my friends, and all over the world--hasten the harvest!" "July 3.--After a week of working and hurried preparation, a Sabbath of mingled peace and pain. Called, morning before preaching, to see Mrs. E., dying. Preached on the Jailor--discomposedly--with some glimpses of the genuine truth as it is in Jesus. Felt there was much mingling of experience. At times the congregation was lightened up from their dull flatness, and then they sunk again into lethargy. O Lord, make me hang on Thee to open their hearts, Thou opener of Lydia's heart. I fear Thou wilt not bless my preaching, until I am brought thus to hang on Thee. Oh keep not back a blessing for my sin! Afternoon--On the Highway of the Redeemed, with more ease and comfort. Felt the truth sometimes boiling up from my heart into my words. Some glimpses of tenderness, yet much less of that spirit than the last two Sabbaths. Again saw the dying woman. Oh when will I plead, with my tears and inward yearnings, over sinners! Oh, compassionate Lord, give me to know what manner of spirit I am of! give me thy gentle Spirit, that neither strives nor cries. Much weariness, want of prayerfulness, and want of cleaving to Christ." Tuesday the 5th being the anniversary of his licence to preach the gospel, he writes: "Eventful week; one year I have preached _Jesus_, have I? or myself? I have often preached myself also, but Jesus I have preached." About this time he again felt the hand of affliction, though it did not continue long. Yet it was plain to him now that personal trouble was to be one of the ingredients of that experience which helped to give a peculiar tone to his ministry. "_July 8._--Since Tuesday have been laid up with illness. Set by once more for a season to feel my unprofitableness and cure my pride. When shall this self-choosing temper be healed? 'Lord, I will preach, run, visit, wrestle,' said I. 'No, thou shalt lie in thy bed and suffer,' said the Lord. To-day missed some fine opportunities of speaking a word for Christ. The Lord saw I would have spoken as much for my own honor as his, and therefore shut my mouth. _I see a man cannot be a faithful minister, until he preaches Christ for Christ's sake_--until he gives up striving to attract people to himself, and seeks only to attract them to Christ. Lord, give me this! To-night some glimpses of humbling, and therefore some wrestling in social prayer. But my prayers are scarcely to be called prayer." Then, in the evening: "This day my brother has been five years absent from the body and present with the Lord, and knows more and loves more than all earthly saints together. Till the day break and the shadows flee away, turn, my Beloved!" "_July 10._--I fear I am growing more earthly in some things. To-day I felt a difficulty in bringing in spiritual conversation immediately after preaching, when my bosom should be burning. Excused myself from dining out from other than the grand reason; though checked and corrected myself. Evening--Insensibly slid into worldly conversation. Let these things be corrected in me, O Lord, by the heart being more filled with love to Jesus, and more ejaculatory prayer." "_July 17_, Sabbath.--Oh that I may remember my own word this day: that the hour of communion is the hour for the foxes--the little foxes--to spoil the wine. Two things that defile this day in looking back, are love of praise running through all, and consenting to listen to worldly talk at all. Oh that these may keep me humble and be my burden, leading me to the cross. Then, Satan, thou wilt be outwitted!" "_July 19._--Died, this day, W. M'Cheyne, my cousin-german, Relief minister, Kelso. Oh how I repent of our vain controversies on Establishments when we last met, and that we spoke so little of Jesus! Oh that we had spoken more one to another! Lord, teach me to be always speaking as dying to dying." "_July 24._--Dunipace Communion--Heard Mr. Purves of Jedburgh preach, 'Therefore with joy shall ye draw water out of the wells of salvation.' The only way to come to ordinances, and to draw from the well, is to come with the matter of acceptance settled, believing God's anger to be turned away. Truly a precious view of the freeness of the gospel very refreshing. My soul needs to be roused much to apprehend this truth." Above (_July 3_) he spoke of "mingling experience with the genuine truth as it is in Jesus." It is to this that he refers again in the last paragraph. His deep acquaintance with the human heart and passions often lead him to dwell at greater length, not only on those topics whereby the sinner might be brought to discover his guilt, but also on marks that would evidence a change, that on "the glad tidings." And yet he ever felt that these blessed tidings, addressed to souls in the very gall of bitterness, were the true theme of the minister of Christ; and never did he preach other than a full salvation ready for the chief of sinners. From the very first, also, he carefully avoided the error of those who rather speculate or doctrinize about the gospel, than preach the gospel itself. Is not the true idea of preaching that of one, like Ahimaaz, coming with all-important tidings, and intent on making these tidings known? Occupied with the facts he has to tell, he has no heart to speculate on mere abstractions; nay, he is apt to forget what language he employs, excepting so far as the very grandeur of the tidings gives a glow of eloquence to his words. The glorious fact, "_By this man is preached unto you the forgiveness of sins_," is the burden of every sermon. The crier is sent to the openings of the gate by his Lord, to herald forth this one infinitely important truth through the whole creation under heaven. He seems invariably to have applied for his personal benefit what he gave out to his people. We have already noticed how he used to feed on the word, not in order to prepare himself for his people, but for personal edification. To do so was a fundamental rule with him; and all pastors will feel that, if they are to prosper in their own souls, they must so use the word,--sternly refusing to admit the idea of feeding others, until satiated themselves. And for similar ends it is needful that we let the truth we hear preached sink down into our own souls. We, as well as our people, must drink in the falling shower. Mr. M'Cheyne did so. It is common to find him speaking thus: "_July 31_, Sabbath.--Afternoon, on Judas betraying Christ; much more tenderness than ever I felt before. Oh that I might abide in the bosom of Him who washed Judas' feet, and dipped his hand in the same dish with him, and warned him, and grieved over him--that I might catch the infection of his love, of his tenderness, so wonderful, so unfathomable." Coming home on a Sabbath evening (Aug. 7th) from Torwood Sabbath school, a person met him who suggested an opportunity of usefulness. There were two families of gypsies encamped at Torwood, within his reach. He was weary with a long day's labor; but instantly, as was his custom on such a call, set off to find them. By the side of their wood-fire, he opened out the parable of the Lost Sheep, and pressed it on their souls in simple terms. He then knelt down in prayer for them, and left them somewhat impressed, and very grateful. At this time a youthful parishioner, for whose soul he felt much anxiety, left his father's roof. Ever watchful for souls, he seized this opportunity of laying before him more fully the things belonging to his peace. "Larbert, _August 8, 1836_ "MY DEAR G.----. You will be surprised to hear from me. I have often wished to be better acquainted with you; but in these sad parishes we cannot manage to know and be intimate with every one we would desire. And now you have left your father's roof and our charge; still my desires go after you, as well as the kind thoughts of many others; and since I cannot now speak to you, I take this way of expressing my thoughts to you. I do not know in what light you look upon me, whether as a grave and morose minister, or as one who might be a companion and friend; but really, it is so short a while since I was just like you, when I enjoyed the games which you now enjoy, and read the books which you now read, that I never can think of myself as anything more than a boy. This is one great reason why I write to you. The same youthful blood flows in my veins that flows in yours, the same fancies and buoyant passions dance in my bosom as in yours; so that when I would persuade you to come with me to the same Saviour, and to walk the rest of your life 'led by the Spirit of God,' I am not persuading you to anything beyond your years. I am not like a grey-headed grandfather,--then you might answer all I say by telling me that you are a boy. No; I am almost as much a boy as you are; as fond of happiness and of life as you are; as fond of scampering over the hills, and seeing all that is to be seen, as you are. "Another thing that persuades me to write you, my dear boy, is, that I have felt in my own experience the want of having a friend to direct and counsel me. I had a kind brother as you have, who taught me many things. He gave me a Bible, and persuaded me to read it; he tried to train me as a gardener trains the apple-tree upon the wall; but all in vain. I thought myself far wiser than he, and would always take my own way; and many a time, I well remember, I have seen him reading his Bible, or shutting his closet door to pray, when I have been dressing to go to some frolic, or some dance of folly. Well, this dear friend and brother died; and though his death made a greater impression upon me than ever his life had done, still I found the misery of being _friendless_. I do not mean that I had no relations and worldly friends, for I had many; but I had no friend _who cared for my soul_. I had none to direct me to the Saviour--none to awaken my slumbering conscience--none to tell me about the blood of Jesus washing away all sin--none to tell me of the Spirit who is so willing to change the heart, and give the victory over passions. I had no minister to take me by the hand, and say, 'Come with me, and we will do thee good.' Yes, I had one friend and minister, but that was Jesus himself, and He led me in a way that makes me give Him, and Him only, all the praise. Now, though Jesus may do this again, yet the more common way with Him is to use earthly guides. Now, if I could supply the place of such a guide to you, I should be happy. To be a finger-post is all that I want to be--pointing out the way. This is what I so much wanted myself; this is what you need not want, unless you wish. "Tell me, dear G., would you work less pleasantly through the day--would you walk the streets with a more doleful step--would you eat your meat with less gladness of heart--would you sleep less tranquilly at night--if you had _the forgiveness of sins_, that is, if all your wicked thoughts and deeds--lies, thefts, and Sabbath-breakings--were all blotted out of God's book of remembrance? Would this make you less happy, do you think? You dare not say it would. But would the forgiveness of sins not make you more happy than you are? Perhaps you will tell me that you are very happy as you are. I quite believe you. I know that I was very happy when I was unforgiven. I know that I had great pleasure in many sins--in Sabbath-breaking, for instance. Many a delightful walk I have had,--speaking my own words, thinking my own thoughts, and seeking my own pleasure on God's holy day. I fancy few boys were ever happier in an unconverted state than I was. No sorrow clouded my brow--no tears filled my eyes, unless over some nice story-book; so that I know that you say quite true, when you say that you are happy as you are. But ah! is not this just the saddest thing of all, that you should be happy whilst you are a child of wrath,--that you should smile, and eat, and drink, and be merry, and sleep sound, when this very night you may be in _hell_? Happy while unforgiven!--a terrible happiness. It is like the Hindoo widow who sits upon the funeral pile with her dead husband, and sings songs of joy when they are setting fire to the wood with which she is to be burned. Yes, you may be quite happy in this way, till you die, my boy; but when you look back from hell, you will say, it was a miserable kind of happiness. Now, do you think it would not give you more happiness to be forgiven,--to be able to put on Jesus, and say, 'God's anger is turned away?' Would not you be happier at work, and happier in the house, and happier in your bed? I can assure you from all that ever I have felt of it, the pleasures of being forgiven are as superior to the pleasures of an unforgiven man, as heaven is higher than hell. The peace of being forgiven reminds me of the calm, blue sky, which no earthly clamors can disturb. It lightens all labor, sweetens every morsel of bread, and makes a sick-bed all soft and downy; yea, it takes away the scowl of death. Now, forgiveness may be yours _now_. It is not given to those who are good. It is not given to any because they are less wicked than others. It is given _only_ to those who, feeling that their sins have brought a curse on them which they cannot lift off, 'look unto Jesus,' as bearing all away. "Now, my dear boy, I have no wish to weary you. If you are anything like what I was, you will have yawned many a time already over this letter. However, if the Lord deal graciously with you, and touch your young heart, as I pray He may, with a desire to be forgiven, and to be made a child of God, perhaps you will not take ill what I have written to you in much haste. As this is the first time you have been away from home, perhaps you have not learned to write letters yet; but if you have, I would like to hear from you, how you come on--what convictions you feel, if you feel any--what difficulties, what parts of the Bible puzzle you, and then I would do my best to unravel them. You read your Bible regularly, of course; but do try and understand it, and still more, to _feel it_. Read more parts than one at a time. For example, if you are reading Genesis, read a psalm also; or, if you are reading Matthew, read a small bit of an epistle also. _Turn the Bible into prayer._ Thus, if you were reading the 1st Psalm, spread the Bible on the chair before you, and kneel, and pray, 'O Lord, give me the blessedness of the man,' etc. 'Let me not stand in the counsel of the ungodly,' etc. This is the best way of knowing the meaning of the Bible, and of learning to pray. In prayer confess your sins by name--going over those of the past day, one by one. Pray for your friends by name--father, mother, etc. etc. If you love them, surely you will pray for their souls. I know well that there are prayers constantly ascending for you from your own house; and will you not pray for them back again? Do this regularly. If you pray sincerely for others, it will make you pray for yourself. "But I must be done. Good-bye, dear G. Remember me to your brother kindly, and believe me your sincere friend, "R.M.M." It is the shepherd's duty (Ezek. 34:4), in visiting his flock, to discriminate; "strengthening the diseased, healing that which was sick, binding up that which was broken, bringing again that which was driven away, seeking that which was lost." This Mr. M'Cheyne tried to do. In an after-letter to Mr. Somerville of Anderston, in reference to the people of these parishes, whom he had had means of knowing, he wrote, "Take more heed to the saints than ever I did. Speak a word in season to S.M. S.H. will drink in simple truth, but tell him to be humble-minded. Cause L.H. to learn in silence; speak not of _religion_ to her, but speak to her case always. Teach A.M. to look simply at Jesus. J.A. warn and teach. Get worldliness from the B.'s, if you can. Mrs. G. awake or keep awake. Speak faithfully to the B.'s. Tell me of M.C., if she is really a believer, and grows. A.K., has the light visited her? M.T. I have had some doubts of. M.G. lies sore upon my conscience; I did no good to that woman: she always managed to speak of _things about the truth_. Speak boldly. What matter in eternity the slight awkwardnesses of time!" It was about this time that the managers and congregation of the new church, St. Peter's, Dundee, invited him to preach as one of the candidates; and, in the end of August, chose him to be their pastor, with one accord. He accepted the call under an awful sense of the work that lay before him. He would rather, he said, have made choice for himself of such a rural parish as Dunipace; but the Lord seemed to desire it otherwise. "His ways are in the sea." More than once, at a later period, he would say, "We might have thought that God would have sent a strong man to such a parish as mine, and not a feeble reed." The first day he preached in St. Peter's as a candidate (August 14th) is thus recorded: "Forenoon--Mind not altogether in a preaching frame; on the Sower. Afternoon--With more encouragement and help of the Spirit; on the voice of the Beloved, in Cant. 2:8-17.[6] In the Evening--With all my heart; on _Ruth_. Lord, keep me humble." Returning from St. Peter's the second time, he observed in his class of girls at Dunipace more than usual anxiety. One of them seemed to be thoroughly awakened that evening. "Thanks be to Thee, Lord, for anything," he writes that evening; for as yet he had sown without seeing fruit. It seems to have been part of the Lord's dealing with him, thus to teach him to persevere in duty and in faith, even where there was no obvious success. The arrow that was yet to wound hundreds was then receiving its point; but it lay in the quiver for a time. The Lord seemed to be touching his own heart, and melting it by what he spoke to others, rather than touching or melting the hearts of those he spoke to. But from the day of his preaching in St. Peter's, tokens of success began. His first day there, especially the evening sermon on Ruth, was blessed to two souls in Dundee; and now he sees souls begin to melt under his last words in the parish where he thought he had hitherto spent his strength in vain. [6] See this characteristic sermon in the Remains. As he was now to leave this sphere, he sought out, with deep anxiety, a laborer who would help their overburdened pastor, in true love to the people's souls. He believed he had found such a laborer in Mr. Somerville, his friend who had shared his every thought and feeling in former days, and who, with a sharp sickle in his hand, was now advancing toward the harvest field. "I see plainly," he wrote to Mr. Bonar, "that my poor attempts at labor in your clear parish will soon be eclipsed. But if at length the iron front of unbelief give way, if the hard faces become furrowed with the tears of anxiety and of faith, under whatever ministry, you will rejoice, and I will rejoice, and the angels, and the Father and God of angels, will rejoice." It was in this spirit that he closed his short ten months of labor in this region. His last sermons to the people of Larbert and Dunipace were on Hosea 14:1, "O Israel, return unto the Lord thy God;" and Jeremiah 8:20, "Harvest is past." In the evening he writes, "Lord, I feel bowed down because of the little I have done for them which Thou mightest have blessed! My bowels yearn over them, and all the more that I have done so little. Indeed, I might have done ten times as much as I have done. I might have been in every house; I might have spoken always as a minister. Lord, canst Thou bless partial, unequal efforts?" I believe it was about this time that some of us first of all began our custom of praying specially for each other on Saturday evening, with a reference to our engagements in the ministry next day. This concert for prayer we have never since seen cause to discontinue. It has from time to time been widened in its circle; and as yet his has been the only voice that has been silenced of all that thus began to go in on each other's behalf before the Lord. Mr. M'Cheyne never failed to remember this time of prayer: "Larbert and Dunipace are always on my heart, especially on the Saturday evenings, when I pray for a glorious Sabbath!" On one occasion, in Dundee, he was asked if the accumulation of business in his parish never led him to neglect the season of prayer on a busy Saturday. His reply was, that he was not aware that it ever did. "What would my people do if I were not to pray?" So steady was he in Sabbath preparations, from the first day to the last time he was with them, that though at prayer-meetings, or similar occasions, he did not think it needful to have much laid up before coming to address his people; yet, anxious to give them on the Sabbath what had cost him somewhat, he never, without an urgent reason, went before them without much previous meditation and prayer. His principle on this subject was embodied in a remark he made to some of us who were conversing on the matter. Being asked his view of diligent preparation for the pulpit, he reminded us of Exodus 27:20: "_Beaten oil--beaten oil for the lamps of the sanctuary_" And yet his prayerfulness was greater still. Indeed, he could not neglect fellowship with God before entering the congregation. He needed to be bathed in the love of God. His ministry was so much a bringing out of views that had first sanctified his own soul, that the healthiness of his soul was absolutely needful to the vigor and power of his ministrations. During these ten months the Lord had done much for him, but it was chiefly in the way of discipline for a future ministry. He had been taught a minister's heart; he had been tried in the furnace; he had tasted deep personal sorrow, little of which has been recorded; he had felt the fiery darts of temptation; he had been exercised in self-examination and in much prayer; he had proved how flinty is the rock, and had learned that in lifting the rod by which it was to be smitten, success lay in Him alone who enabled him to lift it up. And thus prepared of God for the peculiar work that awaited him, he had turned his face towards Dundee, and took up his abode in the spot where the Lord was so marvelously to visit him in his ministry. CHAPTER III. FIRST YEARS OF LABOR IN DUNDEE. "_Ye know, from the first day that I came into Asia, after what manner I have been with you at all seasons, serving the Lord with all humility of mind, and with many tears and temptations_"--Acts 20:18, 19. The day on which he was ordained pastor of a flock, was a day of much anxiety to his soul. He had journeyed by Perth to spend the night preceding under the roof of his kind friend Mr. Grierson, in the manse of Errol. Next morning, ere he left the manse, three passages of Scripture occupied his mind. 1. "_Thou shall keep him in perfect peace whose mind is stayed on Thee; because he trusteth in Thee_."--Isaiah 26:3. This verse was seasonable; for, as he sat meditating on the solemn duties of the day, his heart trembled. 2. "_Give thyself wholly to these things"_--I Tim. 4:15. May that word (he prayed) sink deep into my heart. 3. "_Here am I, send me_"--Isaiah 6:8. "To go, or to stay,--to be here till death, or to visit foreign shores, whatsoever, wheresoever, whensoever Thou pleasest." He rose from his knees with the prayer, "Lord, may thy grace come with the laying on of the hands of the Presbytery." He was ordained on November 24, 1836. The service was conducted by Mr. Roxburgh of St. John's, through whose exertions the new church had been erected, and who ever afterwards cherished the most cordial friendship towards him. On the Sabbath following he was introduced to his flock by Mr. John Bonar of Larbert, with whom he had labored as a son in the gospel. Himself preached in the afternoon upon Isaiah 61:1-3, "_The Spirit of the Lord is upon me_" etc.; of which he writes, "May it be prophetic of the object of my coming here!" And truly it was so. That very sermon--the first preached by him as a pastor--was the means of awakening souls, as he afterwards learned; and ever onward the impressions left by his words seemed to spread and deepen among his people. To keep up the remembrance of this solemn day, he used in all the subsequent years of his ministry to preach from this same text on the anniversary of his ordination.[7] In the evening of that day, Mr. Bonar again preached on "_These times of refreshing._" "A noble sermon, showing the marks of such times. Ah! when shall we have them here? Lord bless this word, to help their coming! Put thy blessing upon this day! Felt given over to God, as one bought with a price." [7] The _Acceptable Year of the Lord_ was one of these Anniversary Sermons, preached November 1840. There was a rapid growth in his soul, perceptible to all who knew him well, from this time. Even his pulpit preparations, he used to say, became easier from this date. He had earnestly sought that the day of his ordination might be a time of new grace; he expected it would be so; and there was a peculiar work to be done by his hands, for which the Holy Spirit did speedily prepare him. His diary does not contain much of his feelings during his residence in Dundee. His incessant labors left him little time, except what he scrupulously spent in the direct exercises of devotion. But what we have seen of his manner of study and self-examination at Larbert, is sufficient to show in what a constant state of cultivation his soul was kept; and his habits in these respects continued with him to the last. Jeremy Taylor recommends: "If thou meanest to enlarge thy religion, do it rather by enlarging thine ordinary devotions than thy extraordinary." This advice describes very accurately the plan of spiritual life on which Mr. M'Cheyne acted. He did occasionally set apart seasons for special prayer and fasting, occupying the time so set apart exclusively in devotion. But the real secret of his soul's prosperity lay in the daily enlargement of his heart in fellowship with his God. And the river deepened as it flowed on to eternity; so that he at least reached the feature of a holy pastor which Paul pointed out to Timothy (4:15): "His profiting did appear to all." In his own house everything was fitted to make you feel that the service of God was a cheerful service, while he sought that every arrangement of the family should bear upon eternity. His morning hours were set apart for the nourishment of his own soul; not, however, with the view of laying up a stock of grace for the rest of the day,--for manna will corrupt if laid by,--but rather with the view of "giving the eye the habit of looking upward all the day, and drawing down gleams from the reconciled countenance." He was sparing in the hours devoted to sleep, and resolutely secured time for devotion before breakfast, although often wearied and exhausted when he laid himself to rest. "A soldier of the cross," was his remark, "must endure hardness." Often he sang a psalm of praise, as soon as he arose, to stir up his soul. Three chapters of the word was his usual morning portion. This he thought little enough, for he delighted exceedingly in the Scriptures: they were better to him than thousands of gold or silver. "When you write," said he to a friend, "tell me the meaning of Scriptures." To another, in expressing his value for the word, he said, "One gem from that ocean is worth all the pebbles of earthly streams." His chief season of relaxation seemed to be breakfast-time. He would come down with a happy countenance and a full soul; and after the sweet season of family prayer, forthwith commence forming plans for the day. When he was well, nothing seemed to afford him such true delight as to have his hands full of work. Indeed, it was often remarked that in him you found--what you rarely meet with--a man of high poetic imagination and deep devotion, who nevertheless was engaged unceasingly in the busiest and most laborious activities of his office. His friends could observe how much his soul was engrossed during his times of study of devotion. If interrupted on such occasions, though he never seemed ruffled, yet there was a kind of gravity and silence that implied--"I wish to be alone." But he further aimed at enjoying God _all the day_. And referring on one occasion to those blank hours which so often are a believer's burden,--hours during which the soul is dry and barren,--he observed, "They are proofs of how little we are _filled_ with the presence of God, how little we are _branchlike_[8] in our faith." [8] Compare Zechariah 4:12 with John 15:5. This careful attention to the frame of his spirit did not hinder his preparation for his people; on the contrary, it kept alive his deep conscientiousness, and kept his warm compassion ever yearning. When asked to observe a Saturday as a day of fasting and prayer, along with some others who had a special object in view, he replied, "Saturday is an awkward day for ministers; for though I love to seek help from on high, I love also diligently to set my thoughts in order for the Sabbath. I sometimes fear that you fail in this latter duty." During his first years in Dundee, he often rode out in an afternoon to the ruined church of Invergowrie, to enjoy an hour's perfect solitude; for he felt meditation and prayer to be the very sinews of his work. Such notices, also, as the following, show his systematic pursuit of personal holiness:-- "_April 9, 1837_, Evening.--A very pleasant quietness. Study of the Epistle to the Hebrews. Came to a more intelligent view of the first six chapters than ever before. Much refreshed by John Newton; instructed by Edwards. Help and freedom in prayer. Lord, what a happy season is a Sabbath evening! What will heaven be!" "_April 16_, Sabbath evening.--Much prayer and peace. Reading the Bible only." "_June 2._--Much peace and rest to-night. Much broken under a sense of my exceeding wickedness, which no eye can see but thine. Much persuasion of the sufficiency of Christ, and of the constancy of his love. Oh how sweet to work all day for God, and then to lie down at night under his smiles!" "_June 17, 1838._--At Dumbarney communion. Much sin and coldness two days before. Lay low at his feet; found peace only in Jesus." "_Sept. 25._--Spent last week at Blairgowrie; I hope not in vain. Much sin, weakness, and uselessness; much delight in the word also, while opening it up at family prayer. May God make the word fire. Opened I Thessalonians, the whole; enriching to my own mind. How true is Psalm 1! yet observed in my heart a strange proneness to be entangled with the affairs of this life; not strange because I am good, but because I have been so often taught that bitterness is the end of it." "_Sept. 27._--Devoted chief part of Friday to fasting. Humbled and refreshed." "Sept. 30, Sabbath.--Very happy in my work. Too little prayer in the morning. Must try to get early to bed on Saturday, that I may 'rise a great while before day.'" These early hours of prayer on Sabbath he endeavored to have all his life; not for study, but for prayer. He never labored at his sermons on a Sabbath. That day he kept for its original end, the _refreshment of his soul_. (Exodus 31:17.) The parish of St. Peter's, to which he had come, was large and very destitute. It is situated at the west end of the town, and included some part of the adjacent country. The church was built in connection with the Church Extension Scheme. The parish was a _quoard sacra_ parish, detached from St. John's. It contains a population of 4,000 souls, very many of whom never crossed the threshold of any sanctuary. His congregation amounted at the very outset, to about 1,100 hearers, one-third of whom came from distant parts of the town. Here was a wide field for parochial labor. It was also a very dead region--few, even of those who were living Christians, breathing their life on others; for the surrounding mass of impenetrate heathenism had cast its sad influence even over them. His first impressions of Dundee were severe. "A city given to idolatry and hardness of heart. I fear there is much of what Isaiah speaks of: 'The prophets prophesy lies, and the people love to have it so.'" His first months of labor were very trying. He was not strong in bodily health, and that winter a fatal influenza prevailed for two or three months, so that most of his time in his parish was spent in visiting the sick and dying. In such cases he was always ready. "Did I tell you of the boy I was asked to see on Sabbath evening, just when I got myself comfortably seated at home? I went, and was speaking to him of the freeness and fulness of Jesus, when he gasped a little and died." In one of his first visits to the sick, the narrative of the Lord's singular dealings with one of his parishioners greatly encouraged him to carry the glad tidings to the distressed under every disadvantage. Four years before, a young woman had been seized with cholera, and was deprived of the use of speech for a whole year. The Bible was read to her, and men of God used to speak and pray with her. At the end of the year her tongue was loosed, and the first words heard from her lips were praise and thanksgiving for what the Lord had done for her soul. It was in her chamber he was now standing, hearing from her own lips what the Lord had wrought. On another occasion during the first year of his ministry, he witnessed the death-bed conversion of a man who, till within a few days of his end, almost denied that there was a God. This solid conversion, as he believed it to be, stirred him up to speak with all hopefulness, as well as earnestness, to the dying. But it was, above all, to the children of God that his visitations seemed blessed. His voice, and his very eye, spoke tenderness; for personal affliction had taught him to feel sympathy with the sorrowing. Though the following be an extract from a letter, yet it will be recognised by many as exhibiting his mode of dealing with God's afflicted ones in his visitations: "There is a sweet word in Exodus (3:7), which was pointed out to me the other day by a poor bereaved child of God: 'I know their sorrows.' Study that; it fills the soul. Another word like it is in Psalm 103:14: 'He knoweth our frame.' May your own soul, and that of your dear friends, be fed by these things. A dark hour makes Jesus bright. Another sweet word: 'They knew not that it was Jesus.'" I find some specimens of his sick visits among his papers, noted down at a time when his work had not grown upon his hands. "_January 25, 1837_--Visited Mt. M'Bain, a young woman of twenty-four, long ill of decline. Better or worse these ten years past. Spoke of '_The one thing needful_' plainly. She sat quiet. _February 14_--Had heard she was better--found her near dying. Spoke plainly and tenderly to her, commending Christ. Used many texts. She put out her hand kindly on leaving. 15th--Still dying like; spoke as yesterday. She never opened her eyes. 16th--Showed her the dreadfulness of wrath; freeness of Christ; the majesty, justice, truth of God. Poor M. is fast going the way whence she shall not return. Many neighbors also always gather in. 17th--Read Psalm 22; showed the sufferings of Christ; how sufficient an atonement; how feeling a High Priest. She breathed loud, and groaned through pain. Died this evening at seven. I hardly ever heard her speak anything; and I will hope that thou art with Christ in glory, till I go and see. 20th--Prayed at her funeral. Saw her laid in St. Peter's churchyard, _the first laid there_, by her own desire, in the fresh mould where never man was laid. May it be a token that she is with Him who was laid in a new tomb." He records another case: "_January 4, 1837_--Sent for to Mrs. S----. Very ill; asthmatic. Spoke on '_No condemnation to them that are in Christ_.' She said, 'But am I in Christ?' seemingly very anxious. Said she had often been so, and had let it go by. 5th--Still living; spoke to her of Christ, and of full salvation. (Myself confined in the house till the 16th.)--Much worse. Not anxious to hear, yet far from rest. Dark, uneasy eye. Asked me, 'What is it to believe?' Spoke to her on '_God, who made light shine out of darkness._' She seemed to take up nothing. Lord, help! 17th--Still worse; wearing away. No smile; no sign of inward peace. Spoke of '_Remember me._' Went over the whole gospel in the form of personal address. She drowsy. 18th--Quieter. '_My Lord and my God_.' She spoke at intervals. More cheerful; anxious that I should not go without prayer. Has much knowledge; complete command of the Bible. 19th--Spoke on '_Convincing of sin and righteousness._' Rather more heart to hear. 20th--Psalm 51. Her look and her words were lightsome. 23d--Faintish and restless; no sign of peace. '_I am the way_,' and Psalm 25. 24th--Still silent and little sign of anything. 26th--Psalm 40, '_The fearful pit._' Very plain. Could not get anything out of her. February 1--Died at twelve noon; no visible mark of light, or comfort, or hope. The day shall declare it." One other case: "_February 5, 1839._--Called suddenly in the evening. Found him near death. Careless family. Many round him. Spoke of the freeness and sufficiency of Jesus. '_Come unto me_,' etc., and '_The wrath of God revealed from heaven_.' Told him he was going where he would see Christ! asked him if He would be his Saviour? He seemed to answer; his father said, 'He is saying, Yes.' But it was the throe of death. One or two indescribable gasps, and he died! I sat silent, and let God preach. 7th--Spoke of the '_Widow of Nain_,' and '_Behold I stand at the door._'" Attendance at funerals was often to him a season of much exercise. Should it not be to all ministers a time for solemn inquiry? Was I faithful with this soul? Could this soul have learned salvation from me every time I saw him? And did I pray as fervently as I spoke? And if we have tender pity for souls, we will sometimes feel as Mr. M'Cheyne records: "_September 24._--Buried A.M. Felt bitterly the word, 'If any man draw back.' etc. Never had more bitter feelings at any funeral." All who make any pretension to the office of shepherds visit their flocks;[9] yet there is a wide difference in the kind of visits which shepherds give. One does it formally, to discharge his duty and to quiet conscience; another makes it his delight. And of those who make it their delight, one goes forth on the regular plan of addressing all in somewhat of the same style; while another speaks freely, according as the wounds of his sheep come to view. On all occasions, this difficult and trying work must be gone about with a full heart, if it is to be gone about successfully at all. There is little in it to excite, for there is not the presence of numbers, and the few you see at a time are in their calmest, every-day mood. Hence there is need of being full of grace, and need of feeling as though God did visit every hearer by your means. Our object is not to get duty done, but to get souls saved. II Cor. 13:7. Mr. M'Cheyne used to go forth in this spirit, and often after visiting from house to house for several hours, he would return to some room in the place in the evening, and preach to the gathered families. "_September 26, 1838._--Good visiting-day. Twelve families; many of them go nowhere. It is a great thing to be well furnished by meditation and prayer before setting out; it makes you a far more full and faithful witness. Preached in A.F.'s house on Job, '_I know that my Redeemer liveth._' Very sweet and precious to myself." [9] Baxter (_Reformed Pastor_) says, "I dare prognosticate from knowledge of the nature of true grace, that all godly ministers will make conscience of this duty, and address themselves to it, unless they be, by some extraordinary accident, disabled." Partly from his state of health, and partly from the vast accumulation of other labors, and the calls made on him for evangelizing elsewhere, he was never able to overtake the visitation of the whole district assigned him. He was blessed to attract and reclaim very many of the most degraded; and by Sabbath schools and a regular eldership, to take superintendence of the population to a great extent. Still he himself often said that his parish had never fully shared in the advantages that attend an aggressive system of parochial labor. Once when spending a day in the rural parish of Collace, as we went in the afternoon from door to door, and spoke to the children whom we met on the road-side, he smiled and said, "Well, how I envy a country minister; for he can get acquainted with all his people, and have some insight into their real character." Many of us thought that he afterwards erred, in the abundant frequency of his evangelistic labors at a time when he was still bound to a particular flock. He had an evening class every week for the young people of his congregation. The Catechism and the Bible were his text-books, while he freely introduced all manner of useful illustrations. He thought himself bound to prepare diligently for his classes, that he might give accurate and simple explanations, and unite what was interesting with the most solemn and awakening views. But it was his class for young communicants that engaged his deepest care, and wherein he saw most success. He began a class of this kind previous to his first Communion, and continued to form it again some weeks before every similar occasion. His tract, published in 1840, _This do in remembrance of Me_, may be considered as exhibiting the substance of his solemn examination on these occasions. He usually noted down his first impressions of his communicants, and compared these notes with what he afterwards saw in them. Thus: "M.K., sprightly and lightsome, yet sensible; she saw plainly that the converted alone should come to the Table, but stumbled at the question, If she were converted? Yet she claimed being awakened and brought to Christ." Another: "Very staid, intelligent-like person, with a steady kind of anxiety, but, I fear, no feeling of helplessness. Thought that sorrow and prayer would obtain forgiveness. Told her plainly what I thought of her case." Another: "Knows she was once Christless; now she reads, and prays, and is anxious. I doubt not there is some anxiety, yet I fear it may be only a self-reformation to recommend herself to God and to man. Told her plainly." "A.M., I fear much for him. Gave him a token with much anxiety; warned him very much." "C.P. does not seem to have any work of anxiety. He reads prayer-books, etc. Does not pray in secret. Seems not very intelligent." He sought to encourage Sabbath schools in all the districts of his parish. The hymn, _Oil for the Lamp_, was written to impress the parable on a class of Sabbath scholars in 1841. Some of his sweet, simple tracts were written for these schools. _Reasons why Children should fly to Christ_ was the first, written at the New Year 1839; and _The Lambs of the Flock_ was another at a later period. His heart felt for the young. One evening, after visiting some of his Sabbath schools, he writes: "Had considerable joy in teaching the children. Oh for real heart-work among them!" He could accommodate himself to their capacities; and he did not reckon it vain to use his talents in order to attract their attention, for he regarded the soul of a child as infinitely precious. Ever watchful for opportunities, on the blank leaf of a book which he had sent to a little boy of his congregation, he wrote these simple lines:-- Peace be to thee, gentle boy! Many years of health and joy! Love your Bible more than play, Grow in wisdom every day. Like the lark on hovering wing, Early rise, and mount and sing; Like the dove that found no rest Till it flew to Noah's breast, Rest not in this world of sin, Till the Saviour take thee in. He had a high standard in his mind as to the moral qualifications of those who should teach the young. When a female teacher was sought for to conduct an evening school in his parish for the sake of the mill-girls, he wrote to one interested in the cause: "The qualifications she should possess for sewing and knitting you will understand far better than I. She should be able to keep up in her scholars the fluency of reading, and the knowledge of the Bible and Catechism which they may have already acquired. She should be able to teach them to sing the praises of God with feeling and melody. But, far above all, she should be a Christian woman, not in name only but in deed and in truth,--one whose heart has been touched by the Spirit of God, and who can love the souls of little children. Any teacher who wanted this last qualification, I would look upon as a curse rather than a blessing,--a centre of blasting and coldness and death, instead of a centre from which life and warmth and heavenly influence might emanate." It was very soon after his ordination that he began his weekly prayer-meeting in the church. He had heard how meetings of this kind had been blessed in other places, and never had he any cause to regret having set apart the Thursday evening for this holy purpose. One of its first effects was to quicken those who had already believed; they were often refreshed upon these occasions even more than on the Sabbath. Some of the most solemn seasons of his ministry were at those meetings. At their commencement, he wrote to me an account of his manner of conducting them: "I give my people a Scripture to be hidden in the heart--generally a promise of the Spirit or the wonderful effects of his outpouring.[10] I give them the heads of a sermon upon it for about twenty minutes. Prayer goes before and follows. Then I read some history of Revivals, and comment in passing. I think the people are very much interested in it: a number of people come from all parts of the town. But, oh! I need much the living Spirit to my own soul; I want my life to be hid with Christ in God. At present there is too much hurry, and bustle, and outward working, to allow the calm working of the Spirit on the heart. I seldom get time to meditate, like Isaac, at evening-tide, except when I am tired; but the dew comes down when all nature is at rest--when every leaf is still." [10] The first text he gave to be thus hidden in the heart was Isaiah 34:15; "Until the Spirit be poured out from on high." A specimen of the happy freedom and familiar illustrations which his people felt to be peculiar to these meetings, may be found in the notes taken by one of his hearers, of _Expositions of the Epistles to the Seven Churches_, given during the year 1838. He had himself great delight in the Thursday evening meetings. "They will doubtless be remembered in eternity with songs of praise," said he, on one occasion; and at another time, observing the tender frame of a soul which was often manifested at these seasons, he said, "There is a stillness to the last word,--not as on Sabbaths, a rushing down at the end of the prayer, as if glad to get out of God's presence." So many believing and so many inquiring souls used to attend, and so few of the worldlings, that you seemed to breathe the atmosphere of heaven. But it was his Sabbath-day's services that brought multitudes together, and were soon felt throughout the town. He was ever so ready to assist his brethren so much engaged in every good work, and latterly so often interrupted by inquiries, that it might be thought he had no time for careful preparation, and might be excused for the absence of it. But, in truth, he never preached without careful attention bestowed on his subject. He might, indeed, have little time--often the hours of a Saturday was all the time he could obtain,--but his daily study of the Scriptures stored his mind, and formed a continual preparation. Much of his Sabbath services was a drawing out of what he had carried in during busy days of the week. His voice was remarkably clear,--his manner attractive by its mild dignity. His form itself drew the eye.[11] He spoke from the pulpit as one earnestly occupied with the souls before him. He made them feel sympathy with what he spoke, for his own eye and heart were on them. He was, at the same time, able to bring out illustrations at once simple and felicitous, often with poetic skill and elegance. He wished to use Saxon words, for the sake of being understood by the most illiterate in his audience. And while his style was singularly clear, this clearness itself was so much the consequence of his being able thoroughly to analyse and explain his subject, that all his hearers alike reaped the benefit. [11] "Gration est pulchro veniens e corpore virtus." He went about his public work with awful reverence. So evident was this, that I remember a countryman in my parish observed to me: "Before he opened his lips, as he came along the passage, there was something about him that sorely affected me." In the vestry there was never any idle conversation; all was preparation of heart in approaching God; and a short prayer preceded his entering the pulpit. Surely in going forth to speak for God, a man may well be overawed! Surely in putting forth his hand to sow the seed of the kingdom, a man may even tremble! And surely we should aim at nothing less than to pour forth the truth upon our people through the channel of our own living and deeply affected souls. After announcing the subject of his discourse, he used generally to show the position it occupied in the context, and then proceed to bring out the doctrines of the text, in the manner of our old divines. This done, he divided his subject; and herein he was eminently skilful. "The heads of his sermons," said a friend, "were not the mile-stones that tell you how near you are to your journey's end, but they were nails which fixed and fastened all he said. Divisions are often dry; but not so _his_ divisions,--they were so textual and so feeling, and they brought out the spirit of a passage so surprisingly." It was his wish to arrive nearer at the primitive mode of expounding Scripture in his sermons. Hence when one asked him, If he was never afraid of running short of sermons some day? he replied, "No; I am just an interpreter of Scripture in my sermons; and when the Bible runs dry, then I shall." And in the same spirit he carefully avoided the too common mode of accommodating texts,--fastening a doctrine on the words, not drawing it from the obvious connection of the passage. He endeavored at all times to _preach the mind of the Spirit in a passage_; for he feared that to do otherwise would be to grieve the Spirit who had written it. Interpretation was thus a solemn matter to him. And yet, adhering scrupulously to this sure principle, he felt himself in no way restrained from using, for every day's necessities, all parts of the Old Testament as much as the New. His manner was first to ascertain the primary sense and application, and so proceed to handle it for present use. Thus, on Isaiah 26:16-19, he began: "This passage, I believe, refers _literally_ to the conversion of God's ancient people." He regarded the _prophecies_ as _history yet to be_, and drew lessons from them accordingly as he would have done from the past. Every spiritual gift being in the hands of Jesus, if he found Moses or Paul in the possession of precious things, he forthwith was led to follow them into the presence of that same Lord who gave them all their grace. There is a wide difference between preaching _doctrine_ and preaching _Christ_. Mr. M'Cheyne preached all the doctrines of Scripture as understood by our Confession of Faith, dwelling upon ruin by the Fall, and recovery by the Mediator. "The things of the human heart, and the things of the Divine Mind," were in substance his constant theme. From personal experience of deep temptation, he could lay open the secrets of the heart, so that he once said, "He supposed the reason why some of the worst sinners in Dundee had come to hear him was, because his heart exhibited so much likeness to theirs." Still it was not _doctrine_ alone that he preached; it was _Christ_, from whom all doctrine shoots forth as rays from a centre. He sought to hang every vessel and flagon upon Him. "It is strange," he wrote after preaching on Revelation 1:15: "It is strange how sweet and precious it is to preach directly about Christ, compared with all other subjects of preaching." And he often expressed a dislike of the phrase "_giving attention to religion_," because it seemed to substitute doctrine, and a devout way of thinking, for _Christ himself_. It is difficult to convey to those who never knew him a correct idea of the sweetness and holy unction of his preaching. Some of his sermons, printed from his own MSS. (although almost all are first copies), may convey a correct idea of his style and mode of preaching doctrine. But there are no notes that give any true idea of his affectionate appeals to the heart and searching applications. These he seldom wrote; they were poured forth at the moment when his heart filled with his subject; for his rule was to set before his hearers a body of truth first,--and there always was a vast amount of Bible truth in his discourses,--and then urge home the application. His exhortations flowed from his doctrine, and thus had both variety and power. He was systematic in this; for he observed: "Appeals to the careless, etc., come with power on the back of some massy truth. See how Paul does (Acts 13:40), 'Beware, _therefore_, lest,' etc., and (Hebrews 2:1), '_Therefore_ we should,'" etc. He was sometimes a little unguarded in his statements, when his heart was deeply moved and his feelings stirred, and sometimes he was too long in his addresses; but this also arose from the fulness of his soul. "Another word," he thought, "may be blessed, though the last has made no impression." Many will remember forever the blessed Communion Sabbaths that were enjoyed in St. Peter's. From the very first these Communion seasons were remarkably owned of God. The awe of his presence used to be upon his people, and the house filled with the odor of the ointment, when his name was poured forth (Song 1:3). But on common Sabbaths also many soon began to journey long distances to attend St. Peter's,--many from country parishes, who would return home with their hearts burning, as they talked of what they had heard that day. Mr. M'Cheyne knew the snare of popularity, and naturally was one that would have been fascinated by it; but the Lord kept him. He was sometimes extraordinarily helped in his preaching; but at other times, though not perceived by his hearers, his soul felt as if left to its own resources. The cry of Rowland Hill was constantly on his lips, "Master, help!" and often is it written at the close of his sermon. Much affliction, also, was a thorn in the flesh to him. He described himself as often "strong as a giant when in the church, but like a willow-wand when all was over." But certainly, above all, his abiding sense of the divine favor was his safeguard. He began his ministry in Dundee with this sunshine on his way. "As yet I have been kept not only in the light of his reconciled countenance, but very much under the guiding eye of our providing God. Indeed, as I remember good old Swartz used to say, 'I could not have imagined that He could have been so gracious to us.'" I believe that while he had some sorer conflicts, he had also far deeper joy after his return from Palestine than in the early part of his ministry, though from the very commencement of it he enjoyed that sense of the love of God which "keeps the heart and mind." (Phil. 4:7.) This was the true secret of his holy walk, and of his calm humility. But for this, his ambition would have become the only principle of many an action; but now the sweeter love of God constrained him, and the natural ambition of his spirit could be discerned only as suggesting to him the idea of making attempts which others would have declined. What monotony there is in the ministry of many! Duty presses on the heels of duty in an endless circle. But it is not so when the Spirit is quickening both the pastor and his flock. Then there is all the variety of life. It was so here. The Lord began to work by his means almost from the first day he came. There was ever one and another stricken, and going apart to weep alone. The flocking of souls to his ministry, and the deep interest excited, drew the attention of many, and raised the wish in some quarters to have him as their pastor. He had not been many months engaged in his laborious work when he was solicited to remove to the parish of Skirling, near Biggar. It was an offer that presented great advantages above his own field of labor as to worldly gain, and in respect of the prospect it held out of comparative ease and comfort; for the parish was small and the emolument great. But as it is required of a bishop, that he be "not greedy of filthy lucre," nay, that he be "one who has no love of money" ([Greek: aphilarguros] 1 Tim. 3:3) at all, so was it true that in him these qualifications eminently shone. His remarks in a letter to his father contain the honest expression of his feelings: "I am set down among nearly 4000 people; 1100 people have taken seats in my church. I bring my message, such as it is, within the reach of that great company every Sabbath-day. I dare not leave 3000 or 4000, for 300 people. Had this been offered me before, I would have seen it a direct intimation from God, and would heartily have embraced it. How I should have delighted to feed so precious a little flock,--to watch over every family,--to know every heart,--'to allure to brighter worlds and lead the way!' But God has not so ordered it. He has set me down among the noisy mechanics and political weavers of this godless town. He will make the money sufficient. He that paid his taxes from a fish's mouth, will supply all my need." He had already expressed the hope, "Perhaps the Lord will make his wilderness of chimney-tops to be green and beautiful as the garden of the Lord, a field which the Lord hath blessed!" His health was delicate; and the harassing care and endless fatigue incident to his position, in a town like Dundee, seemed unsuitable to his spirit. This belief led to another attempt to remove him to a country sphere. In the summer of this same year (1837) he was strongly urged to preach as a candidate for the vacant parish of St. Martin's, near Perth, and assured of the appointment if he would only come forward. But he declined again: "My Master has placed me here with his own hand; and I never will, directly or indirectly, seek to be removed." There were circumstances in this latter case that made the call on him appear urgent in several points of view. In coming to a resolution, he mentions one interesting element in the decision, in a letter to me, dated August 8th. "I was much troubled about being asked to go to a neighboring parish at present vacant, and made it a matter of prayer; and I mention it now because of the wonderful answer to prayer which I think I received from God. I prayed that in order to settle my own mind completely about staying, He would awaken some of my people. I agreed that that should be a sign He would wish me to stay. The next morning I think, or at least the second morning, there came to me two young persons I had never seen before, in great distress. What brought this to my mind was, that they came to me yesterday, and their distress is greatly increased. Indeed I never saw any people in such anguish about their soul. I cannot but regard this as a real answer to prayer. I have also several other persons in deep distress, and I feel that I am quite helpless in comforting them. I would fain be like Noah, who put out his hand and took in the weary dove; but God makes me stand by and feel that I am a child. Will God never cast the scenes of our labor near each other? We are in his hand; let Him do as seemeth Him good. Pray for me, for my people, for my own soul, that I be not a cast away." Few godly pastors can be willing to change the scene of their labors, unless it be plain that the Cloudy Pillar is pointing them away. It is perilous for men to choose for themselves; and too often has it happened that the minister who, on slight grounds, moved away from his former watch-tower, has had reason to mourn over the disappointment of his hopes in his larger and wider sphere. But while this is admitted, probably it may appear unwarrantable in Mr. M'Cheyne to have prayed for a sign of the Lord's will. It is to be observed, however, that he decided the point of duty on other grounds; and it was only with the view of obtaining an additional confirmation by the occurrences of providence, that he prayed in this manner, in submission to the will of the Lord. He never held it right to decide the path of duty by any such signs or tokens; he believed that the written word supplied sufficient data for guiding the believing soul; and such providential occurrences as happened in this case he regarded as important only as far as they might be answers to prayer. Indeed, he himself has left us a glance of his views on this point in a fragment, which (for it is not dated) may have been written about this time. He had been thinking on _Gideon's Fleece_. When God called Gideon forth to fight-- "Go, save thou Israel in thy might,"-- The faithful warrior sought a sign That God would on his labors shine. The man who, at thy dread command, Lifted the shield and deadly brand. To do thy strange and fearful work-- Thy work of blood and vengeance, Lord!-- Might need assurance doubly tried, To prove Thou wouldst his steps betide. But when the message which we bring Is one to make the dumb man sing; To bid the blind man wash and see, The lame to leap with ecstasy; To raise the soul that's bowed down, To wipe away the tears and frown To sprinkle all the heart within From the accusing voice of sin-- Then, such a sign my call to prove, To preach my Saviour's dying love, I cannot, dare not, hope to find. In the close of the same year 1837, he agreed to become Secretary to the Association for Church Extension in the country of Forfar. The Church Extension Scheme, though much misrepresented and much misunderstood, had in view as its genuine, sincere endeavor, to bring to overgrown parishes the advantage of a faithful minister, placed over such a number of souls as he could really visit. Mr. M'Cheyne cheerfully and diligently forwarded these objects to the utmost of his power. "It is the cause of God," said he, "and therefore I am willing to spend and be spent for it." It compelled him to ride much from place to place; but riding was an exercise of which he was fond, and which was favorable to his health. As a specimen--"_Dec. 4, 1838._ Travelled to Montrose. Spoke along with Mr. Guthrie at a Church Extension meeting; eight or nine hundred present. Tried to do something in the Saviour's cause, both directly and indirectly. Next day at Forfar. Spoke in the same cause." How heartily he entered into this scheme may be seen from the following extract. In a letter of an after date to Mr. Roxburgh, he says: "Every day I live, I feel more and more persuaded that it is the cause of God and of his kingdom in Scotland in our day. Many a time, when I thought myself a dying man, the souls of the perishing thousands in my own parish, who never enter any house of God, have lain heavy on my heart. Many a time have I prayed that the eyes of our enemies might be opened, and that God would open the hearts of our rulers, to feel that their highest duty and greatest glory is to support the ministers of Christ, and to send these to every perishing soul in Scotland." He felt that their misery was all the greater, and their need the deeper, that such neglected souls had no wish for help, and would never ask for it themselves. Nor was it that he imagined that, if churches were built and ministers endowed, this would of itself be sufficient to reclaim the multitudes of perishing men. But he sought and expected that the Lord would send faithful men into his vineyard. These new churches were to be like cisterns--ready to catch the shower when it should fall, just as his own did in the day of the Lord's power. His views on this subject were summed up in the following lines, written one day as he sat in company with some of his zealous brethren who were deeply engaged in the scheme: Give me a man of God the truth to preach, A house of prayer within convenient reach, Seat-rents the poorest of the poor can pay, A spot so small one pastor can survey: Give these--and give the Spirit's genial shower, Scotland shall be a garden all in flower! Another public duty to which, during all the years of his ministry, he gave constant attention, was attendance at the meetings of presbytery. His candor, and uprightness, and Christian generosity, were felt by all his brethren; and his opinion, though the opinion of so young a man, was regarded with more than common respect. In regard to the great public questions that were then shaking the Church of Scotland, his views were decided and unhesitating. No policy, in his view, could be more ruinous to true Christianity, or more fitted to blight vital godliness, than that of Moderatism. He wrote once to a friend in Ireland: "You don't know what Moderatism is. It is a plant that our heavenly Father never planted, and I trust it is now to be rooted up." The great question of the Church's independence of the Civil Power in all matters spiritual, and the right of the Christian people to judge if the pastor appointed over them had the Shepherd's voice, he invariably held to be part of Scripture truth, which, therefore, must be preached and carried into practice, at all hazards. In like manner he rejoiced exceedingly in the settlements of faithful ministers. The appointments of Mr. Baxter to Hilltown, Mr. Lewis to St. David's, and Mr. Miller to Wallacetown at a later period, are all noticed by him with expressions of thankfulness and joy; and it occasioned the same feelings if he heard of the destitution of any parish in any part of the country supplied. He writes, _Sept. 20, 1838_: "Present at A.B.'s ordination at Collace with great joy. Blessed be God for the gift of this pastor. Give testimony to the word of thy grace." Busy at home, he nevertheless always had a keenly evangelistic spirit. He might have written much and have gained a name by his writings; but he laid everything aside when put in comparison with preaching the everlasting gospel. He scarcely ever refused an invitation to preach on a week-day; and travelling from place to place did not interrupt his fellowship with God. His occasional visits during these years were much blessed. At Blairgowrie and Collace his visits were longed for as times of special refreshment; nor was it less so at Kirriemuir, when he visited Mr. Cormick, or at Abernyte in the days when Mr. Hamilton (now of Regent Square, London), and afterwards Mr. Manson, were laboring in that vineyard. It would be difficult even to enumerate the places which he watered at Communion seasons; and in some of these it was testified of him, that not the words he spoke, but the _holy manner_ in which he spoke, was the chief means of arresting souls. Occasionally two or three of us, whose lot was cast within convenient distance, and whose souls panted for the same water-brooks, used to meet together to spend a whole day in confession of ministerial and personal sins, with prayer for grace, guiding ourselves by the reading of the word. At such times we used to meet in the evening with the flock of the pastor in whose house the meeting had been held through the day, and there unitedly pray for the Holy Spirit being poured down upon the people. The first time we held such a meeting, there were tokens of blessing observed by several of us; and the week after he wrote: "Has there been any fruit of the happy day we spent with you? I thought I saw some the Sabbath after, here. In due season we shall reap if we faint not; only be thou strong, and of a good courage." The incident that encouraged him is recorded in his diary. An elderly person came to tell him how the river of joy and peace in believing had that Sabbath most singularly flowed through her soul, so that she blessed God that she ever came to St. Peter's. He adds "_N.B._--This seems a fruit of our prayer-meeting, begun last Wednesday at Collace,--one drop of the shower." It should have been remarked ere now, that during all his ministry he was careful to use not only the direct means appointed for the conversion of souls, but those also that appear more indirect, such as the key of discipline. In regard to the Lord's Supper, his little tract explains his views. He believed that to keep back those whose profession was a credible profession, even while the pastor might have strong doubts as to their fitness in his own mind, was not the rule laid down for us in the New Testament. At the same time, he as steadily maintained that no unconverted person _ought to come_ to the Lord's Table; and on this point "they should judge themselves if they would not be judged." When communicants came to be admitted for the first time, or when parents that had been communicants before came for baptism to their children, it was his custom to ask them solemnly if their souls were saved. His dealing was blessed to the conversion of not a few young persons who were coming carelessly forward to the Communion; and himself records the blessing that attended his faithful Healing with a parent coming to speak with him about the baptism of his child. The man said that he had been taking a thought, and believed himself in the right way--that he felt his disposition better, for he could forgive injuries. Mr. M'Cheyne showed him that nevertheless he was ignorant of God's righteousness. The man laid it to heart; and when Mr. M'Cheyne said that he thought it would be better to defer the baptism, at once offered to come again and speak on the matter. On a subsequent visit, he seemed really to have seen his error, and to have cast away his own righteousness. When his child was baptized, it was joy to the pastor's heart to have the good hope that the man had received salvation. In connection with the superstitious feeling of the most depraved as to baptism, he related an affecting occurrence. A careless parent one evening entered his house, and asked him to come with him to baptize a dying child. He knew that neither this man nor his wife ever entered the door of a church; but he rose and went with him to the miserable dwelling. There an infant lay, apparently dying; and many of the female neighbors, equally depraved with the parents, stood round. He came forward to where the child was, and spoke to the parents of their ungodly state and fearful guilt before God, and concluded by showing them that, in such circumstances, he would consider it sinful in him to administer baptism to their infant. They said, "He might at least do it for the sake of the poor child." He told them that it was not baptism that saved a soul, and that out of true concern for themselves he must not do as they wished. The friends around the bed then joined the parents in upbraiding him as having no pity on the poor infant's soul! He stood among them still, and showed them that it was they who had been thus cruel to their child; and then lifted up his voice in solemn warning, and left the house amid their ignorant reproaches. Nor did he make light of the kirk-session's power to rebuke and deal with an offender. Once from the pulpit, at an ordination of elders, he gave the following testimony upon this head: "When I first entered upon the work of the ministry among you, I was exceedingly ignorant of the vast importance of church discipline. I thought that my great and almost only work was to pray and preach. I saw your souls to be so precious, and the time so short, that I devoted all my time, and care, and strength, to labor in word and doctrine. When cases of discipline were brought before me and the elders, I regarded them with something like abhorrence. It was a duty I shrank from; and I may truly say it nearly drove me from the work of the ministry among you altogether. But it pleased God, who teaches his servants in another way than man teaches, to bless some of the cases of discipline to the manifest and undeniable conversion of the souls of those under our care; and from that hour a new light broke in upon my mind, and I saw that if preaching be an ordinance of Christ, so is church discipline. I now feel very deeply persuaded that both are of God,--that two keys are committed to us by Christ: the one the key of doctrine, by means of which we unlock the treasures of the Bible; the other the key of discipline, by which we open or shut the way to the sealing ordinances of the faith. Both are Christ's gift, and neither is to be resigned without sin." There was still another means of enforcing what he preached, in the use of which he has excelled all his brethren, namely, the holy consistency of his daily walk. Aware that one idle word, one needless contention, one covetous act, may destroy in our people the effect of many a solemn expostulation and earnest warning, he was peculiarly circumspect in his every-day walk. He wished to be always in the presence of God. If he travelled, he labored to enjoy God by the way, as well as to do good to others by dropping a word in season. In riding or walking, he seized opportunities of giving a useful tract; and, on principle, he preferred giving it to the person directly, rather than casting it on the road. The former way, he said, was more open--there was no stealth in it; and we ought to be as clear as crystal in speaking or acting for Jesus. In writing a note, however short, he sought to season it with salt. If he passed a night in a strange place, he tried to bear the place specially on his soul at the mercy-seat; and if compelled to take some rest from his too exhausting toils, his recreations were little else than a change of occupation, from one mode of glorifying God to another.[12] His beautiful hymn, _I am a debtor_, was written in May 1837, at a leisure hour. [12] Baxter's words are not less than the truth: "Recreation to a minister must be as whetting is with the mower, that is, only to be used so far as is necessary for his work. May a physician in the plague-time take any more relaxation or recreation than is necessary for his life, when so many are expecting his help in a case of life and death?" "Will you stand by and see sinners grasping under the pangs of death, and say, God doth not require me to make myself a drudge to save them? Is this the voice of ministerial or Christian compassion, or rather of _sensual laziness and diabolical cruelty_?"--_Ref. Past_. 6:6 Whatever be said in the pulpit, men will not much regard, though they may feel it at the time, if the minister does not say the same in private with equal earnestness, in speaking with his people face to face; and it must be in our moments of most familiar intercourse with them, that we are thus to put the seal to all we say in public. Familiar moments are the times when the things that are most closely twined round the heart are brought out to view; and shall we forbear, by tacit consent, to introduce the Lord that bought us into such happy hours? We must not only speak faithfully to our people in our sermons, but live faithfully for them too. Perhaps it may be found, that the reason why many who preach the gospel fully and in all earnestness are not owned of God in the conversion of souls, is to be found in their defective exhibition of grace in these easy moments of life. "Them that honor me, I will honor," I Samuel 2:30. It was noticed long ago that men will give you leave to _preach against_ their sins as much as you will, if so be you will but be easy with them when you have done, and talk as they do, and live as they live. How much otherwise it was with Mr. M'Cheyne, all who knew him are witnesses. His visits to friends were times when he sought to do good to their souls; and never was he satisfied unless he could guide the conversation to bear upon the things of eternity. When he could not do so, he generally remained silent. And yet his demeanor was easy and pleasant to all, exhibiting at once meekness of faith and delicacy of feeling. There was in his character a high refinement that came out in poetry and true politeness; and there was something in his graces that reminded one of his own remark, when explaining _the spices_ of Song 4:16, when he said that "some believers were a garden that had fruit-trees, and so were useful; but we ought also to have _spices_, and so be attractive." Wishing to convey his grateful feelings to a fellow-laborer in Dundee, he sent him a Hebrew Bible, with these few lines prefixed:-- Anoint mine eyes, O holy dove! That I may prize This book of love. Unstop mine ear, Made deaf by sin, That I may hear Thy voice within. Break my hard heart, Jesus, my Lord; In the inmost part Hide thy sweet word. It was on a similar occasion, in 1838, that he wrote the lines, _Thy word is a lamp unto my feet_. At another time, sitting under a shady tree, and casting his eye on the hospitable dwelling in which he found a pleasant retreat, his grateful feelings flowed out to his kind friend in the lines that follow:-- "PEACE TO THIS HOUSE." Long may peace within this dwelling Have its resting-place; Angel shields all harm repelling,-- God, their God of grace. May the dove-like Spirit guide them To the upright land! May the Saviour-shepherd fed them From his gentle hand! Never was there one more beloved as a friend, and seldom any whose death could cause so many to feel as if no other friend could ever occupy his room. Some, too, can say that so much did they learn from his holy walk, "that it is probable a day never passes wherein they have not some advantage from his friendship."[13] [13] [Greek: Egô men dê katanoôn tou andros tên te sophian kai tên gennaiotêta oute mê memnêsthai dynamai autou, oute memnêmenos mê ouk epainein. Ei de tis tôn aretês ephiemenôn ôphelimôterô tini Sôkratous synegeneto ekeinon egô ton andra axiomakariototaton nomizô.] I find written on the leaf of one of his note-books, a short memorandum: "_Rules worth remembering._--When visiting in a family, whether ministerially or otherwise, speak particularly to _the strangers_ about eternal things. Perhaps God has brought you together just to save that soul." And then he refers to some instances which occurred to himself, in which God seemed to honor a word spoken in this incidental way. In this spirit he was enabled for nearly three years to give his strength to his Master's service. Sickness sometimes laid him aside, and taught him what he had to suffer; but he rose from it to go forth again to his joyful labors. Often, after a toilsome day, there were inquirers waiting for him, so that he had to begin work afresh in a new form. But this was his delight; it was a kind of interruption which he allowed even on a Saturday, in the midst of his studies. He was led to resolve not to postpone any inquirers till a future time, by finding that having done so on one occasion at a pressing moment, the individuals never returned; and so alive was he to the responsibilities of his office, that he ever after feared to lose such an opportunity of speaking with souls at a time when they were aroused to concern. Busy one evening with some extra-parochial work, he was asked if any person should be admitted to see him that night. "Surely--what do we live for?" was his immediate reply. It was his manner, too, on a Saturday afternoon, to visit one or two of his sick who seemed near the point of death, with the view of being thus stirred up to a more direct application of the truth to his flock on the morrow, as dying men on the edge of eternity. We have already observed that in his doctrine there was nothing that differed from the views of truth laid down in the standards of our church. He saw no inconsistency in preaching an electing God, who "calleth whom He will," and a salvation free to "whosoever will;" nor in declaring the absolute sovereignty of God, and yet the unimpaired responsibility of man. He preached Christ as a gift laid down by the Father for every sinner freely to take. In the beginning of his ministry, as he preached the fulness of the glad tidings, and urged on his people that there was enough in the glad tidings to bring direct and immediate assurance to every one who really believed them, some of his flock were startled. For he ever preached, that, while it is true that there are believers, like Heman or Asaph, who do not enjoy full assurance of the love of God, yet certainly no true believer should remain satisfied in the absence of this blessed peace. Not a few had hitherto been accustomed to take for granted that they might be Christians, though they knew of no change, and had never thought of enjoying the knowledge of the love of God as their present portion. They heard that others, who were reckoned believers, had doubts; so they had come to consider fears and doubts as the very marks of a believing soul. The consequence had been, that in past days many concluded themselves to be Christians because they seemed to be in the very state of mind of which those who were reputed to be believers spoke, viz. doubt and alarm. Alas! in _their_ case there could be nothing else, for they had only a name to live. Some one wrote to him, putting several questions concerning conversion, assurance, and faith, which had been stirred up by his ministry. The import of the questions may be gathered from his reply, which was as follows:-- "1. _I doubt if there are many saints who live and die without a comfortable sense of forgiveness and acceptance with God._ The saints of whom the Bible speaks seem to have enjoyed it richly both in life and death. See the murderers of our Lord, Acts 2:41; the Ethiopian, Acts 8:39; the jailor, Acts 16:35. David also felt it, sinful man though he was, Romans 4:6. Paul also prayed that the Romans might have it, Romans 15:13. I fear this objection is generally made by those who are living in sin, and do not wish to know the dangerous road they are on. "2. _A sense of forgiveness does not proceed from marks seen in yourself, but from a discovery of the beauty, worth, and freeness of Christ,_ Psalm 34:5. We look _out_ for peace, not _in_. At the same time, there is also an assurance rising from what we see in ourselves; the seal of the Spirit, love to the brethren, etc., are the chief marks. "3. _Feeling a body of sin is a mark that we are like Paul, and that we are Christ's,_ Rom. 7; Gal. 5:17. Paul was cheerful with a body of sin; and so ought we to be. So was David, and all the saints. "4. _I do not think there is any difference between those converted within these few years and those who were Christians before._ Many of those converted since I came are, I fear, very unholy. I fear this more than anything. I fear there is too much talk and too little reality. Still there are many good figs,--many of whom I am persuaded better things, and things that accompany salvation. The answer to your question I fear is this, that many used to be taken for Christians before, who had only a name to live, and were dead. I think there is more discrimination now. But take care and be not proud, for that goes before a fall. Take care of censorious judging of others, as if all must be converted in the same way. "God moves in a mysterious way. He hath mercy on whom He will have mercy. To Him alone be glory." He thus stated his views on another occasion. Referring to Song 6:3, "My beloved is mine," following "My beloved is gone down into his garden," he said, "This is the faith of assurance,--a complete, unhesitating embracing of Christ as my righteousness and my strength and my all. A common mistake is, that this clear conviction that Christ is mine is an attainment far on in the divine life, and that it springs from evidences seen in my heart. When I see myself a new creature, Christ on the throne in my heart, love to the brethren, etc., it is often thought that I may begin then to say, 'My Beloved is mine.' How different this passage! The moment Jesus comes down into the garden to the beds of spices,--the moment He reveals himself, the soul cries out, 'My Beloved is mine!' So saith Thomas, John 20:27, 28. The moment Jesus came in and revealed his wounds, Thomas cried out, 'My Lord and my God.' He did not look to see if he was believing, or if the graces of love and humility were reigning; but all he saw and thought of was Jesus and Him crucified and risen." At a subsequent period, when preaching on Matt. 11:28, "Come unto me," he said, "I suppose it is almost impossible to explain what it is to come to Jesus, it is so simple. If you ask a sick person who had been healed, what it was to come and be healed, he could hardly tell you. As far as the Lord has given me light in this matter, and looking at what my own heart does in like circumstances, I do not feel that there is anything more in coming to Jesus, than just believing what God says about his Son to be true. I believe that many people keep themselves in darkness by expecting something more than this. Some of you will ask, 'Is there no _appropriating_ of Christ? no _putting out the hand of faith_? no touching the hem of his garment?' I quite grant, beloved, there is such a thing, but I do think it is inseparable from believing the record. If the Lord persuades you of the glory and power of Emmanuel, I feel persuaded that you cannot but choose Him. It is like opening the shutters of a dark room; the sun that moment shines in. So, the eye that is opened to the testimony of God, receives Christ that moment." In the case of a faithful ministry, success is the rule; want of it the exception. For it is written: "In doing this thou shalt both save thyself and them that hear thee," I Tim. 4:16. Mr. M'Cheyne expected it, and the Lord exceeded all his hopes. It was not yet common for persons in anxiety to go to their pastor for advice; but soon it became an almost weekly occurrence. While it was yet rare, two of his young people wrote a joint note, asking liberty to come and speak with him, "for we are anxious about our souls." Among those who came, there were those who had striven against the truth; persons who used to run out of hearing when the Bible was read,--throw down a tract if the name of God was in it,--go quickly to sleep after a Sabbath's pleasure in order to drown the fear of dropping into hell. There were many whose whole previous life had been but a threadbare profession. There were some open sinners, too. In short, the Lord glorified himself by the variety of those whom his grace subdued, and the variety of means by which his grace reached its object. One could tell him that the reading of the chapter in the church, with a few remarks, had been the time of her awakening. Another had been struck to the heart by some expression he used in his first prayer before sermon one Sabbath morning. But most were arrested in the preaching of the word. An interesting case was that of one who was aroused to concern during his sermon on _Unto whom coming as unto a living stone_. As he spoke of the Father taking the gem out of his bosom, and laying it down for a foundation-stone, she felt in her soul, "I know nothing of this precious stone; I am surely not converted." This led her to come and speak with him. She was not under deep conviction; but before going away, he said, "You are a poor, vile worm; it is a wonder the earth does not open and swallow you up." These words were blessed to produce a very awful sense of sin. She came a second time with the arrows of the Almighty drinking up her spirit. For three months she remained in this state, till having once more come to him for counsel, the living voice of Jesus gave life to her soul while he was speaking of Christ's words, "If thou knewest the gift of God," etc., and she went away rejoicing. Some awakened souls told him that since they were brought under concern, very many sermons, which they had heard from him before and completely forgotten, had been brought back to mind. He used to remark that this might show what the resurrection day would awaken in the souls of gospel hearers. In dealing with souls he used to speak very plainly. One came to him who assented to his statements of the gospel, and yet refused to be comforted, always looking upon _coming to Christ_ as something in addition to really believing the record God has given of his Son. He took John 3:16, 17: "For God so loved the world, that," etc. The woman said that "God did not care for her." Upon this he at once convicted her of making God a liar; and, as she went away in deep distress, his prayer was, "Lord, give her light!" To another person, who spoke of having times of great joy, he showed that these were times for worshipping God in the spirit. "You would come to a king when you were full dressed; so come to God, and abide in his presence as long as you can." Sometimes he would send away souls, of whom he entertained good hope, with a text suited to their state. "If ye live after the flesh, ye shall die; but if ye, through the Spirit, do mortify the deeds of the body, ye shall live." Or he would say, "I hear of you that God has opened your heart; but remember not to trust to man's opinion. Remember an all-seeing Christ will be the judge at the great day." To another he said, "I have long hoped you were really under the wings of the Saviour; if it be so, abide there; do not be like Demas." To a prayer-meeting, consisting of a few young men that had been awakened to flee from wrath, he gave this advice: "Guard against all ambition to excel one another in expression. Remember the most spiritual prayer is 'a groan which cannot be uttered,' Rom. 8:26; or a cry of 'Abba, Father,' Gal. 4:6." There is very little recorded in his diary during these years, but what does exist will be read with deepest interest. "_March 28, 1838_, Thursday.--I think of making this more a journal of my people, and the success or otherwise of my ministry. The first success among my people was at the time of my first Sacrament: then it appeared. My first sermon, on Isa. 61:1, was blessed to ---- and some others. That on Ezek. 22:14, 'Can thine heart endure,' etc., was blessed to awaken M.L. That on Song 5:2, 'Open to me,' etc., the Sabbath after the Sacrament, was blessed to another. These were happy days. M.D. was awakened by coming to the communicants' class. Another by the action sermon. At the words, 'I know thee, Judas,' she trembled, and would have risen from the table. These were glad days when one and another were awakened. The people looked very stirred and anxious, every day coming to hear the words of eternal life,--some inquiring in private every week. Now there is little of this. About fifteen cases came to my knowledge the first Sacrament, and two awakened who seem to have gone back. About eleven last Sacrament,--four of these young men. Several Christians seemed quickened to greater joy, and greater love one to another. Now it appears to me there is much falling off,--few seem awakened; few weep as they used to do." "_April 1_, Sacrament day.--Sweet season we have had. Never was more straitened and unfurnished in myself, and yet much helped. Kept in perfect peace, my mind being stayed on Thee. Preached on 'My God, my God,' etc., Psalm 22:1. Not fully prepared, yet found some peace in it. Fenced the tables from 'Christ's eyes of flame.' Little helped in serving the tables. Much peace in communion. Happy to be one with Christ! _I_, a vile worm; _He_, the Lord my righteousness. Mr. Cumming of Dumbarney served some tables; Mr. Somerville of Anderston served three, and preached in the evening on 'Thou art all fair, my love.' Very full and refreshing. All sweet, sweet services. Come, thou north wind, and blow, thou south, upon this garden! May this time be greatly blessed! It is my third communion; it may be my last. My Lord may come, or I may be sitting at another table soon. Moody, Candlish, and Mellis, were a good preparation for this day; and the sweet word from Cumming yesterday, 'When the poor and needy seek water,' etc. Lord, grant some wakening this day,--to some bringing peace--comfort to mourners,--fulness to believers,--an advance in holiness in me and my children! III John 4. Lord, wean me from my sins, from my cares, and from this passing world. May Christ be all in all to me." "Admitted about twenty-five young communicants; kept two back, and one or two stayed back. Some of them evidently brought to Christ. May the Lord be their God, their comforter, their all! May the morrow bring still richer things to us, that we may say as of to-night, 'Thou hast kept the good wine until now.'" Toward the close of this same year some of his notices are as follows:-- "_Oct. 7_, Evening.--In the Gaelic Chapel, on 'I know that my Redeemer liveth,' with more seeming power on the people than for a while. I never remember of compelling souls to come in to Christ so much as in that discourse." "_Oct. 8._--A person of the name of ---- came; I hope really awakened by last night's work; rather, by _Thee_. I do not know, however, whether _grace_ is begun or not." "_Oct. 14._--Preached on 'Forgiving injuries.' Afternoon--on the Second Coming: 'Let your loins be girded about,' etc. Felt its power myself more than ever before, how the sudden coming of the Saviour constrains to a holy walk, separate from sin. Evening--Preached it over in the Ferry." "_Oct. 21._--Met young communicants in the evening. Good hope of all but one." "_Oct. 22._--A Jew preached in my church, Mr. Frey, to a crowded house. Felt much moved in hearing an Israelite after the flesh." "Oct. 23.--Preached to sailors aboard the 'Dr. Carey,' in the docks. About 200, very attentive and impressed like. On 'I know that my Redeemer liveth.' May the seed sown on the waters be found after many days." "_Nov. 1_, Fast-day.--Afternoon--Mr. C. on 'The thief on the Cross.' A most awakening and engaging sermon, enough to make sinners fly like a cloud, and as doves to their windows. The offers of Christ were let down very low so that those low of stature may take hold." "_Nov. 5._--Mr. ---- died this morning at seven o'clock. Oh that I may take warning, lest, after preaching to others, I myself be a castaway! Love of popularity is said to have been his besetting sin." "_Dec. 2._--Errol Communion. Heard Mr. Grierson preach on Christ's entry into Jerusalem. Served two tables. Evening--Preached to a large congregation, on 'Unto you, O men, I call,' etc. The free invitation of the Saviour. May some find Him this day!" In addition to the other blessings which the Lord sent by his means to the place where he labored, it was obvious to all that the tone of Christians was raised as much by his holy walk as by his heavenly ministry. Yet during these pleasant days he had much reproach to bear. He was the object of supercilious contempt to formal cold-hearted ministers, and of bitter hatred to many of the ungodly. At this day there are both ministers and professing Christians of whom Jesus would say, "The world cannot hate you" (John 7:7), for the world cannot hate itself; but it was not so with Mr. M'Cheyne. Very deep was the enmity borne to him by some,--all the deeper, because the only cause of it was his likeness to his Master. But nothing turned him aside. He was full of ardor, yet ever gentle, and meek, and generous; full of zeal, yet never ruffled by his zeal; and not only his strength of "first love" (Rev. 2:4), but even its warm glow, seemed in him to suffer no decay. Thus he spent the first years of his ministry in Dundee. The town began to feel that they had a peculiar man of God in the midst of them, for he lived as a true son of Levi. "My covenant was with him of life and peace, and I gave them to him for the fear wherewith he feared me, and was afraid before my name. The law of truth was in his mouth, and iniquity was not found on his lips; he walked with me in peace and equity; and did turn many away from iniquity." Mal. 2:5, 6. CHAPTER IV. HIS MISSION TO PALESTINE AND THE JEWS. "_Here am I; send me_"--Isaiah 6:8. Though engaged night and day with his flock in St. Peter's, Mr. M'Cheyne ever cherished a missionary spirit. "This place hardens me for a foreign land," was his remark on one occasion. This spirit he sought to kindle yet more by reading missionary intelligence for his own use, and often to his people at his weekly prayer-meeting. The necessities both of his own parish, and of the world at large, lay heavy on his soul; and when an opportunity of evangelizing occurred, there was none in Scotland more ready to embrace it. He seemed one who stood with his loins girt: "Here am I; send me." Another motive to incessant activity, was the decided impression on his mind that his career would be short. From the very first days of his ministry he had a strong feeling of this nature; and his friends remember how his letters used to be sealed with this seal, "_The night cometh_" At a time when he was apparently in his usual health, we were talking together on the subject of the Pre-millennial Advent. We had begun to speak of the practical influence which the belief of that doctrine might have. At length he said, "That he saw no force in the arguments generally urged against it, though he had difficulties of his own in regard to it. And perhaps (he added) it is well for you, who enjoy constant health, to be so firmly persuaded that Christ is thus to come; but my sickly frame makes me feel every day that my time may be very short." He was therefore in some measure prepared, when, in the midst of his laborious duties, he was compelled to stand still and see what the Lord would do. In the close of 1838, some symptoms appeared that alarmed his friends. His constitution, never robust, began to feel the effects of unremitting labor; for occasionally he would spend six hours in visiting, and then the same evening preach in some room to all the families whom he had that day visited. Very generally, too, on Sabbath, after preaching twice to his own flock, he was engaged in ministering somewhere else in the evening. But now, after any great exertion, he was attacked by violent palpitation of heart. It soon increased, affecting him in his hours of study; and at last it became almost constant. Upon this, his medical advisers insisted on a total cessation of his public work; for though as yet there was no organic change on his lungs, there was every reason to apprehend that that might be the result. Accordingly, with deep regret, he left Dundee to seek rest and change of occupation, hoping it would be only for a week or two. A few days after leaving Dundee, he writes from Edinburgh, in reply to the anxious inquiries of his friend Mr. Grierson: "The beating of the heart is not now so constant as it was before. The pitcher draws more quietly at the cistern; so that, by the kind providence of our heavenly Father, I may be spared a little longer before the silver cord be loosed, and the golden bowl be broken." It was found that his complaints were such as would be likely to give way under careful treatment, and a temporary cessation from all exertion. Under his father's roof, therefore, in Edinburgh, he resigned himself to the will of his Father in heaven. But deeply did he feel the trial of being laid aside from his loved employment, though he learned of Him who was meek and lowly, to make the burden light in his own way, by saying, "Even so, Father, for so it seemeth good in thy sight." He wrote to Mr. Grierson again, _January 5, 1839_: "I hope this affliction will be blessed to me. I always feel much need of God's afflicting hand. In the whirl of active labor there is so little time for watching, and for bewailing, and seeking grace to oppose the sins of our ministry, that I always feel it a blessed thing when the Saviour takes me aside from the crowd, as He took the blind man out of the town, and removes the veil, and clears away obscuring mists, and by his word and Spirit leads to deeper peace and a holier walk. Ah! there is nothing like a calm look into the eternal world to teach us the emptiness of human praise, the sinfulness of self-seeking and vainglory, to teach us the preciousness of Christ, who is called 'The Tried Stone.' I have been able to be twice at college to hear a lecture from Dr. Chalmers. I have also been privileged to smooth down the dying pillow of an old school-companion, leading him to a fuller joy and peace in believing. A poor heavy-laden soul, too, from Larbert, I have had the joy of leading toward the Saviour. So that even when absent from my work, and when exiled, as it were, God allows me to do some little things for his name." He was led to look more carefully into this trying dispensation, and began to anticipate blessed results from it to his flock. He was well aware how easily the flock begin to idolize the shepherd, and how prone the shepherd is to feel somewhat pleased with this sinful partiality of his people, and to be uplifted by his success. "I sometimes think," is his remark in a letter, dated _January 18_, "that a great blessing may come to my people in my absence. Often God does not bless us when we are in the midst of our labors, lest we shall say, 'My hand and my eloquence have done it.' He removes us into silence, and then pours 'down a blessing so that there is no room to receive it;' so that all that see it cry out, 'It is the Lord!' This was the way in the South Sea Islands. May it really be so with my dear people!" Nor did he err in this view of the dispensation. All these ends, and more also, were to be accomplished by it. An anticipation like that which is expressed in this and other letters, especially in his Pastoral Letter of _March 20_, may justly be regarded as a proof from experience that the Lord teaches his people to expect and pray for what He means soon to work. And here the Lord accomplished his designs in the kindest of all ways; for He removed his servant for a season from the flock to which he had been so blessed, lest even his own children should begin to glory in man; but yet He took that servant to another sphere of labor in the meantime, and then, when the blessing was safely bestowed, brought him back to rejoice over it. He was still hoping for, and submissively asking from the Lord, speedy restoration to his people in Dundee, and occasionally sending to them an epistle that breathed the true pastor's soul; when one day, as he was walking with Dr. Candlish, conversing on the Mission to Israel which had lately been resolved on, an idea seemed suddenly suggested to Dr. Candlish. He asked Mr. M'Cheyne what he would think of "being useful to the Jewish cause, during his cessation from labor, by going abroad to make personal inquiries into the state of Israel?" The idea thus suddenly suggested led to all the after results of the Mission of Inquiry. Mr. M'Cheyne found himself all at once called to carry salvation to the Jew as he had hitherto done to the Gentile, and his soul was filled with joy and wonder. His medical friends highly approved of the proposal, as being likely to conduce very much to the removal of his complaints,--the calm, steady excitement of such a journey being likely to restore the tone of his whole constitution. Dr. Black of Aberdeen readily consented to use his remarkable talents as a scholar in this cause; and Dr. Keith intimated his expectation of soon joining the deputation. I also had been chosen to go forth on this mission of love to Israel; but some difficulties stood in the way of my leaving my charge at Collace. In these circumstances Mr. M'Cheyne wrote to me, _March 12_, from Edinburgh. "MY DEAR _A._,--I have received so many tokens for good from God in this matter, that it were a shame indeed if I did not trust Him to perfect all which concerns me. I am glad you have determined to trust all in the hands of Israel's God. I am quite ready to go this week, or next week, but am deeply anxious to be sure that you are sent with me. You know, dear A., I could not labor in this cause, nor enjoy it, if you were not to be with me in it. Would you be ready to give your Jewish lecture on the evening of Sabbath week?... And now, pray for us, that we may be sent of God; and, weak as we are, that we may be made Boanerges,--that we may be blessed to win some souls, and to stir up Christians to love Zion. Much interest is already excited, and I do look for a blessing. Speak to your people as on the brink of eternity.... As to books, I am quite at a loss. My Hebrew Bible, Greek Testament, etc., and perhaps Bridge's _Christian Ministry_ for general purposes--I mean, for keeping us in mind of our ministerial work. I do hope we shall go forth in the Spirit; and though straitened in language, may we not be blessed, as Brainerd was, through an interpreter? May we not be blessed also to save some English, and to stir up missionaries? My health is only tolerable; I would be better if we were once away. I am often so troubled as to be made willing to go or stay, to die or to live. Yet it is encouraging to be used in the Lord's service again, and in so interesting a manner. What if we should see the heavenly Jerusalem before the earthly? I am taking drawing materials, that I may carry away remembrances of the Mount of Olives, Tabor, and the Sea of Galilee." The interest that this proposed journey excited in Scotland was very great. Nor was it merely the somewhat romantic interest attached to the land where the Lord had done most of his mighty works; there were also in it the deeper feelings of a scriptural persuasion that Israel was still "beloved for the fathers' sake." For some time previous, Jerusalem had come into mind, and many godly pastors were alarming as watchmen over its ruined walls (Isa. 62:6), stirring up the Lord's remembrancers. Mr. M'Cheyne had been one of these. His views of the importance of the Jews in the eye of God, and therefore of their importance as a sphere of missionary labor, were very clear and decided. He agreed in the expectation expressed in one of the Course of Lectures delivered before the deputation set out, that we might anticipate an _outpouring of the Spirit when our church should stretch out its hands to the Jew as well as to the Gentile_. In one letter he says, "To seek the lost sheep of the house of Israel is an object very near to my heart, as my people know it has ever been. Such an enterprise may probably draw down unspeakable blessings on the Church of Scotland, according to the promise, 'They shall prosper who love thee.'" In another, "I now see plainly that all our views about the Jews being the chief object of missionary exertion are plain and sober truths, according to the Scripture." Again, "I feel convinced that if we pray that the world may be converted in God's way, we will seek the good of the Jews; and the more we do so, the happier we will be in our own soul. You should always keep up a knowledge of the prophecies regarding Israel." In his preaching he not unfrequently said on this subject, "We should be like God in his peculiar affections; and the whole Bible shows that God has ever had, and still has, a peculiar love to the Jews." The news of his proposed absence alarmed his flock at Dundee. They manifested their care for him more than ever; and not a few wrote expostulatory letters. To one of these well-meant remonstrances he replied, "I rejoice exceedingly in the interest you take in me, not so much for my own sake as that I hope it is a sign you know and love the Lord Jesus. Unless God had himself shut up the door of return to my people, and opened this new door to me, I never could have consented to go. I am not at all unwilling to spend and be spent in God's service, though I have often found that the more abundantly I love you, the less I am loved. But God has very plainly shown me that I may perform a deeply important work for his ancient people, and at the same time be in the best way of seeking a return of health."--"A minister will make a poor saviour in the day of wrath. It is not knowing a minister, or loving one, or hearing one, or having a name to live, that will save. You need to have your hand on the head of the Lamb for yourselves, Lev. 1:4. You need to have your eye on the brazen serpent for yourselves, John 3:14, 15. I fear I will need to be a swift witness against many of my people in the day of the Lord, that they looked to me, and not to Christ, when I preached to them. I always feared that some of you loved to hear the word, who do not love to do it. I always feared there were many of you who loved the Sabbath meetings, and the class, and the Thursday evenings, who yet were not careful to walk with God, to be meek, chaste, holy, loving, harmless, Christ-like, God-like. Now, God wants you to think that the only end of a gospel ministry is that you may be holy. Believe me, God himself could not make you happy except you be holy." At this crisis in his people's history, he sought from the Lord one to supply his place,--one who would feed the flock and gather in wanderers during their own pastor's absence. The Lord granted him his desire by sending Mr. William C. Burns, son of the minister of Kilsyth. In a letter to him, dated _March 12_, the following remarkable words occur: "You are given in answer to prayer; and these gifts are, I believe, always without exception blessed. I hope you may be a thousand times more blessed among them than ever I was. Perhaps there are many souls that would never have been saved under my ministry, who may be touched under yours; and God has taken this method of bringing you into my place. _His name is Wonderful._" This done, and being already disengaged from his flock, he set out for London to make arrangements for the rest of the deputation, who soon after were all sent forth by the brethren with many prayers. None had more prayers offered in their behalf than he, and they were not offered in vain. During all his journeyings the Lord strengthened him, and saved him out of all distresses. It was a singular event,--often still it looks like a dream,--that four ministers should be so suddenly called away from their quiet labors in the towns and villages of Scotland, and be found in a few weeks traversing the land of Israel, with their Bibles in their hand, eye-witnesses of prophecy fulfilled, and spies of the nakedness of Israel's worship and leanness of soul. The details of that journey need not be given here. They have been already recorded in the _Narrative of a Mission of Inquiry to the Jews from the Church of Scotland in 1839_. But there are some incidents worthy to be preserved which could find a place only in such a record of private life and feelings as we are now engaged in. When Mr. M'Cheyne was on board the vessel that carried him to London, he at once discovered an interesting young Jew, who seemed, however, unwilling to be recognized as belonging to the seed of Abraham. He made several attempts to draw this young Israelite into close conversation; and before parting, read with him the 1st Psalm in Hebrew, and pressed home the duty of meditating on the word of the Lord. In visiting Bethnal Green, he has noted down that it was very sweet to hear Jewish children sing a hymn to Jesus, the burden of which was [Hebrew: tavuach aleinu], "Slain for us!" The awful profanation of the holy Sabbath which we witnessed on the streets of Paris, called forth the following appeal, in a letter to Mr. Macdonald of Blairgowrie. His spirit had been stirred in him when he saw the city wholly given to idolatry. "Stand in the breach, dear friend, and lift up your voice like a trumpet, lest Scotland become another France. You know how many in our own parishes trample on the holy day. They do not know how sweet it is to walk with God all that holy day. Isaiah 58:11-14 is a sweet text to preach from. Exodus 31:13 is also very precious, showing that the real sanctifying of the Sabbath is one of God's signs or marks which He puts upon his people. It is one of the letters of the new name, which no one knoweth but they who receive it." In his brief notes during the first part of the journey, he has seldom failed to mark our seasons of united prayer, such as those in the cabin of the vessel on the passage to Genoa; for these were times of refreshing to his spirit. And his feelings, as he stood in that city and surveyed its palaces, are expressed in a few lines, which he sent homeward from the spot. "A foreign land draws us nearer God. He is the only one whom we know here. We go to Him as to one we know; all else is strange. Every step I take, and every new country I see, makes me feel more that there is nothing real, nothing true, but what is everlasting. The whole world lieth in wickedness! its judgments are fast hastening. The marble palaces, among which I have been wandering to-night, shall soon sink like a millstone in the waters of God's righteous anger; but he that doeth the will of God abideth forever." At Valetta, in the island of Malta, he wrote: "My heart beats a little to-day, but another sail will do me good. One thing I know, that I am in the hands of my Father in heaven, who is all love to me,--not for what I am in myself, but for the beauty He sees in Immanuel." The classic shores of Italy and Greece are invested with a peculiar interest, such as may raise deep emotions even in a sanctified soul. "We tried to recollect many of the studies of our boyhood. But what is classic learning to us now? I count all things but loss for the excellency of the knowledge of Christ Jesus my Lord. And yet these recollections tinged every object, and afforded us a most lawful pleasure." During our voyage, it was his delight to search into the Scriptures, just as at home. And so much did he calculate on an unceasing study of the word during all our journey, that he took with him some notes I had written on each chapter of the book of Leviticus, observing it would be suitable meditation for us while busy with Jewish minds. At home and abroad he had an insatiable appetite for all the word,--both for the types of the Old Testament and the plain text of the New. On one occasion, before leaving home, in studying Numbers 4., he fixed the different duties assigned to the priests on his memory, by means of the following lines:-- The _Kohathites_ upon their shoulder bear The holy vessels, covered with all care, The _Gershonites_ receive an easier charge, Two waggons full of cords and curtains large; _Merari's_ sons four ponderous waggons load With boards and pillars of the house of God. He acted on the principle, that whatever God has revealed must deserve our study and prayerful investigation. Arrived at Alexandria in Egypt, and thence proceeding onward to Palestine by the way of the desert, we found ourselves set down on a new stage of experience. Mr. M'Cheyne observed on the silence of the desert places: "It is a remarkable feeling to be quite alone in a desert place; it gives similar feelings to fasting; it brings God near. Living in tents, and moving among such lonely scenes for many days, awake many new ideas. It is a strange life we lead in the wilderness. Round and round there is a complete circle of sand and wilderness shrubs; above, a blue sky without a cloud, and a scorching sun which often made the thermometer stand at 96° in our tents. When evening came, the sun went down as it does in the ocean, and the stars came riding forth in their glory; and we used to pitch all alone, with none but our poor ignorant Bedouins, and their camels, and our all-knowing, all-loving God beside us. When morning began to dawn, our habitations were taken down. Often we have found ourselves shelterless before being fully dressed. What a type of the tent of our body! Ah! how often taken down before the soul is made meet for the inheritance of the saints in light." To Mr. Bonar of Larbert he writes: "I had no idea that travelling in the wilderness was so dreadful a thing as it is. The loneliness I often felt quite solemnized me. The burning sun overhead,--round and round a circle of barren sand, chequered only by a few prickly shrubs ('the heat of the wilderness,' of which Jeremiah speaks), no rain, not a cloud, the wells often like that of Marah, and far between. I now understand well the murmurings of Israel. I feel that our journey proved and tried my own heart very much." When we look back, and remember that he who thus stands on the sandy desert road between Egypt and Palestine, and looks on its singular scenery, is one who but lately was to be found busy night and day in dealing with the souls of men in the densely peopled streets of a town teeming with population, we are led to wonder at the ways of the Lord. But is it not a moment which may remind us that the God who sent Elijah to the brook at Cherith is the same God still? and that the wise, considerate, loving Master, who said, "Come into a desert place and rest awhile," is as loving, considerate, and wise as He was then? At Balteen, a small village in Egypt, I well remember the indignation that fired his countenance, when our Arab attendants insisted on travelling forward on the Sabbath-day, rather than continue sitting under a few palm-trees, breathing a sultry, furnace-like atmosphere, with nothing more than just such supply of food as sufficed. He could not bear the thought of being deprived of the Sabbath rest; it was needful for our souls as much in the wilderness as in the crowded city; and if few glorify God in that desolate land, so much the more were we called on to fill these solitudes with our songs of praise. It was in this light he viewed our position; and when we had prevailed, and were seated under the palms, he was excited to deep emotion, though before quite unnerved by the heat, at the sight of a row of poor wretched Egyptians who gathered round us. "Oh that I could speak their language, and tell them of salvation!" was his impassioned wish. An event occurred at that time in which the hand of God afterwards appeared very plain, though it then seemed very dark to us. Dr. Black fell from his camel in the midst of the sandy desert, and none of all our company could conjecture what bearing on the object of our Mission this sad occurrence could have. Is it a frown on our undertaking? or can it really be a movement of his kind, guiding hand? We often spoke of it: in our visit to Galilee we thought that we saw some purposes evolving; but there was still something unexplained. Now, however, the reason appears: even that event was of the Lord, in wise and kind design. But for that fall, our fathers in the deputation would not have sailed up the Danube on their way to Vienna, and Pesth would not have been visited. This accident, which mainly disabled Dr. Black from undertaking the after fatigue of exploring Galilee, was the occasion of directing the steps of our two fathers to that station, where a severe stroke of sickness was made the means of detaining Dr. Keith till they had learned that there was an open door among the Jews. And there, accordingly it has been that the Lord has poured down his Spirit on the Jews that have come to our missionaries so remarkably, that no Jewish Mission seems ever to have been blessed with deeper conversions. There is nothing but truth in the remark made by one of our number: "Dr. Black's fall from the camel was the first step towards Pesth." "Whoso is wise, and will observe these things, even they shall understand the loving kindness of the Lord," Psalm 107:42. Indeed, whether it was that we were prepared to expect, and therefore were peculiarly ready to observe, or whether it was really the case that the watchful eye of our Lord specially guided us, certain it is that we thought we could perceive the whole course we took signally marked by Providence. There were many prayers in Scotland ascending up in our behalf, and the High Priest gave the answer by shining upon our path. Mr. M'Cheyne has stated: "For much of our safety I feel indebted to the prayers of my people, I mean the Christians among them, who do not forget us. If the veil of the world's machinery were lifted off, how much we would find is done in answer to the prayers of God's children." Many things lost somewhat of their importance in our view, when examined amid the undistracted reflections of the long desert journey, where for many days we had quiet, like the quiet of death, around us all night long, and even during the bright day. It is the more interesting on this very account, to know his feelings there on the subject of the ministry. As his camel slowly bore him over the soft sandy soil, much did he ruminate on the happy days when he was permitted to use all his strength in preaching Jesus to dying men. "Use your health while you have it, my dear friend and brother. Do not cast away peculiar opportunities that may never come again. You know not when your last Sabbath with your people may come. Speak for eternity. Above all things, cultivate your own spirit. A word spoken by you when your conscience is clear, and your heart full of God's Spirit, is worth ten thousand words spoken in unbelief and sin. This was my great fault in the ministry. Remember it is God, and not man, that must have the glory. It is not much speaking, but much faith, that is needed. Do not forget us. Do not forget the Saturday night meeting, nor the Monday morning thanksgiving." Thus he wrote on his way to a fellow-laborer in Scotland. On our first Sabbath in the Holy Land, our tent had been pitched in the vicinity of a colony of ants. It was in the tribe of Simeon we were encamped; it was the scenery of the Promised Land we had around us; and one of the similitudes of the blessed word was illustrated within our view. He opened his Bible at Prov. 6:6-8, and, as he read, noted--"I. _Consider her ways._ Most souls are lost for want of consideration. II. _The ant has no guide, overseer, or ruler_; no officer, no one to command or encourage her. How differently situated is the child of God! III. _Provideth her meat in the summer, etc._ Some have thought that this teaches us to heap up money; but quite the reverse. The ant lays up no store for the future. It is all for present use. She is always busy summer and winter. The lesson is one of constant diligence in the Lord's work." Many a time in these days, when our attendants in the evening were driving in the stakes of our tent and stretching its cords, he would lie down on the ground under some tree that sheltered him from the dew. Completely exhausted by the long day's ride, he would lie almost speechless for half an hour; and then, when the palpitation of his heart had a little abated, would propose that we two should pray together. Often, too, did he say to me, when thus stretched on the ground,--not impatiently, but very earnestly,--"Shall I ever preach to my people again?" I was often reproved by his unabated attention to personal holiness; for this care was never absent from his mind, whether he was at home in his quiet chamber, or on the sea, or in the desert. Holiness in him was manifested, not by efforts to perform duty, but in a way so natural, that you recognized therein the easy outflowing of the indwelling Spirit. The fountain springing up into everlasting life (John 4:14) in his soul, welled forth its living waters alike in the familiar scenes of his native Scotland, and under the olive-tree of Palestine. Prayer and meditation on the word were never forgotten; and a peace that the world could not give kept his heart and mind. When we were detained a day at Gaza, in very tantalizing circumstances, his remark was, "_Jehovah Jireh_; we are at that mount again." It was sweet at any time to be with him, for both nature and grace in him drew the very heart; but there were moments of enjoyment in these regions of Palestine that drew every cord still closer, and created unknown sympathies. Such was that evening when we climbed Samson's Hill together. Sitting there, we read over the references to the place in the word of God; and then he took out his pencil and sketched the scene, as the sun was sinking in the west. This done, we sang some verses of a psalm, appropriate to the spot, offered up prayer, and, slowly descending, conversed of all we saw, and of all that was brought to mind by the scenery around us, till we reached our tent. In approaching Jerusalem, we came up the Pass of Latroon. He writes: "The last day's journey to Jerusalem was the finest I ever had in all my life. For four hours we were ascending the rocky pass upon our patient camels. It was like the finest of our Highland scenes, only the trees and flowers, and the voice of the turtle, told us that it was Immanuel's land." Riding along, he remarked, that to have seen the plain of Judea and this mountain-pass, was enough to reward us for all our fatigue; and then began to call up passages of the Old Testament Scriptures which might seem to refer to such scenery as that before us. During our ten days at Jerusalem, there were few objects within reach that we did not eagerly seek to visit. "We stood at the turning of the road where Jesus came near and beheld the city and wept over it. And if we had had more of the mind that was in Jesus, I think we should have wept also." This was his remark in a letter homeward; and to Mr. Bonar of Larbert he expressed his feelings in regard to the Mount of Olives and its vicinity: "I remember the day when I saw you last, you said that there were other discoveries to be made than those in the physical world,--that there were sights to be seen in the spiritual world, and depths to be penetrated of far greater importance. I have often thought of the truth of your remark. But if there is a place on earth where physical scenery can help us to discover divine things, I think it is Mount Olivet. Gethsemane at your feet leads your soul to meditate on Christ's love and determination to undergo divine wrath for us. The cup was set before Him there, and there He said. 'Shall I not drink it?' The spot where He wept makes you think of his divine compassion, mingling with his human tenderness,--his awful justice, that would not spare the city,--his superhuman love, that wept over its coming misery! Turning the other way, and looking to the south-east, you see Bethany, reminding you of his love to his own,--that his name is love,--that in all our afflictions He is afflicted,--that those who are in their graves shall one day come forth at his command. A little farther down you see the Dead Sea, stretching far among the mountains its still and sullen waters. This deepens and solemnizes all, and makes you go away, saying, 'How shall we escape, if we neglect so great salvation?'" He wrote to another friend in Scotland, from Mount Zion, where we were then dwelling:-- Mount Zion, _June 12, 1839._ "MY DEAR FRIEND,--Now that we are in the most wonderful spot in all this world,--where Jesus lived and walked, and prayed and died, and will come again,--I doubt not you will be anxious to hear how we come on. I am thankful that ever He privileged us to come to this land. I heard of my flock yesterday by a letter from home,--the first I have received, dated 8th May.... We are living in one of the missionaries' houses on Mount Zion. My window looks out upon where the Temple was, the beautiful Mount of Olives rising behind. The Lord that made heaven and earth, bless thee out of Zion.--Yours," etc. One evening, after our visit to Sychar, he referred to the Bible which I had dropped into Jacob's Well. We were then resting from our journey in our tents. Soon after he penned on a leaf of his note-book the following fragment:-- My own loved Bible, must I part from thee, Companion of my toils by land and sea; Man of my counsels, soother of distress, Guide of my steps through this world's wilderness In darkest nights, a lantern to my feet; In gladsome days, as dropping honey sweet. When first I parted from my quiet home, At thy command, for Israel's good to roam. Thy gentle voice said, "For Jerusalem pray, So shall Jehovah prosper all thy way." When through the lonely wilderness we strayed, Sighing in vain for palm-trees' cooling shade, Thy words of comfort hushed each rising fear, "The shadow of thy mighty Rock is near." And when we pitched our tents on Judah's hills, Or thoughtful mused beside Siloa's rills; Whene'er we climbed Mount Olivet, to gaze Upon the sea, where stood in ancient days The heaven-struck Sodom-- Sweet record of the past, to faith's glad eyes, Sweet promiser of glories yet to rise![14] [14] It is a somewhat curious occurrence, that the remnants of this Bible were found and drawn up from the bottom of the well, in July 1843, by Dr. Wilson and his fellow-traveller, who employed a Samaritan from Sychar to descend and examine the well. At the foot of Carmel, during the seven days we were in quarantine under the brow of the hill, we had time to recall many former scenes; and in these circumstances he wrote the hymn, _The Fountain of Siloam_. Here, too, he had leisure to write home; and most graphically does he describe our journey from Alexandria onward. CARMEL, _June 26, 1839_ "MY DEAR FATHER, MOTHER, etc.--It is a long time since I have been able to write to you,--this being the first time since leaving Egypt that any one has appeared to carry letters for us. I must therefore begin by telling you that, by the good hand of our God upon me, I am in excellent health, and have been ever since I wrote you last. Fatigues we have had many, and much greater than I anticipated; hardships and dangers we have also encountered, but God has brought us all safely through, and in fully better condition than when we began. You must not imagine that I have altogether lost the palpitation of my heart, for it often visits me to humble and prove me; still I believe it is a good deal better than it was, and its visits are not nearly so frequent. I hope very much, that in a cold bracing climate, and with less fatigue, I may perhaps not feel it at all. I was very thankful to receive your letter, dated 8th May,--the first since leaving home. I was delighted to hear of your health and safety, and of the peaceful communion at St. Peter's. The public news was alarming and humbling.[15] I suppose I had better begin at the beginning, and go over all our journeyings from the land of Egypt through the howling wilderness to this sweet land of promise. I would have written _journalwise_ (as my mother would say) from time to time, so that I might have had an interesting budget of news ready; but you must remember it is a more fatiguing thing to ride twelve or fourteen hours on a camel's back, in a sandy wilderness, than in our home excursions; and I could often do nothing more than lie down on my rug and fall asleep. [15] He alludes here to the decision of the House of Lords in the Auchterarder case. "We left Alexandria on 16th May 1839, parting from many kind friends in that strange city. We and our baggage were mounted on seventeen donkeys, like the sons of Jacob, when they carried corn out of Egypt. Our saddle was our bedding, viz. a rug to lie on, a pillow for the head, and a quilt to wrap ourselves in. We afterwards added a straw mat to put below all. We had procured two tents,--one large, and a smaller one which Andrew and I occupy. The donkeys are nice nimble little animals, going about five miles an hour; a wild Arab accompanies each donkey. We have our two Arab servants, to whom I now introduce you,--Ibrahim, a handsome small-made Egyptian, and Achmet the cook, a dark good-natured fellow, with a white turban and bare black legs. Ibrahim speaks a little English and Italian, and Achmet Italian, in addition to their native Arabic. I soon made friends with our Arab donkey-men, learning Arabic words and phrases; from them, which pleased them greatly. We journeyed by the Bay of Aboukir, close by the sea, which tempered the air of the desert. At night we reached Rosetta, a curious half-inhabited eastern town. We saw an eastern marriage, which highly pleased us, illustrating the parables. It was by torch-light. We slept in the convent. 17. Spent morning in Rosetta; gave the monk a New Testament. Saw some of Egyptian misery in the bazaar. Saw the people praying in the mosque, Friday being the Moslem's day of devotion. In the evening we crossed the Nile in small boats. It is a fine river; and its water, when filtered, is sweet and pleasant. We often thought upon it in the desert. We slept that night on the sand in our tents, by the sea-shore. 18.--In six hours we came to Bourlos (you will see it in the map of the Society for Diffusing Useful Knowledge): were ferried across. Watched the fishermen casting their nets into the sea: hot--hot. In two hours more through a palmy wilderness, we came to Balteen,--'the Vale of Figs,' an Arab village of mud huts. You little know what an Arab house is. In general, in Egypt, it is an exact square box made of mud, with a low hole for a door. The furniture is a mat and cooking things; an oven made of mud. 19.--Spent our Sabbath unoccupied in midst of the village; the poor Arabs have no Sabbath. The thermometer 84° in tent. The governor called in the evening, and drank a cup of tea with great relish. The heat we felt much all day; still it was sweet to rest and remember you all in the wilderness. 20.--At twelve at night, left Balteen by beautiful moonlight. Proceeding through a pleasant African wild of palms and brushwood, we reached the sea in two hours, and rode along, its waves washing our feet: very sleepy. We got a rest at mid-day, if rest it could be called, under that scorching sun, which I never will forget. Proceeding onward, at three o'clock we left the sea-shore, and perceived the minarets of Damietta. Before us the mirage cheated us often when we were very thirsty. We crossed the Nile again, a much smaller branch,--the only remaining one,--and soon found ourselves comfortably reclining on the divan of the British Consul, an Egyptian gentleman of some fortune and manners. He entertained us at supper in true Egyptian style; provided a room for us, where we spread our mats in peace. We spent the whole of the next day here, having sent off a Bedouin to have camels ready for us at San. The Consul entertained us in the same Egyptian style of hospitality, and sent us away the next day on board of a barge upon Lake Menzaleh. 22.--Even E---- would not have been afraid to sail upon the lake. It is nowhere more than ten feet deep, and in general only four or five. We made an awning with our mats, and spent a very happy day. At evening we entered a canal among immense reeds. In moonlight the scene was truly romantic; we slept moored to the shore all night. Next morning (23) we reached San about ten. This evening and next morning we spent in exploring the ruins of the ancient Zoan, for this we find is the very spot. "Wandering alone, we were quite surprised to find great mounds of brick, and pottery, and vitrified stones. Andrew at last came upon beautiful obelisks. Next morning we examined all carefully, and found two sphinxes and many Egyptian obelisks. How wonderful to be treading over the ruins of the ancient capital of Egypt! Isaiah 19:12. 'Where are the princes of Zoan?' Ezek. 30:14, 'God has set fire in Zoan.' This is the very place where Joseph was sold as a slave, and where Moses did his wonders, Psalm 78:43. This was almost the only place where we have been in danger from the inhabitants. They are a wild race; and our Arabs were afraid of them. You would have been afraid too, if you had seen, out of the door of our tent, our Bedouins keeping watch all night with their naked sabres gleaming in the moonlight, firing off their guns now and then, and keeping up a low chaunt to keep one another awake. No evil happened to us, and we feel that many pray for us, and that God is with us. 24.--This day our journeyings on camels commenced and continued till we came to Jerusalem. It is a strange mode of conveyance. You have seen a camel kneeling; it is in this condition that you mount; suddenly it rises first on its fore feet, and then on its hind feet. It requires great skill to hold yourself on during this operation; one time I was thrown fair over its head, but quite unhurt. When you find yourself exalted on the hunch of a camel, it is somwhat of the feeling of an aeronaut, as if you were bidding farewell to sublunary things; but when he begins to move, with solemn pace and slow, you are reminded of your terrestrial origin, and that a wrong balance or turn to the side will soon bring you down from your giddy height. You have no stirrup, and generally only your bed for your saddle; you may either sit as on horseback, or as on a sidesaddle,--the latter is the pleasanter, though not the safer of the two. The camel goes about three miles an hour, and the step is so long that the motion is quite peculiar. You bend your head toward your knees every step. With a vertical sun above and a burning sand below, you may believe it is a very fatiguing mode of journeying. However, we thought of Rebecca and Abraham's servant (Gen. 24.), and listened with delight to the wild Bedouin's plaintive song. That night (24) we slept at Menagie, a Bedouin mud village: palm-trees and three wells, and an ocean of sand, formed the only objects of interest. 25.--Up by sunrise, and proceeded as before. The only event this day was Dr. Black's fall from his camel, which greatly alarmed us. He had fallen asleep, which you are very apt to do. We encamped and used every restorative, so that we were able to proceed the same evening to Gonatre, a miserable Arab post, having a governor. Not a tree. 26.--The Sabbath dawned sweetly; thermometer 92° in tent; could only lie on the mat and read psalms. Evening.--Gathered governor and Bedouins to hear some words of eternal life, Ibrahim interpreting. 27.--Two very long stages brought us to Katieh; thankful to God for his goodness, while we pitched by the date-trees. 28.--Spent the day at Katieh; interesting interviews with governor, a kind Arab; thermometer 96° in tent. Same evening, proceeded through a greener desert, among flocks of goats and sheep, and encamped by a well, Bir-el-Abd. 29.--Another hot day in the desert; came in sight of the sea, which gave us a refreshing breeze; bathed in the salt lake, as hot as a warm bath. Evening.--Encampment at Abugilbany. 30.--This was our last day in the Egyptian wilderness. We entered on a much more mountainous region. The heat very great; we literally panted for a breath of wind. The Bedouins begged handkerchiefs to cover their heads, and often cast themselves under a bush for shade. Towards sunset, we came down on the old ruins of Rhinoculura, now buried in the sand; and soon after our camels kneeled down at the gates of El Arish, the last town on the Egyptian frontier. 31.--We spent in El Arish, being unable to get fresh camels. We bought a sheep for five shillings; drank freely of their delightful water,--what a blessing after the desert! Found out the river of Egypt, the boundary of Judah mentioned in the Bible, quite dry. _June 1._--Visited the school,--a curiosity: all the children sit cross-legged on the floor, rocking to and fro, repeating something in Arabic. We had a curious interview with the governor, sitting in the gate in the ancient manner. We are quite expert now at taking off our shoes and sitting in the Eastern mode. Smoking, and coffee in very small cups, are the constant accompaniments of these visits. Left the same evening, and did not reach Sheikh Juidhe, in the land of the Philistines, till the sun was nearly bursting into view. 2.--Spent a happy Sabbath here; sung 'In Judah's land God is well known.' Singing praises in our tents is very sweet, they are so frail, like our mortal bodies; they rise easily into the ears of our present Father. Our journey through the land of the Philistines was truly pleasant. 3.--We went through a fine pasture country; immense straths; flocks of sheep and goats, and asses and camels, often came in sight. This is the very way up out of Egypt, little changed from the day that the Ethiopian went on his way rejoicing, and Joseph and Mary carried down the babe from the anger of Herod. Little changed, did I say? it is all changed; no more is there one brook of water. Every river of Egypt,--Wady Gaza, Eshcol, Sorek,--every brook we crossed, was dried up; not a drop of water. The land is changed; no more is it the rich land of Philistia. The sand struggles with the grass for mastery. The cities are changed,--where are they? The people are changed: no more the bold Philistines,--no more the children of Simeon,--no more Isaac and his herdsmen,--no more David and his horsemen; but miserable Arab shepherds,--simple people, without ideas,--poor degraded, fearful. Khanounes was the first town we entered: Scripture name unknown. The burying-ground outside the town. The well, and people coming to draw, were objects of great interest to us. The people were highly entertained with us in return. We sat down in the bazaar, and were a spectacle to all. How much we longed to have the Arabic tongue, that we might preach the unsearchable riches of Christ in God's own land! Same evening we heard the cry of the wolf, and encamped two miles from Gaza. The plague was raging, so we did not enter, but spent a delightful day in comparing its condition with God's word concerning it: 'Baldness is come upon Gaza.' The old city is buried under sand-hills, without a blade of grass, so that it is bald indeed. The herds and flocks are innumerable, fulfilling Zeph. 2; Andrew and I climbed the hill up which Samson carried the gates. 5.--Passed through a fine olive grove for many miles, and entered the vale of Eshcol. The people were all in the fields cutting and bringing in their barley. They reap with the hook as we do. They seem to carry in at the same time upon camels. No vines in Eshcol now, no pomegranates, but some green fig-trees. Crossed the brook Sorek--dry. Spent the mid-day under the embowering shade of a fig-tree; tasted the apricots of the good land. Same evening we came to Doulis, which we take to be Eshtaol, where Samson was born. 6.--We went due east, and, after a mountain pass, saw the hills of Judah,--an immense plain intervening, all studded with little towns. From their names, we found out many Bible spots. This valley or plain is the very vale Zephatha, of which you read in II Chron. 14., 'In the plain of Sephela.' Before night we entered among the hills of Judah,--very like our own Highlands,--and slept all night among the mountains, at a deserted village called Latroon. 7.--One of the most privileged days of our life. We broke up our tents by moonlight; soon the sun was up; we entered a defile of the most romantic character; wild rocks and verdant hills; wild-flowers of every color and fragrance scented our path. Sometimes we came upon a clump of beautiful olive-trees, then wild again. The turtle's voice was heard in the land, and singing birds of sweetest note. Our camels carried us up this pass for four hours; and our turbaned Bedouins added by their strange figures to the scene. The terracing of all the hills is the most remarkable feature of Judean scenery. Every foot of the rockiest mountains may in this way be covered with vines. We thought of Isaiah wandering here, and David and Solomon. Still all was wilderness. The hand of man had been actively employed upon every mountain, but where were these laborers now? Judah is gone into captivity before the enemy. There are few men left in the land; not a vine is there. 'The vine languisheth.' We came down upon Garieh, a village embosomed in figs and pomegranates. Ascending again, we came down into the valley of Elah, where David slew Goliath. Another long and steep ascent of a most rugged hill brought us into a strange scene--a desert of sunburnt rocks. I had read of this, and knew that Jerusalem was near. I left my camel and went before, hurrying over the burning rocks. In about half an hour Jerusalem came in sight. 'How doth the city sit solitary that was full of people!' Is this the perfection of beauty? 'How hath the Lord covered the daughter of Zion with a cloud in his anger!' It is, indeed, very desolate. Read the two first chapters of Lamentations, and you have a vivid picture of our first sight of Jerusalem. We lighted off our camels within the Jaffa gate. Among those that crowded round us, we observed several Jews. I think I had better not attempt to tell you about Jerusalem. There is so much to describe, and I know not where to begin. The Consul, Mr. Young, received us most kindly, provided us a house where we might spread our mats, and helped us in every way. Mr. Nicolayson called the same evening, and insisted on our occupying one of the mission-houses on Mount Zion. The plague is still in Jerusalem, so that we must keep ourselves in quarantine. The plague only communicates by contact, so that we are not allowed to touch any one, or let any one touch us. Every night we heard the mourners going about the streets with their dismal wailings for the dead. On Sabbath Mr. Nicolayson read the prayers, and Dr. Black preached from Isaiah 2:2. Dr. Keith in the evening. Three converted Jews were among the hearers. On Monday (10) we visited the sepulchre, and a painful sight, where we can find no traces of Calvary. Same evening rode up to the Mount of Olives: past Gethsemane, a most touching spot. Visited Sir Moses Montefiore, a Jew of London, encamped on Mount Olivet; very kind to us. 11.--Went round the most of the places to be visited near Jerusalem,--Rephaim, Gihon, Siloa's brook, 'that flowed fast by the oracle of God;' the Pool of Siloam; the place where Jesus wept over the city; Bethany,--of all places my favorite; the tombs of the kings. Such a day we never spent in this world before. The climate is truly delightful,--hot at mid-day, but delightful breezes at morn and even. 12.--A business day, getting information about Jews. In the evening, walked to Aceldama,--a dreadful spot. Zion is ploughed like a field. I gathered some barley, and noticed cauliflowers planted in rows. See Micah 3:12. Jerusalem is indeed heaps. The quantities of rubbish would amaze you,--in one place higher than the walls. 13.--We went to Hebron, twenty miles south; Mr. Nicolayson, his son, the Consul and ladies accompanying us, all on mules and horses, Judah's cities are all waste. Except Bethlehem, we saw none but ruins till we reached Hebron. The vines are beautifully cultivated here, and make it a paradise; The hills all terraced to the top. We spent a delightful evening and all next day. We met the Jews, and had an interesting interview with them. We read Genesis 18, and many other Bible passages, with great joy. Saw the mosque where the tomb of Abraham and Sarah is. 14.--Returned by Bethlehem to Jerusalem. Bethlehem is a sweet village, placed on the top of a rocky hill,--very white and dazzling. You see it on both sides of the hill. At Rachel's sepulchre you see Jerusalem on one hand and Bethlehem on the other,--an interesting sight,--six miles apart. On Sabbath we enjoyed the Lord's Supper in an upper chamber in Jerusalem. It was a time much to be remembered. Andrew preached in the evening from John 14:2, 3. 17.--The plague has been increasing so that we think it better to depart. Last visit to Gethsemane, and Bethany, and Siloam. Evening.--Took farewell of all our friends at Jerusalem, with much sorrow you may believe. Went due north to Ramah, by Gibeon, and slept at Beer, again in our tent, in Benjamin. 19.--Passed Bethel, where Jacob slept. Passed through the rich and rocky defile of Ephraim, by Lebonah, to Sychar. You cannot believe what a delightsome land it is. We sought anxiously for the well where Jesus sat. Andrew alone found it, and lost his Bible in it. 20.--Had a most interesting morning with the Jews of Sychar. Saw many of them; also the Samaritans in their synagogue. Same evening visited Samaria,--a wonderful place,--and encamped at Sanor. 21.--Arrived at Carmel, where we now are, encamped within two yards of the sea. We have been in quarantine here seven days, as there is no plague north of this. Several English are encamped here--Lord R., Lord H., etc. We have daily conversations sitting on the sand. We are not allowed to touch even the rope of a tent. Acre is in sight across the bay. We have delightful bathing. To-morrow Lord H. leaves, and kindly offers to take this. Carmel's rocky brow is over us. We are all well and happy. On Monday we propose leaving for Tiberias and Saphet. Soon we shall be in Beyrout, and on our way to Smyrna. Do not be anxious for me. Trust us to God, who goes with us where we go. I only pray that our mission may be blessed to Israel. Sir Moses M. has arrived, and pitched his tent within fifty yards of us. Kindest regards to all that inquire after me, not forgetting dear W.--Your affectionate son," etc. When the two elder brethren of the deputation left us for Europe, we turned southward again from Beyrout, to visit the regions of Phoenicia and Galilee. Never did Mr. M'Cheyne seem more gladsome than in gazing on these regions. At Tyre, he remembered the request of an elder in the parish of Larbert, who had written to him before his departure, stating what he considered to be a difficulty in the ordinary expositions of the prophecies which speak of that renowned city. With great delight he examined the difficulty on the spot; and it is believed that his testimony on such points as these, when it reached some men of sceptical views in that scene of his early labors, was not unblest. From Saphet he writes: "I sat looking down upon the lake this morning for about an hour. It was just at our feet,--the very water where Jesus walked, where He called his disciples, where He rebuked the storm, where He said, 'Children, have ye any meat?' after He rose from the dead. Jesus is the same still." To his early and familiar friend, Mr. Somerville, he thus describes the same view: "Oh what a view of the Sea of Galilee is before you, at your feet! It is above three hours' descent to the water's edge, and yet it looks as if you could run down in as many minutes. The lake is much larger than I had imagined. It is hemmed in by mountains on every side, sleeping as calmly and softly as if it had been the sea of glass which John saw in heaven. We tried in vain to follow the course of the Jordan running through it. True, there were clear lines, such as you see in the wake of a vessel, but then these did not go straight through the lake. The hills of Bashan are very high and steep, where they run into the lake. At one point, a man pointed out to us where the tombs in the rocks are, where the demoniacs used to live: and near it the hills were exactly what the Scriptures describe, 'a steep place,' where the swine ran down into the sea. On the north-east of the sea, Hermon rises very grand, intersected with many ravines full of snow." The day we spent at the lake--at the very water-side--was ever memorable, it was so peculiarly sweet! We left an indescribable interest even in lifting a shell from the shore of a sea where Jesus had so often walked. It was here that two of the beautiful hymns in _The Songs of Zion_ were suggested to him. The one was, _How pleasant to me_, etc.; the other, _To yonder side_; but the latter lay beside him unfinished till a later period. His complaint was now considerably abated; his strength seemed returning: and often did he long to be among his people again, though quieting his soul upon the Lord. Not a few pastors of another church have from time to time come forth to this land, compelled by disease to seek for health in foreign regions; but how rarely do we find the pastor's heart retained,--how rarely do we discover that the shepherd yearns still over the flock he left! But so deep was Mr. M'Cheyne's feelings toward the flock over which the Holy Ghost had made him overseer, that his concern for them became a temptation to his soul. It was not in the mere desire to preach again that he manifested this concern; for this desire might have been selfish, as he said: "No doubt there is pride in this anxiety to preach; a submissive soul would rejoice only in doing the present will of God." But his prayers for them went up daily to the throne. We had precious seasons of united prayer also for that same end,--especially one morning at sunrise in Gethsemane, and another morning at Carmel, where we joined in supplication on the silent shore at the foot of the hill as soon as day dawned, and then again, at evening, on the top, where Elijah prayed. Distance of place of peculiarities of circumstance never altered his views of duty, nor changed his feelings as a minister of Christ. In Galilee he meditated upon the aspect of ecclesiastical affairs in our beloved Scotland; and the principles he had maintained appeared to him as plainly accordant with the word of God when tried there, apart from excitement, as they did when he reviewed them in connection with their effects at home. "I hope," were his words to a brother in the ministry, "I hope the church has been well guided and blessed; and if times of difficulty are to come, I do believe there is no position so proper for her to be in as the attitude of a missionary church, giving freely to Jew and Gentile, as she has freely received,--so may she be found when the Lord comes." At the foot of Lebanon, in the town of Beyrout, he was able to expound a chapter (Acts 10.) at a prayer-meeting of the American brethren. This quite rejoiced his heart; for it seemed as if the Lord were restoring him, and meant again to use him in preaching the glad tidings. But shortly after, during the oppressive heat of the afternoon, he felt himself unwell. He had paid a visit to a young man from Glasgow in the town, who was ill of fever; and it is not unlikely that this visit, at a time when he was in a state of debility from previous fatigue, was the immediate occasion of his own illness. He was very soon prostrated under the fever. But his medical attendant apprehended no danger, and advised him to proceed to Smyrna, in the belief that the cool air of the sea would be much more in his favor than the sultry heat of Beyrout. Accordingly, in company with our faithful Hebrew friend Erasmus Calman, we embarked; but as we lay off Cyprus, the fever increased to such a height, that he lost his memory for some hours, and was racked with excessive pain in his head. When the vessel sailed, he revived considerably, but during three days no medical aid could be obtained. He scarcely ever spoke; and only once did he for a moment, on a Saturday night, lift his languid eye, as he lay on deck enjoying the breeze, to catch a distant sight of Patmos. We watched him with agonizing anxiety till we reached Smyrna and the village of Bouja. Though three miles off, yet, for the sake of medical aid, he rode to this village upon a mule after sunset, ready to drop every moment with pain and burning fever. But here the Lord had prepared for him the best and kindest help. The tender and parental care of Mr. and Mrs. Lewis, in whose house he found a home, was never mentioned by him but with deepest gratitude; and the sight of the flowering jessamine, or the mention of the deep-green cypress, would invariably call up in his mind associations of Bouja and its inmates. He used to say it was his second birth-place. During that time, like most of God's people who have been in sickness, he felt that a single passage of the word of God was more truly food to his fainting soul than anything besides. One day his spirit revived, and his eye glistened, when I spoke of the Saviour's sympathy, adducing as the very words of Jesus, Psalm 41:1: "_Blessed is he that considereth the poor: the Lord will deliver him in time of trouble,_" etc. It seemed so applicable to his own case, as a minister of the glad tidings; for often had he "considered the poor," carrying a cup of cold water to a disciple. Another passage, written for the children of God in their distress, was spoken to him when he seemed nearly insensible: "_Call upon me in the day of trouble._" This word of God was as the drop of honey to Jonathan. He himself thus spoke of his illness to his friends at home: "I left the foot of Lebanon when I could hardly see, or hear, or speak, or remember; I felt my faculties going, one by one, and I had every reason to expect that I would soon be with my God. It is a sore trial to be alone and dying in a foreign land, and it has made me feel, in a way that I never knew before, the necessity of having unfeigned faith in Jesus and in God. Sentiments, natural feelings, glowing fancies of divine things, will not support the soul in such an hour. There is much self-delusion in our estimation of ourselves when we are untried, and in the midst of Christian friends, whose warm feelings give a glow to ours, which they do not possess in themselves." Even then he had his people in his heart. "When I got better, I used to creep out in the evenings about sunset. I often remembered you all then. I could not write, as my eyes and head were much affected; I could read but very little; I could speak very little, for I had hardly any voice; and so I had all my time to lay my people before God, and pray for a blessing on them. About the last evening I was there, we all went to the vintage, and I joined in gathering the grapes." To Mr. Somerville he wrote: "My mind was very weak when I was at the worst, and therefore the things of eternity were often dim. _I had no fear to die, for Christ had died._ Still I prayed for recovery, if it was the Lord's will. You remember you told me to be humble among your last advices. You see God is teaching me the same thing. I fear I am not thoroughly humbled. I feel the pride of my heart, and bewail it." To his kind medical friend, Dr. Gibson, in Dundee, he wrote: "I really believed that my Master had called me home, and that I would sleep beneath the dark-green cypresses of Bouja till the Lord shall come, and they that sleep in Jesus come with Him; and my most earnest prayer was for my dear flock, that God would give them a pastor after his own heart." When we met, after an eight days' separation, on board the vessel at Constantinople, he mentioned as one of the most interesting incidents of the week, that one evening, while walking with Mr. Lewis, they met a young Greek and his wife, both of whom were believed to be really converted souls. It created a thrill in his bosom to meet with these almost solitary representatives of the once faithful and much tried native church of Smyrna. Meanwhile there were movements at home that proved the Lord to be He who "alone doeth wondrous things." The cry of his servant in Asia was not forgotten; the eye of the Lord turned towards his people. It was during the time of Mr. M'Cheyne's sore sickness that his flock in Dundee were receiving blessing from the opened windows of heaven. Their pastor was lying at the gate of death, in utter helplessness. But the Lord had done this on very purpose; for He meant to show that He needed not the help of any: He could send forth new laborers, and work by new instruments, when it pleased Him. We little knew that during the days when we were waiting at the foot of Lebanon for a vessel to carry us to Smyrna, the arm of the Lord had begun to be revealed in Scotland. On the 23d of July the great Revival at Kilsyth took place. Mr. W.C. Burns, the same who was supplying Mr. M'Cheyne's place in his absence, was on that day preaching to his father's flock; and while pressing upon them immediate acceptance of Christ with deep solemnity, the whole of the vast assembly were overpowered. The Holy Spirit seemed to come down as a rushing mighty wind, and to fill the place. Very many were that day struck to the heart; the sanctuary was filled with distressed and inquiring souls. All Scotland heard the glad news that the sky was no longer as brass,--that the rain had begun to fall. The Spirit in mighty power began to work from that day forward in many places of the land. Mr. Burns returned to Mr. M'Cheyne's flock on August 8th,--one of the days when Mr. M'Cheyne was stretched on his bed, praying for his people under all his own suffering. The news of the work at Kilsyth had produced a deep impression in Dundee; and two days after, the Spirit began to work in St. Peter's, at the time of the prayer-meeting in the church, in a way similar to Kilsyth. Day after day the people met for prayer and hearing the word; and the times of the apostles seemed returned, when "the Lord added to the church daily of such as should be saved." All this time, Mr. M'Cheyne knew not how gracious the Lord had been in giving him his heart's desire. It was not till we were within sight of home that the glad news of these Revivals reached our ears. But he continued, like Epaphras, "laboring fervently in prayer," and sought daily to prepare himself for a more efficient discharge of his office, should the Lord restore him to it again. He sends home this message to a fellow-laborer: "Do not forget to carry on the work in hearts brought to a Saviour. I feel this was one of my faults in the ministry. Nourish babes; comfort downcast believers; counsel those perplexed; perfect that which is lacking in their faith. Prepare them for sore trials. I fear most Christians are quite unready for days of darkness."--(_Mr. Moody Stuart_.) Our journey led us through Moldavia, Wallachia, and Austria,--lands of darkness and of the shadow of death. Profound strangers to the truth as it is in Jesus, the people of these lands, nevertheless, profess to be Christians. Superstition and its idolatries veil the glorious object of faith from every eye. In these regions, as well as in those already traversed. Mr. M'Cheyne's anxiety for souls appeared in the efforts he made to leave at least a few words of Scripture with the Jews whom we met, however short the time of our interview. His spirit was stirred in him; and, with his Hebrew Bible in his hand, he would walk up thoughtfully and solemnly to the first Jew he could get access to, and begin by calling the man's attention to some statement of God's word. In Palestine, if the Jew did not understand Italian, he would repeat to him such texts in Hebrew as, "In that day there shall be a fountain opened to the house of David," etc. (Zech. 13:1.) And one evening, at the well of Doulis, when the Arab population were all clustered round the water troughs, he looked on very wistfully, and said, "If only we had Arabic, we might sow beside all waters!" At Jassy, after a deeply interesting day, spent in conversation with Jews who came to the inn, he said, "I will remember the faces of those men at the judgment-seat." When he came among the more educated Jews of Europe, he rejoiced to find that they could converse with him in Latin. His heart was bent on doing what he could (Mark 14:8), in season and out of season. "One thing," he writes, "I am deeply convinced of, that God can make the simplest statement of the gospel effectual to save souls. If only it be the true gospel, the good tidings, the message that God loved the world, and provided a ransom free to all, then God is able to make it wound the heart, and heal it too. There is deep meaning in the words of Paul, 'I am not ashamed of the gospel of Christ.'" The abominations of Popery witnessed in Austrian Poland, called forth many a prayer for the destruction of the Man of Sin. "The images and idols by the wayside are actually frightful, stamping the whole land as a kingdom of darkness. I do believe that a journey through Austria would go far to cure some of the Popery-admirers of our beloved land." He adds: "These are the marks of the beast upon this land." And in like manner our privileges in Scotland used to appear to him the more precious, when, as at Brody, we heard of Protestants who were supplied with sermon only once a year. "I must tell this to my people," said he, "when I return, to make them prize their many seasons of grace." He estimated the importance of a town or country by its relation to the house of Israel; and his yearnings over these lost sheep resembled his bowels of compassion for his flock at home. At Tarnapol, in Galicia, he wrote home: "We are in Tarnapol, a very nice clean town, prettily situated on a winding stream, with wooded hills around. I suppose you never heard its name before; neither did I till we were there among Jews. I know not whether it has been the birth-place of warriors, or poets, or orators; its flowers have hitherto been born to blush unseen, at least by us barbarians of the north; but if God revive the dry bones of Israel that are scattered over the world, there will arise from this place an exceeding great army." Our friend and brother in the faith, Erasmus Calman, lightened the tediousness of a long day's journey by repeating to us some Hebrew poetry. One piece was on Israel's present state of degradation; it began-- [Hebrew: tsuri goali maheir v'chish p'dut ] As the vehicle drove along, we translated it line by line, and soon after Mr. M'Cheyne put it into verse. The following lines are a part:-- Rock and Refuge of my soul, Swiftly let the season roll, When thine Israel shall arise Lovely in the nations' eyes! Lord of glory, Lord of might, As our ransomed fathers tell; Once more for thy people fight, Plead for thy loved Israel. Give our spoilers' towers to be Waste and desolate as we. Hasten, Lord, the joyful year, When thy Zion, tempest-tossed, Shall the silver trumpet hear: Bring glad tidings to the lost! Captive, cast thy cords from thee, Loose thy neck--be free--be free! Why dost Thou behold our sadness? See the proud have torn away All our years of solemn gladness, When thy flock kept holy-day! Lord, thy fruitful vine is bare, Not one gleaning grape is there! Rock and Refuge of my soul, Swiftly let the season roll, When thine Israel shall be, Once again, beloved and free. In his notes, he has one or two subjects marked for hymns. One of these is--Isaiah 2:3--"Come ye," etc., _a loving call to the Jews_. Another is to the same effect--Isaiah 1:15--"Come, let us reason together." But these he never completed. In Cracow, having heard of the death of a friend, the wife of an English clergyman, in the midst of her days and in the full promise of usefulness, he began to pen a few sweet lines of comfort: Oft as she taught the little maids of France To leave the garland, castanet, and dance, And listen to the words which she would say About the crowns that never fade away, A new expression kindled in her eye, A holy brightness, borrowed from the sky. And when returning to her native land, She bowed beneath a Father's chast'ning hand, When the quick pulse and flush upon the cheek, A touching warning to her friends would speak, A holy cheerfulness yet filled her eye, Willing she was to live, willing to die. As the good Shunammite (the Scriptures tell), When her son died, said meekly, "It is well," So when Sophia lost her infant boy, And felt how dear-bought is a mother's joy, When with green turf the little grave she spread, "Not lost, but gone before," she meekly said. And now they sleep together 'neath the willow The same dew drops upon their silent pillow. Return, O mourner, from this double grave, And praise the God who all her graces gave. Follow her faith, and let her mantle be A cloak of holy zeal to cover thee. The danger which he incurred from the shepherds in this region, and other similar perils to which he was exposed in company with others, have been recorded in the _Narrative_. Out of them all the Lord delivered him; and not from these perils only did He save him, but from many severe trials to his health, to which variety of climate and discomforts of accommodation subjected him. And now we were traversing Prussia, drawing nearer our own land. It was about five months since we had received letters from Scotland, our route having led us away from places which we had anticipated visiting, and where communications had been left for us. We pressed homeward somewhat anxiously, yet wondering often at past mercies. In a letter from Berlin, Mr. M'Cheyne remarked, "Our heavenly Father has brought us through so many trials and dangers that I feel persuaded He will yet carry us to the end. Like John, we shall fulfil our course. 'Are there not twelve hours in the day?' Are we not all immortal till our work is done?" His strength was rapidly increasing; the journey had answered the ends anticipated to a great extent, in his restoration to health. He was able to preach at Hamburgh to the English congregation of Mr. Rheder, from whom it was that the first hint of a Revival in Dundee reached his ears. He heard just so much both of Kilsyth and Dundee as to make him long to hear more. A few days after, on board the vessel that conveyed us to England, he thus expressed his feelings:-- "Sailing up the Thames, _Nov. 6, 1839._ "MY DEAR FATHER AND MOTHER,--You will be glad to see by the date that we are once more in sight of the shores of happy England. I only wish I knew how you all are. I have not heard of you since I was in Smyrna. In vain did I inquire for letters from you at Cracow, Berlin, and Hamburgh. You must have written to Warsaw, and the Resident there has not returned them to Berlin, as we desired. Andrew and I and Mr. Calman are all quite well, and thankful to God, who has brought us through every danger in so many countries. I trust our course has not been altogether fruitless, and that we may now resign our commission with some hope of good issuing from it to the church and to Israel. I preached last Sabbath in Hamburgh, for the first time since leaving England, and felt nothing the worse of it; so that I do hope it is my heavenly Father's will to restore me to usefulness again among my beloved flock. We have heard something of a reviving work at Kilsyth. We saw it noticed in one of the newspapers. I also saw the name of Dundee associated with it; so that I earnestly hope good has been doing in our church, and the dew from on high watering our parishes, and that the flocks whose pastors have been wandering may also have shared in the blessing. We are quite ignorant of the facts, and you may believe we are anxious to hear.... We are now passing Woolwich, and in an hour will be in London. We are anxious to be home, but I suppose will not get away till next week. I never thought to have seen you again in this world, but now I hope to meet you once more in peace.--Believe me, your affectionate son," etc. The day we arrived on the shores of our own land was indeed a singular day. We were intensely anxious to hear of events that had occurred at home a few months before,--the outpouring of the Spirit from on high,--while our friends were intensely interested in hearing tidings of the land of Israel and the scattered tribes. The reception of deputation on their return, and the fruits of their mission, are well known, and have been elsewhere recorded. Mr. M'Cheyne listened with deepest interest to the accounts given of what had taken place in Dundee during the month of August, when he lay at the gates of death in Bouja. The Lord had indeed fulfilled his hopes, and answered his prayers. His assistant, Mr. Burns, had been honored of God to open the floodgate at Dundee as well as at Kilsyth. For some time before, Mr. Burns had seen symptoms of deeper attention than usual, and of real anxiety in some that had hitherto been careless. But it was after his return from Kilsyth that the people began to melt before the Lord. On Thursday, the second day after his return, at the close of the usual evening prayer-meeting in St. Peter's, and when the minds of many were deeply solemnized by the tidings which had reached them, he spoke a few words about what had for some days detained him from them, and invited those to remain who felt the need of an outpouring of the Spirit to convert them. About a hundred remained; and at the conclusion of a solemn address to these anxious souls, suddenly the power of God seemed to descend, and all were bathed in tears. At a similar meeting next evening, in the church, there was much melting of heart and intense desire after the Beloved of the Father; and on adjourning to the vestry, the arm of the Lord was revealed. No sooner was the vestry-door opened to admit those who might feel anxious to converse, than a vast number pressed in with awful eagerness. It was like a pent-up flood breaking forth; tears were streaming from the eyes of many, and some fell on the ground groaning, and weeping, and crying for mercy. Onward from that evening, meetings were held every day for many weeks, and the extraordinary nature of the work justified and called for extraordinary services. The whole town was moved. Many believers doubted; the ungodly raged; but the word of God grew mightily and prevailed. Instances occured where whole families were affected at once, and each could be found mourning apart, affording a specimen of the times spoken of by Zechariah (12:12). Mr. Baxter of Hilltown, Mr. Hamilton, then assistant at Abernyte, and other men of God in the vicinity, hastened to aid in the work. Mr. Roxburgh of St. John's, and Mr. Lewis of St. David's, examined the work impartially and judiciously, and testified it to be of God. Dr. M'Donald of Ferintosh, a man of God well experienced in Revivals, came to the spot and put to his seal also, and continued in town, preaching in St. David's Church to the anxious multitudes, during ten days. How many of those who were thus awfully awakened were really brought to the truth, it was impossible to ascertain. When Mr. M'Cheyne arrived, drop after drop was still failing from the clouds. Such in substance were the accounts he heard before he reached Dundee. They were such as made his heart rejoice. He had no envy at another instrument having been so honored in the place where he himself had labored with many tears and temptations. In true Christian magnanimity, he rejoiced that the work of the Lord was done, by whatever hand. Full of praise and wonder, he set his foot once more on the shore of Dundee. CHAPTER V. DAYS OF REVIVAL. "_They shall spring up as among the grass, as willows by the water-courses_"--Isaiah 44:4 His people, who had never ceased to pray for him, welcomed his arrival among them with the greatest joy. He reached Dundee on a Thursday afternoon; and in the evening of the same day,--being the usual time for prayer in St. Peter's,--after a short meditation, he hastened to the church, there to render thanks to the Lord, and to speak once more to his flock. The appearance of the church that evening, and the aspect of the people, he never could forget. Many of his brethren were present to welcome him, and to hear the first words of his opened lips. There was not a seat in the church unoccupied, the passages were completely filled, and the stairs up to the pulpit were crowded, on the one side with the aged, on the other with eagerly-listening children. Many a face was seen anxiously gazing on their restored pastor; many were weeping under the unhealed wounds of conviction; all were still and calm, intensely earnest to hear. He gave out Psalm 66; and the manner of singing, which had been remarked since the Revival began, appeared to him peculiarly sweet,--"so tender and affecting, as if the people felt that they were praising a present God." After solemn prayer with them, he was able to preach for above an hour. Not knowing how long he might be permitted to proclaim the glad tidings, he seized that opportunity, not to tell of his journeyings, but to show the way of life to sinners. His subject was I Cor. 2. 1-4,--the matter, the manner, and the accompaniments of Paul's preaching. It was a night to be remembered. On coming out of the church, he found the road to his house crowded with old and young, who were waiting to welcome him back. He had to shake hands with many at the same time; and before this happy multitude would disperse, had to speak some words of life to them again, and pray with them where they stood. "To thy name. O Lord," said he that night, when he returned to his home, "To thy name, O Lord, be all the glory!" A month afterwards, he was visited by one who had hitherto stood out against all the singular influence of the Revival, but who that night was deeply awakened under his words, so that the arrow festered in her soul, till she came crying, "Oh my hard, hard heart!" On the Sabbath he preached to his flock in the afternoon. He chose II Chron. 5:13, 14, as his subject; and in the close, his hearers remember well how affectionately and solemnly he said: "Dearly beloved and longed for, I now begin another year of my ministry among you; and I am resolved, if God give me health and strength, that I will not let a man, woman, or child among you alone, until you have at least heard the testimony of God concerning his Son, either to your condemnation or salvation. And I will pray, as I have done before, that if the Lord will indeed give us a great outpouring of his Spirit, He will do it in such a way that it will be evident to the weakest child among you that it is the Lord's work, and not man's. I think I may say to you, as Rutherford said to his people, 'Your heaven would be two heavens to me.' And if the Lord be pleased to give me a crown from among you, I do here promise in his sight, that I will cast it at his feet, saying, 'Worthy is the Lamb that was slain! Blessing, and honor, and glory, and power, be unto Him that sitteth upon the throne, and to the Lamb forever and ever.'" It was much feared for a time that a jealous spirit would prevail among the people of St. Peter's, some saying, "I am of Paul; and others, I of Cephas." Those recently converted were apt to regard their spiritual father in a light in which they could regard none besides. But Mr. M'Cheyne had received from the Lord a holy disinterestedness that suppressed every feeling of envy. Many wondered at the single-heartedness he was enabled to exhibit. He could sincerely say, "I have no desire but the salvation of my people, by whatever instrument." Never, perhaps, was there one placed in better circumstances for testing the Revival impartially, and seldom has any Revival been more fully tested. He came among a people whose previous character he knew; he found a work wrought among them during his absence, in which he had not had any direct share; he returned home to go out and in among them, and to be a close observer of all that had taken place; and after a faithful and prayerful examination, he did most unhesitatingly say, that the Lord had wrought great things, whereof he was glad; and in the case of many of those whose souls were saved in that Revival, he discovered remarkable answers to the prayers of himself, and of those who had come to the truth, before he left them. He wrote to me his impressions of the work, when he had been a few weeks among his people:-- _Dec. 2, 1839._ "Rev. And. A. Bonar, Collace. "My Dear A.,--I begin upon note-paper, because I have no other on hand but our thin travelling paper. I have much to tell you, and to praise the Lord for. I am grieved to hear that there are no marks of the Spirit's work about Collace during your absence; but if Satan drive you to your knees, he will soon find cause to repent it. Remember how fathers do to their children when they ask bread. How much more shall our heavenly Father give ([Greek: hagatha]) all good things to them that ask Him. Remember the rebuke which I once got from old Mr. Dempster of Denny, after preaching to his people: 'I was highly pleased with your discourse, but in prayer it struck me that you thought God _unwilling to give_.' Remember Daniel: 'At the beginning of thy supplications the commandment came forth.' And do not think you are forgotten by me as long as I have health and grace to pray. "Everything here I have found in a state better than I expected. The night I arrived I preached to such a congregation as I never saw before. I do not think another person could have got into the church, and there was every sign of the deepest and tenderest emotion. R. Macdonald was with me, and prayed. Affliction and success in the ministry have taught and quickened him. I preached on I Cor. 2:1-4, and felt what I have often heard, that it is easy to preach where the Spirit of God is. On the Friday night Mr. Burns preached. On the Sabbath I preached on that wonderful passage, II Chron. 5:13, 14; Mr. Burns preached twice, morning and evening. His views of divine truth are clear and commanding. There is a great deal of substance in what he preaches, and his manner is very powerful,--so much so, that he sometimes made me tremble. In private he is deeply prayerful, and seems to feel his danger of falling into pride. "I have seen many of the awakened, and many of the saved; indeed, this is a pleasant place compared with what it was once. Some of the awakened are still in the deepest anxiety and distress. Their great error is exactly what your brother Horace told me. They think that coming to Christ is some strange act of their mind, different from believing what God has said of his Son; so much so, that they will, tell you with one breath, I believe all that. God has said, and yet with the next complain that they cannot come to Christ, or close with Christ. It is very hard to deal with this delusion. "I find some old people deeply shaken; they feel insecure. One confirmed drunkard has come to me, and is, I believe, now a saved man. Some little children are evidently saved. All that I have yet seen are related to converts of my own. One, eleven years old, is a singular instance of divine grace. When I asked if she desired to be made holy, she said, 'Indeed, I often wish I was awa, that I might sin nae mair.' A.L., of fifteen, is a fine tender-hearted believer. W.S., ten, is also a happy boy. "Many of my own dear children in the Lord are much advanced; much more full of joy,--their hearts lifted up in the ways of the Lord. I have found many more savingly impressed under my own ministry than I knew of. Some have come to tell me. In one case a whole family saved. I have hardly met with anything to grieve me. Surely the Lord hath dealt bountifully with me. I fear, however, that the great Spirit has in some measure passed by,--I hope soon to return in greater power than ever. The week meetings are thinner now. I will turn two of them into my classes soon, and so give solid, regular instruction, of which they stand greatly in need. I have not met with one case of extravagance or false fire, although doubtless there may be many. At first they used to follow in a body to our house, and expected many an address and prayer by the road. They have given up this now. I preached last Sabbath twice, first on Isaiah 28:14-18, and then on Rev. 12:11, 'Overcame by the blood of the Lamb.' It was a very solemn day. The people willingly sat till it was dark. Many make it a place of Bochim. Still there is nothing of the power which has been. I have tried to persuade Mr. Burns to stay with us, and I think he will remain in Dundee. I feel fully stronger in body than when I left you. Instead of exciting me, there is everything to solemnize and still my feelings. Eternity sometimes seems very near. "I would like your advice about prayer-meetings; how to consolidate them; what rules should be followed, if any; whether there should be mere reading of the word and prayer, or free converse also on the passage? We began to-day a ministerial prayer-meeting, to be held every Monday at eleven, for an hour and a half. This is a great comfort, and may be a great blessing. Of course we do not invite the colder ministers; that would only damp our meeting. Tell me if you think this right. "And now, dear A., I must be done, for it is very late. May your people share in the quickening that has come over Dundee! I feel it a very powerful argument with many: 'Will you be left dry when others are getting drops of heavenly dew?' Try this with your people. "I think it probable we shall have another communion again before the regular one. It seems very desirable. You will come and help us; and perhaps Horace too. "I thought of coming back by Collace from Errol, if our Glasgow meeting had not come in the way. "Will you set agoing your Wednesday meeting again, immediately? "Farewell, dear A. 'Oh man, greatly beloved, fear not; peace be to thee; be strong; yea, be strong.' Yours ever," etc. To Mr. Burns he thus expresses himself on _December 19_: "My dear Brother,--I shall never be able to thank you for all your labors among the precious souls committed to me; and what is worse, I can never thank God fully for his kindness and grace, which every day appear to me more remarkable. He has answered prayer to me in all that has happened, in a way which I have never told any one." Again, on the _31st_: "Stay where you are, dear brother, as long as the Lord has any work for you to do.[16] If I know my own heart, its only desire is that Christ may be glorified, by souls flocking to Him, and abiding in Him, and reflecting his image; and whether it be in Perth or Dundee, should signify little to us. You know I told you my mind plainly, that I thought the Lord had so blessed you in Dundee, that you were called to a fuller and deeper work there; but if the Lord accompanies you to other places, I have nothing to object. The Lord strengthened my body and soul last Sabbath, and my spirit also was glad. The people were much alive in the Lord's service. But oh! dear brother, the most are Christless still. The rich are almost untroubled." [16] Mr Burns was at that time in Perth, and there had begun to be some movement among the dry bones. His evidence on this subject is given fully in his answers to the queries put by a Committee of the Aberdeen Presbytery; and in a note to a friend, he incidentally mentions a pleasing result of this wide-spread awakening: "I find many souls saved under my own ministry, whom I never knew of before. They are not afraid to come out now, it has become so common a thing to be concerned about the soul." At that time, also, many came from a distance; one came from the north, who had been a year in deep distress of soul, to seek Christ in Dundee. In his brief diary he records, on December 3, that twenty anxious souls had that night been conversing with him; "many of them very deeply interesting." He occasionally fixed an evening for the purpose of meeting with those who were awakened; and in one of his note-books there are at least _four hundred_ visits recorded, made to him by inquiring souls, in the course of that and the following years. He observed, that those who had been believers formerly had got their hearts enlarged, and were greatly established; and some seemed able to feed upon the truth in a new manner,--as when one related to him how there had for some time appeared a glory in the reading of the word in public, quite different from reading it alone. At the same time he saw backslidings, both among those whom believers had considered really converted, and among those who had been deeply convicted, though never reckoned among the really saved. He notes in his book: "Called to see ----. Poor lad, he seems to have gone back from Christ, led away by evil company. And yet I felt sure of him at one time. What blind creatures ministers are! man looketh at the outward appearance." One morning he was visited by one of his flock, proposing "a concert for prayer on the following Monday, in behalf of those who had fallen back, that God's Spirit might re-awaken them,"--so observant were the believers as well as their pastor of declensions. Among those who were awakened, but never truly converted, he mentions one case. "_Jan. 9, 1840._--Met with the case of one who had been frightened during the late work, so that her bodily health was injured. She seems to have no care now about her soul. It has only filled her mouth with evil-speaking." That many, who promised fair, drew back and walked no more with Jesus, is true. Out of about 800 souls who, during the months of the Revival, conversed with different ministers in apparent anxiety, no wonder surely if many proved to have been impressed only for a time. President Edwards considered it likely that, in such cases, the proportion of real conversions might resemble the proportion of blossoms in spring, and fruit in autumn. Nor can anything be more unreasonable than to doubt the truth of all, because of the deceit of some. The world itself does not so act in judging of its own. The world reckons upon the possibility of being mistaken in many cases, and yet does not cease to believe that there is honesty and truth to be found. One of themselves, a poet of their own, has said with no less justice than beauty-- "Angels are bright still, though the brightest fell; And though foul things put on the brows of grace, Yet grace must still look so." But, above all, we have the authority of the word of God, declaring that such backslidings are the very tests of the true church: "For there must be also heresies among you, that they which are approved may be made manifest among you," I Cor. 11:19. It is not, however, meant that any who had really believed went back to perdition. On the contrary, it is the creed of every sound evangelical church, that those who do go back to perdition were persons who never really believed in Jesus. Their eyes may have been opened to see the dread realities of sin and of the wrath to come; but if they saw not righteousness for their guilty souls in the Saviour, there is nothing in all Scripture to make us expect that they will continue awake. "Awake, them that sleepest, and _Christ will give thee light_," is the call--inviting sinners to a point far beyond mere conviction. One who, for a whole year, went back to folly, said: "'Your sermon on the corruption of the heart made me despair, and so I gave myself up to my old ways--attending dances, learning songs," etc. A knowledge of our guilt, and a sense of danger, will not of themselves keep us from falling; nay, these, if alone, may (as in the above case) thrust us down the slippery places. We are truly secure only when our eye is on Jesus, and our hand locked in his hand. So that the history of backslidings, instead of leading us to doubt the reality of grace in believers, will only be found to teach us two great lessons, viz. the vast importance of pressing immediate salvation on awakened souls, and the reasonableness of standing in doubt of all, however deep their convictions, who have not truly fled to the hope set before them. There was another ground of prejudice against the whole work, arising from the circumstance that the Lord had employed in it young men not long engaged in the work of the ministry, rather than the fathers in Israel. But herein it was that sovereign grace shone forth the more conspicuously. Do such objectors suppose that God ever intends the honor of man in a work of Revival? Is it not the honor of his own name that He seeks? Had it been his wish to give the glory to man at all, then indeed it might have been asked, "Why does He pass by the older pastors, and call for the inexperienced youth?" But when sovereign grace was coming to bless a region in the way that would redound most to the glory of the Lord, can we conceive a wiser plan than to use the sling of David in bringing down the Philistine? If, however, there be some whose prejudice is from the root of envy, let such hear the remonstrance of Richard Baxter to the jealous ministers of his day. "What! malign Christ in gifts for which He should have the glory, and all because they seem to hinder our glory! Does not every man owe thanks to God for his brethren's gifts, not only as having himself part in them, as the foot has the benefit of the guidance of the eye, but also because his own ends may be attained by his brethren's gifts as well as by his own?... A fearful thing that any man, that hath the least of the fear of God, should so envy at God's gifts, that he would rather his carnal hearers were unconverted, and the drowsy not awakened, than that it should be done by another who may be preferred before them."[17] [17] _Reformed Pastor_, 4:2. The work of the Spirit went on, the stream flowing gently; for the heavy showers had fallen, and the overflowing of the waters had passed by. Mr. M'Cheyne became more than ever vigilant and discriminating in dealing with souls. Observing, also, that some were influenced more by feelings of strong attachment to their pastor personally, than by the power of the truths he preached, he became more reserved in his dealings with them, so that some thought there was a little coldness or repulsiveness in his manner. If there did appear anything of this nature to some, certainly it was no indication of diminished compassion; but, on the contrary, proceeded from a scrupulous anxiety to guard others against the deceitful feelings of their own souls. A few notes of his work occur at this period. "_Nov. 27, 1839._--A pleasant meeting in the Cross Church on Wednesday last, for the seamen. All that spoke seemed to honor the Saviour. I had to move thanksgiving to God for his mercies. This has been a real blessing to Dundee. It should not be forgotten in our prayers and thanksgivings." "_Nov. 28_, Thursday evening.--Much comfort in speaking. There was often an awful stillness. Spoke on Jer. 6:14: 'They have healed also the hurt of the daughter of my people slightly.'" etc. "_Dec. 1._--This evening came a tender Christian, so far as I can see; an exposition of that text, '_I will go softly_,' or of that other, '_Thou shall not open thy mouth any more_.' A child of shame made one of honor. Her sister was awakened under Mr. Baxter's words in St. Peter's, of whom he asked, 'Would you like to be holy?' She replied, 'Indeed, I often wish I were dead that I might sin no more.'" "_Dec. 3._--Preached six times within these two days." "_Dec. 8._--Saw J.T. in fever. She seems really in Christ now; tells me how deeply my words sank into her soul when I was away. A.M. stayed to tell me her joy. J.B. walked home with me, telling me what God had done for his soul, when one day I had stopped at the quarry on account of a shower of rain, and took shelter with my pony in the engine-house." He had simply pointed to the fire of the furnace, and said, "What does that remind you of?" and the words had remained deep in the man's soul. "_Dec. 11._--A woman awakened that night I preached in J.D.'s green, about two years ago, on Ezek. 20:43. For twenty years she had been out of church privileges, and now, for the first time, came trembling to ask restoration. Surely Immanuel is in this place, and even old sinners are flocking to Him. I have got an account of about twenty prayer-meetings connected with my flock. Many open ones; many fellowship meetings; only one or two have anything like exhortation superadded to the word. These, I think, it must be our care to change, if possible, lest error and pride creep in. The only other difficulty is this. In two of the female meetings, originally fellowship meetings, anxious female inquirers have been admitted. They do not pray, but only hear. In one, M. and J. had felt the rising of pride to a great degree; in the other, M. could not be persuaded that there was any danger of pride. This case will require prayerful deliberation. My mind at present is, that there is great danger from it, the praying members feeling themselves on a different level from the others, and anything like female teaching, as a public teacher, seems clearly condemned in the word of God." "_Dec. 12._--Felt very feeble all day, and as if I could not do any more work in the vineyard. Evening.--Felt more of the reality of Immanuel's intercession. The people also were evidently subdued by more than a human testimony. One soul waited, sobbing most piteously. She could give no more account of herself than that she was a sinner, and did not believe that God would be merciful to her. When I showed how I found mercy, her only answer was, 'But you were not sic a sinner as me.'" "_Dec. 18._--Went to Glasgow along with A.B. Preached in St. George's to a full audience, in the cause of the Jews. Felt real help in time of need." This was one of his many journeys from place to place in behalf of Israel, relating the things seen and heard among the Jews of Palestine and other lands. "_Dec. 22._--Preached in Anderston Church, with a good deal of inward peace and comfort." "_Dec. 23._--Interesting meeting with the Jewish Committee. In the evening met a number of God's people. The horror of some good people in Glasgow at the millenarian views is very great, while at the same time their objections appear very weak." "_Dec. 31._--Young communicants. Two have made application to be admitted under eleven years of age; four that are only fourteen; three who are fifteen or sixteen." "_Jan. 1, 1840._--Awoke early by the kind providence of God, and had uncommon freedom and fervency in keeping the concert for prayer this morning before light. Very touching interview with M.P., who still refuses to be comforted. Was enabled to cry after a glorious Immanuel along with her. How I wish I had her bitter convictions of sin! Another called this evening, who says she was awakened and brought to Christ during the sermon on the morning of December 1st, on the 'Covenant with death.' Gave clear answers, but seems too unmoved for one really changed." "_Jan. 2._--Visited six families. Was refreshed and solemnized at each of them. Spoke of the Word made flesh, and of all the paths of the Lord being mercy and truth. Visited in the evening by some interesting souls: one a believing little boy; another complaining she cannot come to Christ for the hardness of her heart; another once awakened under my ministry, again thoroughly awakened and brought to Christ under Horace Bonar's sermon at the Communion. She is the only saved one in her family,--awfully persecuted by father and mother. Lord, stand up for thine own! Make known, by their constancy under suffering, the power and beauty of thy grace! Evening.--Mr. Miller preached delightfully on 'The love of Christ constraineth us.' His account of the Protestants of France was very interesting: the work of God at Nismes, where it is said they are no more fishing with line, but dragging with the nets. Read a letter from Mr. Cumming, describing the work at Perth, and entreating the prayers of God's children." This last reference is to the awakening which took place in St. Leonard's Church, Perth, on the last night of the year, when Mr. Burns, along with their pastor, Mr. Milne, was preaching. Mr. B. had intended to return to Dundee for the Sabbath, but was detained by the plain indications of the Lord's presence. At one meeting the work was so glorious, that one night about 150 persons at one time seemed bowed down under a sense of their guilt, and above 200 came next day to the church in the forenoon to converse about their souls. This awakening was the commencement of a solid work of grace, both in that town and its neighborhood, much fruit of which is to be found there at this day in souls that are walking in the fear of the Lord, and the comfort of the Holy Ghost. And it was in the spring of this same year that in Collace, at our weekly prayer-meeting, when two brethren were ministering, we received a blessed shower from the Lord. His Journal proceeds:-- "_Jan. 3._--An inquirer came, awakened under my ministry two years and a half ago." "_Jan. 5._--Two came; M.B. sorely wounded with the forenoon's discourse." "_Jan. 12._--Intimated a concert for prayer, that unworthy communicants might be kept back, the Lord's children prepared for the feast, and ministers furnished from on high." "_Jan. 13._--Kept concert of prayer this morning with my dear people. Did not find the same enlargement as usual." "_March 5._ Thursday evening.--Preached on Zech. 3.--Joshua. Was led to speak searchingly about making Christ the minister of sin. One young woman cried aloud very bitterly. M.B. came to tell me that poor M. is like to have her life taken away by her parents. A young woman also, who is still concerned and persecuted by her father. A young man came to tell me that he had found Christ. Roll on, thou river of life! visit every dwelling! save a multitude of souls. Come, Holy Spirit! come quickly!" "March 25.--Last night at Forfar speaking for Israel to a small band of friends of the Jews. Fearfully wicked place; the cry of it ascends up before God like that of Sodom." "_March 31._--Met with young communicants on Wednesday and Friday. On the latter night especially, very deep feeling, manifested in sobbings. Visits of several. One clear child nine years old. Sick-bed." "_April 1._--Presbytery day. Passed the constitution of two new churches,--blessed be God! may He raise up faithful pastors for them both,--Dudhope and Wallace-Feus. Proposal also for the Mariner's Church. A fast-day fixed for the present state of the church." "_April 5_, Sabbath evening.--Spoke to twenty-four young persons, one by one; almost all affected about their souls." "_April 6._--Lovely ride and meditation in a retired grove." "_April 7._--Impressed to-night with the complete necessity of preaching to my people in their own lanes and closes; in no other way will God's word ever reach them. To-night spoke in St. Andrew's Church to a very crowded assembly in behalf of Israel. Was helped to speak plainly to their own consciences. Lord, bless it! Shake this town!" "_April 13._--Spoke in private to nearly thirty young communicants, all in one room, going round each, and advising for the benefit of all." "_April 22._--Rode to Collessie (Fife) and Kirkcaldy. Sweet time alone in Collessie woods." "_July 30._--One lad came to me in great distress, wishing to know if he should confess his little dishonesties to his master." About this time, he has noted down, "I was visiting the other day, and came to a locked door. What did this mean? 'Torment me not, torment me not!' Ah, Satan is mighty still!"--referring to Mark 5:7. A few of his Communion seasons are recorded. We could have desired a record of them all. The first of which he has detailed any particulars, is the one he enjoyed soon after returning home. "_Jan. 19, 1840._--Stormy morning, with gushing torrents of rain, but cleared up in answer to prayer. Sweet union in prayer with Mr. Cumming, and afterwards with A. Bonar, Found God in secret. Asked especially that the very sight of the broken bread and poured-out wine might be blessed to some souls, then pride will be hidden from man. Church well filled--many standing. Preached the action sermon on John 17:24, 'Father, I will,' etc. Had considerable nearness to God in prayer--more than usual,--and also freedom in preaching, although I was ashamed of such poor views of Christ's glory. The people were in a very desirable frame of attention--hanging on the word. Felt great help in fencing the tables from Acts 5:3, 'Lying to the Holy Ghost.' Came down and served the first table with much more calmness and collectedness than ever I remember to have enjoyed. Enjoyed a sweet season while A.B. served the next table. He dwelt chiefly on believing the words of Christ about his fulness, and the promise of the Father. There were six tables altogether. The people more and more moved to the end. At the last table, every head seemed bent like a bulrush while A.B. spoke of the ascension of Christ. Helped a little in the address. 'Now to Him who is able to keep you,' etc., and in the concluding prayer.[18] One little boy, in retiring, said, 'This has been another bonnie day.' Many of the little ones seemed deeply attentive. Mr. Cumming and Mr. Burns preached in the school the most of the day. In the evening Mr. C. preached on the Pillar Cloud on every dwelling, Isaiah 4:5 some very sweet powerful words. Mr. Burns preached in the schoolroom. When the church emptied a congregation formed in the lower school, and began to sing. Sang several psalms with them, and spoke on 'Behold I stand at the door.' Going home, A.L. said 'Pray for me; I am quite happy, and so is H.' Altogether a day of the revelation of Christ,--a sweet day to myself, and, I am persuaded, to many souls. Lord, make us meet for the table above." [18] See the Remains, for some of that day's solemn words. Another of these Communion seasons recorded, is _April 1840_. "Sabbath 19.--Sweet and precious day. Preached action sermon on Zech. 12:10, 13:1. A good deal assisted. Also in fencing the tables, on Ps. 139., 'Search me, O God.' Less at serving the tables on 'I will betroth thee,' and 'To him that overcometh;' though the thanksgiving was sweet. Communicated with calm joy. Old Mr. Burns served two tables; H. Bonar five. There was a very melting frame visible among the people. Helped a good deal in the address on 'My sheep hear my voice.' After seven before all was over. Met before eight. Old Mr. Burns preached on 'A word in season.' Gave three parting texts, and so concluded this blessed day. Many were filled with joy unspeakable and full of glory." "Monday, 20.--Mr. Grierson preached on 'Ye are come to Mount Zion,'--an instructive word. Pleasant walk with H.B. Evening sermon from him to the little children on the 'new heart,'--truly delightful. Prayer-meeting after. I began; then old Mr. Burns, then Horace, in a very lively manner, on the 'woman of Samaria.' The people were brought into a very tender frame. After the blessing, a multitude remained. One (A.N.) was like a person struck through with a dart, she could neither stand nor go. Many were looking on her with faces of horror. Others were comforting her in a very kind manner, bidding her look to Jesus. Mr. Burns went to the desk, and told them of Kilsyth. Still they would not go away. Spoke a few words more to those around me, telling them of the loveliness of Christ, and the hardness of their hearts, that they could be so unmoved when one was so deeply wounded. The sobbing soon spread, till many heads were bent down, and the church was filled with sobbing. Many whom I did not know were now affected. After prayer, we dismissed, near midnight. Many followed us. One, in great agony, prayed that she might find Christ that very night. So ends this blessed season." The prayer-meeting on the Monday evening following the Communion was generally enjoyed by all the Lord's people, and by the ministers who assisted, in a peculiar manner. Often all felt the last day of the feast to be the great day. Souls that had been enjoying the feast were then, at its conclusion, taking hold on the arm of the Beloved in the prospect of going up through the wilderness. The only notice of his last Communion, January 1, 1843, is the following:--"Sabbath.--A happy communion season. Mr. W. Burns preached on Tuesday, Wednesday, and Thursday evenings--the first and last very solemn. Mr. Baxter (of Hilltown Church) on the Friday. A. Bonar on Saturday, on Rom. 8:--The spirit of adoption. I fainted on the Sabbath morning, but revived, and got grace and strength to preach on I Tim. 1:16--Paul's conversion a pattern. There were five tables. Many godly strangers, and a very desirable frame observable in the people. 'While the king sitteth at his table, my spikenard sendeth out the smell thereof.' Much sin was covered. He restoreth my soul. Monday, 2.--Mr. Milne (of Perth) preached on 'Hold fast that thou hast;' and in the evening, to the children, on Josh. 24.--'Choose ye this day whom ye will serve.' Andrew and I concluded with Rev. 5--'Thou hast redeemed us,' etc., and I Cor. 15.--'Be stedfast,' etc." He dispensed the Lord's Supper to his flock every quarter; and though on this account his calls upon his brethren for help were frequent, yet never did a brother reckon it anything else than a blessed privilege to be with him. His first invitation to his friend Mr. Hamilton (then at Abernyte) will show the nature of the intercourse that subsisted between him and his brethren who gave their services on these occasions:--"My dear Friend.--Will you excuse lack of ceremony, and come down to-morrow and preach to us the unsearchable riches of Christ? We have the communion on Sabbath. We have no fast-day, but only a meeting in the evening at a quarter past seven. Come, my dear sir, if you can, and refresh us with your company. Bring the fragrance of 'the bundle of myrrh' along with you, and may grace be poured into your lips. Yours ever." (Jan. 15. 1840.) Soon after his return from his mission to the Jews, a ministerial prayer-meeting was formed among some of the brethren in Dundee. Mr. M'Cheyne took part in it, along with Mr. Lewis of St. David's, Mr. Baxter of Hilltown, Mr. P.L. Miller, afterwards of Wallacetown, and others. Feeling deep concern for the salvation of the souls under their care, they met every Monday forenoon, to pray together for their flocks and their own souls. The time of the meeting was limited to an hour and a half, in order that all who attended might form their pastoral arrangements for the day, without fear of being hindered; and, in addition to prayer, those present conversed on some selected topic, vitally connected with their duties as ministers of Christ. Mr. M'Cheyne was never absent from this prayer-meeting unless through absolute necessity, and the brethren scarcely remember any occasion on which some important remark did not drop from his lips. He himself reaped great profit from it. He notes, _Dec. 8_: "This has been a deeply interesting week. On Monday our ministerial prayer-meeting was set agoing in St. David's vestry. The hearts of all seem really in earnest in it. The Lord answers prayer; may it be a great blessing to our souls and to our flocks." Another time: "Meeting in St. David's vestry. The subject of fasting was spoken upon. Felt exceedingly in my own spirit how little we feel real grief on account of sin before God, or we would often lose our appetite for food. When parents lose a child, they often do not taste a bit from morning to night, out of pure grief. Should we not mourn as for an only child? How little of the spirit of grace and supplication we have then!" On _Dec. 30_: "Pleasant meeting of ministers. Many delightful texts on 'Arguments to be used with God in prayer.' How little I have used these! Should we not study prayer more?" Full as he was of affection and Christian kindness to all believers, he was specially so to the faithful brethren in the gospel of Christ. Perhaps there never was one who more carefully watched against the danger of undervaluing precious men, and detracting from a brother's character. Although naturally ambitious, grace so wrought in him, that he never sought to bring himself into view; and most cheerfully would he observe and take notice of the graces and gifts of others. Who is there of us that should ever feel otherwise? "For the body is not one member, but many." And "the eye cannot say unto the hand, I have no need of thee; nor, again, the head to the feet, I have no need of you." All with whom he was intimate still remember with gratitude how faithfully and anxiously he used to warn his friends of whatever he apprehended they were in danger from. To Mr. W.C. Burns he wrote, _Dec. 31, 1839_: "Now, the Lord be your strength, teacher, and guide. I charge you, be clothed with humility, or you will yet be a wandering star, for which is reserved the blackness of darkness forever. Let Christ increase; let man decrease. This is my constant prayer for myself and you. If you lead sinners to yourself and not to Christ, Immanuel will cast the star out of his right hand into utter darkness. Remember what I said of preaching out of the Scriptures: honor the word both in the matter and manner. Do not cease to pray for me." At another time (November 3, 1841), he thus wrote to the same friend: "Now remember Moses wist not that the skin of his face shone. Looking at our own shining face is the bane of the spiritual life and of the ministry. Oh for closest communion with God, till soul and body--head, face, and heart--shine with divine brilliancy! but oh for a holy ignorance of our shining! Pray for this; for you need it as well as I." To another friend in the ministry who had written to him despondingly about his people and the times, his reply was, "I am sure there never was a time when the Spirit of God was more present in Scotland, and it does not become you to murmur in your tents, but rather to give thanks. Remember, we may grieve the Spirit as truly by not joyfully acknowledging his wonders as by not praying for Him. There is the clearest evidence that God is saving souls in Kilsyth, Dundee, Perth, Collace, Blairgowrie, Strathbogie, Ross-shire, Breadalbane, Kelso, Jedburgh, Ancrum; and surely it becomes us to say, 'I thank my God upon every remembrance of you.' Forgive my presumption; but I fear lest you hurt your own peace and usefulness in not praising God enough for the operation of his hands." To another: "I have told you that you needed trial, and now it is come. May you be exercised thereby, and come to that happy 'afterwards' of which the apostle speaks," To the same again "Remember the necessity of your own soul, and do not grow slack or lean in feeding others. 'Mine own vineyard have I not kept.' Ah, take heed of that!" And in a similar tone of faithfulness at an after period: "Remember the case of your own soul. 'What will it profit a man to gain the whole world and lose his own soul?' Remember how often Paul appeals to his holy, just, unblameable life. Oh that we may be able always to do the same!" "Remember the priming-knife," he says to another, "and do not let your vine run to wood." And after a visit to Mr. Thornton of Milnathort, in whose parish there had been an awakening, he asks a brother, "Mr. Thornton is willing that others be blessed more than himself; do you think that you have that grace? I find that I am never so successful as when I can lie at Christ's feet, willing to be used or not as seemeth good in his sight. Do you remember David? 'If the Lord say, I have no delight in thee; behold, here am I; let Him do to me as seemeth good unto Him.'" In his familiar letters, as in his life, there was the manifestation of a bright, cheerful soul, without the least tendency to levity. When his medical attendant had, on one occasion, declined any remuneration, Mr. M'Cheyne peremptorily opposed his purpose; and to overcome his reluctance, returned the inclosure in a letter, in which he used his poetical gifts with most pleasant humor. To many it was a subject of wonder that he found time to write letters that always breathed the name of Jesus, amid his innumerable engagements. But the truth was, his letters cost him no expenditure of time; they were ever the fresh thoughts and feelings of his soul at the moment he took up the pen; his habitual frame of soul is what appears in them all; the calm, holy, tenderly affectionate style of his letters reminds us of Samuel Rutherford, whose works he delighted to read,--excepting only that his joy never seems to have risen to ecstasies. The selection of his letters which I have made for publication, may exhibit somewhat of his holy skill in dropping a word for his Master on all occasions. But what impressed many yet more, was his manner of introducing the truth, most naturally and strikingly, even in the shortest note he penned; and there was something so elegant, as well as solemn, in his few words at the close of some of his letters, that these remained deep in the receiver's heart. Writing to Mr. G.S., on July 28, 1841, he thus draws to a close: "Remember me to H.T. I pray he may be kept abiding in Christ. Kindest regards to his mother. Say to her from me, 'Pass the time of your sojourning here in fear, forasmuch as ye know ye were not redeemed with corruptible things such as silver and gold' (I Peter 1:17, 18). Keep your own heart, dear brother, 'in the love of God' (Jude 21)--in his love to you, and that will draw your love to Him. Kindest remembrances to your brother. Say to him, 'Be sober and hope to the end' (I Peter 1:13). To your own dear mother say, 'He doth not afflict willingly.' Write me soon.--Ever yours, till time shall be no more." In a note to the members of his own family: "The Tay is before me now like a resplendent mirror, glistening in the morning sun. May the same sun shine sweetly on you, and may He that makes it shine, shine into your hearts to give you the knowledge of the glory of God in the face of Jesus Christ.--In haste, your affectionate son and brother." There were often such last words as the following: "Oh for drops in the pastures of the wilderness! The smiles of Jesus be with you, and the breathings of the Holy Ghost. Ever yours." (To Rev. J. Milne.) "May we have gales passing from Perth to this, and from here to you, and from heaven to both. Ever yours." (To the same.) "The time is short; eternity is near; yea, the coming of Christ the second time is at hand. Make sure of being one with the Lord Jesus, that you may be glad when you see Him. Commending you all to our Father in heaven," etc. (To his own brother.) "I have a host of letters before me, and therefore can add no more. I give you a parting text, 'Sorrowful, yet always rejoicing.'" Another: "Farewell! yours till the day dawn." To the Rev. Hor. Bonar he says, at the close of a letter about some ministerial arrangements: "I am humbled and cheered by what you say of good done in Kelso. Roll on, roll on, river of God, that art full of water! A woman came to me, awakened under your sermon to the children in the Cross Church, very bitterly convinced of sin. Glory to the Divine Archer, who bringeth down the people!" He closes a letter to a student thus: "Grace be with you, and much of the knowledge of Jesus--much of his likeness. I thirst for the knowledge of the word but most of all of Jesus himself, the true Word. May He abide in you, and you in Him! The Fear of Isaac watch over you." In concluding a letter to Mr. Bonar of Larbert, in February 1843, some weeks before his last illness, he writes: "My soul often goes out at the throne of grace in behalf of Larbert and Dunipace. May the disruption be more blessed to them than days of peace! How sweet to be in the ark when the deluge comes down! Ever yours in gospel bonds." The Jewish Mission continued near his heart, "the nearest," said he to Mr. Edwards, who is now at Jassy, "of all missionary enterprises. Were it not for my own unfitness, and also the success the Lord has given me where I am, I would joyfully devote myself to it." In connection with this cause, he was invited to visit Ireland, and be present at the meeting of the Synod of our Presbyterian brethren in the summer of 1840. When preparing to set out, he notices the hand of his Master guiding him:--"_July 2._--Expected to have been in Ireland this day. Detained by not being able to get supply for Sabbath, in the good providence of God; for this evening there was a considerable awakening in the church while I was preaching upon Phil. 3:18, 'Enemies of the cross of Christ,' When that part was expounded, there was a loud and bitter weeping,--probably thirty or forty seemed to share in it; the rest deeply impressed,--many secretly praying." On the Sabbath following, one person was so overcome as to be carried out of the church. He set out for Ireland on the 7th, and on the 10th witnessed at Belfast the union between the Synod of Ulster and the Secession. He speaks of it as a most solemn scene--500 ministers and elders present. During his stay there, he pleaded the cause of the Jews in Mr. Morgan's church, Mr. Wilson's, and some others; and also visited Mr. Kirkpatrick at Dublin. He preached the way of salvation to the Gentiles in all his pleadings for Israel. His visit was blessed to awaken a deep interest in the cause of the Jews, and his words sank into the consciences of some. His sermon on Ezek. 34:16 was felt by some to be indescribably impressive; and when he preached on Rom. 1:16, 17, many ministers, as they came out, were heard saying, "How was it we never thought of the duty of remembering Israel before?" On another occasion, the people to whom he had preached entreated their minister to try and get him again, and if he could not preach to them, that at least he should pray once more with them. He was not, however, long absent from home on this occasion. On the 25th I find him recording: "Reached home; entirely unprepared for the evening. Spoke on Psalm 51:12, 13, 'Restore unto me the joy,' etc. There seemed much of the presence of God,--first one crying out in extreme agony, then another. Many were deeply melted, and all solemnized. Felt a good deal of freedom in speaking of the glory of Christ's salvation. Coming down, I spoke quietly to some whom I knew to be under deep concern. They were soon heard together weeping bitterly; many more joined them. Mr. Cumming spoke to them in a most touching strain, while I dealt privately with several in the vestry. Their cries were often very bitter and piercing, bitterest when the freeness of Christ was pressed upon them, and the lion's nearness. Several were offended; but I felt no hesitation as to our duty to declare the simple truth impressively, and leave God to work in their hearts in his own way. If He save souls in a quiet way, I shall be happy; if in the midst of cries and tears, still I will bless his name. One painful thing has occurred: a man who pretends to be a missionary for Israel, and who brings forward the apocryphal book of Enoch, has been among my people in my absence, and many have been led after him. How humbling is this to them and to me! Lord, what is man! This may be blessed, 1st, to discover chaff which we thought to be wheat; 2nd, to lead some to greater distrust of themselves, when their eyes are opened: 3rd, to teach me the need of solidly instructing those who seem to have grace in their hearts." The work of God went on, so much so at this time, that he gave it as his belief, in a letter to Mr. Purves of Jedburgh, that for some months about this period no minister of Christ had preached in a lively manner, without being blessed to some soul among his flock. In other places of Scotland also the Lord was then pouring out his Spirit. Perth has been already mentioned, and its vicinity. Throughout Ross-shire, whole congregations were frequently moved as one man, and the voice of the minister drowned in the cries of anxious souls. At Kelso, where Mr. Horace Bonar laboured, and at Jedburgh, where Mr. Purves was pastor, a more silent, but very solid work of conversion was advancing. At Ancrum (once the scene of John Livingston's labors), the whole parish, but especially the men of the place, were awakened to the most solemn concern. On Lochtayside, where Mr. Burns was for a season laboring, there were marks of the Spirit everywhere; and the people crossing the lake in hundreds, to listen to the words of life on the hillside, called to mind the people of Galilee in the days when the gospel began to be preached. At Lawers, Mr. Campbell, their pastor (who has now fallen asleep in Jesus), spoke of the awakening as "like a resurrection." so great and sudden was the change from deadness to intense concern. On several occasions, the Spirit seemed to sweep over the congregations like wind over the fields, which bends the heavy corn to the earth. It was evident to discerning minds that the Lord was preparing Scotland for some crisis not far distant. Several districts of Strathbogie had shared to some extent in a similar blessing. Faithful ministers were now everywhere on the watch for the shower, and were greatly strengthened to go forward boldly in seeking to cleanse the sanctuary. It was their fond hope that the Established Church of Scotland would soon become an example and pattern to the nations of a pure church of Christ, acknowledged and upheld by the State without being trammelled in any degree, far less controlled by civil interference. But Satan was stirring up adversaries on every side. The Court of Session had adopted a line of procedure that was at once arbitrary and unconstitutional. And now that Court interdicted, under the penalty of fine or imprisonment, all the ministers of the Church of Scotland from administering ordinances or preaching the word in any of the seven parishes of Strathbogie, whose former incumbents had been suspended from office by the General Assembly for ecclesiastical offences. The church saw it to be her duty to refuse obedience to an interdict which hindered the preaching of Jesus, and attempted to crush her constitutional liberties. Accordingly, ministers were sent to these districts, fearless of the result; and under their preaching the gross darkness of the region began to give way to the light of truth. In the month of August, Mr. M'Cheyne was appointed, along with Mr. Cumming of Dumbarney, to visit Huntly, and dispense the Lord's Supper there. As he set out, he expressed the hope, that "the dews of the Spirit there might be turned into the pouring rain." His own visit was blessed to many. Mr. Cumming preached the action sermon in the open air at the Meadow Well; but the tables were served within the building where the congregation usually met. Mr. M'Cheyne preached in the evening to a vast multitude at the well; and about a hundred waited after sermon for prayer, many of them in deep anxiety. He came to Edinburgh on the 11th, to attend the meeting of ministers and elders who had come together to sign the _Solemn Engagement_ in defence of the liberties of Christ's church. He hesitated not to put his hand to the Engagement. He then returned to Dundee; and scarcely had he returned, when he was laid aside by one of those attacks of illness with which he was so often tried. In this case, however, it soon passed away. "My health," he remarked, "has taken a gracious turn, which should make me look up." But again, on September 6, an attack of fever laid him down for six days. On this occasion, just before the sickness came on, three persons had visited him, to tell him how they were brought to Christ under his ministry some years before. "Why," he noted in his journal, "Why has God brought these cases before me _this week_? Surely He is preparing me for some trial of faith." The result proved that his conjecture was just. And while his Master prepared him beforehand for these trials, He had ends to accomplish in his servant by means of them. There were other trials, also, besides these, which were very heavy to him; but in all we could discern the Husbandman pruning the branch, that it might bear more fruit. As he himself said one day in the church of Abernyte, when he was assisting Mr. Manson, "If we only saw the whole, we should see that the Father is doing little else in the world but _training his vines_." His preaching became more and more to him a work of faith. Often I find him writing at the close or beginning of a sermon: "Master, help!" "Help, Lord, help!" "Send showers;" "Pardon, give the Spirit, and take the glory;" "May the opening of my lips he right things!" The piercing effects of the word preached on souls at this season may be judged of from what one of the awakened, with whom he was conversing, said to him, "_I think hell would be some relief from an angry God._" His delight in preaching was very great. He himself used to say that he could scarcely ever resist an invitation to preach. And this did not arise from the natural excitement there is in commanding the attention of thousands; for he was equally ready to proclaim Christ to small country flocks. Nay, he was ready to travel far to visit and comfort even one soul. There was an occasion this year on which he rode far to give a cup of cold water to a disciple, and his remark was, "I observe how often Jesus went a long way for one soul, as for example the maniac, and the woman of Canaan." In February 1841, he visited Kelso and Jedburgh at the Communion season; and gladly complied with an invitation to Ancrum also, that he might witness the hand of the Lord. "Sweet are the spots," he wrote, "where Immanuel has ever shown his glorious power in the conviction and conversion of sinners. The world loves to muse on the scenes where battles were fought and victories won. Should not we love the spots where our great Captain has won his amazing victories? Is not the conversion of a soul more worthy to be spoken of than the taking of Acre?" At Kelso, some will long remember his remarks in visiting a little girl, to whom he said, "Christ gives last knocks. When your heart becomes hard and careless, then fear lest Christ may have given a _last knock_." At Jedburgh, the impression left was chiefly that there had been among them a man of peculiar holiness. Some felt, not so much his words, as his presence and holy solemnity, as if one spoke to them who was standing in the presence of God; and to others his prayers appeared like the breathings of one already within the veil. I find him proposing to a minister who was going up to the General Assembly that year, "that the Assembly should draw out a _Confession of Sin_ for all its ministers." The state, also, of parishes under the direful influence of Moderatism, lay much upon his spirit. In his diary he writes: "Have been laying much to heart the absolute necessity laid upon the church of sending the gospel to our dead parishes, during the life of the present incumbents. It is confessed that many of our ministers do not preach the gospel--alas! because they know it not. Yet they have complete control over their own pulpits, and may never suffer the truth to be heard there during their whole incumbency. And yet our church consigns these parishes to their tender mercies for perhaps fifty years, without a sigh! Should not certain men be ordained as evangelists, with full power to preach in every pulpit of their district,--faithful, judicious, lively preachers, who may go from parish to parish, and thus carry life into many a dead corner?" This was a subject he often reverted to; and he eagerly held up the example of the Presbytery of Aberdeen, who made a proposal to this effect. From some of his later letters, it appears that he had sometimes seriously weighed the duty of giving up his fixed charge, if only the church would ordain him as an evangelist. So deep were his feelings on this matter, that a friend relates of him, that as they rode together through a parish where the pastor "clothed himself with the wool, but fed not the flock," he knit his brow and raised his hand with vehemence as he spoke of the people left to perish under such a minister. He was invited to visit Ireland again this year, his former visit having been much valued by the Presbyterian brethren there. He did so in July. Many were greatly stirred up by his preaching, and by his details of God's work in Scotland. His sermon on Song 8:5, 6, is still spoken of by many. His prayerfulness and consistent holiness left enduring impressions on not a few; and it was during his visit that a memorial was presented to the Irish Assembly in behalf of a Jewish mission. His visit was in a great measure the means of setting that mission on foot. Cordially entering into the proposal of the concert for prayer, he took part, in September of this year, in the preliminary meetings in which Christians of all denominations joined. "How sweet are the smallest approximations to unity!" is his remark in his diary. Indeed, he so much longed for a scriptural unity, that some time after, when the General Assembly had repealed the statute of 1799, he embraced the opportunity of showing his sincere desire for unity, by inviting two dissenting brethren to his pipit, and then writing in defence of his conduct when attacked. In reference to this matter, he observed, in a note to a friend: "I have been much delighted with the 25th and 26th chapters of the _Confession of Faith_. Oh for the grace of the Westminster divines to be poured out upon this generation of lesser men!" As it was evident that his Master owned his labor abundantly, by giving him seals of his apostleship, there were attempts made occasionally by zealous friends to induce him to remove to other spheres. In all these cases, he looked simply at the apparent indications of the Lord's will. Worldly interest seemed scarcely ever to cross his mind in regard to such a matter, for he truly lived a disinterested life. His views may be judged of by one instance,--a letter to Mr. Heriot of Ramornie, in reference to a charge which many were anxious to offer him:-- "Dundee, _Dec. 24, 1841_ "DEAR SIR,--I have received a letter from my friend Mr. M'Farlane of Collessie, asking what I would do if the people of Kettle were to write desiring me to be their minister. He also desires me to send an answer to you. I have been asked to leave this place again and again, but have never seen my way clear to do so. I feel quite at the disposal of my Divine Master. I gave myself away to Him when I began my ministry, and He has guided me as by the Pillar Cloud from the first day till now. I think I would leave this place to-morrow if He were to _bid_ me; but as to _seeking removal, I dare not_ and _could not_. If my ministry were unsuccessful,--if God frowned upon the place and made my message void,--then I would willingly go, for I would rather beg my bread than preach without success; but I have never wanted success. I do not think I can speak a month in this parish without winning some souls. This very week, I think, has been a fruitful one,--more so than many for a long time, which perhaps was intended graciously to free me from all hesitation in declining your kind offer. I mention these things not, I trust, boastfully, but only to show you the ground upon which I feel it to be my duty not for a moment to entertain the proposal. I have 4000 souls here hanging on me. I have as much of this world's goods as I care for. I have full liberty to preach the gospel night and day; and the Spirit of God is often with us. What can I desire more? 'I dwell among mine own people.' Hundreds look to me as a father; and I fear I would be but a false shepherd if I were to leave them when the clouds of adversity are beginning to lower. I know the need of Kettle, and its importance; and also the dark prospect of your getting a godly minister. Still that is a future event in the hand of God. My duty is made plain and simple according to God's word. "Praying that the Lord Jesus may send you a star from his own right hand, believe me to be," etc. It was during this year that the Sabbath question began to interest him so much. His tract, _I Love the Lord's Day_, was published December 18; but he had already exerted himself much in this cause, as convener of the Committee of Presbytery on Sabbath Observance, and had written his well-known letter to one of the chief defenders of the Sabbath desecration. He continued unceasingly to use every effort in this holy cause. And is it not worth the prayers and self-denying efforts of every believing man? Is not that day set apart as a season wherein the Lord desires the refreshing rest of his own love to be offered to a fallen world? Is it not designed to be a day on which every other voice and sound is to be hushed, in order that the silver trumpets may proclaim atonement for sinners? Nay, it is understood to be a day wherein God himself stands before the altar and pleads with sinners to accept the Lamb slain, from morning to evening. Who is there that does not see the deep design of Satan in seeking to effect an inroad on this most merciful appointment of God our Saviour? Mr. M'Cheyne's own conduct was in full accordance with his principles in regard to strict yet cheerful Sabbath observance. Considering it the summit of human privilege to be admitted to fellowship with God, his principle was, that the Lord's day was to be spent wholly in the enjoyment of that sweetest privilege. A letter, written at a later period, but bearing on this subject, will show how he felt this day to be better than a thousand. An individual, near Inverness, had consulted him on a point of sabbatical casuistry: the question was, Whether or not it was sinful to spend time in registering meteorological observations on the Sabbaths? His reply was the following, marked by a holy wisdom, and discovering the place which the Lord held in his inmost soul:-- "_Dec. 7, 1842_ "DEAR FRIEND,--You ask me a hard question. Had you asked me _what I would do in the case_, I could easily tell you. I love the Lord's day too well to be marking down the height of the thermometer and barometer every hour. I have other work to do, higher and better, and more like that of angels above. The more entirely I can give my Sabbaths to God, and half forget that I am not before the throne of the Lamb, with my harp of gold, the happier am I, and I feel it my duty to be as happy as I can be, and as God intended me to be. The joy of the Lord is my strength. But whether another Christian can spend the Sabbath is his service, and mark down degrees of heat and atmospherical pressure, without letting down the warmth of his affections, or losing the atmosphere of heaven, I cannot tell. My conscience is not the rule of another man. One thing we may learn from these men of science, namely, to be as careful in marking the changes and progress of our own spirit, as they are in marking the changes of the weather. An hour should never pass without our looking up to God for forgiveness and peace. This is the noblest science, to know how to live in hourly communion with God in Christ. May you and I know more of this, and thank God that we are not among the wise and prudent from whom these things are hid!--The grace of the Lord of the Sabbath be with you," etc. Up till this period, the _Narrative of our Mission to Israel_ had not been given to the public. Interruptions, arising from multiplicity of labors and constant calls of duty, had from time to time come in our way. Mr. M'Cheyne found it exceedingly difficult to spare a day or two at a time in order to take part. "I find it hard work to carry on the work of a diligent pastor and that of an author at the same time. How John Calvin would have smiled at my difficulties!" At length, however, in the month of March 1842, we resolved to gain time by exchanging each other's pastoral duties for a month. Accordingly, during four or five weeks, he remained in Collace, my flock enjoying his Sabbath-day services and his occasional visits, while he was set free from what would have been the never-ceasing interruptions of his own town. Many a pleasant remembrance remains of these days, as sheet after sheet passed under the eyes of our mutual criticism. Though intent on accomplishing his work, he kept by his rule, "that he must first see the face of God before he could undertake any duty." Often would he wander in the mornings among the pleasant woods of Dunsinnan, till he had drunk in refreshment to his soul by meditation on the word of God; and then he took up the pen. And to a brother in the ministry, who had one day broken in upon his close occupation, he afterwards wrote: "You know you stole away my day; yet I trust all was not lost. I think I have had more grace ever since that prayer among the fir-trees. Oh to be _like_ Jesus, and _with_ him to all eternity!" Occasionally, during the same period, he wrote some pieces for the _Christian's Daily Companion_. The _Narrative_ was finished in May, and the Lord has made it acceptable to the brethren. When this work was finished, the Lord had other employment ready for him in his own parish. His diary has this entry: "_May 22._--I have seen some very evident awakenings of late. J.G. awakened partly through the word preached, and partly through the faithful warnings of her fellow-servant. A.R., who has been for about a year in the deepest distress, seeking rest, but finding none. B.M. converted last winter at the Tuesday meeting in Annfield. She was brought very rapidly to peace with God, and to a calm, sedate, prayerful state of mind. I was surprised at the quickness of the work in this case, and pleased with the clear tokens of grace; and now I see God's gracious end in it. She was to be admitted at last communion, but caught fever before the Sabbath. On Tuesday last, she died in great peace and joy. When she felt death coming on, she said, 'Oh death, death, come! let us sing!' Many that knew her have been a good deal moved homeward by this solemn providence. This evening, I invited those to come who are leaving the parish at this term. About twenty came, to whom I gave tracts and words of warning. _I feel persuaded that if I could follow the Lord more fully myself, my ministry would be used to make a deeper impression than it has yet done._" CHAPTER VI. THE LATTER DAYS OF HIS MINISTRY. "_My meat is to do the will of Him that sent me, and to finish his work._"--John 4:34. During the summer of 1842, he was exposed to several attacks of illness, experienced some severe personal trials, and felt the assaults of sore temptation. His own words will best express his state: "_July 17._--I am myself much tempted, and have no hope, but as a worm on the arm of Jesus." "Aug. 4.--Often, often, would I have been glad to depart, and be with Christ. I am now much better in body and mind, having a little of the presence of my beloved, whose absence is death to me." The same month: "I have been carried through deep waters, bodily and spiritual, since last we met." It was his own persuasion that few had more to struggle with in the inner man. Who can tell what wars go on within? During this season of trial, he was invited to form one of a number of ministers from Scotland, who were to visit the north of England, with no other purpose than to preach the glad tidings. The scheme was planned by a Christian gentleman, who has done much for Christ in his generation. When the invitation reached him, he was in the heat of his furnace. He mentioned this to the brother who corresponded with him on the subject, Mr. Purves of Jedburgh, whose reply was balm to his spirit ... "I have a fellow-feeling with you in your present infirmity, and you know for your consolation that another has, who is a brother indeed. In all our afflictions, He is afflicted. He is, we may say, the common heart of his people, for they are one body; and an infirmity in the very remotest and meanest member is felt _there_ and borne _there_. Let us console, solace, yea, satiate ourselves in Him, as, amid afflictions especially, brother does in brother. It is blessed to be like Him in everything, even in suffering. There is a great want about all Christians who have not suffered. Some flowers must be broken or bruised before they emit any fragrance. All the wounds of Christ send out sweetness; all the sorrows of Christians do the same. Commend me to a bruised brother,--a broken reed,--one like the Son of man. The Man of Sorrows is never far from him. To me there is something sacred and sweet in all suffering; it is so much akin to the Man of Sorrows." It was thus he suffered, and thus that he was comforted. He wrote back, agreeing to go, and added. "Remember me especially, who am heavy laden oftentimes. My heart is all of sin; but Jesus lives." They set out for England. Mr. Purves, Mr. Somerville of Anderston, Mr. Cumming of Dumbarney, and Mr. Bonar of Kelso, formed the company. Their chief station was Newcastle, where Mr. Burns had been recently laboring with some success, and where he had seen "a town giving itself up to utter ungodliness, a town where Satan's trenches were deep and wide, his wall strong and high, his garrison great and fearless, and where all that man could do seemed but as arrows shot against a tower of brass." But those who went knew that the Spirit of God was omnipotent, and that He could take the prey from the mighty. They preached both in the open air, and in the places of worship belonging to the Presbyterians and to the Wesleyan Methodists. The defenders of the Sabbath cause were specially prepared to welcome Mr. M'Cheyne, whose tract on the Lord's Day has been widely circulated and blessed. Many were attracted to hear; interesting congregations assembled in the market-place, and there is reason to believe many were impressed. A person in the town describes Mr. M'Cheyne's last address as being peculiarly awakening. He preached in the open air, in a space of ground between the Cloth Market and St. Nicholas' Church. Above a thousand souls were present, and the service continued till ten, without one person moving from the ground. The moon shone brightly, and the sky was spangled with stars. His subject was, "The Great White Throne" (Rev. 20:11). In concluding his address, he told them "that they would never meet again till they all met at the judgment-seat of Christ; but the glorious heavens over their heads, and the bright moon that shone upon them, and the old venerable church behind them, were his witnesses that he had set before them life and death." Some will have cause to remember that night through eternity.[19] [19] He afterwards preached the same subject with equal impressiveness in the Meadows at Dundee. It was in the open air and the rain fell heavy, yet the dense crowd stood still to the last. His preaching at Gilsland also was not without effect; and he had good cause to bless the Lord for bringing him through Dumfriesshire in his way homeward. He returned to his people in the beginning of September, full of peace and joy. "I have returned much stronger, indeed quite well. I think I have got some precious souls for my hire on my way home. I earnestly long for more grace and personal holiness, and more usefulness." The sunsets during that autumn were peculiarly beautiful. Scarcely a day passed but he gazed upon the glowing west after dinner; and as he gazed he would speak of the Sun of Righteousness, or the joy of angels in his presence, or the blessedness of those whose sun can go no more down, till his face shone with gladness as he spoke. And during the winter he was observed to be peculiarly joyful, being strong in body, and feeling the near presence of Jesus in his soul. He lived in the blessed consciousness that he was a child of God, humble and meek, just because he was fully assured that Jehovah was his God and Father. Many often felt that in prayer the name "Holy Father" was breathed with peculiar tenderness and solemnity from his lips. His flock in St. Peter's began to murmur at his absence, when again he left them for ten days in November, to assist Mr. Hamilton of Regent Square, London, at his communion. But it was his desire for souls that thus led him from place to place, combined with a growing feeling that the Lord was calling him to evangelistic more than to pastoral labors. This visit was a blessed one; and the growth of his soul in holiness was visible to many. During the days of his visit to Mr. Hamilton, he read through the Song of Solomon at the time of family worship, commenting briefly on it with rare gracefulness and poetic taste, and yet rarer manifestation of soul-filling love to the Saviour's person. The sanctified affections of his soul, and his insight into the mind of Jesus, seemed to have much affected his friends on these occasions. Receiving, while here, an invitation to return by the way of Kelso, he replied:-- "London, _Nov. 5, 1842._ "My dear Horatius,--Our friends here will not let me away till the Friday morning, so that it will require all my diligence to reach Dundee before the Sabbath. I will thus be disappointed of the joy of seeing you, and ministering a word to your dear flock. Oh that my soul were new moulded, and I were effectually called a second time, and made a vessel full of the Spirit, to tell only of Jesus and his love! I fear I shall never be in this world what I desire. I have preached three times here; a few tears also have been shed. Oh for Whitfield's week in London, when a thousand letters came! The same Jesus reigns; the same Spirit is able. Why is He restrained? Is the sin ours? Are we the bottle-stoppers of these heavenly dews? Ever yours till glory. "_P.S._--We shall meet, God willing, at the Convocation." The memorable Convocation met at Edinburgh on November 17th. There were five hundred ministers present from all parts of Scotland. The encroachment of the civil courts upon the prerogatives of Christ, the only Head acknowledged by our church, and the negligent treatment hitherto given by the legislature of the country to every remonstrance on the part of the church, had brought on a crisis. The Church of Scotland had maintained, from the days of the Reformation, that her connection with the State was understood to imply no surrender whatsoever of complete independence in regulating all spiritual matters; and to have allowed any civil authority to control her in doctrine, discipline, or any spiritual act, would have been a daring and flagrant act of treachery to her Lord and King. The deliberations of the Convocation continued during eight days, and the momentous results are well known in this land. Mr. M'Cheyne was never absent from any of the diets of this solemn assembly. He felt the deepest interest in every matter that came before them, got great light as to the path of duty in the course of the consultations, and put his name to all the resolutions, heartily sympathizing in the decided determination that, as a church of Christ, we must abandon our connection with the State, if our "Claim of Rights" were rejected. These eight days were times of remarkable union and prayerfulness. The proceedings, from time to time, were suspended till the brethren had again asked counsel of the Lord by prayer; and none present will forget the affecting solemnity with which, on one occasion, Mr. M'Cheyne poured out our wants before the Lord. He had a decided abhorrence of Erastianism. When the question was put to him, "Is it our duty to refuse ordination to any one who holds the views of Erastianism?" he replied,--"Certainly, whatever be his other qualifications." He was ever a thorough Presbyterian, and used to maintain the necessity of abolishing lay patronage, because,--1st, It was not to be found in the word of God; 2nd, It destroyed the duty of "trying the spirits;" 3rd, It meddled with the headship of Christ, coming in between Him and his people, saying, "I will place the stars." But still more decided was he in regard to the spiritual independence of the church. This he reckoned a vital question: and in prospect of the disruption of the Church of Scotland, if it were denied, he stated at a public meeting,--1st, That it was to be deplored in some respects, viz., because of the sufferings of God's faithful servants, the degradation of those who remained behind, the alienation of the aristocracy, the perdition of the ungodly, and the sin of the nation. But, 2nd, It was to be hailed for other reasons, viz., Christ's kingly offices would be better known, the truth would be spread into desolate parishes, and faithful ministers would be refined. And when, on March 7th of the following year, the cause of the church was finally to be pleaded at the bar of the House of Commons, I find him writing: "Eventful night this in the British Parliament! Once more King Jesus stands at an earthly tribunal, and they know Him not!" An interesting anecdote is related of him by a co-presbyter, who returned with him to Dundee after the Convocation. This co-presbyter, Mr. Stewart, was conversing with him as to what it might be their duty to do in the event of the disruption, and where they might be scattered. Mr. Stewart said he could preach Gaelic, and might go to the Highlanders in Canada, if it were needful. Mr. M'Cheyne said, "I think of going to the many thousand convicts that are transported beyond seas, for no man careth for their souls." We have not many records of his public work after this date. Almost the last note in his diary is dated December 25: "This day ordained four elders, and admitted a fifth, who will all, I trust, be a blessing in this place when I am gone. Was graciously awakened a great while before day, and had two hours alone with God. Preached with much comfort on I Tim. 5:17, 'Let the elders that rule well,' etc. At the end of the sermon and prayer, proposed the regular questions; then made the congregation sing standing; during which time I came down from the pulpit and stood over the four men, then prayed, and all the elders gave the right hand of fellowship, during which I returned to the pulpit, and addressed them and the congregation on their relative duties. Altogether a solemn scene." The last recorded cases of awakening, and the last entry in his diary, is dated January 6, 1843: "Heard of an awakened soul finding rest--true rest, I trust. Two new cases of awakening; both very deep and touching. At the very time when I was beginning to give up in despair, God gives me tokens of his presence returning." He here speaks of discouragement, when God for a few months or weeks seemed to be withholding his hand from saving souls. If he was not right in thus hastily forgetting the past for a little, still this feature of his ministry is to be well considered. He entertained so full a persuasion that a faithful minister has every reason to expect to see souls converted under him, that when this was withheld, he began to fear that some hidden evil was provoking the Lord and grieving the Spirit. And ought it not to be so with all of us? Ought we not to suspect, either that we are not living near to God, or that our message is not a true transcript of the glad tidings, in both matter and manner, when we see no souls brought to Jesus? God may certainly hide from our knowledge much of what He accomplishes by our means, but as certainly will He bring to our view some seals of our ministry, in order that our persuasion of being thus sent by Him may solemnize and overawe us, as well as lead us on to unwearied labor. Ought it not to be the inscription over the doors of our Assembly and College halls: "_Thanks be unto God, which always causeth us to triumph in Christ, and maketh manifest the savour of his knowledge by us in every place?_" II Cor. 2:14. About this time, in one of his MSS., there occurs this sentence: "As I was walking in the fields, the thought came over me with almost overwhelming power, that every one of my flock must soon be in heaven or hell. Oh, how I wished that I had a tongue like thunder, that I might make all hear; or that I had a frame like iron, that I might visit every one, and say, 'Escape for thy life!' Ah, sinners! you little know how I fear that you will lay the blame of your damnation at my door." He was never satisfied with his own attainments in holiness; he was ever ready to learn, and quick to apply, any suggestion that might tend to his greater usefulness. About this period he used to sing a psalm or hymn every day after dinner. It was often, "The Lord's my shepherd," etc.; or, "Oh may we stand before the Lamb!" etc. Sometimes it was that hymn, _Oh for a closer walk with God!_ and sometimes the psalm, "Oh that I like a dove had wings!" etc. A friend said of him. "I have sometimes compared him to the silver and graceful ash, with its pensile branches, and leaves of gentle green, reflecting gleams of happy sunshine. The fall of its leaf, too, is like the fall of his,--it is green to-night and gone to-morrow, it does not sere nor wither." An experienced servant of God has said, that, while popularity is a snare that few are not caught by, a more subtle and dangerous snare is to be _famed for holiness_. The fame of being a godly man is as great a snare as the fame of being learned or eloquent. It is possible to attend with scrupulous anxiety even to secret habits of devotion, in order to get a name for holiness.[20] If any were exposed to this snare in his day, Mr. M'Cheyne was the person. Yet nothing is more certain than that, to the very last, he was ever discovering, and successfully resisting, the deceitful tendencies of his own heart and a tempting devil. Two things he seems never to have ceased from,--the cultivation of personal holiness, and the most anxious efforts to save souls. [20] How true, yet awful, is the language of Dr Owen (quoted in Bridges' _Christian Ministry_, p. 168), "He that would go down to the pit in peace, let him obtain a great repute for religion; let him preach and labour to make other better than he is himself, and in the meantime neglect to humble his heart, to walk with God in manifest holiness and usefulness, and he will not fail of his end." About this time he wrote down, for his own use, an examination into things that ought to be amended and changed. I subjoin it entire. How singularly close and impartial are these researches into his soul! How acute is he in discovering his variations from the holy law of God! Oh that we all were taught by the same spirit thus to try our reins! It is only when we are thus thoroughly experiencing our helplessness, and discovering the thousand forms of indwelling sin, that we really sit as disciples at Christ's feet, and gladly receive Him as all in all! And at each such moment we feel in the spirit of Ignatius, "[Greek: Nyn gar archên echô tou mathêteuesthai]"--"It is only now that I begin to be a disciple." Mr. M'Cheyne entitles the examination of his heart and life _"Reformation"_ and it commences thus:-- "It is the duty of ministers in this day to begin the reformation of religion and manners with themselves, families, etc., with confession of past sin, earnest prayer for direction, grace, and full purpose of heart. Mal. 3:3--'He shall purify the sons of Levi.' Ministers are probably laid aside for a time for this very purpose. "1. _Personal Reformation._ "I am persuaded that I shall obtain the highest amount of present happiness, I shall do most for God's glory and the good of man, and I shall have the fullest reward in eternity, by maintaining a conscience always washed in Christ's blood, by being filled with the Holy Spirit at all times, and by attaining the most entire likeness to Christ in mind, will, and heart, that is possible for a redeemed sinner to attain to in this world. "I am persuaded that whenever any one from without, or my own heart from within, at any moment, or in any circumstances, contradicts this,--if any one shall insinuate that it is not for my present and eternal happiness, and for God's glory and my usefulness, to maintain a blood-washed conscience, to be entirely filled with the Spirit, and to be fully conformed to the image of Christ in all things,--that is the voice of the devil, God's enemy, the enemy of my soul and of all good--the most foolish, wicked, and miserable of all the creatures. See Prov. 9:17--'Stolen waters are sweet.' "1. _To maintain a conscience void of offence_, I am persuaded that I ought to confess my sins more. I think I ought to confess sin the moment I see it to be sin; whether I am in company, or in study, or even preaching, the soul ought to cast a glance of abhorrence at the sin. If I go on with the duty, leaving the sin unconfessed, I go on with a burdened conscience, and add sin to sin. I think I ought at certain times of the day--my best times,--say, after breakfast and after tea,--to confess solemnly the sins of the previous hours, and to seek their complete remission. "I find that the devil often makes use of the confession of sin to stir up again the very sin confessed into new exercise, so that I am afraid to dwell upon the confession. I must ask experienced Christians about this. For the present, I think I should strive against this awful abuse of confession, whereby the devil seeks to frighten me away from confessing. I ought to take all methods for seeing the vileness of my sins. I ought to regard myself as a condemned branch of Adam,--as partaker of a nature opposite to God from the womb (Ps. 51.),--as having a heart full of all wickedness, which pollutes every thought, word, and action, during my whole life, from birth to death. I ought to confess often the sins of my youth, like David and Paul,--my sins before conversion, my sins since conversion,--sins against light and knowledge, against love and grace, against each person of the Godhead. I ought to look at my sins in the light of the holy law, in the light of God's countenance, in the light of the cross, in the light of the judgment-seat, in the light of hell, in the light of eternity. I ought to examine my dreams--my floating thoughts--my predilections--my often recurring actions--my habits of thought, feeling, speech, and action--the slanders of my enemies and the reproofs, and even banterings, of my friends--to find out traces of my prevailing sin, matter for confession. I ought to have a stated day of confession, with fasting--say, once a month. I ought to have a number of scriptures marked, to bring sin to remembrance. I ought to make use of all bodily affliction, domestic trial, frowns of providence on myself, house, parish, church, or country, as calls from God to confess sin. The sins and afflictions of other men should call me to the same. I ought, on Sabbath evenings, and on Communion Sabbath evenings, to be especially careful to confess the sins of holy things. I ought to confess the sins of my confessions,--their imperfections, sinful aims, self-righteous tendency, etc.,--and to look to Christ as having confessed my sins perfectly over his own sacrifice. "I ought to go to Christ for the forgiveness of each sin. In washing my body, I go over every spot, and wash it out. Should I be less careful in washing my soul? I ought to see the stripe that was made on the back of Jesus by each of my sins. I ought to see the infinite pang thrill through the soul of Jesus equal to an eternity of my hell for my sins, and for all of them. I ought to see that in Christ's bloodshedding there is an infinite over-payment for all my sins. Although Christ did not suffer more than infinite justice demanded, yet He could not suffer at all without laying down an infinite ransom. "I feel, when I have sinned, an immediate reluctance to go to Christ. I am ashamed to go. I feel as if it would do no good to go,--as if it were making Christ a minister of sin, to go straight from the swine-trough to the best robe,--and a thousand other excuses; but I am persuaded they are all lies, direct from hell. John argues the opposite way: 'If any man sin, we have an advocate with the Father;' Jer. 3:1 and a thousand other scriptures are against it. I am sure there is neither peace nor safety from deeper sin, but in going directly to the Lord Jesus Christ. This is God's way of peace and holiness. It is folly to the world and the beclouded heart, but it is _the way_. "I must never think a sin too small to need immediate application to the blood of Christ. If I put away a good conscience, concerning faith I make shipwreck. I must never think my sins too great, too aggravated, too presumptuous,--as when done on my knees, or in preaching, or by a dying bed, or during dangerous illness,--to hinder me from fleeing to Christ. The weight of my sins should act like the weight of a clock: the heavier it is, it makes it go the faster. "I must not only wash in Christ's blood, but clothe me in Christ's obedience. For every sin of omission in self, I may find a divinely perfect obedience ready for me in Christ. For every sin of commission in self, I may find not only a stripe or a wound in Christ, but also a perfect rendering of the opposite obedience in my place, so that the law is magnified, its curse more than carried, its demand more than answered. "Often the doctrine of _Christ for me_ appears common, well known, having nothing new in it; and I am tempted to pass it by and go to some scripture more taking. This is the devil again,--a red-hot lie. _Christ for us_ is ever new, ever glorious. 'Unsearchable riches of Christ,'--an infinite object, and the only one for a guilty soul. I ought to have a number of scriptures ready, which lead my blind soul directly to Christ, such as Isaiah 45, Rom. 3. "2. _To be filled with the Holy Spirit_, I am persuaded that I ought to study more my own weakness. I ought to have a number of scriptures ready to be meditated on, such as Rom. 7, John 15, to convince me that I am a helpless worm. "I am tempted to think that I am now an established Christian,--that I have overcome this or that lust so long,--that I have got into the habit of the opposite grace,--so that there is no fear; I may venture very near the temptation--nearer than other men. This is a lie of Satan. I might as well speak of gunpowder getting by habit a power of resisting fire, so as not to catch the spark. As long as powder is wet, it resists the spark; but when it becomes dry, it is ready to explode at the first touch. As long as the Spirit dwells in my heart He deadens me to sin, so that, if lawfully called through temptation, I may reckon upon God carrying me through. But when the Spirit leaves me, I am like dry gunpowder. Oh for a sense of this! "I am tempted to think that there are some sins for which I have no natural taste, such as strong drink, profane language, etc., so that I need not fear temptation to such sins. This is a lie,--a proud, presumptuous lie. The seeds of all sins, are in my heart, and perhaps all the more dangerously that I do not see them. "I ought to pray and labor for the deepest sense of my utter weakness and helplessness that ever a sinner was brought to feel. I am helpless in respect of every lust that ever was, or ever will be, in the human heart. I am a worm--a beast--before God. I often tremble to think that this is true. I feel as if it would not be safe for me to renounce all indwelling strength, as if it would be dangerous for me to feel (what is the truth) that there is nothing in me keeping me back from the grossest and vilest sin. This is a delusion of the devil. My only safety is to know, feel, and confess my helplessness, that I may hang upon the arm of Omnipotence ... I daily wish that sin had been rooted out of my heart. I say, 'Why did God leave the root of lasciviousness, pride, anger, etc., in my bosom? He hates sin, and I hate it; why did He not take it clean away?' I know many answers to this which completely satisfy my judgment, but still I do not _feel_ satisfied. This is wrong. It is right to be weary of the being of sin, but not right to quarrel with my present 'good fight of faith.' ... The falls of professors into sin make me tremble. I have been driven away from prayer, and burdened in a fearful manner by hearing or seeing their sin. This is wrong. It is right to tremble, and to make every sin of every professor a lesson of my own helplessness; but it should lead me the more to Christ ... If I were more deeply convinced of my utter helplessness, I think I would not be so alarmed when I hear of the falls of other men ... I should study those sins in which I am most helpless, in which passion becomes like a whirlwind and I like a straw. No figure of speech can represent my utter want of power to resist the torrent of sin ... I ought to study Christ's omnipotence more: Heb. 7:25, I Thess. 5:23, Rom. 6:14, Rom. 5:9, 10, and such scriptures, should be ever before me ... Paul's thorn, II Cor. 12, is the experience of the greater part of my life. It should be ever before me ... There are many subsidiary methods of seeking deliverance from sins, which must not be neglected,--thus, marriage, I Cor. 7:2; fleeing, I Tim. 6:11, I Cor. 6:18; watch and pray, Matt. 26:41; the word, 'It is written, It is written.' So Christ defended himself; Matt. 4. ... But the main defence is casting myself into the arms of Christ like a helpless child, and beseeching Him to fill me with the Holy Spirit. 'This is the victory that overcometh the world, even our faith,' I John 5:4, 5,--a wonderful passage. "I ought to study Christ as a living Saviour more,--as a Shepherd, carrying the sheep He finds,--as a King, reigning in and over the souls He has redeemed,--as a Captain, fighting with those who fight with me, Ps. 35.,--as one who has engaged to bring me through all temptations and trials, however impossible to flesh and blood. "I am often tempted to say, How can this Man save us? How can Christ in heaven deliver me from lusts which I feel raging in me, and nets I feel enclosing me? This is the father of lies again! 'He is able to save unto the uttermost.' "I ought to study Christ as an Intercessor. He prayed most for Peter, who was to be most tempted. I am on his breastplate. If I could hear Christ praying for me in the next room, I would not fear a million of enemies. Yet the distance makes no difference; He is praying for me. "I ought to study the Comforter more,--his Godhead, his love, his almightiness. I have found by experience that nothing sanctifies me so much as meditating on the Comforter, as John 14:16. And yet how seldom I do this! Satan keeps me from it. I am often like those men who said, They knew not if there be any Holy Ghost ... I ought never to forget that my body is dwelt in by the third Person of the Godhead. The very thought of this should make me tremble to sin; I Cor. 6 ... I ought never to forget that sin grieves the Holy Spirit,--vexes and quenches Him ... If I would be filled with the Spirit, I feel I must read the Bible more, pray more, and watch more. "3. _To gain entire likeness to Christ_, I ought to get a high esteem of the happiness of it. I am persuaded that God's happiness is inseparably linked in with his holiness. Holiness and happiness are like light and heat. God never tasted one of the pleasures of sin. "Christ had a body such as I have, yet He never tasted one of the pleasures of sin. The redeemed, through all eternity, will never taste one of the pleasures of sin; yet their happiness is complete. It would be my greatest happiness to be from this moment entirely like them. Every sin is something away from my greatest enjoyment ... The devil strives night and day to make me forget this or disbelieve it. He says, Why should you not enjoy this pleasure as much as Solomon or David? You may go to heaven also. I am persuaded that this is a lie,--that my true happiness is to go and sin no more. "I ought not to delay parting with sins. Now is God's time. 'I made haste and delayed not.' ... I ought not to spare sins because I have long allowed them as infirmities, and others would think it odd if I were to change all at once. What a wretched delusion of Satan that is! "Whatever I see to be sin, I ought from this hour to set my whole soul against it, using all scriptural methods to mortify it, as the Scriptures, special prayer for the Spirit, fasting, watching. "I ought to mark strictly the occasions when I have fallen, and avoid the occasion as much as the sin itself. "Satan often tempts me to go as near to temptations as possible without committing the sin. This is fearful,--tempting God and grieving the Holy Ghost. It is a deep-laid plot of Satan. "I ought to flee all temptation, according to Prov. 4:15--Avoid it, pass not by it, turn from it, and pass away.' ... I ought constantly to pour out my heart to God, praying for entire conformity to Christ--for the whole law to be written on my heart ... I ought statedly and solemnly to give my heart to God--to surrender my all into his everlasting arms, according to the prayer, Ps. 31., 'Into thine hand I commit my spirit,'--beseeching Him not to let any iniquity, secret or presumptuous, have dominion over me, and to fill me with every grace that is in Christ, in the highest degree that it is possible for redeemed sinner to receive it, and at all times, till death. "I ought to meditate often on heaven as a world of holiness,--where all are holy, where the joy is holy joy, the work holy work; so that, without personal holiness, I never can be there ... I ought to avoid the appearance of evil. God commands me; and I find that Satan has a singular art in linking the appearance and reality together. "I find that speaking of some sins defiles my mind and leads me into temptation; and I find that God forbids even saints to speak of the things that are done of them in secret. I ought to avoid this. "Eve, Achan, David, all fell through the lust of the eye. I should make a covenant with mine, and pray, 'Turn away mine eyes from viewing vanity.' ... Satan makes unconverted men like the deaf adder to the sound of the gospel. I should pray to be made deaf by the Holy Spirit to all that would tempt me to sin. "One of my most frequent occasions of being led into temptation is this,--I say it is needful to my office that I listen to this, or look into this, or speak of this. So far this is true; yet I am sure Satan has his part in this argument. I should seek divine direction to settle how far it will be good for my ministry, and how far evil for my soul, that I may avoid the latter. "I am persuaded that nothing is thriving in my soul unless it is growing. 'Grow in grace.' 'Lord, increase our faith.' 'Forgetting the things that are behind.' ... I am persuaded that I ought to be inquiring at God and man what grace I want, and how I may become more like Christ ... I ought to strive for more purity, humility, meekness, patience under suffering, love. 'Make me Christ-like in all things,' should be my constant prayer. 'Fill me with the Holy Spirit.' "2. _Reformation in Secret Prayer._ "I ought not to omit any of the parts of prayer--confession, adoration, thanksgiving, petition, and intercession. "There is a fearful tendency to omit _confession_, proceeding from low views of God and his law, slight views of my heart and the sins of my past life. This must be resisted. There is a constant tendency to omit _adoration_, when I forget to whom I am speaking--when I rush heedlessly into the presence of Jehovah, without remembering his awful name and character--when I have little eyesight for his glory, and little admiration of his wonders. 'Where are the wise?' I have the native tendency of the heart to omit _giving thanks_. And yet it is specially commanded, Phil. 4:6. Often when the heart is selfish, dead to the salvation of others, I omit _intercession_. And yet it especially is the spirit of the great Advocate, who has the name of Israel always on his heart. "Perhaps every prayer need not have all these; but surely a day should not pass without some space being devoted to each. "I ought to pray before seeing any one. Often when I sleep long, or meet with others early, and then have family prayer, and breakfast, and forenoon callers, often it is eleven or twelve o'clock before I begin secret prayer. This is a wretched system. It is unscriptural. Christ rose before day, and went into a solitary place. David says, 'Early will I seek Thee; Thou shalt early hear my voice.' Mary Magdalene came to the sepulchre while it was yet dark. Family prayer loses much of its power and sweetness; and I can do no good to those who come to seek from me. The conscience feels guilty, the soul unfed, the lamp not trimmed. Then, when secret prayer comes, the soul is often out of tune. I feel it is far better to begin with God--to see his face first--to get my soul near Him before it is near another. 'When I awake I am still with Thee.' "If I have slept too long, or am going an early journey, or my time is any way shortened, it is best to dress hurriedly, and have a few minutes alone with God, than to give it up for lost. "But in general, it is best to have at least one hour _alone with God_, before engaging in anything else. At the same time, I must be careful not to reckon communion with God by minutes or hours, or by solitude. I have pored over my Bible, and on my knees for hours, with little or no communion; and my times of solitude have been often times of greatest temptation. "As to _intercession_, I ought daily to intercede for my own family, connections, relatives, and friends; also for my flock,--the believers, the awakened, the careless; the sick, the bereaved; the poor, the rich; my elders, Sabbath-school teachers, day-school teachers, children, tract-distributors, that all means may be blessed--Sabbath-day preaching and teaching; visiting of the sick, visiting from house to house; providences, sacraments. I ought daily to intercede briefly for the whole town, the Church of Scotland, all faithful ministers; for vacant congregations, students of divinity, etc.; for dear brethren by name; for missionaries to Jews and Gentiles, and for this end I must read missionary intelligence regularly, and get acquainted with all that is doing throughout the world. It would stir me up to pray with the map before me. I must have a scheme of prayer, also the names of missionaries marked on the map. I ought to intercede at large for the above on Saturday morning and evening from seven to eight. Perhaps also I might take different parts for different days; only I ought daily to plead for my family and flock. I ought to pray in everything. 'Be careful for nothing, but in _everything_ ... by prayer and supplication, make your requests known unto God.' Often I receive a letter asking to preach, or some such request. I find myself answering before having asked counsel of God. Still oftener a person calls and asks me something, and I do not ask direction. Often I go out to visit a sick person in a hurry, without asking his blessing, which alone can make the visit of any use. I am persuaded that I ought never to do anything without prayer, and, if possible, special, secret prayer. "In reading the history of the Church of Scotland, I see how much her troubles and trials have been connected with the salvation of souls and the glory of Christ. I ought to pray far more for our church, for our leading ministers by name, and for my own clear guidance in the right way, that I may not be led aside, or driven aside, from following Christ. Many difficult questions may be forced on us for which I am not fully prepared, such as the lawfulness of covenants. I should pray much more in peaceful days, that I may be guided rightly when days of trial come. "I ought to spend the best hours of the day in communion with God. It is my noblest and most fruitful employment, and is not to be thrust into any corner. The morning hours, from six to eight, are the most uninterrupted, and should be thus employed, if I can prevent drowsiness. A little time after breakfast might be given to intercession. After tea is my best hour, and that should be solemnly dedicated to God, if possible. "I ought not to give up the good old habit of prayer before going to bed; but guard must be kept against sleep: planning what things I am to ask is the best remedy. When I awake in the night, I ought to rise and pray, as David and as John Welsh did. "I ought to read three chapters of the Bible in secret every day, at least. "I ought on Sabbath morning to look over all the chapters read through the week, and especially the verses marked. I ought to read in three different places; I ought also to read according to subjects, lives," etc. He has evidently left this unfinished, and now he knows even as he is known. Toward the end of his ministry, he became peculiarly jealous of becoming an idol to his people; for he was loved and revered by many who gave no evidence of love to Christ. This often pained him much. It is indeed right in a people to regard their pastor with no common love (II Cor. 9:14), but there is ever a danger ready to arise. He used to say, "Ministers are but the pole; it is to the brazen serpent you are to look." The state of his health would not permit him to be laborious in going from house to house, whereas preaching and evangelistic work in general was less exhausting; but of course, while he was thus engaged, many concerns of the parish would be unattended to; accordingly his Session offered him a stated assistant to help him in his parochial duty. With this proposal he at once concurred. Mr. Gatherer, then at Caraldstone, was chosen, and continued to labor faithfully with him during the remaining days of his ministry. In the beginning of the year he published his _Daily Bread_, an arrangement of Scripture, that the Bible might be read through in the course of a year. He sought to induce his people to meditate much on the written word in all its breadth. His last publication was, _Another Lily Gathered_, or the account of James Laing, a little boy in his flock, brought to Christ early, and carried soon to glory. In the middle of January 1843, he visited Collace, and preached on I Cor. 9:27: "A Castaway"--a sermon so solemn that one said it was like a blast of the trumpet that would awaken the dead. Next day he rode on to Lintrathen, where the people were willing to give up their work at mid-day, if he would come and preach to them. All this month he was breathing after glory. In his letters there are such expressions as these: "I often pray, Lord, make me as holy as a pardoned sinner can be made." "Often, often I would like to depart and be with Christ--to mount to Pisgah-top and take a farewell look of the church below, and leave my body and be present with the Lord. Ah, it is far better!" Again: "I do not expect to live long. I expect a sudden call some day--perhaps soon, and therefore I speak very plainly." But, indeed, he had long been persuaded that his course would be brief. His hearers remember well how often he would speak in such language as that with which he one day closed his sermon: "Changes are coming; every eye before me shall soon be dim in death. Another pastor shall feed this flock; another singer lead the psalm; another flock shall fill this fold." In the beginning of February, by appointment of the Committee of the Convocation, he accompanied Mr. Alexander of Zirkcaldy to visit the districts of Deer and Ellon--districts over which he yearned, for Moderatism had held undisputed sway over them for generations. It was to be his last evangelistic tour. He exemplified his own remark, "The oil of the lamp in the temple burnt away in giving light; so should we." He set out, says one that saw him leave town, as unclouded and happy as the sky that was above his head that bright morning. During the space of three weeks, he preached or spoke at meetings in four-and-twenty places, sometimes more than once in the same place. Great impression was made upon the people of the district. One who tracked his footsteps a month after his death states, that sympathy with the principles of our suffering church was awakened in many places; but, above all, a thirst was excited for the pure word of life. His eminently holy walk and conversation, combined with the deep solemnity of his preaching, was specially felt. The people loved to speak of him. In one place, where a meeting had been intimated, the people assembled, resolving to cast stones at him as soon as he should begin to speak; but so sooner had he begun, than his manner, his look, his words, riveted them all, and they listened with intense earnestness; and before he left the place, the people gathered round him, entreating him to stay and preach to them. One man, who had cast mud at him, was afterwards moved to tears on hearing of his death. He wrote to Mr. Gatherer, February 14, "I had a nice opportunity of preaching in Aberdeen; and in Peterhead our meeting was truly successful. The minister of St. Fergus I found to be what you described. We had a solemn meeting in his church. In Strichen, we had a meeting in the Independent Meeting-house. On Friday evening, we had two delightful meetings, in a mill at Crechie, and in the church of Clola. The people were evidently much impressed, some weeping. On Saturday evening we met in the Brucklay barn. I preached on Sabbath, at New Deer in the morning, and at Fraserburgh in the evening--both interesting meetings. To-night we met in Pitsligo church. To-morrow we trust to be in Aberdour; and then we leave for the Presbytery of Ellon. The weather has been delightful till now. To-day the snow is beginning to drift. But God is with us, and He will carry us to the very end. I am quite well, though a little fatigued sometimes." On the 24th, he writes to another friend, "To-day is the first we have rested since leaving home, so that I am almost overcome with fatigue. Do not be idle; improve in all useful knowledge. You know what an enemy I am to idleness." Never was it more felt that God was with him than in this journey. The Lord seemed to show in him the meaning of the text, "Out of his belly shall flow rivers of living water," John 7:38. Even when silent, the near intercourse he held with God left its impression on those around. His _constant holiness_ touched the conscience of many. Returning to his beloved flock on March 1st, in good health, but much exhausted, he related, next evening, at his prayer-meeting, what things he had seen and heard. During the next twelve days he was to be found going out and in among his people, filling up, as his manner was, every inch of time. But he had been much weakened by his unceasing exertions when in the north, and he was more than ordinarily exposed to the typhus fever that was then prevailing in his parish, several cases of which he visited in his enfeebled state. On Sabbath the 5th, he preached three times; and two days after, I find him writing to his father: "All domestic matters go on like a placid stream--I trust not without its fertilizing influence. Nothing is more improving than the domestic altar, when we come to it for a daily supply of soul nourishment." To the last we get glances into his soul's growth. His family devotions were full of life and full of gladness to the end. Indeed, his very manner in reading the chapter reminded you of a man poring into the sands for pieces of fine gold, and from time to time holding up to you what he delighted to have found. On Sabbath the 12th, he preached upon Heb. 9:15 in the forenoon, and Rom. 9:22, 23, in the afternoon, with uncommon solemnity; and it was observed, both then and on other late occasions, he spoke with peculiar strength upon the sovereignty of God. These were his last discourses to his people in St. Peter's. That same evening he went down to Broughty Ferry, and preached upon Isaiah 60:1, "Arise, shine." etc. It was the last time he was to be engaged directly in proclaiming Christ to sinners; and as he began his ministry with souls for his hire, so it appears that his last discourse had in it saving power to some, and that rather from the holiness it breathed than from the wisdom of its words. After his death, a note was found unopened, which had been sent to him in the course of the following week, when he lay in the fever. It ran thus: "I hope you will pardon a stranger for addressing to you a few lines. I heard you preach last Sabbath evening, and it pleased God to bless that sermon to my soul. It was not so much what you said, as your manner of speaking that struck me. I saw in you a beauty in holiness that I never saw before. You also said something in your prayer that struck me very much. It was, '_Thou knowest that we love Thee._' Oh, sir, what would I give that I could say to my blessed Saviour, 'Thou knowest that I love Thee!'" Next evening he held a meeting in St. Peter's, with the view of organizing his people for collecting in behalf of the Free Protesting Church,--the disruption of the Establishment being now inevitable. He spoke very fervently; and after the meeting felt chilled and unwell. Next morning he felt that he was ill; but went out in the afternoon to the marriage of two of his flock. He seemed, however, to anticipate a serious attack, for, on his way home, he made some arrangements connected with his ministerial work, and left a message at Dr. Gibson's house, asking him to come and see him. He believed that he had taken the fever, and it was so. That night he lay down upon the bed from which he was never to rise. He spoke little, but intimated that he apprehended danger. On Wednesday, he said he thought that he would never have seen the morning, he felt so sore broken, and had got no sleep; but afterwards added, "Shall we receive good at the hand of the Lord, and shall we not receive evil also?" He seemed clouded in spirit, often repeating such passages as--"My moisture is turned into the drought of summer;"--"My bones wax old, through my roaring all day long." It was with difficulty that he was able to speak a few words with his assistant, Mr. Gatherer. In the forenoon, Mr. Miller of Wallacetown found him oppressed with extreme pain in his head. Amongst other things they conversed upon Ps. 126. On coming to the 6th verse, Mr. M'Cheyne said he would give him a division of it. 1. _What is sowed_--"Precious seed." 2. _The manner of sowing it_--"Goeth forth and weepeth." He dwelt upon "_weepeth_" and then said, "Ministers should go forth at all times." 3. _The fruit_--"Shall doubtless come again with rejoicing." Mr. Miller pointed to the _certainty_ of it; Mr. M'Cheyne assented, "Yes--_doubtless_." After praying with him, Mr. Miller repeated Matt. 11:28, upon which Mr. M'Cheyne clasped his hands with great earnestness. As he became worse, his medical attendants forbade him to be visited. Once or twice he asked for me, and was heard to speak of "_Smyrna_" as if the associations of his illness there were recalled by his burning fever now. I was not at that time aware of his danger, even the rumor of it had not reached us. Next day, he continued sunk in body and mind, till about the time when his people met for their usual evening prayer-meeting, when he requested to be left alone for half an hour. When his servant entered the room again, he exclaimed, with a joyful voice. "My soul is escaped as a bird out of the snare of the fowler; the snare is broken, and I am escaped." His countenance, as he said this, bespoke inward peace. Ever after he was observed to be happy; and at supper-time that evening, when taking a little refreshment, he gave thanks, "For strength in the time of weakness--for light in the time of darkness--for joy in the time of sorrow--for comforting us in all our tribulations, that we may be able to comfort those that are in any trouble, by the comfort wherewith we ourselves are comforted of God." On Sabbath, when one expressed a wish that he had been able to go forth as usual to preach, he replied, "My thoughts are not your thoughts, neither are my ways your ways, saith the Lord;" and added, "I am preaching the sermon that God would have me to do." On Tuesday (the 21st) his sister repeated to him several hymns. The last words he heard, and the last he seemed to understand, were those of Cowper's hymn, _Sometimes the light surprises the Christian as he sings_. And then the delirium came on. At one time, during the delirium, he said to his attendant, "Mind the text, I Cor. 15:58--'Be stedfast, unmoveable, always abounding in the work of the Lord,'" dwelling with much emphasis on the last clause, "_forasmuch as ye know that your labor is not in vain in the Lord_." At another time he seemed to feel himself among his brethren, and said, "I don't think much of policy in church courts; no, I hate it; but I'll tell you what I like, faithfulness to God, and a holy walk." His voice, which had been weak before, became very strong now; and often was he heard speaking to or praying for his people. "You must be awakened in time, or you will be awakened in everlasting torment, to your eternal confusion." "You may soon get me away, but that will not save your souls." Then he prayed, "This parish, Lord, this people, this whole place!" At another time, "Do it thyself, Lord, for thy weak servant." And again, as if praying for the saints, "Holy Father, keep through thine own name those whom Thou hast given me." Thus he continued most generally engaged, while the delirium lasted, either in prayer or in preaching to his people, and always apparently in happy frame, till the morning of Saturday the 25th. On that morning, while his kind medical attendant, Dr. Gibson, stood by, he lifted up his hands as if in the attitude of pronouncing the blessing, and then sank down. Not a groan or a sigh, but only a quiver of the lip, and his soul was at rest. As he was subject to frequent sickness, it was not till within some days of his death that serious alarm was generally felt, and hence the stroke came with awful suddenness upon us all. That same afternoon, while preparing for Sabbath duties, the tidings reached me. I hastened down, though scarce knowing why I went. His people were that evening met together in the church, and such a scene of sorrow has not often been witnessed in Scotland. It was like the weeping for King Josiah. Hundreds were there; the lower part of the church was full: and none among them seemed able to contain their sorrow. Every heart seemed bursting with grief, so that the weeping and the cries could be heard afar off. The Lord had most severely wounded the people whom He had before so peculiarly favored; and now, by this awful stroke of his hand, was fixing deeper in their souls all that his servant had spoken in the days of his peculiar ministry. Wherever the news of his departure came, every Christian countenance was darkened with sadness. Perhaps, never was the death of one, whose whole occupation had been preaching the everlasting gospel, more felt by all the saints of God in Scotland. Not a few also of our Presbyterian brethren in Ireland felt the blow to the very heart. He himself used to say, "Live so as to be missed;" and none that saw the tears that were shed over his death would have doubted that his own life had been what he recommended to others. He had not completed more than twenty-nine years when God took him. On the day of his burial, business was quite suspended in the parish. The streets, and every window, from the house to the grave, were crowded with those who felt that a prince in Israel had fallen; and many a careless man felt a secret awe creep over his hardened soul as he cast his eye on the solemn spectacle. His tomb may be seen on the pathway at the north-west corner of St. Peter's burying-ground. He has gone to the "mountain of myrrh and the hill of frankincense, till the day break and the shadows flee away." His work was finished! His heavenly Father had not another plant for him to water, nor another vine for him to train; and the Saviour who so loved him was waiting to greet him with his own welcome: "Well done, good and faithful servant, enter thou into the joy of thy Lord." But what is the voice to us? Has this been sent as the stroke of wrath, or the rebuke of love? "His way is in the sea, and his path in the great waters, and his footsteps are not known." Only this much we can clearly see, that nothing was more fitted to leave his character and example impressed on our remembrance forever than his early death. There might be envy while he lived; there is none now. There might have been some of the youthful attractiveness of his graces lost had he lived many years; this cannot be impaired now. It seems as if the Lord had struck the flower from its stem, ere any of the colors had lost their bright hue, or any leaf of fragrance. Well may the flock of St. Peter's lay it to heart. They have had days of visitation. "Ye have seen the right hand of the Lord plucked out of his bosom? What shall the unsaved among you do in the day of the Lord's anger?" "If thou hadst known, even thou, at least in this thy day, the things which belong to thy peace!" It has been more than once the lot of Scotland (as was said in the days of Durham) to enjoy so much of the Lord's kindness, as to have men to lose whose loss has been felt to the very heart--witnesses for Christ, who saw the King's face and testified of his beauty. We cannot weep them back; but shall we not call upon Him with whom is the residue of the Spirit, that ere the Lord come. He would raise up men, like Enoch, or like Paul, who shall reach nearer the stature of the perfect man, and bear witness with more power to all nations? Are there not (as he who has left us used to hope) "better ministers in store for Scotland than any that have yet arisen?" Ministers of Christ, does not the Lord call upon us especially? Many of us are like the angel of the church of Ephesus: we have "works, and labor, and patience, and cannot bear them that are evil, and we have borne, and for his name's sake we labor, and have not fainted;" but we want the fervor of "first love." Oh how seldom now do we hear of fresh supplies of holiness arriving from the heavenly places (Eph. 1:3)--new grace appearing among the saints, and in living ministers! We get contented with our old measure and kind, as if the windows of heaven were never to be opened. Few among us see the lower depths of the horrible pit; few ever enter the inner chambers of the house of David. But there has been one among us who, ere he had reached the age at which a priest in Israel would have been entering on his course, dwelt at the Mercy-seat as if it were his home,--preached the certainties of eternal life with an undoubting mind,--and spent his nights and days in ceaseless breathings after holiness, and the salvation of sinners. Hundreds of souls were his reward from the Lord, ere he left us; and in him have we been taught how much one man may do who will only press farther into the presence of his God, and handle more skilfully the unsearchable riches of Christ, and speak more boldly for his God. We speak much against unfaithful ministers, while we ourselves are awfully unfaithful! Are we never afraid that the cries of souls whom we have betrayed to perdition through our want of personal holiness, and our defective preaching of Christ crucified, may ring in our ears forever? Our Lord is at the door. In the twinkling of an eye our work will be done. "Awake, awake, O arm of the Lord, awake as in the ancient days," till every one of thy pastors be willing to impart to the flock, over which the Holy Ghost has made him overseer, not the gospel of God only, but also his own soul. And oh that each one were able, as he stands in the pastures feeding thy sheep and lambs, to look up and appeal to Thee: "_Lord, Thou knowest all things! Thou knowest that I love Thee_!" _Printed in the United States of America_ TRANSCRIBER'S NOTES: Underscores (_text_) indicate text italicised in the original book, as in the last line of printed book (above). Footnotes were moved from individual pages to the end of the affected paragraph. This e-book is a reproduction of an original that itself is an excerpt of a larger work, as stated in the Publisher's Preface. There were a number of spelling and punctuation errors, too numerous to detail, that were corrected in this version of the book. There are also a number of stylistic differences between the works including format of references (e.g. Roman vs. decimal numbers), italics and poetry indentings. In these instances, this e-book has been made to follow the excerpted reprint, and not the original, larger work. 
21938	----	THE WORKS OF JOHN KNOX COLLECTED AND EDITED BY DAVID LAING, LL.D. VOLUME FIRST. EDINBURGH: JAMES THIN, 55 SOUTH BRIDGE. MDCCCXCV. $WORKS OF JOHN KNOX$. THE WODROW SOCIETY, INSTITUTED MAY 1841. FOR THE PUBLICATION OF THE WORKS OF THE FATHERS AND EARLY WRITERS OF THE REFORMED CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. THE WORKS OF $JOHN KNOX$. COLLECTED AND EDITED BY $DAVID LAING, LL.D.$ VOLUME FIRST. EDINBURGH: JAMES THIN, 55 SOUTH BRIDGE. MDCCCXCV. AD SCOTOS TRANSEUNTIBUS PRIMO-OCCURRIT MAGNUS ILLE JOANNES CNOXUS: QUEM SI SCOTORUM IN VERO DEI CULTU INSTAURANDO, VELUT APOSTOLUM QUENDAM DIXERO. DIXISSE ME QUOD RES EST EXISTIMABO. THEOD. BEZA. Manufactured in the United States of America [Illustration] $TABLE OF CONTENTS$. PAGE ADVERTISEMENT, vii CHRONOLOGICAL NOTES OF THE CHIEF EVENTS IN THE LIFE OF JOHN KNOX, xi HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND. INTRODUCTORY NOTICE, xxv BOOK FIRST, 1494--1558, 1 BOOK SECOND, 1558--1559, 295 APPENDIX. No. I.--INTERPOLATIONS AND VARIOUS READINGS IN BOOK FIRST AND SECOND IN BUCHANAN'S EDITIONS OF THE HISTORY, IN 1644, 477 No. II.--ON THE LOLLARDS IN SCOTLAND, DURING THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY, 496 No. III.--PATRICK HAMILTON, ABBOT OF FERNE, 500 No. IV.--ON THE ROYAL PILGRIMAGES TO THE SHRINE OF ST. DUTHACK, AT TAIN, IN ROSS-SHIRE, 515 No. V.--FOXE'S ACCOUNT OF HENRY FORREST, AND OTHER MARTYRS IN SCOTLAND, DURING THE REIGN OF KING JAMES THE FIFTH, 516 No. VI.--NOTICES OF THE PROTESTANT EXILES FROM SCOTLAND, DURING THE REIGN OF KING JAMES THE FIFTH, 526 No. VII.--ALEXANDER SEYTON, 531 No. VIII.--SIR JOHN BORTHWICK, 533 No. IX.--GEORGE WISHART, 534 No. X.--JOHN ROUGH, 537 No. XI.--NORMAN LESLEY, 541 No. XII.--ADAM WALLACE, 543 No. XIII.--WALTER MYLN, 550 No. XIV.--ON THE TITLE OF SIR APPLIED TO PRIESTS, 555 No. XV.--ON THE TUMULT IN EDINBURGH, AT THE PROCESSION ON ST. GILES'S DAY, 1558, 558 No. XVI.--PROVINCIAL COUNCILS IN SCOTLAND, 1549-1559, 561 No. XVII.--LETTER OF MARY QUEEN OF SCOTS TO LORD JAMES, PRIOR OF THE MONASTERY OF ST. ANDREWS. JULY 1559, 562 No. XVIII.--DAVID FORREST, GENERAL OF THE MINT, 563 [Illustration] ILLUSTRATIONS PAGE No. I. IOANNES CNOXVS. _From_ THEOD. BEZÆ ICONES, etc., M.D.LXXX. xii No. II. HANDWRITTEN PREFACE _facing page_ xxxi No. VII. SIGNATURE OF M JO. KNOX. xxxiv augusti 18 a^o 1581 $ADVERTISEMENT$. This publication of the Works of JOHN KNOX, it is supposed, will extend to Five Volumes. It was thought advisable to commence the series with his History of the Reformation in Scotland, as the work of greatest importance. The next volume will thus contain the Third and Fourth Books, which continue the History to the year 1564; at which period his historical labours may be considered to terminate. But the Fifth Book, forming a sequel to the History, and published under his name in 1644, will also be included. His Letters and Miscellaneous Writings will be arranged in the subsequent volumes, as nearly as possible in chronological order; each portion being introduced by a separate notice, respecting the manuscript or printed copies from which they have been taken. It may perhaps be expected that a Life of the Author should have been prefixed to this volume. The Life of Knox, by DR. M'CRIE, is however a work so universally known, and of so much historical value, as to supersede any attempt that might be made for a detailed biography; and none of the earlier sketches of his life is sufficiently minute or accurate to answer the purpose intended. In order to obviate the necessity of the reader having recourse to other authorities, I have added some chronological notices of the leading events in his life; reserving to the conclusion of the work any remarks, in connexion with this publication, that may seem to be requisite. I was very desirous of obtaining a Portrait of the Reformer, to accompany this volume. Hitherto all my inquiries have failed to discover any undoubted original painting, among several which have either been so described, or engraved as such.[1] In the meantime, a tolerably accurate fac-simile is given of the wood-cut portrait of Knox,[2] included by Theodore Beza, in his volume entitled "ICONES, _id est_, Veræ Imagines Virorum Doctrina simul et Pietate illustrium," &c., published at Geneva, in the year 1580, 4to. It is the earliest of the engraved portraits, and, so far as we can judge, it ought to serve as a kind of test by which other portraits must be tried. A similar head engraved on copper, is to be found in Verheiden's "Præstantium aliquot Theologorum, &c., Effigies," published at the Hague, in 1602, folio; but this, I apprehend, is merely an improved copy from Beza, and not taken from an original painting. It does not retain the expressive character of the ruder engraving, although the late Sir David Wilkie, whose opinion in such matters was second to none, was inclined to prefer this of Verheiden to any at least of the later portraits of the Reformer.[3] It may not here be superfluous to mention, that this publication was projected by the Editor many years ago, and that some arrangements had been entered into for having it printed in England. When the WODROW SOCIETY, therefore, expressed a willingness to undertake the work, I proposed as a necessary condition, that I should have the privilege of causing a limited impression to be thrown off, for sale, chiefly in England; and the Council, in the most liberal manner, at once acquiesced in this proposal. Instead however of availing myself to the full extent of their liberality, which some circumstances rendered less desirable, but in order to avoid throwing, either upon the Society or the Editor, the extra expenses which have been incurred in various matters connected with the publication, it was finally arranged that a much more limited impression than was first proposed, should be thrown off on paper to be furnished by the BANNATYNE CLUB, for the use of the Members of that Institution. NOVEMBER, 1846. $CHRONOLOGICAL NOTES$. IOANNES CNOXVS. [Illustration: _From_ THEOD. BEZÆ ICONES, etc., M.D.LXXX.] $CHRONOLOGICAL NOTES OF THE CHIEF EVENTS IN THE LIFE OF JOHN KNOX$. [SN: 1505.] Knox was born this year, at the village of Gifford, near the town of Haddington, in East-Lothian. His father is said to have been descended from the Knoxes of Ranferly, in the county of Renfrew; and the name of his mother was Sinclair. Knox himself, in describing an interview with the Earl of Bothwell, in 1562, mentions that his father, grandfather, and great-grandfather, had all served his Lordship's predecessors, and that some of them had died under their standards; which implies that they must have been settled for a considerable period in East-Lothian, where the Hepburns, Earls of Bothwell, had their chief residence. [SN: 1522.] After being educated at Haddington, Knox was sent to the University of Glasgow; where John Major was Principal Regent or Professor of Philosophy and Divinity. The name "Joh[=a]nes Knox," occurs in the Registers of the University, among those of the students who were incorporated in the year 1522. There is no evidence to shew that he afterwards proceeded to St. Andrews, as is usually stated, either to complete his academical education, or publicly to teach philosophy, for which he had not qualified himself by taking his degree of Master of Arts. If he ever taught philosophy, it must have been in the way of private tuition. [Sidenote 1530.] About this time Knox took priest's orders; and he was probably connected, for upwards of ten years, with one of the religious establishments in the neighbourhood of Haddington. It is generally supposed, that between the years 1535 and 1540, in the course of his private studies, the perusal of the writings of Augustine and other ancient Fathers, led him to renounce scholastic theology, and that he was thus prepared, at a mature period of life, to profess his adherence to the Protestant faith. [SN: 1541.] March 8. The name of "Schir John Knox" occurs among the witnesses to a deed concerning Rannelton Law, in a Protocol-book belonging to the borough of Haddington; and there is no reason to doubt that this was the Reformer. [SN: 1544.] Knox entered the family of Hugh Douglas of Longniddry, as tutor of his sons Francis and George Douglas; and also of Alexander Cockburn, son of John Cockburn of Ormiston. [SN: 1545.] In this year he attached himself as an avowed adherent of George Wishart, from the time of his first visit to East-Lothian. [SN: 1546.] George Wishart suffered martyrdom at St. Andrews, on the 1st of March 1545-6; and on the 29th of May that year, Cardinal Beaton was murdered. [SN: 1547.] April 10. Knox, with his young pupils, entered the Castle of St. Andrews, as a place of safety from the persecution of the Popish clergy. May. At the end of this month, or early in June, he received a public call to the ministry, which he obeyed with great reluctance; but having undertaken the office, he continued, along with John Rough, to preach both in the parish Church, and in the Castle until its surrender. June. The French fleet appeared in St. Andrews Bay, to lay siege to the Castle, which surrendered on the 30th of July; but in defiance of the terms of capitulation, the chief persons in the place were sent as prisoners on board the French galleys. During this winter, the vessel on board of which Knox was confined, remained in the river Loire. [SN: 1548.] The vessel returned to Scotland, about the time of the siege of Haddington in June; and when within sight of St. Andrews, Knox uttered his memorable prediction, that he would yet survive to preach in that place where God had opened his mouth for the ministry. During this winter, he was kept prisoner at Rouen, where he wrote a Preface to Balnaves's Treatise of Justification, which was sent to Scotland, and until some years after his death, was supposed to be lost. [SN: 1549.] February. Knox obtained his liberty, after an imprisonment of nineteen months. He came to England, and soon afterwards was appointed by the English Council to be a preacher in the town of Berwick. [SN: 1550.] April 4. Knox was summoned to appear at Newcastle before Dr. Tonstall, Bishop of Durham, to give an account of his doctrine. At the close of this year he was removed from Berwick to Newcastle, where he continued his ministerial labours. [SN: 1551.] December. Knox was appointed by the Privy Council of England one of six Chaplains to Edward the Sixth. This led to his occasional residence in London during 1552 and 1553. [SN: 1552.] October. He received an offer of the Bishopric of Rochester; but this preferment he declined. [SN: 1553.] In or about February, Knox was summoned before the Privy Council of England, upon complaints made by the Duke of Northumberland; but was acquitted. April 14. He also declined accepting the vacant living of All-Hallows, in London, and, on account of his refusal, was again summoned before the Privy Council. Edward the Sixth died on the 6th of July, and the persecution of the Protestants being revived during the reign of Queen Mary, most of the Reformed ministers and many of the laity made their escape, and sought refuge in foreign countries, in the course of that year. [SN: 1554.] January 28. Knox was at Dieppe, where he remained till the end of February. He then proceeded to Geneva, but was again at Dieppe in July, "to learn the estate of England." April 10. The Queen Dowager, Mary of Guise, was installed Regent of Scotland. On the 4th of September, he received a call from the English Congregation at Frankfort on the Maine, to become their minister. He accepted the invitation, and repaired to that city in November. [SN: 1555.] In consequence of the disputes which arose in the English Congregation at Frankfort, in regard to the use of the Book of Common Prayer, and the introduction of various ceremonies. Knox was constrained to relinquish his charge; and having preached a farewell discourse on the 26th of March, he left that city, and returned to Geneva. Here he must have resumed his ministerial labours; as, on the 1st of November that year, in the "Livre des Anglois, à Geneve," it is expressly said, that Christopher Goodman and Anthony Gilby were "appointed to preche the word of God and mynyster the Sacraments, _in th' absence of John Knox_." This refers to his having resolved to visit his native country. Knox proceeded to Dieppe in August, and in the following month landed on the east coast of Scotland, not far from Berwick. Most of this winter he spent in Edinburgh, preaching and exhorting in private. [SN: 1556.] In the beginning of this year Knox went to Ayrshire, accompanied with several of the leading Protestants of that county, and preached openly in the town of Ayr, and in other parts of the country. He was summoned to appear before a Convention of the Popish Clergy, on the 15th of May, at Edinburgh. About the same time, he addressed his Letter to the Queen Regent. Having received a solicitation for his return to Geneva, to become one of their pastors, Knox left Scotland in July that year. Before this time he married Marjory Bowes. Her father was Richard, the youngest son of Sir Ralph Bowes of Streatlam; her mother was Elizabeth, a daughter and co-heiress of Sir Roger Aske of Aske. On the 13th September, Knox, along with his wife and his mother-in-law, were formally admitted members of the English Congregation. At the annual election of Ministers, on the 16th of December, Knox and Goodman were re-elected. [SN: 1557.] Having received a pressing invitation from Scotland, which he considered to be his duty to accept, Knox took leave of the Congregation at Geneva, and came to Dieppe; but finding letters of an opposite tenor, dissuading him from coming till a more favourable opportunity, after a time he returned again to Geneva. In May, his son Nathaniel was born at Geneva, and was baptized on the 23d, William Whittingham, afterwards Dean of Durham, being god-father. On the 16th of December, Knox and Goodman still continued to be ministers of the English Congregation at Geneva. [SN: 1558.] April. Mary Queen of Scots was married, at Paris, to Francis, Dauphin of France. In this year Knox republished, with additions, his Letter to the Queen Regent; and also his Appellation from the cruel sentence of the Bishops and Clergy of Scotland; and his First Blast of the Trumpet against the Regiment of Women. In November, his son Eleazar was born at Geneva, and was baptized on the 29th, Myles Coverdale, formerly Bishop of Exeter, being witness or god-father. November 17. Upon the death of Mary Queen of England, Elizabeth ascended the throne. On the 16th December, Knox and Goodman were again re-elected ministers of the English Congregation. [SN: 1559.] January 7. Knox took his final departure from Geneva, in consequence of an invitation to return to Scotland; and was on that occasion honoured with the freedom of the city. In March, he arrived at Dieppe, and finding that the English Government refused to grant him a safeconduct, on the 22d April he embarked for Leith, and reached Edinburgh on the 2d May. During that month, the Queen Regent published a Declaration against the Protestants, and the Lords of the Congregation sent a deputation to remonstrate; but their remonstrance being despised, they took arms in self-defence. June 11. Knox preached in St. Andrews; and at Perth on the 25th, when the populace defaced several of the Churches or Monasteries in that city. July 7. He was elected Minister of Edinburgh. Owing to the troubles, within a brief space he was obliged to relinquish his charge; but he continued his labours elsewhere for a time, chiefly at St. Andrews. July 10. On the death of Henry II. of France, his son Francis, who had espoused Mary Queen of Scots, and had obtained the Matrimonial Crown of Scotland in November 1558, at the age of sixteen, ascended the throne of France. August 1. The Protestants assembled at Stirling, and having resolved to solicit aid from England, on the 3d of that month Knox proceeded to Berwick to hold a conference with Sir James Crofts. In this month, he sent Calvin a favourable report of his labours since his arrival in Scotland: Calvin's answer to this communication is dated in November. September 20. Knox's Wife and children, accompanied by Christopher Goodman, arrived in Edinburgh. October 18. The Protestants entered Edinburgh, while the Queen Regent retired to Leith, with the French troops which had come to her aid. [SN: 1560.] February 27. A treaty concluded between England and the Lords of the Congregation. The English fleet blockaded the port of Leith, and furnished reinforcements, their troops at the same time having entered Scotland. April. At the end of this month, Knox had returned to Edinburgh. His work on Predestination was published this year at Geneva. June 10. The Queen Regent died in the Castle of Edinburgh. Articles of Peace were concluded in July. August 1. The Scotish Parliament assembled; and, on the 17th, the Confession of Faith was ratified, and the Protestant religion formally established. December 5. Francis II. of France, the husband of Mary Queen of Scots, died. December 20. The first meeting of the General Assembly was held at Edinburgh. At the end of this year, Knox's Wife died, leaving him the two sons above mentioned. [SN: 1561.] An invitation having been sent by the Protestant Nobility to their young Queen, to revisit Scotland, she arrived from France, and assumed the Government, on the 19th of August. [SN: 1562.] May. Knox engaged in a dispute at Maybole, with Quintin Kennedy, Abbot of Crossragwell; of which dispute he published an account in the following year. December. He was summoned to appear before the Privy Council, on account of a circular letter which he had addressed to the chief Protestants, in virtue of a commission granted to him by the General Assembly. [SN: 1563.] The town of Edinburgh formed only one parish. Knox, when elected Minister, had the assistance of John Cairns as Reader. John Craig, minister of the Canongate or Holyrood, had been solicited to become his colleague, in April 1562; but his appointment did not take place till June 1563. [SN: 1564.] March. Knox married to his second wife, Margaret Stewart, daughter of Andrew Lord Ochiltree. June 30. He was appointed by the General Assembly to visit the churches in Aberdeen and the North of Scotland. The following Assembly, 26th of December, gave him a similar appointment for Fife and Perthshire. [SN: 1565.] Knox was summoned before the Privy Council, on account of a sermon which, on the 19th of August, he had preached in St. Giles's Church. [SN: 1566.] In this year he appears to have written the most considerable portion of his History of the Reformation; having commenced the work in 1559 or 1560. In consequence of the unsettled state of public affairs, after the murder of David Riccio, 9th of March, Knox left Edinburgh, and retired for a time to Kyle. June 19. James the Sixth was born in the Castle of Edinburgh. December. Knox obtained permission from the General Assembly to proceed to England, having received from the English Government a safeconduct, to visit his two sons, who were residing with some of their mother's relations. [SN: 1567.] February 10. Henry Lord Darnley was murdered. April 24. Bothwell carried off Queen Mary to the Castle of Dunbar; and their marriage was celebrated on the 15th of May. June 15. Bothwell fled from Carberry-hill to Dunbar; and the Queen was brought to Edinburgh, and afterwards confined in Lochleven Castle. About the same time, Knox returned from England. July 29. At the King's Coronation at Stirling, Knox preached an inaugural sermon on these words, "I was crowned young." August 22. James Earl of Murray was appointed Regent of Scotland. December 15. Knox preached at the opening of Parliament; and on the 20th, the Confession of Faith, which had been framed and approved by Parliament in 1560, with various Acts in favour of the Reformed religion, was solemnly ratified. [SN: 1568.] May 2. Queen Mary escaped from Lochleven; but her adherents, who had assembled at Langside, being defeated, she fled into England, and was imprisoned by Queen Elizabeth for the rest of her life; having been beheaded at Fotheringay on the 8th of February 1586-7. [SN: 1569.] January 23. The Earl of Murray was assassinated at Linlithgow; and on occasion of his funeral, Knox preached a sermon on these words, "Blessed are the dead who die in the Lord." (Rev. xiv. 13.) [SN: 1570.] July 12. Matthew Earl of Lennox was elected Regent of Scotland; but was assassinated on the 4th of September. On the following day, John Earl of Mar was chosen Regent. October. Knox had a stroke of apoplexy, but was enabled occasionally to resume his ministerial labours. [SN: 1571.] May 5. The troubles which then agitated the country induced Knox to quit the metropolis, and to retire to St. Andrews. September. The news arrived of the massacre of the Protestants on St. Bartholomew's Eve, 24th of August, at Paris, and in other parts of France. [SN: 1572.] July. On the cessation of hostilities, at the end of this month, a deputation from the citizens of Edinburgh was sent to St. Andrews, with a letter to Knox, expressive of their earnest desire "that once again his voice might be heard among them." He returned in August, having this year published, at St. Andrews, his Answer to Tyrie the Jesuit. The Earl of Mar died on the 29th of October; and James Earl of Morton, on the 24th of November, was elected Regent of Scotland. On the same day, the 24th of November, having attained the age of sixty-seven, Knox closed "his most laborious and most honourable career." He was buried in the church-yard of St. Giles; but, as in the case of Calvin, at Geneva, no monument was erected to mark the place where he was interred. * * * * * Knox left a widow, and two sons by his first marriage, and three daughters by the second. In the concluding volume will be given a genealogical tree, or notices of his descendants. $THE HISTORY$ OF THE $REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND$. [Illustration] $INTRODUCTORY NOTICE TO THE HISTORY$. In the long series of events recorded in the Annals of Scotland, there is unquestionably none of greater importance than those which exhibit the progress and establishment of the Reformed Religion in the year 1560. This subject has accordingly called forth in succession a variety of writers of different sentiments and persuasions. Although in the contemporary historians, Lesley, Buchanan, and their successors, we have more or less copious illustrations of that period, yet a little examination will show that we possess only one work which bears an exclusive reference to this great event, and which has any claims to be regarded as the production of an original historian. Fortunately the writer of the work alluded to was of all persons the best qualified to undertake such a task, not only from his access to the various sources of information, and his singular power and skill in narrating events and delineating characters, but also from the circumstance that he himself had a personal and no unimportant share in most of the transactions of those times, which have left the character of his own mind so indelibly impressed on his country and its institutions. It is scarcely necessary to subjoin the name of JOHN KNOX. The doubts which were long entertained respecting Knox's share in the "History of the Reformation," have been satisfactorily explained. Such passages as were adduced to prove that he could not have been the author, consist of palpable errors and interpolations. Without adverting to these suspicions, we may therefore attend to the time when the work was actually written. * * * * * The necessity of leaving upon record a correct account of their proceedings suggested itself to the Reformers at an early period of their career, and led to this History being commenced. Knox arrived in Scotland in May 1559; and by his presence and counsels, he served to animate and direct their measures, which were attended with so much success. In a letter dated from Edinburgh 23d October that year, while alluding to the events which had taken place during their contentions with the Queen Regent and her French auxiliaries, he uses these words, "Our most just requeastes, which ye shall, God willing, schortlie hereafter onderstand, together with our whole proceeding from the beginning of this matter, _which we ar to sett furth in maner of Historie_." That he had commenced the work, further appears from a letter, dated Edinburgh, 23d September 1560, and addressed to Secretary Cecil by the English Ambassador, Randolph, in which he says, "I have tawlked at large with MR. KNOX concerning his HYSTORIE. As mykle as ys written thereof shall be sent to your Honour, at the comynge of the Lords Embassadours, by Mr. John Woode. He hath wrytten only one Booke. If yow lyke that, he shall continue the same, or adde onie more. He sayethe, that he must have farther helpe then is to be had in thys countrie, for more assured knowledge of thyngs passed than he hath hymself, or can come bye here: yt is a work not to be neglected, and greatly wyshed that yt sholde be well handled." Whether this portion of the work was actually communicated to Cecil at that time, is uncertain; as no such manuscript has been discovered among his papers, either in the British Museum or the State Paper Office. It could only have consisted of part of the Second Book; and this portion remains very much in its original state, as may be inferred from these two passages.--In July 1559, while exposing "the craftyness of the Queen Regent," in desiring a private conference with the Earl of Argyle and Lord James Stewart, with the hope that she might be able to withdraw them from their confederates, we read, "And one of hir cheaf Counsale in those dayis, (_and we fear but over inward with hir yit_,) said," &c. See page 368 of this volume. This must necessarily have been written during the Queen Regent's life, or previously to June 1560. During the following month, after noticing the Earl of Arran's escape from France, and the imprisonment of his younger brother, Lord David Hamilton, it is stated, "For the same tyme, the said Frensche King, seing he could not have the Erle him self, gart put his youngar brother ... in strait prisoun, _quhair he yitt remaneis, to witt, in the moneth of October, the yeir of God_ 1559." See page 383. In like manner, in a letter of intelligence, dated at Hamilton, 12th October 1559, and addressed to Cecil, Randolph says, "Since Nesbot went from hence, the Duke never harde out of Fraunce, _nor newes of his son the Lord David_."--(Sadler's State Papers, vol. i. p. 500.) We might have supposed that his restraint was not of long duration, as he is named among the hostages left in England, at the treaty of Berwick, 27th February 1559-60; a circumstance of which Knox could not have been ignorant, as he gives a copy of the confirmation of the treaty by the Duke of Chastelherault and the Lords of the Congregation; but it appears from one of the articles in the treaty of peace in July, that Lord David Hamilton, who was still a prisoner at Bois de St. Vincent, in France, then obtained liberty to return to Scotland; and he arrived at Edinburgh in October 1560. We are therefore warranted to infer that this portion of the Second Book of his History, must have been written towards the end of the year 1559. Knox himself in his general Preface, says, the intention was to have limited the period of the History from the year 1558, until the arrival of Queen Mary from France to assume the government in this country, in August 1561; thus extending the period originally prescribed beyond the actual attainment of the great object at which the Reformers aimed, in the overthrow of Popish superstition, and the establishment by civil authority of the Protestant faith, which was actually secured by the proceedings of the Parliament that met at Edinburgh on the 1st of August 1560. But he further informs us, that he was persuaded not only to add the First Book as an Introduction, but to continue the Narrative to a later period. This plan of extending the work he carried into effect in the year 1566, when the First and Fourth Books were chiefly written, and when there is reason to believe that he revised and enlarged the intermediate portion, at least by dividing it into two parts, as Books Second and Third. The Fourth Book extends to the year 1564; and he seems to intimate that he himself had no intention to continue the History to a later period; for alluding to the death of David Riccio, in March 1565-6, he says, "of whom we delay now farther to speik, becaus that his end will requyre the descriptioun of the whole, _and referris it unto suche as God sall rayse up to do the same_;" and a marginal note on this passage, written probably by Richard Bannatyne in 1571, says "_This ves never done be this Authour_." Dr. M'Crie states, that "the First and Fourth Books were composed during the years 1566, 1567, and 1568," and that "some additions were made to the Fourth Book so late as 1571." The only evidence to support this supposition, is founded upon the circumstance of some marginal notes having been added in those years, and introduced by subsequent transcribers, as belonging to the text. Whether the Fifth Book, published by David Buchanan in 1644, was actually written by the Reformer, will be considered in the preliminary notice to that Book. Meanwhile it may be remarked, that the Author himself whilst occasionally engaged in collecting materials for a continuation of his History, felt the necessity of delaying the publication; and in a letter addressed to Mr. John Wood, 14th February 1567-8, he expresses the resolution he had formed of withholding the work from the public during his own life. MANUSCRIPT COPIES OF THE HISTORY. The Manuscript of the HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION which has been followed in this edition, fully confirms the preceding statements regarding the period of its composition. It also serves to shew that no suppressions or alterations had been made by his friends, after his death, in these Four Books. Such an intention is alluded to, in a letter, dated from Stirling, 6th August 1572, and addressed to Randolph, by George Buchanan:--"As to MAISTER KNOX, his HISTORIE is in hys freindes handes, and thai ar in consultation to mitigat sum part the acerbite of certain wordis, and sum taunts wherein he has followit too muche sum of your Inglis writaris, as M. Hal. et suppilatorem ejus Graftone, &c." The Manuscript contains Four Books, transcribed by several hands, and at different intervals. Notwithstanding this diversity of hand-writing, there is every reason to believe that the most considerable part of the volume was written in the year 1566, although it is not improbable that in the Second and Third Books a portion of the original MS. of 1559 may have been retained. The marginal notes, which specify particular dates, chiefly refer to the years 1566, or 1567, and they leave no doubt in regard to the actual period when the bulk of the MS. was written, as those bearing the date 1567 are clearly posterior to the transcription of the pages where they occur. Some of these notes, as well as a number of minute corrections, are evidently in Knox's own hand; but the latter part of Book Fourth could not have been transcribed until the close of the year 1571. This is proved by the circumstance that the words, "BOT WNTO THIS DAY, THE 17. OF DECEMBER 1571," form an integral part of the text, near the foot of fol. 359, in "The Ressonyng betuix the Maister of Maxwell and John Knox." The whole of this section indeed is written somewhat hastily, like a scroll-copy, probably by Richard Bannatyne, his Secretary, from dictation; but whether it was merely rewritten in 1571, or first added in that year to complete Book Fourth, must be left to conjecture. I.--MANUSCRIPT OF 1566.--IN THE EDITOR'S POSSESSION. The accompanying leaf exhibits an accurate fac-simile of part of the first page of the MS; and it is worthy of notice, that in the Wodrow Miscellany, vol. i. p. 287, a fac-simile of a paper entitled "The Kirkis Testimonial, &c.," dated 26th December 1565, is evidently by the same hand.[4] It has the signatures of three of the Superintendents, Erskine of Dun, John Spottiswood, and John Wynram, as well as that of John Knox. As this was a public document, and was no doubt written by the Clerk of the General Assembly, we may infer that Knox's amanuensis, in 1566, was either John Gray, who was Scribe or Clerk to the Assembly from 1560 till his death in 1574, or one of the other Scribes whom Knox mentions, in his interview with Queen Mary, in 1563, as having implicit confidence in their fidelity. But this is no very important point to determine, since the Manuscript itself bears such unequivocal proofs of having passed through the Author's hands. Two short extracts, (corresponding with pages 109 and 115 of this volume,) are also selected on account of the marginal notes, both of which I think are in Knox's own hand. Further specimens of such notes or corrections will be given in the next volume. At fol. 249, four leaves are left blank to allow the form of "The Election of the Superintendant" to be inserted; but this can be supplied from either the Glasgow MS. or the early printed copies. A more important omission would have been the First Book of Discipline, but this the MS. fortunately contains, in a more genuine state than is elsewhere preserved; and it will form no unimportant addition to the next volume of the History. The volume consists of 388 folios, chiefly written, as already stated, in the year 1566. No trace of its earlier possessors can be discovered; but the name of "Mr. Matthew Reid, Minister of North-Berwick" (from 1692 to 1729,) written on the first page, identifies it with a notice, which is given by the Editor of the 1732 edition: "There is also a complete MS. copy of the first four Books of this History belonging now to Mr. Gavin Hamilton, Bookseller in Edinburgh, which formerly belonged to the late Reverend Mr. Matthew Reid, Minister of the Gospel at North-Berwick; it is written in a very old hand, the old spelling is kept, and I am informed that it exactly agrees with the Glasgow MS., with which it was collated, during the time this edition was a printing." (page liii.) This MS., came into the possession of the Rev. John Jamieson, D.D., probably long before the publication of his Etymological Dictionary in 1808, where he mentions his having two MSS. of Knox's History, (this, and the one marked No. VIII.) in his list of authorities; but neither of them was known, and consequently had never been examined by Dr. M'Crie. At the sale of Dr. Jamieson's library in 1839, both MSS. were purchased by the Editor. In the firm persuasion that this MS. must have been written not only during the Reformer's life, but under his immediate inspection, and that all the existing copies were derived from it, more or less directly, I should have held it a most unprofitable labour to have collated the other MSS., for no other purpose than to notice the endless variations, omissions, and mistakes of later transcribers. The reader may think I have paid too much regard in this respect to the various readings or errors in Vautrollier's suppressed edition, and in the Glasgow Manuscript; but these copies being the only ones referable to the sixteenth century, are deserving of greater attention than those of a more recent age, while the variations pointed out frequently serve to account for the mistakes in the later transcripts. But before explaining the manner in which this edition has been printed, it may be proper to enumerate the other Manuscripts which are known to be preserved; and I may take this opportunity of expressing to the several Proprietors my grateful acknowledgments for the free use of the copies specified. II.--VAUTR. EDIT.--PRINTED AT LONDON IN 1586 OR 1587. This edition, described at page xxxix, is here introduced as representing an intermediate MS., from which some of the existing copies were apparently derived. Thomas Vautrollier the printer, a native of France, came to England in the beginning of Queen Elizabeth's reign. He retired to Scotland in the year 1584, and printed several works at Edinburgh in that and the following year. In 1586, he returned to London, carrying with him a manuscript copy of Knox's History, which he put to press; but all the copies were seized before the work was completed. The manuscript copy which he had obtained is not known to be preserved; but there is no reason to doubt that it was taken directly from the MS. of 1566. This appears from the marginal notes and a variety of minute coincidences, perceptible on collating the printed portion. We may likewise conclude, that from it several of the later transcripts were taken of the introductory portion, and the Fourth Book, to complete the text of the unfinished printed volume. III. MS. G.--IN THE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY, GLASGOW. In folio, containing 242 leaves, written before the end of the sixteenth century. This MS. was long considered to be the earliest and most authentic copy of the History, and consequently no small degree of importance was attached to it. Many years ago, (before I was aware of the existence of the MS. of 1566,) I obtained, through the Rev. Dr. M'Turk, late Professor of Ecclesiastical History, the use of this Manuscript for the purpose of collation; but I found that the text was so faithfully given in the Edinburgh edition 1732, folio, with the single exception of omitting such marginal notes as the MS. contains, that an entire collation of the text might only have exhibited slight occasional changes in orthography. At that time the MS. formed two volumes, in the old parchment covers, with uncut leaves; it has since been half-bound in one volume, and the edges unmercifully cropped. At the beginning of the volume there is inserted a separate leaf, being the title of a distinct work, having the signature of "M. Jo. Knox," in 1581, probably the nephew of the Reformer, who became Minister of Melrose. It has no connexion with the volume in which it is preserved; but it led to some vague conjectures that the writer of the History itself may have been "the younger Mr. Knox, seeing the former died in the year 1572, and the other was alive nine years after;" or else, "that the latter Mr. Knox had perfected the work, pursuant to the order of the General Assembly in the year 1573 or 1574, so far as it was to be found in this MS."[5] Respecting the time of transcription, one minute circumstance is worthy of notice: Knox in one place introduces the words, "as may be, &c., _in this year_ 1566," the copier has made it, "in this year 1586," an error not likely to have been committed previously to that year. But the hand-writing is clearly of a date about 1590, although the Fourth Book may have been a few years earlier. The absence of all those peculiar blunders which occur in Vautrollier's edition, evinces that the Glasgow MS. was derived from some other source; while the marginal notes in that edition are a sufficient proof that the MS. in question was not the one employed by the English printer. It is in fact a tolerably accurate copy of the MS. of 1566, with the exception of the marginal notes, and the entire omission of the First Book of Discipline. Nearly all the marginal notes in the First and Third Books are omitted; and others having been incorporated with the text, led to the supposition that Knox himself had revised the History at a later period of life. [Illustration: Signature: M Jo. Knox. augusti 18 a^o 1581] This manuscript was presented to the University of Glasgow by the Rev. Robert Fleming, Minister of a Scotish Congregation in London, and son of the author of "The Fulfilling of the Scriptures." Wodrow communicated to Bishop Nicolson, a collation of the MS. with Buchanan's folio edition of 1644, pointing out many of his interpolations. This letter was inserted by Nicolson in the Appendix to his Scotish Historical Library.[6] IV. MS. A. (1.)--IN THE ADVOCATES LIBRARY. In 4to, pp. 403. This MS. was acquired by the Faculty of Advocates, in 1792, with the mass of Wodrow's MSS.--It is very neatly written by Charles Lumisden, whose name (but partially erased) with the date 1643, occurs on the fly-leaf. Wodrow was correct in imagining that the greater portion of the volume was transcribed from Vautrollier's edition, some of the more glaring typographical errors being corrected; but in fact this copy was made from a previous transcript by Lumisden, to be mentioned as No. X. MS. W. It contains however the Fourth Book of the History; and Wodrow has collated the whole very carefully with the Glasgow MS., and has marked the chief corrections and variations in the margin. V. MS. A. (2.)--IN THE ADVOCATES LIBRARY. In folio. This volume also belonged to the Wodrow collection. It is written in a very careless, slovenly manner, after the year 1639, by one Thomas Wood; and is scarcely entitled to be reckoned in the number of the MSS., as it omits large portions. Thus, on the title of Book Fourth, it is called "A Collection from the Fourth Book," &c. VI. MS. E.--IN THE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY, EDINBURGH. In folio, 143 leaves, written in an ordinary hand, apparently about the year 1635. It contains the Four Books, and includes both the First and Second Books of Discipline; but it omits all the marginal notes, and displays very little accuracy on the part of the transcriber. It is in fact a transcript from the identical copy of Vautrollier's edition, described as No. XIII., from its adopting the various marginal corrections and emendations on the printed portions of that copy. VII. MS. I.--IN THE POSSESSION OF DAVID IRVING, LL. D. In folio, 266 leaves, written in a neat hand, and dated 1641. It contains the Four Books; but, like the three preceding MSS., it may without doubt be regarded as a transcript from Vautrollier's edition, with the addition of Book Fourth of the History. It also contains both the First and Second Books of Discipline, copied from Calderwood's printed edition of 1621, with such minute fidelity, as even to add the list of typographical "Errata" at the end, with the references to the page and line of that edition. VIII. MS. L. (2.)--IN THE EDITOR'S POSSESSION. In folio, 180 leaves, written probably between 1620 and 1630. It wants several leaves at the beginning, and breaks off with the Third Book, adding the Acts of Parliament against the Mass, &c., passed in 1560. It formerly belonged to the Rev. Dr. Jamieson, and was purchased at his sale in 1839. The press-marks on the fly leaf may probably identify the collection to which it formerly belonged, "2 H. 16.--Hist. 51," and "a. 66." Notwithstanding a MS. note by Dr. Jamieson, it is a transcript of no value, corresponding in most points with Vautrollier's edition. IX. MS. N.--IN THE LIBRARY AT NEWTONDON. In folio, pp. 387. This is a MS. of still less importance, but it serves to show the rarity of Vautrollier's printed edition, previously to the appearance of Buchanan's editions in 1644. On the first leaf, the celebrated covenanting Earl of Glencairne has written,-- "This is the copie of Johne Knox his Chronicle, coppiede in the yeere of God 1643.--GLENCAIRNE." It is in fact a literal transcript from a defective copy of the old suppressed edition; as the blanks in the MS. at pages 156, 157, and pages 166, 167, which break off, or commence at the middle of a sentence, would be completely supplied by pages 225, 226, and pages 239, 240, of Vautrollier's text. At page 347, only the heads of the Confession of Faith are inserted, "but (it is added) yee shall find them fullie set downe in the first Parliament of King James the Sext, holden at Edinburgh the 15 of December 1567, by James Earle of Murray, Regent to this Realme." This MS. ends with page 546 of the printed copy; and after the words "would not suffer this corrupt generation to approve," instead of commencing with the Book of Discipline, from page 547, there is added, "_And because the whole Booke of Discipline, both First and Secund, is sensyne printed by the selfe in one Booke, I cease to insert it heere, and referres the reader to the said booke. Finis._" X. MS. W.--IN THE POSSESSION OF RICHARD WHYTOCK, ESQ., EDINBURGH. In 4to, pp. 452, not perfect. It is in the hand-writing of Charles Lumisden, who succeeded his father as Minister of Duddingstone, and who, during the reign of Charles the First, was much employed in transcribing. It is unquestionably copied from Vautrollier's printed edition, but many of the palpable mistakes have been corrected, and the orthography improved. In general the marginal notes are retained, while some others, apparently derived from David Buchanan's printed text, are added in a different hand. Like Vautrollier's edition, at page 560, this MS. breaks off with the first portion of the Book of Discipline, at the end of Book Third of the History. Such are the MANUSCRIPT copies of Knox's History which are known to be preserved. There are however still existing detached portions of the History, made with the view of completing the defective parts of Vautrollier's edition; and these may also be briefly indicated. XI. MS. C.--In the Library of the Church of Scotland. This MS., in folio, was purchased by the General Assembly in 1737, from the executors of the Rev. Matthew Crawfurd. The volume is in the old parchment cover, and has the autograph of "Alex. Colvill" on the first page. But it contains only the preliminary leaves of the text, and the concluding portion of the First Book of Discipline, (the previous portion being oddly copied at the end of it;) and Book Fourth of the History, all in the hand of a Dutch amanuensis, about 1640, for the purpose of supplying the imperfections of the suppressed edition. XII. MS. M.--In a copy of Vautrollier's edition, which belonged to the Rev. Dr. M'Crie, and is now in the possession of his son, the Rev. Thomas M'Crie, the same portions are supplied in an early hand, containing eight leaves at the beginning, and ninety-nine at the end, along with a rude ornamented title, and a portrait of Knox, copied by some unpractised hand from one of the old engravings. It contains the concluding portion of the First Book of Discipline, but several of the paragraphs in Book Fourth of the History are abridged or omitted. XIII. MS. L. (3.)--A copy of the same volume, with these portions similarly supplied, and including both the First and Second Books of Discipline, appeared at the sale of George Paton's Library, in 1809. It is now in the Editor's possession. A number of the errors in printing have been carefully corrected on the margin, in an old hand; and the MS. portions are written in the same hand with No. VI. MS. E. of the entire work, which is literally transcribed from this identical copy. XIV. and XV. MSS. L. (4 and 5.)--I have also a separate transcript of Book Fourth, in folio, 44 leaves, written about the year 1640; and another portion, in small 8vo, written in a still older hand, for the purpose of being bound with the suppressed edition. PRINTED EDITIONS OF THE HISTORY. Vautrollier's unfinished and suppressed edition, in 1586 or 1587, has already been noticed at page xxxii. The fate of this edition is thus recorded by Calderwood, in his larger MS. History:--"February 1586. Vauttrollier the printer took with him a copy of Mr. Knox's History to England, and printed twelve hundred of them; the Stationers, at the Archbishop's command, seized them the 18 of February [1586-7]; it was thought that he would get leave to proceed again, because the Council perceived that it would bring the Queen of Scots in detestation." The execution of the unfortunate Queen, which followed so soon after, or the death of the Printer himself, in 1588, may have prevented its completion. But copies had speedily come into circulation in its unfinished state. Thus Dr. (afterwards Archbishop) Bancroft, who frequently quotes this suppressed edition, says,--"If euer you meete with the Historie of the Church of Scotland, penned by Maister Knox, and printed by Vautrouillier: reade the pages quoted here in the margent."--(A Survay of the pretended Holy Discipline, &c. Imprinted at London, by Iohn Wolfe, 1593, 4to, p. 48.) It is most inaccurately printed.[7] This may have been partly owing to the state of the MS. which he had procured in Scotland, as well as to haste in printing, and ignorance of the names of persons and places which occur in the work. The following is a fac-simile reprint of the first page, which corresponds with pages 10-11 of the present volume:-- CHVRCH OF SCOTLAND. 17 BY THESE ARTICLES which God of his mercifull prouidence causeth the enemies of his truth to keepe in their registers maye appeare how mercifully God hath looked vppon this realme, retayning within it some sparke of his light, euen in the time of greatest darknes. Neither ought any m[=a] to wonder albeit that some things be obscurely and some thinges doubtfully spoken. But rather ought al faithfull to magnifie Gods mercy who without publike doctrine gaue so great light. And further we ought to consider that seeing that the enemies of Iesus Christe gathered the foresaide articles there vppon to accuse the persones aforesaide, that they woulde depraue the meaninge of Gods seruauntes so farre as they coulde, as we doubt not but they haue done, in the heads of excommunication, swearing and of matrimony: In the which it is no doubt but the seruaunts of God did damne the abuse onelye, and not the right ordinance of God: for who knowes not that excommunication in these dayes was altogeather abused? That swearing aboundeth without punishment or remorse of conscience: And that diuorcementes was made, for such causes as worldly men had inuented: but to our history. Albeit that the accusation of the Bishop and of his complices was very grieuous, yet God so assisted his seruauntes partly by inclining the kinges heart to gentlenes (for diuerse of them were his great familiars) and partly by giuing bold and godly aunswers to their accusators, that the enemies in the ende were frustrate of their purpose. For while the Bishop in mockage saide to Adam reade of blaspheming, read beleeue ye that God is in heauen? he answered Not as I do the sacramentes seuen: whereat the bishop thinking to haue triumphed said: Sir loe Vautrollier's edition is a small 8vo, commencing with signature B, page 17, and breaking off with signature Mm, page 560, or near the beginning of the 5th chapter of the Book of Discipline, which Knox has introduced at the conclusion of Book Third of his History. Copies of this volume in fine condition are of rare occurrence. The edition of the History published at London by David Buchanan in 1644, and reprinted at Edinburgh in the same year, in all probability under his own inspection, will be more particularly noticed in the following volume. It might perhaps have been well had this publication been actually prohibited, as Milton[8] seems to indicate was not unlikely to have taken place. So much use at least had been made of the unwarrantable liberties taken by the Editor, in altering and adding passages, as for a length of time to throw discredit on the whole work. At length there appeared the very accurate edition, published at Edinburgh 1732, with a Life of the author, by the Rev. Matthew Crawfurd. Besides this and the two editions published in a more popular form by William M'Gavin, at Glasgow, there are numerous modernized and spurious republications, all of them taken from Buchanan's interpolated editions, and published at Edinburgh, Glasgow, and Dundee, between the years 1731 and 1832. Even at an early period, both Calderwood, who had made such copious extracts from the work, and Spottiswood, who expressed his doubts respecting its authorship, appear to have employed Vautrollier's inaccurate edition. The necessity of publishing the work with greater care and in its most genuine form, will therefore by readily admitted. The acquisition of the Manuscript of 1566, has enabled the Editor to accomplish this, to a certain extent, by presenting the text of the History in the precise form "wherein he hath continued and perfectly ended at the year of God 1564," according to the declaration made to the first General Assembly which met after his death. Having such a MS. to follow, I have adhered to it with much more scrupulous accuracy, in regard to the othography,[9] than otherwise might have been deemed advisable. At first sight, indeed, the language may appear somewhat uncouth, and it may require a Glossary to be subjoined; but it was of essential importance that the work should be published in its original form, with the Author's own marginal notes and relections, as the genuine production of the great SCOTISH REFORMER. * * * * * The labour bestowed by the Author in collecting information, with the desire of giving a true and faithful History of these transactions, rendered it also desirable that more than ordinary care should be bestowed in illustrating his narrative. For this purpose, I have taken considerable pains to identify the persons and places mentioned in the course of this History. Knox himself, on more than one occasion, states, that while he was careful in relating facts, he was no observer of _times_ and _seasons_, in other words, that he made no pretensions to minute accuracy in dates. It became the more necessary to devote particular attention, either to confirm or correct his dates, by reference to contemporary documents; and no source that was accessible has been overlooked, although I am fully sensible that I may have failed in making suitable use of the information thus obtained. I have at least endeavoured to avoid cumbering the page with notes, unless where they seemed necessary to illustrate the text; and I consider no apology to be required for the Articles inserted in the Appendix. THE FIRST BOOKE OF THE HISTORY OF THE REFORMATIOUN OF RELIGIOUN WITHIN THE REALME OF SCOTLAND: CONTEANYNG THE MANER AND BY WHAT PERSONS THE LIGHT OF CHRISTIS EVANGELL HATH BENE MANIFESTED UNTO THIS REALME, AFTER THAT HORRIBLE AND UNIVERSALL DEFECTIOUN FROM THE TREWTH, WHICH HES CUME BY THE MEANES OF THAT ROMANE ANTICHRIST. THE PREFACE. TO THE GENTILL READAR, GRACE AND PEACE FROME GOD THE FATHER OF OUR LORD JESUS CHRIST, WITH THE PERPETUALL ENCREASE OF THE HOLY SPREIT.[10] It is not unknowen, Christeane Reader, that the same clud[11] of ignorance, that long hath darkened many realmes under this accurssed kingdome of that Romane Antichrist, hath also owercovered this poore Realme; that idolatrie[12] hath bein manteined, the bloode of innocentis hath bene sched, and Christ Jesus his eternall treuth hath bene abhorred, detested, and blasphemed. But that same God that caused light to schyne out of darknes, in the multitud of his mercyes, hath of long tyme opened the eis[13] of some evin within this Realme, to see the vanitie of that which then was universally embrased for trew religioun; and hes gevin unto them strenth to oppone thame selfis unto the same: and now, into these our last and moist corrupt dayis, hath maid his treuth so to triumphe amonges us, that, in despyte of Sathan, hipochrisye is disclosed, and the trew wyrschipping of God is manifested to all the inhabitantis of this realme whose eis[14] Sathan blyndis not, eyther by thair fylthy lustes, or ellis by ambitioun, and insatiable covetousnes, which maek them repung to the power of God working by his worde. And becaus we ar not ignorant what diverse bruittis war dispersed of us, the professoures of Jesus Christ within this realme, in the begynnyng of our interprise, ordour was lackin, that all our proceidingis should be committed to register; as that thei war, by such as then paynfullie travailled[15] boith by toung and pen; and so was collected a just volume, (as after will appeir,) conteanyng thingis done frome the fyftie-awght[16] year of God, till the arrivall of the Quenis Majestie furth of France,[17] with the which the Collectour and Writtar for that tyme was content, and never mynded further to have travailled in that kynd of writting.[18] But, after invocatioun of the name of God, and after consultatioun with some faythfull,[19] what was thought by thame expedient to advance Goddis glorie, and to edifie this present generatioun, and the posteritie to come, it was concluded, that faythfull rehersall should be maid of such personages as God had maid instrumentis of his glorie, by opponyng of thame selfis to manifest abuses, superstitioun, and idolatrie; and, albeit thare be no great nomber, yet ar thei mo then the Collectour wold have looked for at the begynnyng, and thairfoir is the volume some what enlarged abuif his expectatioun: And yit, in the begynnyng, mon we crave of all the gentill Readaris, not to look of us such ane History as shall expresse all thingis that have occurred within this Realme, during the tyme of this terrible conflict that hes bene betuix the sanctes of God and these bloody wolves who clame to thame selves the titill of clargie, and to have authoritie ower the saules of men; for, with the Pollicey,[20] mynd we to meddill no further then it hath Religioun mixed with it. And thairfoir albeit that many thingis which wer don be omitted, yit, yf we invent no leys, we think our selves blamless in that behalf. Of one other [thing] we mon foirwarne the discreat Readaris, which is, that thei be not offended that the sempill treuth be spokin without partialitie; for seing that of men we neyther hunt for reward, nor yitt for vane[21] glorie, we litill pass by the approbatioun of such as seldome judge weill of God and of his workis. Lett not thairfoir the Readar wonder, albeit that our style vary and speik diverslie of men, according as thei have declared thame selves sometymes ennemyes and sometymes freindis, sometymes fervent, sometymes cold, sometymes constant, and sometymes changeable in the cause of God and of his holy religioun: for, in this our simplicitie, we suppoise that the Godlie shall espy our purpose, which is, that God may be praised for his mercy schawin, this present age may be admonished to be thankfull for Goddis benefittis offerred, and the posteritie to cum may be instructed how wonderouslie hath the light of Christ Jesus prevailled against darkness in this last and most corrupted age. HISTORIÆ INITIUM.[22] In the Scrollis of Glasgw is found mentioun of one whais name is not expressed,[23] that, in the year of God 1422, was burnt for heresye;[24] bot what war his opinionis, or by what ordour he was condempned, it appearis not evidentlie. But our Cronikilles mack mentioun, that in the dayis of King James the First, about the year of God 1431, was deprehended in the Universitie of Sanctandrose, one named Paull Craw,[25] a Bohame,[26] who was accused of heresye befoir such as then war called Doctouris of Theologie. His accusatioun consisted principallye, that he followed Johnne Husse and Wyckleif, in the opinioun of the sacrament, who denyed that the substance of braid and wyn war changed be vertew of any wourdis; or that confessioun should be maid to preastis; or yitt prayeris to sanctes departed. Whill that God geve unto him grace to resist thame, and not to consent to thair impietie, he was committed to the secular judge, (for our bischoppis follow Pilat, who boith did condempne, and also wesche[27] his handis,) who condempned him to the fyre; in the quhilk he was consumed in the said citie of Sanctandrose, about the time afoir writtin. And to declair thame selvis to be the generatioun of Sathan, who, from the begynnyng, hath bein ennemy to the treuth, and he that desyrith the same to be hyd frome the knowledge of men, thei putt a ball of brass in his mouth, to the end that he should nott geve confessioun of his fayth to the people, neyther yit that thei should understand the defence which he had against thair injust accusatioun and condemnatioun. Bot that thair fatheris practise did nott greatlie advance thair kingdome of darknes, nether yit was it able utterlie to extingueise the trewth: For albeit, that in the dayis of Kingis James the Secund and Thrid, we fynd small questioun of religioun moved within this Realme, yit in the tyme of King James the Fourt, in the saxt year of his reigne, and in the twenty-twa yeir of his age, which was in the year of God 1494, war summoned befoir the King and his Great Counsell, by Robert Blackedar called Archebischope of Glasgw,[28] the nomber of thretty personis, remanyng some in Kyle-Stewart, some in Kingis-Kyile, and some in Cunyghame;[29] amonges whome,[30] George Campbell of Sesnok, Adame Reid of Barskymming, Johne Campbell of New Mylnes, Andro Shaw of Polkemmate, Helen Chalmour Lady Pokillie,[31] [Marion][32] Chalmours Lady Stairs: These war called the LOLARDIS OF KYLE. Thei war accused of the Articles following, as we have receaved thame furth of the Register[33] Glasgw. * * * * * I. First, That Images ar not to be had, nor yitt to be wirschepped. II. That the Reliques of Sanctes are not to be wirschepped. III. That Lawis and Ordinances of men vary frome tyme to tyme, and that by the Pape. IV. That it is not lauchfull to feght, or to defend the fayth. (We translait according to the barbarousnes of thair Latine and dictament.[34]) V. That Christ gave power to Petir onlie, and not to his successouris, to bynd and lowse within the Kyrk. VI. That Christ ordeyned no Preastis to consecrat. VII. That after the consecratioun in the Messe, thare remanes braid;[35] and that thair is nott the naturall body of Christ. VIII. That teythes aught not to be given to Ecclesiasticall men, (as thei war then called.) IX. That Christ at his cuming has tackin away power from Kingis to judge.[36] (This article we dowbt not to be the vennemouse accusatioun of the ennemyes, whose practise has ever bene to mack the doctrin of Jesus Christ suspect to Kingis and rewllaris, as that God thairby wold depose thame of thair royall seattis, whare by the contrair, nothing confermes the power of magistrates more then dois Goddis wourd.--But to the Articles.) X. That everie faythfull man or woman is a preast. XI. That the unctioun of Kingis ceassed at the cuming of Christ. XII. That the Pape is not the successour of Petir, but whare he said, "Go behynd me, Sathan." XIII. That the Pape deceavis the people by his Bulles and his Indulgenses. XIV. That the Messe profiteth not the soules that ar in purgatorye. XV. That the Pape and the bischoppis deceave the people by thare pardonis. XVI. That Indulgenses aught not to be granted to feght against the Saracenes. XVII. That the Pape exaltis him self against God, and abuf God. XVIII. That the Pape can nott remitt the panes of purgatorye. XIX. That the blessingis of the Bischoppis (of dum doggis thei should have bein stilled) ar of non valew. XX. That the excommunicatioun of the Kirk is not to be feared. XXI. That in to no case is it lauchfull to swear. XXII. That Preastis mycht have wieffis, according to the constitutioun of the law. XXIII. That trew Christianes receave the body of Jesus Christ everie day. XXIV. That after matrimonye be contracted, the Kyrk may mack no divorcement. XXV. That excommunicatioun byndis nott. XXVI. That the Pape forgevis not synnes, bot only God. XXVII. That fayth should not be gevin to miracules. XXVIII. That we should not pray to the glorious Virgyn Marie, butt to God only. XXIX. That we ar na mair bound to pray in the Kirk then in other plaices. XXX. That we ar nott bound to beleve all that the Doctouris of the Kyrk have writtin. XXXI. That such as wirschep the Sacrament of the Kyrk (We suppoise thei ment the Sacrament of the altar) committis idolatrie. XXXII. That the Pape is the head of the Kyrk of Antichrist. XXXIII. That the Pape and his ministeris ar murtheraris. XXXIV. That thei which ar called principallis in the Church, ar thevis and robbaris. * * * * * By these Articles,[37] which God of his mercyfull providence caused the ennemies of his trewth to keip in thare Registeris, may appeir how mercyfullie God hath looked upoun this Realme, reteanyng within it some sponk of his light, evin in the tyme of grettast darkness. Nether yit awght any man to wonder, albeit that some thingis be obscurly, and some thingis scabruslie spokin;[38] but rather awght all faythfull to magnifye Goddis mercy, who without publict doctrin gave so great light. And farther, we awght to considder, that seing that the ennemies of Jesus Christ gathered the foirsaid Articles, thairupoun to accuse the personis foirsaid, that thei wold deprave the meanyng of Goddis servandis so far as thei could; as we dowbt not bot thei have done, in the headis of Excommunicatioun, Swearing, and of Matrimonye. In the which it is no dowbt but the servandis of God did dampne the abuse only, and not the rycht ordinance of God; for who knowes not, that Excommunicatioun in these dayis was altogether abused! That Swearing abounded without punishment, or remorse of conscience! And that Divorsementis war maid for such causes as worldly men had invented!--But to our History. * * * * * Albeit that the accusatioun of the Bischop and his complices was verray grevouse, yitt God so assisted his servandis, partly be inclineing the Kingis hart to gentilness, (for diverse of thame war his great familiaris,) and partly by geving bold and godly answeris to thair accusatouris, that the ennemies in the end war frustrat of thair purpoise. For whill the Bischop, in mocking, said to Adam Reid of Barskemyng,[39] "REID, Beleve ye that God is in heavin?" He answered, "Not as I do the Sacramentis sevin." Whairat the Bischop thinking to have triumphed, said, "SIR, Lo, he denyes that God is in heavin." Whairat the King wondering, said, "Adam Reid, what say ye?" The other answered, "Please your Grace to heir the end betuix the churle and me." And thairwith he turned to the Bischope, and said, "I nether think nor beleve, as thou thinkis, that God is in heavin; but I am most assured, that he is not only in the heavin, bot also in the earth. Bott thou and thy factioun declayre by your workis, that eyther ye think thair is no God at all, or ellis that he is so shett up[40] in the heavin, that he regardis not what is done into the earth; for yf thou fermelie beleved that God war in the heavin, thou should not mack thy self chek-meat to the King, and altogether forgett the charge that Jesus Christ the Sone of God gave to his apostles, which was, to preach his Evangell, and not to play the proud prelatts, as all the rabill of yow do this day. And now, Sir, (said he to the King,) judge ye whither the Bischop or I beleve best that God is in heavin." Whill the Bischope and his band could not weill revenge thame selfis, and whill many tantis war gevin thame in thair teith, the King, willing to putt ane end to farther reassonyng, said to the said Adam Reid, "Will thou burne thy bill?" He answered, "Sir, the Bischope and ye will." With those and the lyik scoffis the Bischop and his band war so dashed out of countenance, that the greattest part of the accusatioun was turned to lawchter. After that dyet, we fynd almoist no questioun for materis of religioun, the space ney of thretty yearis. For not long after, to witt in the year of God 1508,[41] the said Bischop Blackcater departed this lief, going in his superstitious devotioun to Hierusalem; unto whome succeided Mr. James Beatoun, sone to the Lard of Balfour, in Fyfe, who was moir cairfull for the world then he was to preach Christ, or yitt to advance any religioun, but for the fassioun only; and as he soght the warld, it fled him nott,[42] it was weill knowin that at onis he was Archbischop of Sanctandrosse, Abbot of Dumfermeling, Abirbroth, Kylwynnyng, and Chancellare of Scotland: for after the unhappy feild of Flowdoun,[43] the which perrished King James the Fourt, with the grettast parte of the nobilitie of the realme, the said Beatoun, with the rest of the Prelattis, had the haill regiment of the realme; and by reassone thairof, held and travailled to hold the treuth of God in thraldome and bondage, till that it pleased God of his great mercy, in the year of God 1527, to raise up his servand, MAISTER PATRIK HAMMYLTOUN, at whome our Hystorie doith begyn. Of whose progenye, lyif, and eruditioun, becaus men of fame and renune have in diverse workis writtin, we omitt all curiouse repetitioun, sending such as wald knaw farther of him then we write to Franciss Lambert,[44] Johne Firth, and to that notable wark,[45] laitlie sette furth be Johne Fox, Englisman, of the Lyvis and Deathis of Martyrs within this yle, in this our aige. * * * * * This servand of God, the said Maister Patrik, being in his youth providit to reassonable honouris and leving, (he was intitulat Abbot of Fern,[46]) as one haiting the world and the vanitie thairof, left Scotland, and passed to the schoollis in Germany; for then the fame of the Universitie of Whittinberge was greatlie divulgat in all countreis, whare, by Goddis providence, he became familiare with these lyghtis and notable servandis of Christ Jesus of that tyme, Martyne Luther, Philipp Melanthon, and the said Franciss Lambert,[47] and did so grow and advance in godly knowledge, joyned with fervencie and integretie of lyiff, that he was in admiratioun with many. The zeall of Goddis glorie did so eat him up, that he could of no long continuance remane thair, bot returned to his countrie, whair the brycht beames of the trew light which by Goddis grace was planted in his harte, began most aboundantlie to burst furth, also weall in publict as in secreat: For he was, besydis his godlie knowledge, weill learned in philosophie: he abhorred sophistrye, and wold that the text of Aristotelis should have bene better understand and more used in the schoolles then than it was; for sophistrie had corrupted all asweil in divinitie as in humanitie. In schort proces of tyme, the fame of his reasonis and doctrin trubled the Clargye, and came to the earis of Bischope James Beatoun, of whome befoir we have maid mentioun, who being ane conjured ennemye to Christ Jesus, and one that long had had the whole regiment of this realme, bare impatientlie that any truble should be maid to that kingdome of darknes, whairof within this realme he was the head. And, thairfoir, he so travailled[48] with the said Maister Patrik, that he gat him to Sanctandrosse, whair, eftir the conference of diverse dayis, he had his freedome and libertie. The said Bischop and his blooddy bucheouris, called Doctouris, seamed to approve his doctryne, and to grant that many thingis craved reformatioun in the Ecclesiastical regiment. And amanges the rest, thair was ane that secreatlie consented with him almest in all thingis, named Frear Alexander Campbell, a man of good wytt and learnyng, butt yitt corrupt by the warld, as aftir we will hear. When the bischoppis and the clergye had fully understand the mynd and judgement of the said Maistir Patrik, and fearing that by him thair kingdome should be endomaged, thei travailled with the King, who then was young, and altogitther addict to thair commandiment, that he should pass in pilgramaige to Sanct Dothess in Rosse,[49] to the end that no intercessioun should be maid for the life[50] of the innocent servant of God, who suspecting no such crueltie as in thair hartes was concluded, remaned still, (a lambe amonges the wolfis,) till that upoun a nycht hie was intercepted in his chalmer, and by the bischoppes band was caryed to the Castell, whare that nycht he was keapt; and upoun the morne, produccid in judgement, he was condampned to dye by fyre for the testimonye of Goddis trewth. The Articles for the which he suffered war bot of Pilgramage, Purgatorye, Prayer to Sanctes, and for the Dead, and such trifilles; albeit that materis of grettar importance had bein in questioun, as his Treatise,[51] which in the end we have added, may witness. Now that the condempnatioun of the said Mr. Patrik should have greattar authoritie, thei caused the same to be subscrived by all those of any estimatioun that with tham war present, and to mack thair nomber great, thei tuck the subscriptionis of childrin, yf thei war of the nobilitie; for the Erle of Cassilles, which last decessed in France,[52] then being bot twelf or threttein yearis of age, was compelled to subscrive his death, as him self did confesse. Immediatlie after dennar, the fyre was prepaired befoir the Ald Colledge,[53] and he led to the place of executioun. And yitt men suppoised that all was done but to geve unto him ane terrour, and to have caused him to have recanted, and have become recreant to those bloody beastis. But God, for his awin glorie, for the comforte of his servand, and for manifestatioun of thare beastly tyranny, had otherwiese decreed; for he so strenthened his faythfull witnes, that nether the luif of lyif, nor yitt the fear of that cruell death, could move him a joit to swarve from the trewth ones professed. At the plaice of executioun he gave to his servand, who had bene chalmer-child to him of a long tyme, his gown, his coit, bonet, and such lych garments, saying, "These will nott proffeit in the fyre; thei will proffeit thee: Aftir this, of me thow cane receave no commoditie, except the example of my death, which, I pray thee, bear in mynd; for albeit it be bitter to the flesche, and feirfull befoir men, yet is it the entress unto eternall lyif, quhilk non shall possesse that denyis Christ Jesus befoir this wicked generatioun." The innocent servand of God being bound to the staik in the myddest of some coallis, some tymmer, and other mater appointed for the fyre, a trane of powder was maid and sett a fyre, quhilk gave to the blessed martyre of God a glaise, skrimpled[54] his left hand, and that syd of his face, but nether kendilled the wood, nor yett the coallis.[55] And so remaned the appointed to death in torment, till that men rane to the Castell agane for moir poulder, and for wood more able to tack fyre; which at last being kendilled, with lowd voce he cryed, "LORD JESUS, receave my spreit! How long shall darknes owerquhelme this realme? And how long will thow suffer this tyranny of men?"--The fyre was slow, and thairfoir was his torment the more. Bott moist of all was he greved by certane wicked men, amongis whome Campbell the Blak Freir (of whome we spak befoir[56]) was principall, who continuallie cryed, "Convert, heretick: call upoun our Lady: say _Salve Regina_," etc. To whome he answered, "Departe, and truble me not, ye messingeris of Sathan." Bott whill that the foirsaid Freir still roared one thing in great vehemency, he said unto him, "Wicked man, thou knawis the contrair, and the contrair to me thou hast confessed: I appeall thee befoir the tribunall seatt of Jesus Christ!" After which and other wordis, which weall could nott be understand nor marked, bayth for the tumult, and vehemencye of the fyre, the witness of Jesus Christ gat victorie, after long sufferance, the last of Februar, in the zeir of God J^m. V^e. twenty and sevin zearis.[57] The said Freir departed this lyif within few dayis after, in what estait we referr to the manifestatioun of the generall day. But it was plainlie knawin that he dyed, in Glaskow, in a phrenesye, and as one dispared.[58] Now that all men may understand what was the singular eruditioun and godly knowledge of the said Mr. Patrik, we have inserted this his litill pithie werk, conteanyng his Assertionis and Determinationis concernyng the Law, the Office of the same, concernyng Fayth, and the fruittis[59] thairof; first, be the foirsaid Maister Patrik collected in Latine, and after translated in Inglisch. [A BRIEF TREATISE OF MR. PATRIKE HAMELTON, CALLED PATRIKE'S PLACES, TRANSLATED INTO ENGLISH BY JOHN FRITH; WITH THE EPISTLE OF THE SAYD FRITH PREFIXED BEFORE THE SAME, AS FOLLOWETH.[60] JOHN FRITH UNTO THE CHRISTIAN READER. Blessed be God the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, which in these last dayes and perillous tymes, hath styrred up in all countreys, witnesses unto his Sonne, to testifye the truth unto the unfaythfull, to save at the least some from the snares of Antichrist, which leade to perdition, as ye may here perceave by that excellent and well learned young man PATRIKE HAMELTON, borne in Scotland of a noble progeny; who to testifie the truth, sought all meanes, and tooke upon him Priesthode, (even as Paule circumcised Timothy, to wynne the weake Jewes,) that he might be admitted to preache the pure word of God. Notwithstandyng, as soone as the Chamberleyne [Chancellor[61]] and other Byshops of Scotland had perceaved that the light began to shyne, which disclosed their falsehode that they conveyed in darkenes, they layde handes on hym, and because he wold not deny his Saviour Christ at their instance, they burnt him to ashes. Nevertheles, God of his bounteous mercy (to publishe to the whole world what a man these monsters have murthered) hath reserved a little Treatise, made by this Patrike,[62] which, if ye lyst, ye may call PATRIK'S PLACES: For it treateth exactly of certaine Common Places, which knowen, ye have the pith of all Divinitie. This Treatise have I turned into the English toung, to the profite of my natioun; to whom I besech God to geve lyght, that they may espye the deceitfull pathes of perdition, and returne to the right way which leadeth to lyfe everlastyng.[63] Amen.] [THE DOCTRINE] OF THE LAW. The Law is a doctrine that biddeth good, and forbiddeth evill, as the Commandimentis heir contenit do specifie: THE TEN COMMANDIMENTIS. 1. Thow shalt worschepp but one God. 2. Thow shalt maik thee nane image to worschipp it. 3. Thow shalt not sweare be his name in vane. 4. Hold the Sabbath day holy. 5. Honour thie father and mother. 6. Thow shalt not kill. 7. Thow shalt not committ adulterie. 8. Thow shalt nott steall. 9. Thow shalt bear no fals witness. 10. Thow shalt not desyre owght that belongeth unto thie nychtboure. [All these Commandments are briefly comprised in these two here under ensuing]:--"Love the Lord thy God with all thyne harte, wyth all thy saule, and with all thy mynd." (Deut. 6.)--"This is the first and great commandiment. The secund is lyik unto this, Love thy nychtbour as thy selve. On these two commandimentis hang all the Law and the Propheittis." (Matth. 12.) [CERTAINE GENERALL PROPOSITIONS PROVED BY THE SCRIPTURE.][64] I. He that loveth God, loveth his nychtbour.[65]--"If anie man say, I love God, and yit hattith his nychtbour, he is a lyer: He that lovith not his brother whome he hath sene, how can he love God whome he hath nott sein." (1 Joan. 4.) II. He that lovith his nychtbour as him self, keapeth the whole commandimentis of God.--"Quhatsoever ye wald that men should do unto yow, evin so do unto thame: for this is the law and the propheittis." (Matth. 7.)--He that loveth his nychtbour fulfilleth the law. "Thow shalt not committ adulterie: Thow shalt not kyll: Thow shalt not steall: Thow shalt not bear fals witnesse against thy nychtbour: Thow shalt not desyre; and so furth: And yf thair be any uther commandiment, all ar comprehendit under this saying, Love thy nychtbour as thy self." (Rom. 13; Gallat. 5.) "He that loveth his nychtbour, kepith all the commandimentis of God." "He that loveth God, loveth his nychtboure." (Roma. 13; 1 Joan. 4.)--Ergo, he that loveth God, kepith all his commandimentis. III. He that hath the faith, loveth God.--"My father loveth yow, becaus ye luif me, and beleve that I came of God." (Joan. 19.)--He that hath the faith, keapith all the commandimentis of God. He that hath the faith, loveth God; and he that loveth God, keapith all the commandimentis of God.--Ergo, he that hath faith, keapith all the commandimentis of God. IV. He that keapeth one commandiment, keapeth thame all.--"For without fayth it is impossible to keap any of the commandimentis of God."--And he that hath the fayth, keapeth all the commandimentis of God.--Ergo, he that keapith one commandiment of God, keapith thame all. V. He that keapith nott all the commandimentis of God, he keapith nane of thame.--He that keapith one of the commandimentis, he keapith all.--Ergo, he that keapith not all the commandimentis, he keapith nane of thame. VI. It is not in our power, without grace, to keap anie of Goddis commandimentis.--Without grace it is impossible to keap ane of Goddis commandimentis; and grace is not in our power.--Ergo, it is not in our power to keap any of the commandimentis of God. Evin so may ye reassone concerning the Holy Ghost, and fayth. VII. The law was gevin to schaw us our synne.--"Be the law cumith the knowledge of the synne. I knew not what synne meant, bot throw the law. I knew not what lust had ment, except the law had said, Thow shalt not lust. Without the law, synne was dead:" that is, It moved me nott, nether wist I that it was synne, which notwithstanding was synne, and forbidden be the law. VIII. The law biddith us do that which is impossible for us.--For it biddith us keape all the commandimentis of God: yitt it is not in oure power to keape any of thame.--Ergo, it biddeth us doo that which is impossible for us. Thow wilt say, "Whairfoir doith God command us that which is impossible for us." I ansuere, "To mack thee know that thow arte bot evill, and that thair is no remeady to save thee in thine awin hand, and that thow mayest seak reamedy at some uther; for the law doith nothing butt command thee." [THE DOCTRINE] OF THE GOSPELL. The Gospell, is as moche to say, in oure tong, as Good Tydingis: lyk as everie one of these sentences be-- Christ is the Saviour of the world. Christ is our Saviour. Christ deid for us. Christ deid for our synnes. Christ offerred him selve for us. Christ bare our synnes upoun his back. Christ bought us with his blood. Christ woushe us with his blood. Christ came in the warld to save synnaris. Christ came in the warld to tak away our synnes. Christ was the price that was gevin for us and for our synnes. Christ was maid dettour for our synnes. Christ hath payed our debt, for he deid for us. Christ hath maid satisfactioun for us and for our synne. Christ is our rychteousness. Christ is oure wisdome. Christ is our sanctifcatioun. Christ is our redemptioun. Christ is our satisfactioun. Christ is our goodness. Christ hath pacifeid the Father of Heavin. Christ is ouris, and all his. Christ hath delivered us frome the law, frome the devill, and hell. The Father of Heavin hath forgevin us for Christis saik. Or anie such other, as declair unto us the mercyes of God. THE NATURE [AND OFFICE] OF THE LAW, AND OF THE GOSPELL. The Law schawith us, Our synne. Our condemnatioun, Is the word of ire. Is the word of dispair. Is the word of displeasure. The Gospell schawith us, A reamedy for it. Oure redemptioun, Is the word of grace. Is the word of conforte. Is the word of peace. A DISPUTATIOUN BETUIX THE LAW AND THE GOSPELL. The Law sayith, Paye thy debt, Thow art a synnar desparat. And thow shalt die. The Gospell sayith, Christ hath payed it. Thy synnes ar forgevin thee. Be of good conforte, thow shalt be saved. The Law sayith, Mack a mendis for thy synne. The Father of Heaven is wraith wyth thee. Quhair is thy rychteousnes, goodnes, and satisfactioun? Thou art bound and obligat unto me, [to] the devill, and [to] hell. The Gospell sayith, Christ hath maid it for thee. Christ hath pacefeid him with his blood. Christ is thy rychteousnes, thy goodnes, and satisfactioun Christ hath delivered thee from thame all. [THE DOCTRINE] OFF FAITH. Faith is to beleve God; "lyck as Abraham beleved God, and it was compted unto him for rychteousnes." (Gen. 15.)--"He that beleved God, beleved his word." (Joan. 5.)--To beleve in him, is to beleve his word, and accompt it trew that he speikith. He that belevith not Goddis word, beleveth not him self. He that belevith nott Goddis word, he compteth him fals, and ane lyar, and beleveth not that he may and will fulfill his word; and so he denyeth both the myght of God and him self. IX. Faith is the gift of God.--"Everie good thing is the gift of God." (Jacob. 1.)--Fayth is good.--Ergo, faith is the gift of God. X. [Faith is not in our power.]--The gift of God is not in oure power.--"Faith is the gift of God."--Ergo, fayth is not in oure power. XI. [He that lacketh faith cannot please God.]--"Without faith it is impossible to please God." (Hebr. 11.)--All that cummith nott of fayth, is synne; for without faith can no man please God.--Besydis, that he that lacketh faith, he trusteth nott God. He that trusteth not God, trusteth nott in his wourd. He that trusteth not in his wourd, hauldeth him self fals, and a liear. He that haldeth him self false and a lyer, he belevith not that he may doo that he promeseth, and so denyeth he that he is God. And how can a man, being of this fassioun, please him? No maner of way. Yea, suppoise he did all the werkis of man and angell. XII. All that is done in fayth, pleaseth God.--"Richt is the wourde of God, and all his werkis in faith." "Lord, thine eis look to faith." That is asmuch to saye as, Lord, thow delitest in fayth. God loveth him that belevith in him. How cane thei then displease him? XIII. He that hath the faith, is just and good.--And a good trie bringeth furth good fruite.--Ergo, all that is in faith done pleaseth God. XIV. [He that hath faith, and believeth God, cannot displease him.]--Moreovir, he that hath the faith belevith God.--He that belevith God, belevith his worde. He that belevith his word, woteth weall that he is trew and faithfull, and may nott lie: But knowith weall that he may and will boith fulfill his word. How can he then displease him? For thow canst not do ane greattar honor unto God, then to count him trew. Thow wilt then say, that thift, murther, adulterie, and all vices, please God? Nane, verrelie; for thei can not be done in faith: "for a good tree beareth good frute." He that hath the faith, woteth weall that he pleaseth God; for all that is done in fayth pleaseth God. (Hebr. 11.) XV. Faith is a suirness.--"Faith is a suir confidence of thingis quhilk ar hoped for, and a certantie of thinges which ar not sene." (Hebr. 11.)--"The same spreit certifieth our spreit that we are the children of God." (Rom. 8.)--Moirovir, he that hath the faith, woteth weill that God will fulfill his word.--Ergo, fayth is a suirness. A MAN IS JUSTIFEID BE FAITH. "Abraham beleveth God, and it was impueted unto him for ryghteousnes." "We suppose thirfoir that a man is justified (saith the Apostill) without the workis of law." (Rom. 4.)--"He that workith not, but belevith in him that justifieth the ungodlie, his faith is compted unto him for ryghteousnes." "The just man levith by faith." (Abac. 2; Rom. 1.)--"We wote, that a man that is justifeid, is not justifeid be the workis of the law, but be the faith of Jesus Christ, and not by the deadis of the law." OF THE FAITH OF CHRIST The faith of Christ is, to beleve in him; that is, to beleve his wourd, and to beleve that he will helpe thee in all thy neid, and deliver thee frome evill. Thow wilt ask me, What word? I answer, The Gospell. "He that beleveth on Christ shalbe saved." "He that belevith the Sone hath eternall lyif." "Verrelie, verrelie, I say unto yow, he that belevith on me hath everlasting lyif." (Joan. 6.)--"This I wret unto yow, that beleving in the name of the Sone of God, ye may know that ye have eternall lyif." (1 Joan. 5.)--"Thomas, becaus thow hast sein me thow belevest; but happie ar thei that have nott sein, and yit beleve in me." "All the Propheittis to him bare witness, that whosoevir belevith in him shall have remissioun of thair synnes." (Act. 10.)--"What must I do that I may be saved?" The Apostill answerid, "Beleve in the Lord Jesus Christ, and thow shalt be saved." "Yf thow acknowledge wyth the mouth, that Jesus is the Lord, and beleve in thyn harte that God raissed him up from the death, thow shalt be save." (Rom. 10.)--"He that beleveth not in Christ shalbe condemned." "He that beleveth nott the Sone shall never see lyif; but the ire of God abydith upoun him." (Joan. 3.)--"The Holy Ghost shall reprove the world of synne, becaus thei beleve not in me." "Thei that beleve in Jesus Christ ar the sones of God." Ye ar all the sones of God, because ye beleve in Jesus Christ. He that belevith in Christ the Sone of God is save. (Galat. 3.)--"Petir said, Thow art Christ, the Sone of the leving God. Jesus ansuered and said unto him, Happie arte thow, Symon, the sone of Jonas; for flesch and blood hath nott oppened unto thee that, bot my Father which is in heavin." (Matth. 16.)--"We have beloved and knowin that thow arte Christ the Sone of the leving God." "I beleve that thow arte Christ the Sone of the leving God, which should come into the warld." "These thingis ar written that ye mycht beleve that Jesus Christ is the Sone of God, and that in beleving ye mycht have lyef. I beleve that Jesus is the Sone of the leving God." (Joan. 9.) XVI. He that belevith God, belevith the Gospell.--He that belevith God, belevith his Word:--And the Gospell is his Word. Thairfoir he that belevith God, belevith his Gospell. As Christ is the Saviour of the world, Christ is our Saviour. Christ bought us with his bloode. Christ woushe us with his blood. Christ offerred him self for us. Christ baire oure synnes upoun his back. XVII. He that belevith nott the Gospell, belevith not God.--He that belevith not Goddis Word belevith nott him self:--And the Gospell is Goddis Word.--Ergo, he that belevith nott the Gospell belevith nott God him self; and consequentlie thei that beleve nott as is above written, and such other, beleve not God. XVIII. He that belevith the Gospell, shalbe saved.--"Go ye into all the world and preach the Gospell unto everie creature: he that belevith and is baptised shalbe saved; bot he that belevith not shalbe condemned." A COMPARISON BETUIX FAITH AND INDREDULITIE. Faith is the root of all good:-- Makith God and man freindis. Bringith God and man to gither. Incredulitie is the root of all evill:-- Makith thame deidlie foes. Bringith thame syndrie. All that proceidis frome Faith pleaseth God. All that proceidith from Incredulitie displeaseth God. Faith only maketh a man good and rychteouse. Incredulitie maketh him injust and evill. Faith only maketh a man, The member of Christ; The inheritour of heavin; The servand of God. Faith schewith God to be a sweit Father. Fayth hauldith styff be the Word of God: Countith God to be trew. Faith knowith God: Lovith God and his nychtboure. Faith only savith: Extolleth God and his werkis. Incredulitie maketh him, The member of the devill; The inheritour of hell; The servand of the devill. Incredulitie maketh God a terrible Judge: It causeth man wandir heir and thair: Maketh him fals and a liear. Incredulitie knoweth him nott. Incredulitie lovith nether God nor nychtbour: Onlie condemneth: Extolleth flesche and hir awin deidis. OFF HOPE. Hope is a trustie looking for of thingis that ar promesed to come unto us: as we hope the everlasting joy which Christ hath promesed unto all that beleve on him. We should putt our hoipe and trust in God onlie, and no other thing. "It is good to trust in God, and nott in man." "He that trustith in his awin harte, he is a fuill." "It is good to trust in God, and not in princes." (Psal. 117.)--"Thei shal be lyik unto images that mack thame, and all that trust in thame." He that trusteth in his awin thoughts doeth ungodlie. "Curssed be he that trustith in man." "Bidd the rich men of this warld, that thei trust nott in thair unstable riches, but that thei trust in the leving God." "It is hard for them that trust in money to enter in the kingdome of God." Moirovir, we should trust in him onelie, that may help us [God onlie can help us.]--Ergo, we should trust in him onelie. Weill is thame that trust in God: and wo to thame that trust him nott. "Weill is the man that trustis in God; for God shalbe his trust." He that trusteth in him shall understand the trewth. "Thei shall all rejoyse that trust in thee: thei shall all evir be glaid; and thow wilt defend thame." OFF CHARITIE. Charitie is the love of thy nychtboure. The rewll of charitie is to doo as thow woldest wer done unto thee: for charitie esteameth all alyke;[66] the riche and the poore; the friend and the foe; the thankfull and the unthankfull; the kynnesman and stranger. A COMPARISON BETUIX FAITH, HOPE, AND CHARITIE. Faith commeth of the wourd of God: Hope commeth of faith; and Charitie springis of thame boith. Faith belevis the word: Hope trustith eftir that which is promessed be the wourd: and Charitie doith good unto hir nychtbour, throw the love that sche hath to God, and glaidnes that is within hir selve. Faith looketh to God and his worde: Hope lookith unto his gift and reward: Charitie lookith unto hir nychtbouris proffeit. Faith receavith God: Hoipe receaveth his reward: Charitie lookith to hir nychtbour wyth a glaid hart, and that without any respect of reward. Faith perteaneth to God onelie: Hope to his reward, and Charitie to hir nychtbour. [THE DOCTRINE] OF GOOD WORKIS. No maner of werkis mack us rychteouse.--"We beleve that a man shalbe justifeid without werkis." (Galat. 3.)--"No man is justifeid be the deidis of the law; but be the faith of Jesus Christ. And we beleve in Jesus Christ, that we may be justifeid be the faith of Christ, and nott be the deidis of the law. Yf rychteousnes came be the law, then Christ deid in vane." That no man is justifeid be the law, it is manifest: for a rychteouse man levith by his faith; but the law is nott of faith. Moirovir, since Christ, the makar of heavin and earth, and all that thair in is, behoved to die for us; we ar compelled to grant, that we wer so far drowned in synne, that nether our deidis, nor all the treasouris that ever God maid, or might maik, might have help us out of thame: Ergo, no deidis nor werkis maie mack us rychteouse. No werkis mak us unrychteouse.--For yf any werke maid us unrychteouse, then the contrarie werkis wold maik us rychteouse. Butt it is provin, that no werkis can maik us righteouse: Ergo, no werkis maik us unrychteouse. WERKIS MAIK US NETHER GOOD NOR EVILL. It is proven, that werkis nether maik us rychteouse nor unrychteouse: Ergo, no werkis nether maik us good nor evill. For rychteouse and good ar one thing, and unrighteouse and evill, one. Good werkis maik not ane good man, nor evill werkis ane evill man: But a good man makith good werkis, and ane evill man evill werkis. Good fruct makith not the tree good, nor evill fruict the tree evill: But a good tree bearith good fruict, and ane evill tree evill fruict. A good man can not do evill werkis, nor ane evill man good werkis; for ane evill tree can not beare good fruct, nor ane good tree evill fruct. A man is good befoir he do good werkis, and ane evill man is evill before he do evill werkis; for the tree is good befoir it bear good fruict, and evill befoir it beir evill fruct. Everie man is either good or evill. Either maik the tree good, and the fruct good also, or ellis maik the tree evill, and the fruct lyikwyise evill. Everie manes werkis ar eyther good or evill: for all fructis ar either good or evill. "Either maik the tree good and the fruct also, or ellis maik the tree evill and the fruct of it lyikwyise evill." (Matth. 13.)--A good man is knowin be his werkis; for a good man doith good werkis, and ane evill, evill werkis. "Ye shall knaw thame be thair fruct; for ane good tree bringeth furth good fruct, and ane evill tree evill fruict." (Matth. 7.)--A man is likened to the tree, and his werkis to the fruct of the trie. "Bewar of the fals propheittis, which come unto yow in scheippis clothing; but inwardlie thei ar raveening wolves. Ye shall knaw thame be thair fructis." NONE OF OURE WERKIS NETHER SAVE US, NOR CONDEMPNE US. It is provin, that no werkis maik us either righteouse or unryghteouse, good nor evill: but first we are good befoir that we do good werkis, and evill befoir we do evill warkis: Ergo, no werk neither save us nor condempne us. Thow wilt say then, Makith it no mater what we do? I answer thee, Yes; for yf thow dost evill, it is a suir argument that thow art evill, and wantest faith. Yf thow do good, it is ane argument that thow art good and hast faith; for a good tree bearith good fruct, and an evill tree evill fruct. Yit good fruct maketh nott the tree good, nor evill fruct the tree evill. So that man is good befoir he do good werkis, and evill befoir he do evill werkis. The man is the tree: the werkis ar the fruct. Faith maekith the good tree: Incredulitie the evill tree. Such a tree, such a fruct: such man, such warkis. For all that is done in faith pleasith God, and ar gud werkis; and all that is done without faith displeaseth God, and ar evill workis. Quhosoevir thinketh to be saved by his werkis, denyeth Christ is oure Saviour, that Christ deid for him, and, fynallie, all thing that belongeth to Christ. For how is he thy Saviour, yf thow mychtest save thy self by thy werkis? Or to what end should he have deid for thee, yf any werkis of thine might have saved thee? What is this to say, Christ deid for thee? It is nott that thow shouldest have deid perpetuallie, and that Christ, to deliver thee frome death, deid for thee, and changed thy perpetuall death in his awin death. For thow madest the falt, and he suffered the pane, and that for the luif he had to thee, befoir ever thow wast borne, when thow haddest done neither good nor evill. Now, since he hath payed thy debt, thow deist nott: no, thow canst nott, bot shouldest have bene damned, yf his death war not.[67] Bot since he was punished for thee, thow shalt not be punished. Fynallie, he hath delivered thee from thye condemnatioun, and desyrith nought of thee, but that thow shouldest acknowledge what he hath done for thee, and bear it in mynd; and that thow woldest helpe other for his saik, boith in worde and deid, evin as he hath helped thee for nought, and without reward. O how ready would we be to help otheris, yf we knew his goodnes and gentilnes towardis us! He is a good and a gentill Lord, and he doith all thingis for nought. Let us, I beseich yow, follow his footsteps, whome all the world ought to prayse and wirschep. Amen. HE THAT THINKITH TO BE SAVID BE HIS WERKIS, CALLETH HIM SELVE CHRIST:-- For he callith him self a Saviour, which aparteaneth to Christ onlie. What is a Saviour, butt he that savith? And thow sayist, I save my self; which is asmuch to say as, I am Christ; for Christ is onlie the Saviour of the world. We should do no good werkis, for that intent to get the inheritance of heavin, or remissioun of synnes throw thame. For whosoevir belevith to gett the inheritance of heavin or remissioun of synnes, throw werkis, he belevith nott to gett that for Christis saik. And thei that beleve not, that thair synnes ar forgeivin thame, and that thei sal be saved for Christis saik, thei beleve not the Gospell; for the Gospell sayith, Yow sal be saved for Christis saik: synnes ar forgevin yow, for Christis saik. He that belevith not the Gospell, belevith not God. And consequentlie, thei which beleve to be saved be thair werkis, or to gett remissioun of synnes be thair awin deidis, beleve not God, bot raccompt him a liear, and so utterlie denye him to be God. Thow wilt say, Shall we then do no good werkis? I say not so, but I say, We should do no good werkis for that intent to gett the kingdome of heavin, or remissioun of synnes. For yf we beleve to gett the inheritance of heavin throw good werkis, then we beleve nott to gett it throw the promesse of God. Or, yf we think to gett remissioun of our synnes, as said is, we beleve nott that thei ar forgevin us by Christ, and so we compt God a liear. For God sayith, Thow shalt have the inheritance of heavin for my Sonnes saik. Yow say, It is nott so; but I will wynne it throw my awin werkis. So, I condempne not good werkis; but I condempne the fals trust in any werkis; for all the werkis that a man putteth confidence in, are thairwyth intoxicat or empoisoned, and become evill. Quhairfoir, do good werkis; but be war thow do thame to gett any good throw thame; for yf thow do, thow receavest the good, not as the gift of God, bott as debte unto thee, and maikest thy self fellow with God, becaus thow wilt tack no thing from him for nought. What nedith he any thing of thyne, who gevith all thing, and is not the poorare? Thairfoir do nothing to him, but tack of him; for he is ane gentill Lord, and with, a glaidar harte will geve us all thingis that we neid, than we taik it of him. So that yf we want any thing, lett us witt our selfis. Prease not then to the inheritance of heavin, throwght presumptioun of thy good werkis; for yf thow do, thow comptest thy selve holy and equall unto him, becaus thow wilt tack nothing of him for nowght; and so salt thow fall as Lucifer fell from heavin for his pride. Thus endis the said Maistir Patrikis Articles.[68] And so we returne to oure HYSTORY. [SN: THE FORME AND CAUSSIS OF THE PREASTIS OLD CURSSING.] When those cruell wolves had, as thei supposed, cleane devored the pray, thei fynd thame selfis in warse caise then thei war befoir; for then within Sanctandrose, yea, almost within the hole realme, (who heard of that fact,) thair was none found who begane not to inquyre, Whairfoir was Maistir Patrik Hammyltoun brunt? And when his Articles war rehersed, questioun was holden, yf such Articles war necessarie to be beleved under the pane of damnatioun. And so within schort space many begane to call in dowbt that which befoir thei held for a certane veritie, in so much that the Universitie of Sanctandrose, and Sanct Leonardis Colledge principallie, by the labouris of Maistir Gawin Logy,[69] and the novises[70] of the Abbay, by the Suppriour,[71] begane to smell somwhat of the veritie, and to espy the vanitie of the receaved superstitioun. Yea, within few yearis eftir, begane baith Black and Gray Frearis publictlie to preache against the pride and idile lief of Bischoppis, and against the abuses of the whole ecclesiasticall estaite. Amongis whome was one called Frear Williame Arth,[72] who, in a sermone preached in Dundye, spak somwhat moir liberallie against the licentious lyifes of the Bischoppis nor thei could weall beair. He spaik farther against the abuse of curssing and of miracles. The Bischop of Brechin,[73] having his placeboes and jackmen in the toun, buffatted the Freir, and called him Heretick. The Freir, impatient of the injury receaved, past to Sanctandrose, and did communicat the headis of his sermone with Maister Johnne Mair,[74] whose wourd then was holden as ane oracle, in materis of religioun; and being assured of him, that such doctrin mycht weall be defendid, and that he wald defend it, for it conteaned no heresye; thair was ane day appointed to the said Frear, to maik repetitioun of the sam sermon; and advertisment was gevin to all such as war offended att the formar to be present. And so, in the parishe kirk of Sanctandrose, upoun the day appointed, appeared the said Frear, and had amonges his auditouris Maistir Johnne Mair, Maistir George Lockart,[75] the Abbot of Cambuskynneth,[76] Maistir Patrik Hepburne the Priour of Sanctandrose,[77] with all the Doctouris and Maistires of the Universities. The theame of his sermone was, "Veritie is the strongest of all thingis." His discourse of Curssing was, "That yf it war rychtlie used, it was the moist fearfull thing upoun the face of the earth; for it was the verray separatioun of man frome God: but that it should nott be used rashlie, and for everie light cause, but onlie against open and incorrigible synnaris. But now, (said he,) the avarice of preastis, and the ignorance of thair office, has caused it altogitther to be vilipended;[78] for the preast, (said he,) whose dewitie and office is to pray for the people, standis up on Sounday, and cryes, 'Ane hes tynt a spurtill. Thair is ane flaill stollin from thame beyound the burne. The goodwyiff of the other syd of the gait hes tynt a horne spune. Goddis maleson and myne I geve to thame that knowis of this geyre, and restoris it not.'"--How the people mocked thair curssing, he ferther told a meary tale; how, after a sermoun that he had maid at Dumfermling, he came to a house whair gossoppis was drynking thair Soundayis penny, and he, being dry, asked drynk. "Yis, Father, (said ane of the gossoppes,) ye shall haif drynk; bot ye mon first resolve ane doubt which is rissen amongis us, to witt, What servand will serve a man beast on least expenssis." "The good Angell, (said I,) who is manis keapar, who maikis great service without expenssis." "Tush, (said the gossope,) we meane no so heigh materis: we meane, What honest man will do greatest service for least expensses?" And whill I was musing, (said the Frear,) what that should meane, he said, "I see, Father, that the greatest clerkis ar nott the wysest men. Know ye not how the Bischoppis and thair officiallis servis us husband men? Will thei not give to us a lettir of Curssing for a plack, to laste for a year, to curse all that looke ower our dick [dyke]? and that keapis our corne better nor the sleaping boy, that will have three schillingis of fye, a sark, and payre of schone in the year. And thairfoir, yf thair curssing dow any thing, we held the Bischoppis beast chaip servandis, in that behalf, that ar within the realme." As concernyng miracles, he declaired, what diligence the ancientis took to try trew miracles frome false. "But now, (said he,) the greadynes of preastis not onlie receave false miracles, bot also thei cherise and feis knaiffis for that purpoise, that thair chapellis may be the better renouned, and thair offerand may be augmented. And thairupoun ar many chapelles founded, as that our Lady war mychttiar, and that sche took more pleasour in one plaice then in ane uther; as of laite dayis our Lady of Karsgreng hes hopped fra ane grene hillock to ane uther. But honest men of Sanctandrose, (said he,) yf ye luif your wyffis and your doughtaris, hald thame at hame, or ellis send thame in honest companye; for yf ye knew what miracles war kithed thaire, ye wold neyther thank God nor our Lady." And thus he mearelie tanted thare trystis of hurdome and adulterye used at such devotioun. Ane uther article was judged more hard; for he alledged the commoun law,[79] That the Civyle Magistrate mycht correct the Churchmen,[80] and deprive thame of thaire benefices, for oppin vices. Ane uther day, the same Frear maid ane uther sermoun of the Abbote [of] Unreassone,[81] unto whome and whose lawis he compared the prelattis of that age; for thei war subdewid to no lawis, no moir then was the Abbote [of] Unreassoun. And amonges uther thingis he told such a meary bourd. "Thare was (said he) a Prelatt, or at least a Prelattis peir, a trew servand to the King of luif, who, upoun a nycht after suppar, asked at his gentillmen, be the fayth that thei awght to the king of luif, that thei should trewlie declare how many syndrie wemen everie ane of thame had haid, and how many of thame war menis wyffis. Ane answered, He had lyne with fyve, and two of thame war maryed. The other answered, I have haid sevin, and three of thame ar maryed. It came at last to my Lord him self, who macking it veray nyce for a lytill space, gave in the end ane plain confessioun, and said, 'I am the yongest man, and yitt have I haid the round desone; and sevin of thame ar menis wyffis.' Now, (said the Frear,) this god and king of luif, to whome our Prelaittis maikis homage, is the maistir devill of hell, from whome such werkis and fruitis doo procead." This Prelatt was knowin by his proper tockenes to have bene Priour Patrik Hepburne,[82] now Bischop of Murray, who to this day hes continewed in the professioun that he anes maid to his god and king of luif.[83] It was supposed, notwithstanding this kynd of preaching, that this Frear remaned papist in his heart; for the rest of the Frearis, fearing to losse the benedictioun of the Bischoppes, to witt, thair malt and thair maill, and thair other appoineted pensioun, cawsed the said Frear to flye to England, whair, for defence of the Paipe and Paipistrie, his was cast in preasone[84] at King Hary his commandiment. But so it pleasith God to open up the mouth of Baalames awin asse, to cry out againest the vitious lyves of the clergie of that aige. Schorte after this, new consultatioun was tackin, that some should be brunt; for men began verray liberallie to speak. A meary gentillman, named Johnne Lyndesay, famylliar to Bisehope James Betoun, standing by when consultatioun was had, said, "My Lord, yf ye burne any mo, except ye follow my counsall, ye will utterlye destroy your selves. Yf ye will burne thame, lett thame be brunt in how sellarris; for the reik of Maister Patrik Hammyltoun hes infected as many as it blew upoun."[85] Thus it pleased God, that thei should be tanted in thair awin face. But hear followis the moist meary of all. Sandie Furrour, who had bene empreasoned sevin yearis in the Toure of Londone, Sir Johnne Dignwaill,[86] according to the cheritie of Churche men,[87] enterteneid his wyiff, and waisted the poore manes substance. For the which caus, at his returnyng, he spaik more liberallie of preastis then thei could bear, and so was he declaired[88] to be accused of heresye, and called to his ansuer to Sanctandrose. He lapp up mearely upoun the scaffold, and, casting a gawmound, said, "Whair ar the rest of the playaris?" Maistir Audro Olephant,[89] offended thairwyth, said, "It shalbe no play to yow, Sir, befoir that ye depart." And so began to read his accusatioun. The first article whareof was, That he dispyssed the Messe. His ansuer was, "I hear mo Messis in awght dayis, then thre Bischoppis thair sitting sayis in a year." Accused secoundarly, Of contemptioun of the sacramentis. "The preastis, (said he,) war the maist commoun contempnaris of sacramentis, and especiallie of matrimonye," and that he witnessed by any of the preastis thare present, and named the menis wyffis with whome thei had medled, and especiallie Sir Johnne Dignwaill, who had sevin yearis togitther abused his awin wyff and consumed his substance; and said, "Becaus I complayne of such injuries, I am hear summoned, and accused, as one that is worthy to be brunt. For Goddis saik, (said he,) wil ye taick wyeffis of your awin, that I and utheris, whose wyiffis ye have abused, may be revenged upoun yow." Then Bisehope Gawin Dumbar,[90] named the Old Bischop of Abirdein, thinking to justifye him self befoir the people, said, "Carll, thow shalt not know my wyff." The said Alexander ansuered, "My Lord, ye ar too old; bot, with the grace of God, I shall drynk with your dochtter or I departe." And thareat was smylling of the best, and lowd laughtter of some; for the Bisehop had a dowghter maryed with Andro Balfour[91] in that same toune. Then the Bischoppis bad, "Away with the earll." But he ansured, "Nay; I will not departe this houre; for I have more to speak against the vices of preastis, then I cane expresse this haill[92] day." And so, after diverse purposes, thei commanded him to burne his bill. And he demanding the caus, thei said, "Becaus ye have spoken these articles whairof ye ar accused." His ansuer was, "The mekill devill bear thame away, that first and last said thame." And so he tack the bill, and chowing it, hee after spatt it in Mr. Andro Oliphantis face, saying, "Now burne it or drune it, whitther ye will: ye heir na mair of me. Butt I man have somewhat of everie ane of yow to begyn my pack agane, which a preast and my wyif, a preastis hoore, hes spentt." And so everie prelate and riche preast, glaid to be qwyte of his evill, gave him somwhat; and so departed hie, for he understood nothing of religioun. But so fearfull it was then to speak any thing against preastis, that the least word spokin against thame, yea, albeit it was spokin in a manes sleip, was judged heresye; and that was practised upoun Richart Carmichaell, yet leving in Fyfe,[93] who being young, and ane singar in the Chapell Royal of Striveling, happened in his sleepe to say, "The devill tak away the preastis, for thei ar a gready pack." Hie, thairfor, accused be Sir George Clappertoun, Deane[94] of the said Chapell, was compelled tharefore to burne his bill. But God schort after raised up against thame strongar campionis. For Alexander Setoun,[95] a Blak Frear, of good learning and estimatioun, began to tax the corrupt doctrin of the Papistrye. For the space of a hole Lentran,[96] he tawght the commandimentis of God onlye, ever beatting in the earis of his auditouris, That the law of God had of many yearis not bein trewlie tawght; for menis traditionis had obscured the puritie of it. These war his accustomed propositionis: First, Christ Jesus is the end and perfectioun of the law. 2. Thair is no syne quhair Goddis law is not violated. 3. To satisfie for syne lyes not in manis power, but the remissioun thairof cumis by unfeaned reapentance, and by faith apprehending God the Father mercifull in Christ Jesus, his sone. Whill often tymes he puttis his auditouris in mynd of thir and the lyik headis, and maikis no mentioun of purgatorye, pardones, pilgramage, prayer to sanctes, nor such trifillis, the dum Doctouris, and the rest of that forsworne rable, begane to suspect him; and yitt said thei nothing publictlie, till Lentrain[97] was ended, and he passed to Dundie. And then, in his absence, ane hired for that purpose openlie damned the hole doctrin[98] that befoir he had tawght. Which cuming to the earis of the said Frear Alexander, then being in Dundye, without delay he returned to Sanctandrose, caused immediatlie to jow the bell, and to give significatioun that he wald preach; as that he did in deid. In the which sermon he affirmed, (and that more plainlie then at any uther tyme,) whatsoever in all his hole sermones hie had tawght befoir the haill Lentrantyde preceding;[99] adding, that within Scotland thair was no trew Bischoppe, yf that Bischoppes should be knawin by such notes and vertewis, as Sanct Paule requyres in Bischoppis. This delatioun flew with wyngis to the Bischoppis earis, who, butt farther delay, send for the said Frear Alexander, who began greveouslie to complayne, and sharplye to accuse, that he had so sclanderouslie spokin of the dignitie of the Bischoppes, as to say, "That it behoved a Bischope to be a preachear, or ellis he was but a dume dogg, and fed not the flock, but fed his awin bellye." The man being witty, and mynded of that which was his most assured defence, said, "My Lord, the reaportaris of such thingis ar manifest lyearis." Whareat the Bischope[100] rejosed, and said, "Your ansour pleasses me weall: I never could think of yow, that ye wold be so foolische as to affirme such thingis. Whare ar thei knaiffis that have brought me this tale?" Who compearing, and affirmyng the same that thei did befoir, hie still replyed, That thei ware leyaris. But whill the witnesses war multiplyed, and men war browght to attentioun, he turned him to the Bischope, and said, "My Lord, ye may see[101] and considder what caris these asses have, who cane nott discerne betuix Paull, Isai, Zacharie, and Malachie and Frear Alexander Setoun. In verray deid, My Lord, I said that Paule sayis, 'It behoveth a Bischop to be ane teichear.' Isai sayith, 'That thei that feid nott the flock ar dum doggis.' And Zacharie sayeth, 'Thei ar idoll pastouris.' I of my awin head affirmed nothing, butt declared what the Spreitt of God had befoir pronunced; at whome, my Lord, yf ye be nott offended, justly ye cane nott be offended at me. And so yit agane, my Lord, I say, that thei ar manifest leyaris that reported unto yow, that I said, That ye and utheris that preach nott ar no Bischoppis, but belly Goddis." Albeit after that, the Bischope was heightly offended, asweill at the skwff[102] and bitter mock, as at the bold libertie of that learned man; yitt durst he nott hasard for that present to execute his malice conceaved; for nott onlye feared he the learnyng and bold spreit of the man, bot also the favour that he had, alsweall of the people, as of the Prince, King James the Fyft, of whome he had good credite; for he was at that tyme his Confessour, and had exhorted him to the feare of God, to the meditatioun of Goddis law, and unto puritie of lyiff. Butt the said Bischope, with his complices, foirseing what danger mycht cume to thair Estaite, yf such familiaritie should continew betuix the Prince and a man so learned, and so repugnyng to thair affectionis, laubored by all meanes to mack the said Frear Alexander odiouse unto the Kingis Grace, and easely fand the meanes by the Gray Frearis, (who by thare hypochrisye deceaved many,) to traduce the innocent as ane heretyk. This accusatioun was easely receaved and more easelye beleved[103] of the carnall Prince, who altogitther was gevin to the filthy loostis of the fleshe, abhorred all counsall that repugned thairto. And becaus he did remember what a terrour the admonitionis of the said Alexander was unto his corrupted conscience, without resistance he subscrived to thair accusatioun, affirmyng that he knew mair then thei did in that mater; for he understood weall ynewcht, that he smelled of the new doctrin, by such thingis as he had schawin to him under confessioun. And tharefoir he promessed, that he should follow the counsall of the Bischoppes in punishing of him and of all utheris of that sect. These thingis understand by the said Alexander, alsweall by informatioun of his freindis and familliaris, as by the strange contenance of the King unto him, provydit the nixt way to avoid the fury of a blynded Prince: and so, in his habite,[104] hie departed the realme,[105] and cuming to Berwik, wraitt back agane to the Kingis grace his complaint and admonitioun, the verray tennour and copy whareof followis, and is this:-- MAIST GRATIOUS AND SOVERING LORD under the Lord and King of all, of whome only thy Hienes and Majestie has power and authoritie to exercise justice within this thy Realme, under God, who is King and Lorde of all realmes, and thy Grace and all mortale Kingis ar bott onlye servandis unto that onlie immortall Prince Christ Jesus, etc. It is nott (I wate) unknawin to thy gratious[106] Hieness, how that thy Grace's umquhill servand and Oratour, (and ever shalbe to my lyves end,) is departed out of thy Realme unto the nixt adjacent of Ingland. Nochtheless I beleve the causse of my departing is unknawin to thy gratious[107] Majestie: quhilk only is, becaus the Bischoppis and Kirkmen of thy Realme hes had heirtofoir sick authoritie upoun thy subjectis, that appearandly thei war rather King, and thow the subject, (quhilk injust regiment is of the selfe false, and contrair to holy Scripture and law of God,) than thow thair King and maistir, and thei thy subjectis, (quhilk is verray trew, and testifiet expreasslie be the Word of God.) And also, becaus thei will give no man of onye degree or staite (whome thei oft falslie call Heretykis) audience, tyme, nor place to speak and have defence; quhilk is aganist all law, boith the Ald law, called the Law of Moses, and the New law of the Evangell. So that, gif I mycht have had audience and place to speak, and have schawin my just defence, conforme to the law of God, I should never have fled to any uther realme, suppose it should haif cost me my lyiff. Bot becaus I beleved that I should haif haid no audience nor place to answer, (thei ar so great with thy Grace,) I departed, not dowttand, bott moved of God, unto ane bettire tyme that God illuminate thy Grace's eyn, to give everie man audience (as thow should and may, and is bound of the law of God,) who ar accused to the death. And to certifie thy Hienes that thir ar no vane wordis, bot of dead and effect, heir I offer me to thy Grace to come in thy realme agane, so that thy Grace will give me audience, and hear what I have for me of the law of God: and caus ony Bischope or Abbot, Frear or Secular, quhilk is maist cuning, (some of thame cane not read thair matynes who ar maid judgeis in heresye!) to impugne me be the law of God; and give my parte be found wrang, thy Grace being present and judge, I refuse no pane worthie or condigne for my falt. And give that I convict thame by the lawe of God, and that thei have nothing to lay to my charge, bot the law of man, and thair awin inventionis to uphald thair vane glorie and prydfull lyif, and dalye scorgeing of thy poore liegis; I reporte me to thy Grace, as judge, Whither he hes the victorye that haldis him at the law of God, quhilk cane not faill nor be false, or thei that haldis thame at the law of man, quhilk is rycht oft plane contrarie and aganis the law of God, and thairfoir of necessitie fals, and full of lesingis? for all thing that is contrarie to the veritie, (quhilk is Christ and his law,) is of necessitie ane lesing. And to witnes that this cumis of all my harte, I shall remane in Berwik whill I gett thy Grace's answer, and shall without faill returne, haveing thy hand wreitt that I may haif audience, and place to speak. No more I desyre of thee; whaireof gif I had bene suire, I should never have departed. And that thow may know the treuth thairof, gif feare of the justness of my cause, or dredour of persequutioun for the same, had moved me to departe, I wold not so pleasandlie reverte: only distrust thairfoir was the caus of my departing. Pardone me to say that quhilk lyes to thy Grace's charge. Thow arte bound by the law of God, (suppoise thei falslie lye, saying it perteanes nott to thy Grace till intromett wyth sic materis,) to caus everie man, in any case, accused of his lyef, to have his just defence, and his accusaris produceit conforme to thair awin law. Thei blynd thy Grace's eyn, that knawis nothing of thair law: bot gif I prove nocht this out of thair awin law, I offer me to the death. Thy Grace, thairfoir, by experience may daly learne, (seing thei nether fear the King of Heavin, as thair lyves testiffis, neyther thee thair naturall Prince, as thare usurped power in thy actionis schawis,) why thy Hienes should lye no langar blindit. Thow may considder, that thei pretend nothing ellis bot only the mantenance and uphald of thair bardit mullis,[108] augmenting of thare insatiable avarice, and continewall doune thringing and swallowing up thy poore lieges; nether preaching nor teaching out of the law of God, (as thei should,) to the rude, ignorant people, bot ay contending wha may be maist hie, maist riche, and nerrest thy Grace, to putt the temporall Lordis and liegis out of thy counsall[109] and favour, who should be, and ar, maist tendir servandis to thy Grace in all tyme of neid, to the defence of thee and thy croune. And whare thei desyre thy Grace to putt at thy temporale Lordis and liegis, because thei dispise thair vitiouse lyif, what ellis intend thei bot only thy death and destructioun? as thow may easilie perceave, suppoise thei cullour thair false intent and mynd, with the persute of heresye. For when thy baronis ar putt doun, what arte thow bot the King of Bane?[110] and then of necessitie man be guydit be thame: and thare, (no doubt,) whare ane blynd man is guyd, mon be ane fall in the myre. Thairfoir lett thy Grace tack hardiment and authoritie, quhilk thow hes of God, and suffer nott thair crewell persecutioun to procead, without audience geving to him that is accused, and just place of defence. And then, (no dowbt,) thow shall haif thy liegis hartis, and all that thei cane or may doo in tyme of neid; tranquillitie, justice, and policie in thy realme, and finallie, the kingdom of the heavins. Please to gar have this, or the copy, to the clergy and kirkmen, and keap the principale, and thy Grace shall have experience gif I go aganis ane worde that I haif hecht. I shall daylie maik my hartlie devotioun for thy Grace, and for the prosperitie and wealfair of thy body and saule. I doubt nott bott thy gratiouse Hienes will gif answere to thir presentis unto the presentar of this to thy Hienes. Of Berwik, by thy Hienes servand and Oratour. (_Sic subscribitur_,) ALEXANDER SETOUN. This letter was delivered to the Kingis awin handis, and of many redd.[111] But what could greatlie[112] admonitionis availl, whare the pryde and corruptioun of prelattis commanded what thei pleased, and the flatterie of courteouris fostered the insolent Prince in all impietie. * * * * * Frome the death of that constant witness of Jesus Christ, Maistir Patrik Hammyltoun, God disclosing the wickednes of the wicked, as befoir we have hearde, thare was one Forress of Lynlythqw[113] tacken, who, after long empreasonment in the Sea toure[114] of Sanctandross, was adjudgeit to the fyre by the said Bischop James Betoun, and his doctouris, for non uther cryme but becaus he had ane New Testament in Engliss. Farther of that history we have nott, except that he deid constantlie, and with great patience, at Sanctandross. After whose death, the flame of persecutioun ceassed, till the death of Maistir Normound Gowrlaw, the space of ten yearis[115] or neyrby; not that thei bloody beastis ceassed by all meanes to suppresse the light of God, and to truble such as in any sorte war suspected to abhore thair corruptioun; but becaus the realme was trubled with intestine and civile warres, in the which much blood was sched; first, at Melrose, betuix the Dowglasse and Baleleweh, in the yeir of God J^m. V^c. twenty sax, the xviiij day of Julij; nixt, at Lynlythqw, betuix the Hammyltonis and the Erle of Levenax, whair the said Erle, with many utheris, lost his lyif, the thretten day of September, the year foirsaid; and last, betuix the King him self and the said Dowglasses,[116] whome he banished the realme, and held thame in exyle during his hole dayis. Be reassone of these, we say, and of other trubles, the Bischoppis and thair bloody bandis cold not fynd the tyme so favorable unto thame as thei requyred, to execut thair tyranny. In this mydd tyme, so did the wisdome of God provide, that Hary the Eyght, King of England, did abolishe frome his realme the name and authoritie of the Pape of Rome; suppress the Abbayis, and uther places of Idolatrie; which geve esperance to diverse realmes, that some godlye reformatioun should thairof have ensewed. And thairfoir, frome this our countrey, did diverse learned men, and utheris that leved in fear of persecutioun, repayre to that realme; whair albeit thei fand not such puritie as thei wished, (and thairfoir diverse of thame socht other countreis,) yit thei eschaped the tyranny of merciless men, and war reserved to better tymes, that thei mycht fructifie within His Church, in diverse places and partis, and in diverse vocationis. Alexander Setoun remaned in England, and publictlie, (with great praise and conforte of many,) tawght the Evangell in all sinceritie certane yearis. And albeit the craftynes of Wyncester,[117] and of otheris, circumvened the said Alexander, that thei caused him at Paules Croce to affirme certane thingis that repugned to his formar trew doctrin;[118] yit it is no dowbt, but that as God potentlie had rung with him in all his lyiff, but that also in his death, (which schortlie after followed,) he fand the mercy of his God, whareupoun he ever exhorted all men to depend. Alexander Alæsius, Maistir Johnne Fyfe, and that famouse man Doctor Machabeus, departed unto Duch land,[119] whare by Goddis providence thei war distributed to severall places.[120] Makdwell, for his singular prudence,[121] besydis his learnyng and godlynes, was elected borrow maistir in one of the Steadis.[122] Alesius was appointed to the Universitie of Lipsia;[123] and so was Maistir Johnne Fyff,[124] whare, for thare honest behaveour and great cruditioun, thei war halden in admiratioun with all the godly. And in what honour, credite, and estimatioun, Doctor Machabeus[125] was with Christianus King of Denmark, Cawpmanhoven,[126] and famowse men of diverse nationis, cane testifie. Thus did God provid for his servandis, and did frustrat the expectatioun of these bloody beastis, who by the death of one, in whome the lyght of God did clearly schyne, intended to have suppressed Christis trewth for ever within this realme. But the contrary had God decryed; for his death was the cause, (as said is,) that many did awaik frome the deadly sleape of ignorance, and so did Jesus Christ, the onlye trew Light, schyne unto many, for the way-tackin of one. And albeit that these notable men did never after, (Maistir Johnne Fyfe onlie excepted,) conforte this countree with thair bodelye presence; yit maid thame fructifie in His Churche, and raissed thame up lightis out of darkness, to the prase of his awin mercy, and to the just condempnatioun of thame that then rewled, to wit, of the King, counsall, and nobilitie, yea of the hole people, who sufferred such notable personages, without crymes committed, to be injustlie persecuted, and so exyled. Otheris war after evin so entraited: but of thame we shall speak in thair awin places. No soonare gatt the Bischoppis oportunitie, (which alwyise thei sought,) but so sone renewed thei the battell against Jesus Christ; for the foirsaid leprouse Bischop, in the year of God J^m. V^c. thretty four, caused to be summoned Sir Williame Kirk, Adam Dayis, Hendrie Karnes, Johnne Stewart, indwellaris of Leyth,[127] with diverse otheris, such as, Maistir Williame Johnestoun,[128] Maister Henry Hendyrson, schoolmaister of Edinburgh,[129] of whome some compeired in the Abbay Kirk of Halyrudhouse, and so abjured and publictlie brynt thare byllis:[130] otheris compeared nott, and tharefoir war exyled. Butt in judgement war produced two, to wit, David Stratoun,[131] a gentilman, and Maister Normound Gowrlay,[132] a man of reassonable eruditioun, of whom we mon schortlye speak. In Maister Normound appeared knawledge, albeit joyned with weakness. But in David Stratoun, could onlye be espyed, for the first, a haterent against the pride and avaritiousnes of the preastis; for the causse of his delatioun was, he had maid to him self ane fische boit to go to the sea. The Bischop of Murray, (then being Priour of Sanctandross,[133]) and his factouris, urgeid him for the teind thairof. His ansuer was, Yf thei wald haif teynd of that which his servandis wane in the sea, it war but reassoun, that thei should come and receave it whare his gatt the stock; and so, as was constantlye affirmed, he caused his servandis cast the tenth fische in the sea agane. Processe of curssing was led against him, for non payment of such teindis:[134] which when he contempned, he was delaited to answer for heresye. It trubled him vehementlie; and thairfoir he begane to frequent the company of such as war godlie; for befoir he had bene ane man verry stubburne, and one that dispysed all reading, (cheaflie of those thingis that war godly;) but miraculouslie, as it war, his appeared to be changeid; for he delyted in nothing but in reading, (albeit him self could not reid,) and was ane vehement exhortar of all men to concord, to qwyetness, and to the contempt of the warld. He frequented much the company of the Lard of Dun, whome God, in those dayis, had marvelouslie illuminated. Upoun a day, as the Lard of Lowristoun,[135] that yit lyveth, then being ane young man, was reading unto him upoun the New Testament, in ane certane qwyet place in the feildis, as God had appointed, he chaunced to read these sentenceis of our Maistir, Jesus Christ: "He that denyis me befoir men, or is eschamed of me in the myddest of this wicked generatioun, I will deny him in the presence of my Father, and befoir his angellis." At which wordis, he suddandlie being as one ravissed, platt him self[136] upoun his knees, and extending baith handis and visage constantlie to the heavin a reassonable tyme, at lenth he burst furth in these wourdis, "O Lorde, I have bene wicked, and justlie may thow extract thy grace from me. But, Lord, for thy mercyis saik, lett me never deny thee, nor thy trewth, for fear of death or corporall pane." The ischew declaired that his prayer was not vane: for when he, with the foirsaid Maistir Normound, was produceid in judgement in the Abbey of Halyrudhouse, the King him self, (all cled in redd,) being present, great laubouris war maid, that the said David Stratoun should have recanteid, and brunt his bill. But he ever standing at his defence, alledgeing that he had not offended, in the end was adjudgeid unto the fyre; and then, when that he perceaved the danger, asked grace of the King, (which he wold willinglye have granted unto him:) The Bischoppes proudly answered, That the Kingis handis war bound in that case, and that he had no grace to give to such as by thare law war condempned. And so was he, with the said Maistir Normond, after dennar, upoun the twentye sevin day of August, the zeir of God J^m. V^c. thretty four foirsaid, lead to a place besydis the Roode of Greynsyd;[137] and thair thei two war boyth hanged, and brunt, according to the mercy of the Papisticall Kirk.[138] To that same dyett war summoned, as befoir we have said, otheris of whome some eschaiped in England,[139] and so for that present eschaiped the death. This thaire tyranny notwithstanding, the knowledge of God did wonderouslie increase within this realme, partlie by reading, partlie by brotherlye conferance, which in those dangerouse dayis was used to the comforte of many; butt cheaflie by merchantis and marinaris, who, frequenting other cuntreis, heard the trew doctrin affirmed, and the vanitie of the Papisticall religioun openlye rebucked: Amongis whome war Dundy and Leyth principalles, against whome was maid ane verry strayte inquisitioun, by David Betoun, cruell Cardinall;[140] and diverse war compelled to abjure and burne thair byllis, some in Sanctandross, and some at Edinburgh. About the same tyme, Capitane Johnne Borthwik was brunt in figure, but by Goddis providence eschaiped thair fury.[141] And this was done, for a spectackle and triumphe to Marie of Loreane,[142] laitlie arrived fra France, as wyff to James the Fyft, King of Scottis. What plagues sche brought with hir, and how thei yitt continew, such as ar nott blynd may manifestlie see. The raige of those bloody beastis proceadith so that the Kingis Courte it self eschaipit nott that danger; for in it diverse war suspected, and some accused. And yitt ever still did some lycht burst out in the myddis of darknes; for the trewth of Christ Jesus entered evin in the cloastearis, alsweall of Frearis, as of Monkis and Channounes. Johnne Lyn, ane Gray freare, left his hipocryticall habite, and the den of those murtheraris the Gray Frearis. Ane Black freir, called Frear Kyllour,[143] sett furth the Historye of Christis Passioun in forme of a play, quhilk he boith preached and practised opinlie in Striveling, the King him salf being present, upoun a Good Friday in the mornyng: In the which, all thingis war so levelye expressed, that the verray sempill people understood and confessed, that as the Preastis and obstinat Pharisyes persuaded the people to refuise Christ Jesus, and caused Pilat to condampne him; so did the Bischoppes, and men called Religious, blynd the people, and perswaid Princes and Judgeis to persecute sick as professis Jesus Christ his blessed Evangell. This plane speaking so enflammed the hartes of all that bare the beastis mark, that thei ceassed nott, till that the said Frear Kyllour, and with him Frear Beverage, Sir Duncane Symesoun,[144] Robert Froster,[145] ane gentilman, and Dene Thomas Forret,[146] Channoun Regulare and Vicar of Dolour, ane man of upright lief, who all togetther war cruelly murthered in one fyre,[147] the last day of Februar, in the zeir of [God] 1538.[148] This cruelty was used be the said Cardinall, the Chancellar, Bischope of Glasgw, and the incesteous Bischope of Dumblane.[149] After that this cruelty was used in Edinburght, upon the Castell Hill, to the effect that the rest of the Bischoppes mycht schaw thame selfis no less fervent to suppress the light of God, than hie of Sanctandrose was, war apprehended two in the Diosey of Glasgw. The one was named Jeronimus Russall,[150] a Cordyleyr frear, a young man of a meak nature, qwyk spreat, and good letteris; and one Kennedy,[151] who passed not xviij yearis of aige, one of excellent injyne in Scotish poesye. To assist the Bischope of Glasgw in that cruell judgement, or att least to caus him dippe his handis in the blood of the Sanctes of God, war send Maister John Lawder,[152] Maister Andro Oliphant,[153] and Frear Maltman, sergeantis of Sathan,[154] apt for that purpose. The day appointed to thare crueltie approched, the two poore sanctis of God war presented befoir those bloody bowcheouris: grevouse war the crymes that war layed to thare charge. Kennedy at the first was faynt, and glaidly wald have recanted. But whill that place of reapentance was denyed unto him, the Spreit of God, which is the Spreit of all conforte, begane to wyrk into him, yea the inward conforte begane to burst furth, alsweall in visage, as in tung and wourd; for his countenance begane to be chearfull, and with a joyfull voce upoun his kneis, hie said, "O eternal God! how wonderouse is that luf and mercy that thow bearest unto mankynd, and unto me the moist cative and miserable wrache above all utheris; for, evin now, when I wold have denyed thee, and thy Sone, our Lord Jesus Christ, my onlye Saveour, and so have casten my self in everlesting damnatioun; thow, by thy awin hand, has pulled me frome the verray bottome of hell, and mackis me to feall that heavinlie conforte which tackis fra me that ungodly fear, whairwyth befoir I was oppressed. Now I defy death; do what ye please: I praise my God I am readdy." The godly and learned Jeronimus, rayled upoun by those godless tyrantes, ansured, "This is your houre and the power of darknes: now sytt ye as judgeis; and we stand wrongfullie accused, and more wrongfullie to be condempned; but the day shall come, when our innocency shall appeare, and that ye shall see your awin blyndness, to your everlesting confusioun. Go fordward, and fulfill the measur of your iniquitie." Whill that these servandis of God thus behaved thame selfis, aryseth a variance betuix the Bischope and the beastis that came from the Cardinall; for the Bischope said, "I think it better to spayr these men, nor to putt thame to death."[155] Wharat the idiot Doctouris offended, said, "What will yo do, my Lord? Will ye condempne all that my Lord Cardinall and the other Bischoppes and we have done? Yf so ye do, ye schaw your self ennemye to the Kirk and us, and so we will reputt yow, be ye assured." At which wordis, the faythless man effrayed, adjudgeed the innocentis to dye, according to the desyre of the wicked. The meak and gentill Jerome Russall conforted the other with many confortable sentences, oft saying unto him, "Brother, fear nott: more potent is He that is in us, then is hie that is in the world: The pane that we shall suffer is schorte, and shalbe lycht; but our joy and consolatioun shall never have end: And thairfoir lett us contend to enter in unto our Maister and Saveour, by the same strait way, which he has traidd[156] befoir us. Death cane not destroy us; for it is destroyed allreaddy by him for whose saik we suffer." Wyth these and the like confortable sentences, thei passed to the place of executioun; and constantlie triumphed owir death and Sathan, evin in the myddest of the flammyng fyre. And thus did those cruell beastis intend nothing but murther in all the quarteris of this Realme.[157] For so far had that blynded and most vitious man, the Prince, (most vitious, we shall call him, for hie nether spaired manis wieff nor madyn, no more after his mariage then he did befoir,)--so far, we say, had he gevin him self to obey the tyranny of those bloody beastis, that he had maid a solempned vow, That none should be spaired that was suspect of Heresye, yea, althought it war his awin sone. To press and push him fordward in that his fury, he lacked not flatteraris ynew; for many of his miazeonis war pensionaris to preastis; amangis whome, Oliver Synclar, yitt remaning ennemy to God, was the principale. And yit did not God cease to give to that blynded Prince documentis, that some suddane plague was to fall upoun him, in case hie did not reapent his wicked lief; and that his awin mouth did confesse. For after that Sir James Hammyltoun was beheaded,[158] (justlie or injustlie we disput nott,) this visioun came unto him, as to his familiaris him self did declare: The said Sir James appeared unto him, having in his handis a drawin sworde, by the which fra the King hie stroke boith the armes, saying to him these wourdis, "Tak that, whill thow receave a finall payment for all thy impietie." This visioun,[159] with sorowfull conteanance, hie schew on the morow; and schortlie thaireftir deid his two sonnes, boith within the space of 24 houris; yea, some say, within the space of sex houris.[160] In his awin presence, Georde Steill, his greattest flatterar, and greattest ennemy to God that was in his Courte, dropped of his horse, and deid without worde,[161] that same day that, in oppin audience of many, the said George had refuisscd his portioun of Christis kingdome, yf the prayeris of the Virgin Marie should not bring him thairto. How terrible a visioun the said Prince saw, lying in Lynlythqw, that nycht that Thomas Scott,[162] Justice Clerk, dyed in Edinburgh, men of good credite cane yitt reporte. For effrayed at mydnycht, or after, hie cryed for torches, and reissed all that lay besyd him in the Palice, and told that Thome Scott was dead; for hie had bene at him with a company of devillis, and had said unto him these wordes, "O wo to the day, that ever I knew thee, or thy service; for, for serving of thee against God, against his servandis, and against justice, I am adjudgeid to endless torment." How terrible voces the said Thomas Scott pronunced befoir his death, men of all estaitis heard; and some that yitt lyve cane witness;[163] his voce was ever, "_Justo Dei judicio condemnatus sum:_" that is, I am condempned by Goddis just judgement. He was most oppressed for the delatioun and fals accusatioun of such as professed Christis Evangell, as Maister Thomas Marjoribankis,[164] and Maister Hew Rig,[165] then advocattis, did confesse to Maister Henrie Balnavis; who, from the said Thome Scott, cam to him, as he and Maister Thomas Ballenden[166] war sytting in Sanet Geillis Kirk, and asked him forgevance in the name of the said Thomas. None of these terrible forwarnynges could eyther change or mollifie the heart of the indurat, licherous, and avaritious tyranne; but still he dois procead frome impietie to impietie. For, in the myddest of these admonitionis, he caused putt handis in that notable man, Maister George Balquhannan,[167] to whome, for his singulare eruditioun and honest behaveour, was committed the charge to instruct some of his bastard children.[168] Butt, by the mercifull providence of God, he eschaped (albeit with great difficultie,) the rage of these that sought his blood, and remancs alyve to this day, in the yeare of God J^m. V^c. threseor sax yearis, to the glorie of God, to the great honour of his natioun, and unto the conforte of those that delyte in letteris and vertew. That singulare werke of David his Psalmes in Latine meter and poesie,[169] besydis many utheris, cane witness the rare graces of God gevin to that man, which that tyrant, by instigatioun of the Gray Frearis, and of his other flatteraris, wold altogither have devored, yf God had nott providit remeady to his servand by eschaping.[170] This cruelty and persecutioun[171] notwithstanding, thei monstouris and hypocreattis the Gray Frearis, day by day, came farther in contempt; for not only did the learned espy[172] thare abhominable hypocrisye, but also men, in whom no such graces nor giftis ware thought to have bene, begane plainlie to paynt the same furth to the people; as this Ryme, which here we have inserted for the same purpose, maid by ALEXANDER ERLE OF GLENCARNE,[173] yitt alyve, can witnesse, intitulat, ANE EPISTLE DIRECT FRA THE HOLYE ARMITE OF ALLARIT,[174] TO HIS BRETHEREN THE GRAY FREIRES. I, THOMAS, Armite in Larite, Sainet Frances brether[175] hartlie greit, Beseiking yow with ferme[176] intent, To be walkryfe and diligent; For thir Lutherians, rissen of new, Our Ordour daylie dois persew: Thay smaikis do sett their haill intent, To reid this English New Testament; And sayes, We have thame clene disceavit. Therefore, in haist, they man be stoppit.[177] Our stait hypocrisie they prysse, And us blaspheamis on this wyse, Sayand, That we are heretikes, And fals, loud, liand, mastif tykes; Cumerars and quellars of Christes kirk, Sueir swongeouris[178] that will not wirk, But ydlelie our living wynnes, Devouring woulves into sheip skynnes, Hurkland with huides into our neck, Wyth Judas mynd to jouck and beck, Seikand Christes peple to devoir, The down thringars of God his[179] glore, Professouris of hipocrisie, And doctouris in idolatrie, Stout fyschares with the Feindis nett, The upclosars of Heavins yett, Cankcarit corruptars of the Creid, Homlok sawares amangest good seid, To trow in traytouris, that do men tyiste, The hie way kennand thame fra Chryst, Monstouris with the Beast his mark, Dogges that never stintes to bark, Kirk men that are with[180] Christ unkend, A sect that Sathane self hes send, Lurkand in holes, lyke traytour toddes, Mantenaris of idoles and false goddes, Fantastik fooles and feynzeit fleachearis, To turne fra the treuth[181] the verie teachearis. For to declair thair haill sentence, Wald mekle cummer your conscience. Thay say your fayth it is sa stark, Your cord and lowsie coit and sark, Ye lippin, may bring yow to salvatioun, And quyte excludes Christ his passioun. I dreid this doctryne, yf it last, Sall either gar us wirk or fast; Therfor, with speid we mon provyde, And not our proffit to oureslyde. I schaip my selfe, within schort quhyle, To turse[182] our Ladie in Argyle; And there, uncraftie[183] wyse to wirk, Till that we bigged have ane kirk; Syne miracles mak be your avyse. Thay kettereles, though they had but lyse, The twa part to us they will bring: But ordourlie to dress this thing, A gaist I purpose to gar gang, Be counsall of Freir Walter Lang,[184] Quhilk sall mak certane demonstrations, To help us in our procurations, Your haly Ordour to decoir: That practik he proved anes before, Betuix Kirkcaldie and Kingorne; But lymmars made therat sic skorne, And to his fame maide sic degressioun, Sensyne he hard not the Kinges confessioun.[185] Thoicht at that tyme he came na speid, I pray yow tak guid will as deid; And him amongest your selves receave, As ane worth mony of the leave. Quhat I obteyne may, through his arte, Ressoun wald ye had your parte. Your Ordour handles na monye, But for uther casualitie, As beif, meill, butter, and cheiss, Or quhat that we have, that ye plese, Send your Bretheren _et habete_. As now nocht elles, but _valete_. Be THOMAS your brother at command, A cullurune kythed throw many a land.[186] When God had gevin unto that indurat Prince sufficient documentis, that his rebellioun against his blessed Evangell should not prosperouslie succeid, hie rases up against him warr, as that he did against obstinat Saull, in the which he miserablie perrished, as we shall after hear. The occasioun of the Warr was this. Hary the Eight, King of England, had a great desyre to have spokin with oure King; and in that poynt travailled so long, till that he gat a full promesse[187] maid to his Ambassadour, Lord Williame Hawart. The place of meatting was appointed [at] York; which the King of England keap[t] with such solempnitie and preparationis, as never for such ane purpoise was sein in England befoir. Great brute of that jorney, and some preparatioun for the same was maid in Scotland; but in the end, by persuasioun of the Cardinall David Betoun, and by otheris of his factioun, that jorney was stayed, and the Kinges promesse falsefeid. Whareupoun war scharpe letteris of reproch send unto the King,[188] and also unto his Counsall. King Hary frustrat, returned to London, and after his indignatioun declaired, began to fortifie with men his frontearis foranent Scotland. Thare war send to the Bordouris Sir Robert Bowis, the Erle of Anguss, and his brother, Sir George Duglass. Upoun what uther trifeling questionis, (as for the debatable land and such like,) the war brak up, we omitt to wryte. The principall occasioun was the falsefeing of the promeisse befoir maid. Oure King perceaving that the warr wald ryse, asked the Prelattis and Kirkmen, what supporte thei wald maik to the susteanyng of the same; for rather wald he yitt satisfie the desyre of his Uncle, then he wald hasard warr, whare hie saw nott his force able to resist. Thei promissed montanes of gold, (as Sathan thaire father did to Christ Jesus yf he wold wirschipe him;) for rather wold thei have gone to hell, or he should have mett wyth King Hary: for then, thought thei, Fayr weill our kingdome; and fayr weill, thought the Cardinall, his credite and glorie in France. In the end, thei promissed fyftie thousand crownes by year,[189] to be weall payed, so long as the warres lested; and farther, that thaire servandis, and otheris that appartened unto thame, and war exemed from common service, should not the less serve in tyme of necessitie. These vane promisses lifted up in pryde the harte of the unhappye King: and so begynnis the warr. The realme was quartered, and men war laid in Jedburgh and Kelso. All man, (foollis we meane,) bragged of victorie; and in verray deid the begynnyng gave us a fayr schaw. For at the first wardane raid, which was maid at the Sanct Bartholomess day,[190] in the zeir of God J^m. V^c. fourty twa, was the Wardane Sir Robert Bowis, his brother Richard Bowis, Capitane of Norhame, Sir Williame Mallerie[191] knycht, a bastarde sone of the Erle of Anguss, and James Dowglas of Parkhead, then rebelles, with a great number of borderaris, soldeouris, and gentilmen, tackin. [SN: HALDANE RIG.] The Reade was termed Haldane Rig.[192] The Erle of Anguss, and Sir George his brother, did narrowlie eschaipe. Our Papistis and Preastis, proude of this victorye, encouraged the King, so that thare was nothing heard but, "All is owres. Thei ar butt heretyckis. Yf we be a thousand and thei ten thousand, thei dar not feght. France shall enter the ane parte, and we the other, and so shall England be conqueast within a year." Yf any man was sein to smyle att sick vanitie, his was no more bot a tratour and ane heretyck. And yitt by these meanes, men had greattar libertie then thei had befoir, as concernyng thair conscience; for then ceassed the persecutioun. The warr continued till mydd September; and then was send doune the old Duck of Northfolk,[193] with such ane army as a hundreth yearis befoir had not come in Scotland. Thei wer in amassing thaire forses, and setting fordwarte of thare preparationis and munitionis, which ware exceading great, till mydd October, and after; and then thei merched from Berwik, and tended to the west, ever holding Tweid upoun thair one syd, and never camped from that ryver the space of a myle, during the hole tyme thei continewed in Scotland, which was ten or twelf dayis. Forresse war runne upon the day to Smallame,[194] Stichell, and such place nere about, but many snapparis thei gate. Some cornes thei brunt, besydis that which the great host consumed, but small butting thei caryed away. [SN: FALA RAID.] The King assembled his forse att Falow,[195] (for hie was advertised that thei had promessed to come to Edinburght,) and tackin the mustaris all att ane howre, two dayis befoir Alhallow evein,[196] thair war found with him auchttein thousand able men. Upoun the bordouris, that awaited upoun the Engliss army, war ten thousand men, with the Erle of Huntlie, Lordis Erskyn, Seytoun, and Home. These ware judgeid men ynew to hasard battell, albeit the other war esteamed fourtie thousand. Whill the King lyis at Fawla, abyding upoun the gunnes, and upoun advertisment frome the armye, the Lordis begyne to remember how the King had bene long abused by his flatteraris, and principallie by the pensionaris of the preastis. It was anes concluded, that thei wald mack some new remembrance of Lauder-brig[197] to see yf that wald, for a seassoun, somewhat help the estait of thare cuntrie. But, becaus the Lordis could nott aggrie amonges thame selfis, upoun the persones that deserved punishment, (for everie man favored his friend,) the hole eschaiped; and the purpoise was opened unto the King, and by him to the Curteouris, who after that, till that thei came to Edinburgh, stood in no litill feare: But that was suddandly foryett, as we shall after hear. Whill tyme is thus protracted, the Engliss army, for skarstye of victualles, (as was bruted,) retearis thame owir Twead upoun the nycht, and so begynnes to skaill. Whareof the King advertissed, desyris the Lordis and barronis to assist him, to follow thame in England. Whose answer was, with one consent, "That to defend his persone and realme, thei wold hasard lyef and whatsoever thei had; butt to invaid England, nether had thei so just titill as thei desyred; nether yit could thei be then able to do any thing to the hurte of England, considering that thei had long befoir bene absent fra thair houssis, thare provisioun was spent, thare horse wereyed, and that which was greatest of all, the tyme of year did utterlie reclame." This thare answer seamed to satisfie the King; for hie in woordis praised thare prudent foresight and wyse counsall. But the mynt maid to his Curteouris, and that bald repulse of his desyres gevin to him in his awin face, so wounded his proud harte, (for long had hie roung[198] as him self list,) that he decreed a notable revenge, which, no doubt, he had not failled to have executed, yf God by his awin hand had not cutted the coardis of his impietie. He returnes to Edinburgh; the nobilitie, barones, gentilmen, and commones to thair awin habitationis: And this was the secund and thrid dayis of November. Without longar delay, at the Palice of Halyrudhouse, was a new Counsall convened, a Counsall, we meane, of his abusaris; wharein war accusationis laide against the most parte of the nobilitie. Some war heretickis, some favoraris of England, some freindis to the Dowglassis, and so could thare be none faythfull to the King, in thaire opinioun. The Cardinall and the Preastis cast fagottis in the fyre with all thare force; and fynding the King hollie addict to thare devotioun, delivered unto him ane Scroll,[199] conteanyng the names of such as thei, in thare inquisitioun, had convict for Heretickis. For this was the ordour of justice, which these holy fatheris keapt in dampnying of innocent men. Whosoevir wald delaite any of heresye, he was heard: no respect nor consideratioun had what mynd the delatour bayre to the persone delated; whosoever war produced for witnesses war admitted, how suspitious and infame that ever thei ware; yf two or thre had provin any poynt, that by thare law was holden heresye, that was ane heretick: rested no moir but a day to be affixed to his condempnatioun, and to the executioun of thare corrupted sentence. What man could be innocent, whare such judgeis was party, the world may this day considder. Trew it is, by fals judgement and false witnesses, have innocentis bene oppressed from the begynnyng. Butt this fredome to sched innocent blood gatt never the Devill but in the kingdome of Antichrist, "that the innocent should dye, and neyther knaw accusatour nor yitt the witnesses that testifeid against him." Butt how shall the Antichrist be knowin, yf he shall not be contrarious to God the Father, and his Sone Christ Jesus, in law, lief, and doctrin. Butt this we omitt. [SN: A ANSURE WORTHIE OF ANE PRINCE.] The same Scroll had the Cardinall and Prelattis ones[200] presented unto the King befoir, what tyme he returned frome the Navigatioun about the Ylis.[201] Butt then it was refuissed by the prudent and stowt counsall of the Lard of Grange,[202] who opened clearly to the King the practise of the Prelattis, and the danger that thairof mycht ensew. Which considered by the King, (for being out of his passioun, he was tractable,) gave this answer, in the Palice of Halyrudhouse, to the Cardinall and Prelattis, after that thei had uttered thair malice, and schew what profit[203] mycht arise to the Croune, yf hie wold follow thair counsall. "Pack you, Jefwellis:[204] gett yow to your chargeis, and reforme your awin lyves, and be nott instrumentis of discord betuix my nobilitie and me; or ellis, I avow to God, I shall reforme yow, not as the King of Denmark by impreasonment does, neythor yitt as the King of England does, by hanging and heading; but I shall reforme yow by scharpe whingaris,[205] yf ever I heir such motioun of yow againe." The Prelattis dascht and astonyed with this ansure, ceassed for a seassoun to tempt any farther, by rigour against the nobilitie. But now, being informed of all proceadingis by thaire pensionaris, Oliver Synclar, Ross lard of Cragye,[206] and utheris, who war to thame faythfull in all thingis, thei conclude to hasarde ones[207] agane thare formar suyt; which was no sonar proponed but as sone it was accepted, with no small regrate maid by the Kingis awin mouth, that he had so long dyspised thare counsall; "For, (said hie,) now I plainlie see your woordis to be trew. The nobilitie neyther desyres my honour nor continuance; for thei wold nott rydd a myle for my pleasur to follow my ennemyes. [SN: SOLAN MOSS, HOW IT BEGAN.] Will ye tharefor fynd me the meanes, how that I may have a Raid maid in England, without thare knawledge and consent, that may be knawin to be my awin Raide? and I shall bynd me to your counsall for ever." Thare concurred togitther Achab and his false prophettis; thare war gratulationis and clappin of handis; thare war promisses of diligence, closenes, and felicitie. Finally, conclusioun was tackin, that the West bordour of England, which was moist empty of men and garresonis, should be invaided; the Kingis awin banner should be thare; Oliver,[208] the great moynzeoun,[209] should be generall levetenant; but no man should be pryvey, (except the Counsall that was thare then present,) of the interprise, till the verray day and executioun thaireof. The Bischoppes glaidly took the charge of that Raid. Letteris war sent to such as thei wold charge to meat the King, day and place appointed. The Cardinall, with the Earle of Errane, war directed to go to Haddingtoun, to mack a shaw against the East bordour, when the utheris ware in readdynes to invaid the Weast. And thus neather lacked counsall, practise, closenes, nor diligence, to sett fordwarte that interprise: And so, amanges these consultaris, thare was no doubt of ane good successe; and so was the Scroll thankfullie receaved by the King him self, and putt into his awin pocket, whare it remaned to the day of his death, and then was found. In it war conteaned mo then ane hundreth landed men, besydis otheris of meaner degree, amonges whome was the Lord Hammyltoun him self,[210] then secound persone of the realme, delaited. It was bruted, that this Read was devised by the Lord Maxwell;[211] butt the certaintie thairof we have not. The nyght befoir the day appointed to the interprise, the King was found at Lowmabane.[212] To him cumis cumpanyes frome all quarteris, as thei war appointed, no man knowing of ane uther, (for no generall proclamatioun past, but prevey letteris,) nether yitt did the multitude know any thing of the purpose till after mydnycht, when that the trompet blew, and commanded all man to march fordwart, and to follow the King, (who was constantlye supposed to have bene in the host.) Guydes war appointed to conduct thame towardis England, as boith faythfullye and closlye thei did. Upon the point of day, thei approched to the ennemys ground; and so passes the wattir without any great resistance maid unto thame. The forrow[213] goes furth, fyre ryses, herschip mycht have bein sein on everie syd. The unprovedeid people war all together amased; for brycht day appearing, thei saw ane army of ten thowsand men; thare cornes and howssis[214] upoun every syd send flambes of fyre unto the heavin. To thame it was more then a wonder, that such a multitud could have bene assembled and convoyed, no knowledge thairof cuming to any of thare Wardanes. For supporte thei looked nott; and so at the first thei ware utterlie dispared. And yitt begane thei to assemble togitther, ten in one company, twenty in ane uther; and so, as the fray proceaded, thare troopes encreassed, but to no number; (for Carleyle, fearing to have bein assaulted, suffered no man to ishe out of thare yettis;) and so the greatast nomber, that ever appeared or approched befoir the discomfitour, past nott thre or foure hundreth men; and yitt thei maid hott skarmisching, as in thair awin ground, in such fates,[215] thei ar most experte. About ten houris, when fyris war kendilled and almost slokned[216] on every syd, thought Olyver tyme to schaw his glorie; and so incontinent was displayed the Kingis baner; Oliver upoun spearis lyft up upoun menis schoulderis, and thair with sound of trompett was he proclamed generall lievtenneant, and all man commanded to obey him, as the Kingis awin persone under all hieast panes. Thare was present the Lord Maxwaill, Wardane, to whome the regiment,[217] in absence of the King, propirlie apperteaned: he heard and saw all, butt thought more then he spak. Thare war also present the Erles Glencarne and Cassiles, with the Lord Flemyng, and many uther Lordis, Baronis, and gentilmen of Lotheane, Fyf, Anguss, and Mearnes. In this mean tyme did the skirmishing grow hottar[218] then it was befoir: schouttis war heard on everie syd. Some Scottismen war stryckin doune; some not knowing the ground lared, and lost thair horse.[219] Some Engliss horse of purpose war lett lowse, to provok gready and imprudent men to preak[220] at thame; as many did, but fand no advantage. Whill such disordour ryses more and more in the army, men cryed in everie care, "My Lord Lievetennant, what will ye do." Charge was gevin, that all man should lyght and go to array; for thei wald fight it. Otheris cryed, "Against whome will ye feght? Yone men will feght non utherwyise then ye see thame do, yf ye will stand hear whill the morne." New purpose was tackin, that the foott men, (thei had with thame certane bandis of soldeouris,[221]) should softlye retear towardis Scotland, and the horsemen should tack thare horse agane, and so follow in ordour. Great was the noyse and confusioun that was heard, whill that everie man calles his awin sloghorne.[222] The day was neyre spent, and that was the cause of the greatast fear. The Lord Maxwell perceiving what wold be the end of such begynnynges, stood upoun his foote with his freandis, who being admonissed to tack his horse, and provide for him self; ansured, "Nay, I will rather abyd hear the chance that it shall please God to send me, then to go home and thare be hanged." And so hie remaned upoun his foote, and was tackin, whill the multitud fledd, and took the greattar schame. The ennemeis perceaving the disordour, increassed in courage. Befoir thei shouted; but then thei strok. Thei schote spearis and dagged arrowis, whare the cumpanyes war thikest. Some reacuntaris war maid, but nothing availled. The soldeouris caist from thame thaire pickis, culveringis, and utheris weaponis fensable; the horsmen left thair spearis; and so, without judgement, all man fled. The sea was filling, and so the watter maid great stope; but the fear was such as happy was hie that mycht gett a tackar. Such as passed the watter and eschaped that danger, nott weill acquented with the ground, fell into the Sollen Moss.[223] The entrie thairof was pleasing yneuch, but as thei proceaded, all that took that way, eyther lost thare horse, or ellis thame selfis and horse boith. To be schort, a greattar feir and disconfiture, without cause, hes seldome bein sein. For it is said, That whare the men war nott sufficient to tack the handis of presonaris, some rane to houssis, and randred thame selfis to wemen. Stout Oliver[224] was without strack tackin, fleing full manfully; and so was his glorie (stincking and foolishe proudnes we should call it,) suddandly turned to confusioun and schame. In that disconfiture war tackin the two Erles foirsaid, the Lordis Flemyng, Somervaill, and many otheris baronis and gentilmen, besydis the great multitud of servandis. Worldly men may think, that all this came but by mysordour and fortoun, (as thei terme it;) but whosoever has the least sponk of the knowledge of God, may as evidentlie see the werk of his hand in this disconfiture, as ever was sein in any of the battelles left to us in registre by the Holy Ghost. [SN: 1. REG. 20.] For what more evident declaratioun have we, that God faught against Benhadab, King of Aram, when he was disconfited at Samaria, then that we have that God faught with his awin arme against Scotland? In this formare disconfiture, thare did two hundreth and thretty personis in the skyrmyshe, with sevin thousand following them in the great battell, putt to flyght the said Benhadad with thretty Kingis in his cumpany. But hear thare is, in this schamefull disconfiture of Scotland, verray few mo then three hundreth men, without knowledge of any back or battell to follow, putt to flight ten thowsand men without resistance maide. Thare did everie man reaconter his marrow, till that the 230 slew such as matched thame. But heir without slawchter the multitud fled. Thare had those of Samaria the prophete of God to conforte, to instruct, and to promesse victorie unto thame. But England, in that persute, had nothing, but as God secreatlie wrought by his providence in these men that knew nothing of his wirking, nether yitt of the causes thareof, more then the wall that fell upoun the rest of Benhadadis army knew what it did. And tharefor, yit agane we say, that such as in that suddane dejectioun beholdis not the hand of God, feghting against pride for fredome of his awin litill flock, injustly persecutted, dois willingly and malitiouslie obscure the glorie of God. But the end thairof is yitt more notable. The certane knowledge of the disconfiture cuming to the Kingis earis, (who wated upoun newes at Lowmaban,[225]) hie was stryckin with ane suddane feare and astonisment, so that skarslye could hie speak, or had[226] purpoise with any man. The nycht constrayned him to remane whare he was, and so yead[227] to bed; but raise without rest or qwyet sleape. His continuall complaint was, "Oh, fled Oliver! Is Oliver tane? Oh, fled Oliver!" And these woordis in his melancholie, and as it war caryed away in ane transe, repeated hie from tyme to tyme, to the verray hour of his death. Upone the morne, which was Sanct Katherins day,[228] returned he to Edinburgh, and so did the Cardinall from Hadingtoun. But the one being eschamed of the other, the brute of thare communicatioun came nott to publict audience. The King maid inventorie of his poise, of all his juwellis and other substance;[229] and tharefter, as eschamed to look any man in the face, secreatlie departed to Fyfe, and cuming to the Hall-yardis,[230] was humanlie receaved of the Ladye[231] Grange, ane ancient and godly matron, (the Lard at his cuming was absent.) In his cumpany war only with him Williame Kirkaldy, now Lard of Grange, and some otheris that wated upoun his chalmer. The Lady at suppar, persaving him pensive, begane to conforte him, and willed him to tack the werk of God in good parte. "My portioun, (said he,) of this world is schorte, for I will nott be with you fyvetene dayis." His servandis reparing unto him, asked, Whare hie wold have provisioun maid for his Yule?[232] quhilk then approched. He ansuered, with a disdanefull smyrk, "I can nott tell: chuse ye the place. Butt this I cane tell you, or Yule day,[233] ye wilbe maisterless, and the realme without ane King." Becaus of his displeasur, no man durst mack contradictioun unto him. So after that hie had visited the Castell of Carny,[234] perteanyng to the Erle of Crawfurd, whare the said Erles dowghter, ane of his hoores,[235] was, hie returned to Falkland and took bedd. And albeit thare appeared unto him no signes of death, yet hie constantly affirmed, befoir such ane day, "I shalbe dead." [SN: REGINÆ NATIVITAS] In this meantyme, was the Quene upoun the point of hir delivery in Linlithqw, who was delivered the awcht day of December,[236] in the yeare of God J^m. V^c. fourty twa yearis, of MARIE, that then was borne, and now dois ring for a plague to this realme, as the progress of hir hole lief hath to this day declaired. The certantie that a dowghter was borne unto him cuming to his earis, he turned from such as spak with him, and said, "The devill go with it! It will end as it begane: it came from a woman; and it will end in a woman." After that, hie spak nott many woordis that war sensible. But ever hie harped upoun his old song, "Fy, fled Oliver! Is Oliver tane? All is loist." [SN: REGIS EXITUS.] In this meantyme, in his great extremitie, cumes the Cardinall, (ane apt confortare for a desperat man.) He cryes in his ear, "Tak ordour, Schir, with your realme: who shall rewill during the minoritie of your Dowghter? Ye have knawin my service: what will ye have done? Shall thare nott be four Regentes chosyn? and shall nott I be principall of thame?" Whatsoever the King answered, documentis war tackin that so should be, as my Lord Cardinall thought expedient.[237] As many affirme, a dead manes hand was maid to subscrive ane blank, that thei mycht wryte above it what pleased thame best. This finissed, the Cardinall posted to the Quene, laitly befoir delivered, as said is. At the first sight of the Cardinall, sche said, "Welcome, my Lord: Is nott the King dead?" What moved hir so to conjecture, diverse men ar of diverse judgementis. Many whisper, that of old his parte was in the pott, and that the suspition thairof caused him to be inhibite the Quenis cumpany. Howsoever it was befoir, it is plane that after the Kingis death, and during the Cardinallis lyif, whosoever guyded the Court, he gat his secreat besynes sped of that gratiouse Lady, eyther by day or by nycht. Howsoever the tydingis lyked hir, she mended with als great expeditioun of that dowghter as ever she did befoir of any sone she bayre. The tyme of hir purificatioun was sonar then the Leviticall law appointes. But she was no Jewess, and thairefore in that she offended nott.[238] The noyse of the death of King James divulgat, who departed this lyef, the threttene day of December, the year of God 1542 foirsaid,[239] the hartes of men begane to be disclossed. All man lamented that the realme was left without a male to succeid; yit some rejosed that such ane ennemy to Goddis treuth was tackin away. Hie was called of some, a good poore manis King: of otheris hie was termed a murtherare of the nobilitie, and one that had decreed thair hole destructioun. Some prased him for the repressing of thyft and oppressioun; otheris disprased him for the defoulling of menis wyffis and virgines. And thus men spak evin as affectionis led thame. And yitt none spack all together besydis the treuth; for a parte of all these foresaidis war so manifest, that as the verteuis could nott be denyed, so could nott the vices by any craft be clocked. The questioun of governement was throught this realme universallie moved. The Cardinall proclamed the Kingis Last Will,[240] and thairin war expressed foure Protectouris, or Regentis, of whome him self was the first and principall, and with him war joyned the Erles Huntley, Ergyle, and Murray.[241] This was done the Mononday at the Mercat Croce of Edinburgh. But the Mononday following, took the hole Regentis remissioun for there usurpatioun; for by the stout and wyese counsall of the Larde of Grange, did the Erle of Errane, then secound persone to the Croune,[242] causse assemble the nobilitie of the realme, and required the equitie of thare judgementis in that his just suyt to the governement of this realm, during the minoritie of hir to whome hie was to succeid, failling of hir and of hir lauchfull successioun.[243] His freindis convened, the nobilitie assembled, the day of decisioun is appointed. [SN: THE CARDINALIS REASSONIS AGAINST THE GOVERNEMENT OF HAMMYLTONIS.] The Cardinall and his factioun oppones[244] thame to the governement of one man, and especiallie to the regiment of any called Hammyltoun: "For who knowis nott, (say the Cardinall,) that the Hammyltonis ar cruell murtheraris, oppressouris of innocentis, proud, avaritiouse, duble, and false; and finallie, the pestilence in this commoun wealth." Whairto the said Erle ansured, "Defraude me not of my right, and call me what ye please. Whatsoever my freindis have bene, yitt, unto this day, hes no man caus to complaine upoun me, nether yitt am I mynded to flatter any of my freindis in thare evill doing; but by Goddis grace shalbe as fordwarte to correct thare enormities, as any within the realme cane reassonablie requyre of me. And tharefor, yit agane, my Lordis, in Goddis name I crave that ye do me no wrong, nor defraud me not of my just titill befoir that ye have experience of my governement." At these woordis, war all that feared God or loved honestie so moved, that with one voce thei cryed, "That petitioun is most just, and onless we will do against God, justice, and equitie, it can nott be denyed." And, in dispyte of the Cardinall and his suborned factioun, was he declaired Governour, and with publict proclamatioun so denunceid to the people. The Kingis Palace, treasure, jewellis, garmentis, horse, and plate,[245] war delivered unto him by the officiaris that had the formar charge; and he honored, feared, and obeyed more hartlie, then ever any King was befoir, so long as his abood at God. The caus of the great favor that was borne unto him was, that it was bruted that hie favored Goddis woord; and becaus it was weall knowin, that hie was one appointed to have bene persecuted, as the Scroll found in the Kingis pockat, after his death, did witnesse. These two thingis to gitther, with ane opinioun that men had of his simplicitie, bowed the hartes of many unto him in the begynnyng, who after, with dolour of hartes, war compelled to change thare opinionis: But heirof will after be spoken. The varietie of materis that occurred we omitt, such as the ordour tackin for keaping of the young Quene;[246] of the provisioun for the Mother; the home calling of the Dowglassis; and other such, as apperteane to ane universall Historye of the tyme: For, as befoir we have said, we mynd only to follow the progresse of the Religioun, and of the matteris that cane not be dissevered from the same. * * * * * The Governour[247] establissed in governement, godly men repaired unto him, exhorted him to call to mynd for what end God had exalted him; out of what danger he had delivered him; and what expectatioun all men of honestie had of him. At thare instant suyting, more then of his awin motioun, was Thomas Guylliame,[248] a Blak Freare, called to be precher. The man was of solid judgement, reassonable letteris, (as for that age,) and of a prompt and good utterance: his doctrine was holsome, without great vehemency against superstitioun. Preached also sometymes Johnne Rowght, (who after, for the veritie of Christ Jesus, sufferred in England, in the dayis of Marie of curssed memorie,[249]) albeit not so learned, yett more sempill, and more vehement against all impietie. The doctrine of these two provoked against thame, and against the Governour also, the hatterent of all such as more favored darknes then light, and thare awin bellyes more then God. The Gray Frearis, (and amonges the rest Frear Scott,[250] who befoir had geavin him self furth for the greatest professour of Christ Jesus within Scotland, and under that cullour had disclosed, and so endangered many,) these slaves of Sathan, we say, rowped as thei had bein ravinis, yea, rather thei yelled and rored as devillis in hell, "Heresy! heresy! Guylliame and Rought will cary the Govornour to the Dewill." The Toune of Edinburgh, for the most parte, was drouned in superstitioun: Edwarte Hope,[251] young Williame Adamsone, Sibilla Lyndesay, Patrik Lyndesay,[252] Francess Aikman; and in the Cannogait, Johnne Mackaw, and Ryngzeane Broune, with few otheris, had the bruyte of knowledge in those dayis. Ane Wilsone, servand to the Bisehope of Dunkell, who nether knew the New Testament nor the Old, made a dispytfull rayling ballat against the Preachcouris, and against the Govenour, for the which he narrowly eschaped hanging. The Cardinall moved boith heavin and hell to trouble the Governour, and to stay the preaching; but yitt was the battell stowtlye foughtin for a seassone; for he was tackin, and was put first in Dalkeith, after in Seatoun. But at lenth by buddis gevin[253] to the said Lord Seatoun, and to the old Larde of Lethingtoun,[254] he was restored to Sanctandross,[255] frome whense he wrought all myscheif, as we shall after heare. The Parliament approched, which was befoir the Pashe;[256] thare begane questioun of the abolishing of certane tyrannicall Actes, made befoir,[257] at devotioun of the Prelattis, for manteanyng of thair kingdom of darkness, to witt, "That under pane of heresye, no man should reade any parte of the Scriptures in the Engliss toung, nether yitt any tractat or expositioun of any place of Scripture." Such articles begane to come in questioun we say, and men begane to inquyre, yf it was nott als lauchfull to men that understoode no Latyne, to use the woorde of thare salvatioun in the toung thei understood, as it was for Latine men to have it in Latyne, Græcianes or Hebrewis to have it in thare tounges. It was ansured, That the Kirk first had forbiddin all tounges but thei three. But men demanded, when that inhibitioun was gevin; and what counsall had ordeaned that, considering, that in the dayis of Chrisostome he compleanes, that the people used not the Psalmes, and other holy bookis, in thare awin toungis? And yf ye will say thei war Greakis, and understoode the Greak toung; we ansure, that Christ Jesus commanded his woorde to be preached to all nationis. Now, yf it aught to be preached to all nationis,[258] it must be preached in the tung thei understand: Now, yf it be lauchfull to preach it, and to hear it preached[259] in all tounges, why shall it not be lauchfull to read it, and to hear it red in all tounges? to the end that the people may trye the spreittis, according to the commandiment of the Apostill. Beaten with these and other reassonis, thei denyed not but it may be red in the Vulgar toung, providit that the translatioun war trew. It was demanded, what could be reprehended in it? And when much searching was maid, nothing could be found, but that Luif, say thei, was putt in the place of Cheritie. When the questioun was asked, What difference was betuix the one and the other, and yf thei understud the nature of the Greak terme _Agape_?[260] thei war dume. Ressoned for the party of the Secularis, the Lord Ruthven, (father to him that prudentlie gave counsall to tack just punishment upoun that knaif Dawie,[261] for that he abused the unhappy King Hary[262] in mo cases then one,) a stout and discreat man in the cause of God, and Maister Henrie Balnevis, ane old professour: For the parte of the Clargie, Hay, Dene of Restalrige,[263] and certane old Boses with him. [SN: [G]ET THE NAME.] The conclusioun was, the Commissionaris of browghtis, and a parte of the Nobilitie requyred of the Parliament, that it mycht be ennacted, "That it should be lauchfull[264] to everie man to use the benefite of the translatioun which then thei had of the Bibill and New Testament, togitther with the benefite of other tractises conteanyng holsome doctrine, unto such tyme as the Prelattis and Kirk men should geve and sett furth unto thame ane translatioun more correct." The Clargy hearto long repugned; butt in the end, convicted by reassonis and by multitud of votes in thare contrare, thei also condiscended; and so by Act of Parliament, it was maid free to all man and woman to reid the Scriptures in thair awin toung, or in the Engliss toung:[265] and so war all Actes maid in the contrair abolished. This was no small victorie of Christ Jesus, feghting against the conjured ennemyes of his veritie; not small conforte to such as befoir war holdin in such bondage, that thei durst not have red the Lordis Prayer, the Ten Commandimentis, nor Articules of thare fayth, in the Engliss toung, but thei should have bene accused of heresye. Then mycht have bene sein the Byble lying almaist upoun everie gentilmanis table. The New Testament was borne about in many manis handes. We grant, that some (alace!) prophaned that blessed wourd; for some that, perchance, had never red ten sentenses in it, had it maist common in thare hand; thei wold chope thare familiares on the cheak with it, and say, "This hes lyne hyd under my bed-feitt these ten yearis." Otheris wold glorie, "O! how oft have I bein in danger for this booke: How secreatlie have I stollen fra my wyff at mydnyeht to reid upoun it." And this was done of many to maik courte thairby; for all man esteamed the Governour to have bein the most fervent Protestand that was in Europa. Albeit we say that many abused that libertie granted of God miraculouslye, yitt thairby did the knowledge of God wonderouslie increase, and God geve his Holy Spreit to sempill men in great aboundance. Then ware sett furth werkis in our awin toung, besydis those that came from England, that did disclose the pryde, the craft, the tyranny, and abuses of that Romane Antichrist. The fame of our Governour was spred in diverse cuntreis, and many praised God for him. King Hary send unto him his Ambassadour, Mr. Saidlar,[266] who lay in Edinburgh a great parte of the sommer. His commissioun and negotiatioun was, to contract a perpetuall amitie betuix England and Scotland: the occasion wharof God had so offerred, that to many men it appeared that from heavin He had declared his good pleasur in that behalf. For to King Hary, of Jane Somer,[267] (after the death of Quene Katherin, and of all utheris that mycht haif maid his mariage suspect,) was gevin a sone, Edwarte the Saxt of blessed memory, eldar some yearis then our Maistress, and unto us was left a Quene, as befoir we have heard. This wonderfull providence of God caused men of greatast judgement to enter in disputatioun with thame self, whither that, with good conscience, any man mycht repugne to the desyres of the King of England, considdering that thairby all occasioun of warr mycht be cutt of, and great commoditie mycht ensew to his realme. The offerris of King Hary war so large, and his demandis so reassonable, that all that lovith quyetness war content tharewith. Thare war sent from the Parliament to King Hary, in commissioun, Schir Williame Hammyltoun,[268] Schir James Lermont, and Maister Henry Balnevis;[269] who long remaynyng in England, so travailled that all thingis concernyng the mariage betuix Edwart the Saxt and Marie Quene of Scottis was aggreed upoun, except the tyme of hyr deliverance to the custody of Englismen. Upoun the finall conclusioun of the which head, war added to the formare Commissionaris Williame Erle of Glencarne and Schir George Dowglasse, to whome was gevin ample commissioun and good instructionis. In Scotland remaned Maister Saidlare. [SN: NOTE WEALL.] Advertismentis past so frequentlie betuix, yea, the handis of our Lordis so liberallie war anoynted,[270] besydis other commodities promissed, and of some receaved; for diverse presonaris tackin at Solane Mosse[271] war send home ransome free, upoun promesse of thair fidelitie, which, as it was keapt, the ishew will witnesse. Butt in the end, so weall war all ones content, (the Cardinall, the Quene, and the factioun of France, ever excepted,) that solempnedlye, in the Abbay of Halyrudhouse, was the contract of mariage betuix the personis foirsaid, togetther with all the clausis and conditionis requisite, for the faythfull observatioun tharof, red in publict audience, subscryved, sealled, approved and allowed of the Governour for his parte, Nobilitie and Lordis for thare partes; and that nothing should lack that mycht fortifie the mater, was Christis body sacrat, (as Papistes terme it,) brokin betuix the said Governour and Maister Saydlar, Ambassadour, and receaved of thame boyth as a signe and tockin of the unitie of thare myndis, inviolablye[272] to keap that contract,[273] in all poyntis, as thei looked of Christ Jesus to be saved, and after to be reputed men wourthy of credite befoir the world. [SN: THE QUENIS MARIAGE THE SECOUND TYM RATIFIED.] The Papistes raged against the Governour, and against the Lordis that consented, and abaide suyre at the contract foirsaide; and they made a brag to depose the Governour,[274] and to confund all: And without delay rased their forces, and came to Linlitliqw, where the yong Quene was kept.[275] But, upoun the returneyng of the saidis Ambassadouris from England, pacyficatioun was maid for that tyme; for, by the judgements of eyght personis for ather party, chosyn to judge, Whitther that any thing was done by the said Ambassadouris, in the contracting of that mariage, which to do thei had not sufficient power fra the Counsall and Parliament, it was found, That all thingis war done according to thare commissioun, and that so thei should stand: and so war the Seallis of England and Scotland interchanged. Maister James Fowles,[276] then Clerk of Registre, receaved the Great Seall of England; and Maister Sadlare receaved the Great Seall of Scotland. The headis of the contract we pass by. Those thingis newly ratifeid, the merchantis maid frack[277] to saill, and to thare trafique, which, by the truble of warris, had some yearis bein hindered. Frome Edinburgh war frauchted xii schippis richlie ladin, according to the wares of Scotland. From other tounes and portes departed other, who all arryved upoun the coast of England, towardis the south, to witt, in Yarmouht; and without any great necessitie, entered not only within readis, bot also within portes and places of commandiment, and whare that schippis mycht be arreisted. And becaus of the lait contracted amitie, and gentill intertenement that thei found at the first, thei maid no great expeditioun. Bot being, as thei supposed, in securitie, in merynes thei spend the tyme, abyding upoun the wynd. In this meantyme, arryves from France to Scotland the Abbot of Paislay,[278] called bastard brother to the Governour, (whome yitt many esteamed sone to the old Bischope of Dunkelden, called Crychtoun,[279]) and with him Maister David Panteyr, (who after was maid Bischope of Ross.) The brut of the learnyng of these two, and thare honest lyiff, and of thare fervencye and uprychtnes in religioun, was such, that great esperance thare was, that thare presence should haif bene confortable to the Kirk of God. For it was constandlye affirmed of some, that without delay, the one and the other wald occupy the pulpete, and trewly preach Jesus Christ. But few dayis disclosed thair hypochrisye; for what terrouris, what promisses, or what enchanting boxis thei brought fra France, the commoun people knew not. But schort after, it was sein, that Frear Guylliame was inhibite to preach, and so departed to England; Johnne Rowght to Kyle,[280] (a receptakle of Goddis servandis of old.) The men of counsall, judgement, and godlynes, that had travailled to promote the Governour, and that gave him faythfull counsall in all dowtfull materis, war eyther craftely conveyed from him, or ellis, by threatnyng to be hanged, war compelled to leave him. Of the one nomber, war the Lard of Grange foirsaid, Maister Henry Balnavis, Maister Thomas Ballentyne,[281] and Schir David Lyndesay of the Mont;[282] men by whose laubouris he was promoted to honour, and by whose counsall he so used him self at the begynnyng, that the obedience gevin to him was nothing inferiour to that obedience that any King of Scotland of many yearis had befoir him. Yea, in this it did surmont the commoun obedience, that it proceaded from luif of those vertewis that was supposed to have bene in him. Off the number of those that war threatned, war Maister Michaell Durham,[283] Maister David Borthwik,[284] David Foresse, and David Bothwell; who counsalled him to have in his cumpany men fearing God, and not to foster wicked men in thare iniquitie, albeit thei war called his freindis, and war of his surname. This counsall understand by the foirsaid Abbote, and by the Hammyltonis, (who then repaired to the Courte as ravenes to the carioun,) in plane wourdis it was said, "My Lord Governour nor his freandis will never be at qwyetness, till that a dosone of thire knaiffis that abuse his Grace be hanged." These wourdis was spokin in his awin presence, and in the presence of some of thame that had better deserved then so to have bene entracted: the speakar was allowed for his bold and plane speakin. And so the wicked counsall deprehended, honest and godly men left the Court and him in the handis of such, as by thare wicked counsall led him so far from God, that he falsefeid his promeise, dipt his handis in the bloode of the Sanctes of God, and brought this commoun welth to the verray poynt of utter ruyne.[285] And these war the first fructis of the Abbot of Paisley his godlynes and learnyng: butt heirefter we will hear more. [SN: THE GOVERNOUR VIOLATED HIS FAYTH, REFUSED GOD, AND TOOK ABSOLUTIOUN OF THE DEWILL.] All honest and godly men banished from the Courte, the Abbot and his counsall begynnis to lay befoir the inconstant Governour, the dangeris that mycht ensew the alteratioun and change of religioun; the power of the King of France; the commoditie that mycht come to him and his house, by reatenyng the ancient league with France; and the great danger that he brought upoun him self, yf, in any joyt, he sufferred the authoritie of the Pape to be violated or called in dowbt within this realme: considering that thairupoun only stood the securitie of his rycht to the successioun of the Croune of this realme; for by Goddis word wold not the devorcement of his father frome Elizabeth Home, his first wyf,[286] be found lauchfull, and so wald his secound mariage be judgeit null, and he declaired bastard. Caiaphas spak profesy, and yitt wist not what he spak; for, at that tyme, thare was no man that trewlie feared God, that mynded any such thing, but with thare hole force wold have fortifeid the titill that God had gevin unto him, and wold never have called in questioun thingis doun in tyme of darknes. But this head we pas by till God declair his will thairintill. Ane other practise was used; for the Cardinall being sett at libertie, (as befoir we have heard,) ceassed not to trafique with such of the nobilitie as he mycht draw to his factioun, or corrupt by any meanes, to raise a party against the said Governour, and against such as stoode fast at the contract of mariage and peace with England; and so assemblit at Linlythqw, the said Cardinall, the Earlis Ergyle, Huntely, Bothwell, the Bischoppis and thare bandis; and thairefter thei passed to Striveling, and tooke with thame bayth the Quenis, the Mother and the Dowghter,[287] and threatned the depositioun of the said Governour, as inobedient to thare Haly Mother the Kirk, (so terme thei that harlott of Babilon, Rome.) The inconstant man, not throwghtlie grounded upoun God, left in his awin default destitut of all good counsall, and having the wicked ever blawing in his earis, "What will ye do! Ye will destroy your self and your house for ever:"--The unhappy man, (we say,) beaten with these tentationis, randered him self to the appetites of the wicked; for he qwyetlie stall away from the Lordis that war wyth him in[288] the Palice of Halyrudhouse, past to Stirling, subjected him self to the Cardinall and to his counsall, receaved absolutioun, renunced the professioun of Christ Jesus his holy Evangell, and violated his oath that befoir he had maid, for observatioun of the contract and league with England.[289] At that tyme was our Quene crouned,[290] and new promess maid to France. The certaintie heirof cuming to King Hary, our Schotish schippis war stayed, the sayles tackin from thare rayes, and the merchantis and marynaris war commanded to suyre custody. New commissioun was send to Maister Saidlar, (who then still remaned in Scotland,[291]) to demand the caussis of that suddane alteratioun, and to travaill by all meanes possible, that the Governour mycht be called back to his formar godly purpoise, and that he wold not do so foolishlie and inhonestlye, yea, so cruelly and unmercyfullie to the realme of Scotland; that he wold not only lose the commodities offerred, and that war presentlie to be receaved, but that also he wold expone it to the hasard of fyre and suord, and other inconvenientis that mycht insew the warr that was to follow upoun the violatioun of his fayth: but nothing could availl. The Devill keapt fast the grippe that he gatt, yea, evin all the dayis of his governement. For the Cardinall gatt his eldast sone in pledge, whom he keapt in the Castell of Sanctandross, whill the day that Goddis hand punished his pryde. King Hary perceaving that all hope of the Governouris reapentance was lost, called back his Ambassadour, and that with fearfull threatnyngis, as Edinburgh after felt; denunced warr, maid our schippis pryses, and merchantis and marynaris lauchfull preasonaris, which, to the browghtis of Scotland, was no small hearschipp. Butt thairat did the Cardinall and Preastis lawch, and jestinglye he said, "When we shall conqueise England, the merchantis shalbe recompenssed." The somar and the harvist pass ower without any notable thing; for the Cardinall and Abbot of Paislie parted the pray amonges thame: the abused Governour bayre the name only. In the begynnyng of the wynter, came the Erle of Levenox to Scotland,[292] sent fra France in haterent of the Governour, whome the King, (by the Cardinallis advise,) promessed to pronunce bastard, and so to maik the said Erle Governour. The Cardinall forther putt the said Erle in vane hoipe that the Quene Dowager should marye him. He browght with him some money, and more he after receaved fra the handis of La Broche. Butt at lenth, perceaving him self frustrate of all expectatioun that he had, eyther by France, or yitt by the promeise of the Cardinall, he concluded to leave France, and to seak the favouris of England, and so begane to drawe a factioun aganis the Governour; and in haterent of the otheris inconstancie, many favored him in the begynning; for thare assembled at the Yule, in the toune of Ayre, the Erles of Anguss, Glencarne, Cassilles, the Lordis Maxwaill, [and Somerville,][293] the Lard of Drumlangrig, the Schireff of Ayre,[294] with all the force that thei, and the Lordis that remaned constant at the opinioun of England, mycht mack; and after the Yule, thei came to Leyth. The Governoure and Cardinall, with thare forces, keape Edinburgh, (for thei war slaklie persewed.) Men excuse the Erle of Levenox in that behalf, and layd the blame upoun some that had no will of Stewartis regiment. Howsoever it was, such ane appointment was maid, that the said Erle of Levenox was disapoynted of his purpose, and narrowly eschaiped; and first gat him to Glasgw, and after to Dumbertane. Schir George Dowglass was delivered to be keapt as pledge. The Erle his brother,[295] was, in the Lentrane after, tackin at the sege of Glasgw. It was bruyted, that boyth the brethren, and otheris with thame, had lossed thare headis, yf by the providence of God the Engliss army had nott arryved the sonare. After that the Cardinall had gottin the Governour hole addict to his devotioun, and had obtened his intent above a parte of his ennemyes, he begane to practise, how that such as he feared, and thairfoir deadly haited, should be sett by the earis one against ane other, (for in that, thowght the carnall man, stood his greatast securitie.) The Lord Ruthven he haited, be reassone of his knowledge of Goddis woord: the Lord Gray he feared, becaus at that tyme he used the cumpany of such as professed godliness, and bare small favour to the Cardinall. Now, thus reassoned the worldly wise man, "Yf I can putt ennimitie betuix those two, I shalbe rydd of a great nomber of unfreindis; for the most parte of the cuntrey will either assist the one or the other; and so will thei be otherwise occupied, then to watch for my displeasur." He fyndes the meanes, without longe process; for he laubouris with Johnne Charterowse, (a man of stout corage and many freindis,)[296] to accept the provostrie of Sanct Johnestoun, which he purchasses to him by donatioun of the Governour, with a charge to the said Toune to obey him as thare lauchfull Provest. Whareat, not only the said Lord Ruthven, but also the toune, being offended, gave ane negative ansuer, alledging, That such intrusioun of men in office was hurtfull to thare priviledge and fredom; which granted unto thame free electioun of thare Provest from year to year, at a certane tyme appointed, quhilk thei could not nor wold nott prevent. Heirat the said Johnne offended said, "That he wold occupie that office by force, yf thei wold not give it unto him of benevolence;" and so departed and communicat the mater with the Lord Gray, with Normond Leslie, and with other his freindis; whome he easily persuaded to assist him in that persuyt, becaus he appeared to have the Governouris ryght, and had nott only a charge to the toune, as said is, but also he purchassed letteris to beseige it, and to tack it by strong hand, yf any resistance war maid unto him. Such letteris, we say, made many to favour his actioun. The other maid for defence, and so tuk the Maister of Ruthven (the Lord that after departed in England,)[297] the mantenance of the toune, having in his cumpany the Lard of Moncreif,[298] and other freindis adjacent. The said Johnne maid frack for the persuyt; and upoun the Magdelane day,[299] in the mornyng, anno 1543, approched with his forses; the Lord Gray tacking upoun him the principall charge. It was appointed, that Normond Leslye, with his freandis, should have come by schip, with munitioun and ordnance, as thei war in reddynes. But becaus the tyde served nott so soone as thei wold, the other thinking him self of sufficient forse, for all that war in the toune, entered in by the brig, whare thei fand no resistance, till that the formar parte was entered a pretty space within the Fische Gate;[300] and then the said Maister of Ruthven, with his cumpany, stowtlie recountred thame, and so rudlye repulsed the formest, that such as war behynd gave back. The place of the retear was so straite, that men that durst not feght, could not flye at thare pleasur, (for the moist part of the Lord Gray his freindis war upoun the brig;) and so the slaughter was great; for thare fell in the edge of the suord threescoir men. The Cardinall had rather that the unhappe had fallen on the other parte; but howsoever it was, he thowght that such truble was his conforte and advantage. The knowledge whareof came unto the earis of the partie that had receaved the disconfiture, and was unto thame no small greaff; for as many of thame entered in that actioun for his pleasour, so thowght thei to have had his fortificatioun and assistance, whairof fynding thame selfis frustrat, thei begane to looke more narrowly to thame selfis, and did not so much attend upon the Cardinallis devotioun, as thei had wont to do befoir: and so was a new jelosey engendered amanges thame; for whosoever wold nott play to him the good vallett, was reputed amangis his ennemyes. The Cardinall drew the Governour to Dundye;[301] for he understood that the Erle of Rothess and Maister Henrie Balnaves war with the Lord Gray in the Castell of Huntlie.[302] The Governour send and commanded the saidis Erle and Lord, with the foirsaid Maister Henrie, to come unto him to Dundy, and appointeid the nixt day, at ten houris befoir none; which hour thei decreid to keap; and for that purpose assemblet thare folkis at Bawgawy,[303] or thareby. The Cardinall advertissed of thare nomber, (thei war mo then thre hundreth men,) thowght it nott good that thei should joyn with the toune, for he feared his awin estaite; and so he persuaded the Governour to pas furth of Dundy befoir nyne houris, and to tak the strayth way to Sanct Johnnestoun.[304] Which perceaved by the foirsaid Lordis, thei begane to feare that thei war come to persew thame, and so putt thame selves in ordour and array, and merched fordward of purpose to have biddin the uttermost. But the craftie fox foirseing, that in feghtting stood nott his securitie, rane to his last refuge, that is, to manifest treasone; and so consultatioun was tackin how that the force of the otheris mycht be brokin. And at the first, war send the Lard of Grange and the Provest of Sanctandross,[305] (knowing nothing of treason,) to ask "Why thei molested my Lord Governour in his jorney?" Whairto thei ansuered, "That thei ment nothing less; for thei came at his Grace's commandiment, to have keap the hour in Dundy appointed by him, which becaus thei saw prevented, and knawing the Cardinall to be thare unfreand,[306] thei could nott butt suspect thare unprovided cuming furth of the toune; and thairfoir, thei putt thame selfis in ordour not to invaid, but to defend in caise thei war invaded." This ansure reported, was send to thame _the Bischope of Sanctandross_,* [SN: THE ABBOT OF PASLEY[307]*] Maister David Panter, the Lardis of Balclewhe and Coldinknowis, to desyre certane of the other cumpany to talk with thame; which thei easelie obteined, (for thei suspected no treasone.) After long communicatioun, it was demanded, Yf that the Erle and Lord and Maister Henrie foirsaid, wold nott be content to talk with the Governour, providit that the Cardinall and his cumpany war of the ground? Thei ansuerit, "That the Governour mycht command thame in all thinges lauchfull, but thei had no will to be in the Cardinalles mercye." Fayre promisses ynew war maid for thare securitie. Than was the Cardinall and his band commanded to depart; as that he did according to the purpoise tackin. The Governour remaned and ane certane with him; to whom came without cumpany the saidis Erle, Lord, and Maister Henrye. After many fair woordis gevin unto thame all, to witt, "That he wold have thame aggreed with the Cardinall; and that he wold have Maister Henrye Balnaves the wyrkar and instrument thairof," he drew thame fordwartes with him towardis Sanet Johnnestoun, whether to the Cardinall was ridden. Thei begane to suspect, (albeit it was to lett,) and tharefor thei desyred to have returned to thare folkis, for putting ordour unto thame. But it was ansuerid, "Thei should send back fra the toune, but thei most neidis go fordwart with my Lord Governour." And so, partlye by flatterye and partlye by force, thei war compelled to obey. And how sone that ever thei war within the toune, thei war apprehended, and upoun the morne send all three to the Black Nesse, whare thei remaned so long as that it pleased the Cardinallis graceless Grace, and that was till that the band of manrent and of service, sett some of thame at libertie. And thus the Cardinall with his craft prevalled on everie syd; so that the Scotesh proverbe was trew in him, "So long rynnis the fox, as he fute hes."[308] Whether it was at this his jorney, or at ane other, that that bloody bowchar executed his crueltye upoun the innocent personis in Sanct Johnestoun, we can not affirme; neyther yett thairin study we to be curious; but rather we travall to expresse the veritie, whersoever it was done, then scrupluslye and exactly to appoint the tymes,[309] which yitt we omitt nott when the certaintye occurres. The veritie of that cruell fact is this. At Sanct Paules day,[310] befoir the first burnyng of Edinburgh, came to Sanct Johnestoun the Governour and Cardinall, and there, upoun invyous delatioun, war a great nomber of honest men and wemen called befoir the Cardinall, accused of heresye; and albeit that thei could be convict of nothing but only of suspitioun that thei had eittin a guse upoun Fryday, four men war adjudged to be hanged, and a woman to be drouned; which cruell and most injust sentence was without mercy putt in executioun. The husband was hanged, and the wyfe, having ane suckin babe upoun hir breast, was drowned.--"O Lorde, the land is nott yitt purged from such beastlye crueltye; neyther has thy just vengence yitt strickin all that war criminall of thare blood: But the day approchcs when that the punishment of that cruelty and of otheris will evidentlye appear." The names of the men that war hanged, war James Huntar, Williame Lambe,[311] Williame Andersoun, James Rannelt, burgesses of Sanct Johnestoun. At that same tyme war banissed Schir Henrie Eldar,[312] Johnne Eldar, Walter Pyper, Laurence Pullare, with diverse utheris, whose names came nott to our knowledge. That sworne ennemye to Christ Jesus, and unto all in whome any sponk of trew knowledge appeared, had about that same tyme in preason diverse; amonges whome was Johne Roger, a Blak Freir, godly, learned, and ane that had fruetfully preached Christ Jesus, to the conforte of many in Anguss and Mearnes, whome that bloody man caused murther in the ground of the Sea-toure of Sanctandross, and then caused to cast him ower the craig, sparsing a false bruyt, "That the said Johnne, seaking to flie, had broken[313] his awin craig." Thus ceassed nott Sathan, by all meanes, to manteane his kingdome of darkness, and to suppresse the light of Christis Evangell. But potent is he against whome thei faught; for when thay wicked war in greatast securitie, then begane God to schaw his anger. For the thride day of Maij, in the year of God J^m. V^c. xliiij yearis, without knowledge of any man in Scotland, (we meane of such as should haif had the care of the realme,) was seene a great navye of schippis arryving towardis the Firth. The postis came to the Governour and Cardinall, (who boith war in Edinburgh,) what multitud of schippis ware sene, and what course thei took. This was upoun the Setterday befoir nune. Questioun was had, what should thei meane? Borne said, It is no doubt but thei ar Englismen, and we fear that thei shall land. The Cardinall scripped and said, "It is but the Island flote: thei ar come to mak a schaw, and to putt us in feare. I shall lodge all the men-of-ware into my cae,[314] that shall land in Scotland." Still sittis the Cardinall at his dennare, eavin as that thare had bene no danger appearing. Men convenis to gase upoun the schippis, some to the Castell Hill, some to the Craiggis, and other places eminent. But thare was no questioun, "With what forces shall we resist, yf we be invadit?" Sone after sax houris at nycht, war arryved and had casten anker in the Read of Leyth, mo then two hundreth sailles. Schortlie thare after the Admirall schot a flote boite, which, frome Grantoun craigis[315] till be east Leyth, sounded the deipe, and so returned to hir schippe. Heirof war diverse opinionis. Men of judgement foresaw what it ment. But no credite was geavin to any that wold say, "Thei mynd to land." And so past all man to his rest, as yf thei schippis had bene a gard for thare defence. Upone the poynt of day, upon Sounday, the fourt of Maij, addressed thei for landing, and ordered thei thare schippis so that a galay or two lade thare snowttis to the craiggis.[316] The small schippis called pinaces, and light horsmen approched als neir as thei could. The great schippis discharged thare souldiouris in the smallare veschellis, and thei by bottis, sett upon dry land befoir ten houris ten thousand men, as was judged, and mo. The Governour and Cardinall seing then the thing that thei could nott, or att least thei wold nott beleve befoir, after that thei had maid a brag to feght, fled as fast as horse wold cary them; so that after, thei approched nott within twenty myllis of the danger. The Erle of Anguss, and George[317] Dowglas war that nycht freed of ward, (thei war in Blakness.)[318] The said Schir George in merynes said, "I thank King Hary and my gentill Maisteris of England." [SN: THE BIRNING OF EDINBURGH.] The Engliss army betuix twelf and one hour[319] entered in Leyth, fand the tables covered, the dennaris prepared, such aboundance of wyne and victuallis, besydis the other substance, that the lyik riches within the lyik boundis was nott to be found, neyther in Scotland nor England. Upone the Mononday the fyft of Maij, came to thame from Berwik and the Bordour, two thowsand horsmen, who being somewhat reposed, the army, upoun the Wedinsday marched towardis the Toune of Edinburgh, spoyled and brynt the same, and so did thei the Palice of Halyrudhouse.[320] The horsmen took the House of Cragmyllare, and gatt great spoyle tharein; for it being judged[321] the strongast house near the Toune, other then the Castell of Edinburgh, all man sowght to saif thare movables thairin. But the stoutness of the Larde gave it over without schote of hack-que-boote, and for his reward was caused to merch upoun his foote to Londoun. He is now Capitane of Dumbar and Provest of Edinburgh.[322] The Englismen seing no resistance, hurlled by force of men cannounes up the calsay to the Butter-throne,[323] or above, and hasarded a schoote at the for-entree of the Castell. Butt that was to thare awin paines; for thei lying without trinche or gabioun, war exponed to the force of the hole ordinance of the said Castell, which schote, and that nott all in vane; for the quheill and extrye of one of the Engliss cannownes war brokin, and some of thare men slayne; and so thei left with small honour that interprise, tackin rather of rashnes, then of any advised counsall. When the most parte of the day thei had spoyled and brynt, towardis the nyeht thei returned to Leyth, and upoun the morow returned to Edinburgh, and executed the rest of Goddis judgementis for that tyme. And so when thei had consumed boyth the Tounes, thai laded the schippis with spoyle thareof,[324] and thei by land returned to Berwik, using the cuntry for the most parte at thare awin pleasur. This was a parte of the punishment, which God took upoun the realme for infidelitie of the Governour, and for the violatioun of his solempned oath. Butt this was nott the end; for the realme was devided in two factionis; the one favored France; the other the league laitly contracted with England: The one did in no thingis throwghlie credite the uther; so that the countrey was in extreame calamitie; for to the Englismen war delivered diverse strenthis, such as Carelaverok, Lowmaben and Longhame. The maist parte of the Bordouris war confederat with England. And albeit that first, at Ankrome Mure, in Februare, in the year of God J^m. V^c. fourty four, was Schir Raif Evers,[325] with many other Englismen slayne, and the yeare after war some of the saidis strenthis recovered; yitt was it nott without great loss and detriment to the commoun wealth. For in the moneth of Junij, in the year of God J^m. V^c. fourty fyve, Monsoure de Lorge,[326] with bandis of men of warr, came frome France for a further destructioun to Scotland; for upoun thare brag was ane army rased. Fordwarte go thei towardis Wark,[327] evin in the myddist of harvist. The Cardinallis baner was that day displayed, and all his fecallis war charged to be under it. Many had befoir promissed, but at the poynt it was left so bayre, that with schame it was schut up in the pock againe, and thei after a schaw returned with more schame to the realme, then skaith to thare ennemyes. The black booke of Hammyltoun maikis mentioun of great vassalege[328] done at that tyme by the Governour, and the Frenche.[329] But such as with thare eyis saw the hole progresse, knew that to be a lye, and dois repute it amonges the veniale synnes of that race, which is to speake the best of thameselves thei can. That wynter following, so nurtored the French men, that thei learned to eatt, (yea, to beg,) caikes which at thare entrie thei skorned. Without jesting, thei war so miserable entreated, that few returned to France agane with thare lyves. The Cardinall had then almost fortifeid the Castell of Sanctandross, which he maid so strong, in his opinioun, that he regarded neyther England nor France. The Erle of Levenox, as said is, disapoynted of all thingis in Scotland, past to England, whare he was receaved of King Hary in protectioun, who gave him to wyffe Lady Margaret Dowglas,[330] of whome was borne Hary, umquhile husband to our Jezabell Maistres. Whill the inconstant Governour was sometymes dejected and sometymes resed up againe be the Abbot of Paslay,[331] who befoir was called "chaster then any madyn," begane[332] to schaw him self; for after he had tackin by craft the Castellis of Edinburgh and Dumbar, he tooke also possessioun of his Eme's wyiff,[333] the Lady Stennoss:[334] the woman is and hes bein famouse, and is called Lady Gylton. Hir Ladiship was holdin alwayis in propertie;[335] but how many wyiffis and virgenes he hes had sen that tyme in commoun, the world knowis, albeit nott all, and his bastard byrdis[336] bear some witness. Such is the example of holynes that the flock may receave of the Papisticall Bischoppis. [SN: THE WOORDIS OF MAISTER GEORGE WISHARTE IN DONDYE.] In the myddest of all the calamities that came upoun the realme after the defectioun of the Governour from Christ Jesus, came in Scotland that blissed Martyre of God MAISTER GEORGE WISHARTE,[337] in cumpany of the Commissionaris befoir mentionat, in the year of God 1544; a man of such graces as befoir him war never hard within this realme, yea, and ar rare to be found yit in any man, nocht withstanding this great lyght of God that sence his dayis hes schyned unto us. He was not onlye singularlye learned, aisweall in godlye knowledge, as in all honest humane science; bot also he was so clearlye illummated with the spreat of prophesye, that he saw nott only thingis perteanyng to him self, but also such thingis as some Tounes and the hole Realme afterward felt, which he foir-spak, nott in secreat, but in the audience of many, as in thare awin places shalbe declaired. The begynnyng of his doctrin was in Montrose. Tharefra hie departed to Dundy, whare, with great admiratioun of all that heard him, he tawght the Epistill to the Romanes, till that, by procurement of the Cardinall, Robert Myll, then one of the principall men in Dundye, and a man that of old had professed knowledge, and for the same had sufferred trublc, gave, in the Quenis and Governouris name, inhibitioun to the said Maister George, that he should truble thare toune no more; for thei wold not suffer it. And this was said unto him, being in the publict place; which heard, he mused a pretty space,[338] with his eis bent unto the heavin, and thareafter looking sorowfullie to the speakar, and unto the people, he said, "God is witness, that I never mynded your truble, but your conforte. Yea, your truble is more dolorous unto me, then it is unto your selves. But I am assured that to refuse Goddis Word, and to chase from yow his messinger, shall not preserve yow frome truble; but it shall bring yow into it. For God shall send unto yow messingeris, who will not be efinayed of bornyng, nor yitt for banishment. I have offerred unto yow the woorde of salvatioun, and with the hasarde of my lyef I have remaned amanges yow. Now ye your selves refuise me, and tharefoir man I leave my innocencye to be declared by my God. Yf it be long prosperus with yow, I am nott ledd with the Spreitt of treuth. Butt and yf truble unlooked for apprehend yow, acknowledge the caus, and turne to God, for he is mercifull. But yf ye turne not at the first, he shall viseitt yow with fyre and sword." These woordis pronunsed, he came doune frome the preaching place. In the kirk present was the Lord Merschell,[339] and diverse noblemen, who wold have had the said Maister George to have remaned, or ellis to have gone with him in the countrey. Butt for no requeast wold he eyther tary in the toune or on that syd of Tay any longar. Butt with possible expeditioun past to the west-land, whare he begane to offerr Goddis woord, which was of many gladlye received, till that the Bischop of Glasgw, Dumbar, by instigatioun of the Cardinall came with his gatheringis to the toune of Ayr, to mack resistance to the said Maister George, and did first occupy the kirk. The Erle of Glencarne being thairof advertissed, repaired with his freindis to the toune with diligence, and so did diverse gentilmen of Kyle, (amonges whome was the Lard of Lefnoryss,[340] a man far different frome him that now lyvith*, [SN: ANNO 1566.*] in maneris and religioun,) of whome to this day yitt many lyve, and have declared thame selfis alwayes zelous and bold in the caus of God, as after wilbe heard. When all war assembled, conclusioun was tackin that thei wold have the kirk; wharto the said Maister George utterlye repugned, saying, "Lett him allone; his sermon will nott much hurte: Lett us go to the Merkate Croce;" and so thei did, whare he made so notable a sermon, that the verray ennemies thame selves war confounded. [SN: THE BISCHOPE OF GLASGOW HIS PREACHING IN AYRE.] The Bischope preached to his jackmen, and to some old bosses of the toune. The summe of all his sermon was: "Thei say that we shuld preach: why nott? Bettir late thrive then never thrive: had us still for your Bischop, and we shall provid better for the next tyme." This was the begynnyng and the end of the Bischoppis sermon, who with haist departed the toune, butt returned nott agane to fulfill his promisse. The said Maister George remaned with the gentilmen in Kyle, till that he gate suyre knowledge of the estate of Dondye. Hie preached commonlie at the kirk of Gaston,[341] and used much in the Barr.[342] He was requyred to come to the kirk of Mauchlyne, as that he did. But the Schiref of Ayr[343] caused man the kirk, for preservatioun of a tabernakle that was thare, bewtyfull to the eie. The personis that held the kirk was George Campbell of Mongaswood, that yitt lyveth,* [SN: ANNO 1566.*] Mongo Campbell of Brounesyd, George Read in Dawdeling, the Lard of Tempilland.[344] Some zelous of the parishyne, amangis whome Hew Campbell of Kingzeanclewch,[345] offended that thei shuld be debarred thare parish kirk, concludit by force to enter. But the said Maister George withdrew the said Hew, and said unto him, "Brother, Christ Jesus is as potent upoun the feildis as in the kirk; and I fynd that he him self often preached in the deserte, at the sea syd, and other places judged prophane, then that he did in the Tempill of Hierusalem. It is the woord of peace that God sendis by me: the blood of no man shalbe sched this day for the preaching of it." And so with drawing the hole people, he came to a dyck in a mure edge, upoun the sowth-west syd of Mauchlyne, upoun the which he ascended. The hole multitude stood and sat about him, (God gave the day pleasing and hote.) He continewed in preach[ing] more then three houris. In that sermoun, God wrowght so wonderfullye with him, that ane of the most wicked men that was in that countrey, named Laurence Ranckin lard of Scheill,[346] was converted. The tearis rane from his eis in such habundance, that all men wondered. His conversioun was without hipochrysye, for his lyif and conversatioun witnessed it in all tymes to come. Whill this faithfull servand of God was thus occupyed in Kyle, woord rais that the plague of pestilence was rissen in Dondye,[347] which begane within foure dayis, after that the said Maister George was inhibite preaching, and was so vehement, that it almost passed credibilitie, to hear what nomber departed everie foure and twenty houris. The certantie understand, the said Maister George tooke his leave of Kyle, and that with the regrate of many. Bot no requeist could mack him to remane: his reassone was, "Thei ar now in truble, and thei nead conforte: Perchance this hand of God will make thame now to magnifie and reverence that woord, which befoir (for the fear of men,) thei sett at light price."[348] Cuming unto Dondye, the joy of the faythfull was exceading great. He delayed no tyme, bot evin upoun the morow gave significatioun that he wold preache. And becaus the most parte war eyther seak, or ellis war in cumpany with those that war seak, he chosed the head of the East Porte of the Toune for his preaching place; and so the whole sat or stood within, the seik and suspected without the Porte.[349] The text upoun the which his first sermoun was made, he took fra the hundreth and sevin Psalme; the sentence thareof, "He send his woorde and heallod thame;" and tharewith joyned these woordis, "It is neather herbe nor plaster, O Lord, butt thy woord healleth all." In the which sermoun, he maist confortablie did intreat the dignitie and utilitie of Goddis woord; the punishment that cumis for the contempt of the same; the promptitude of Goddis mercy to such as trewlye turne to him; yea, the great happynes of thame whome God tackis from this miserie, evin in his awin gentill visitatioun, which the malice of man cane neyther eak nor paire. By the which sermoun he so rased up the hartis of all that heard him, that thei regarded nott death, but judged thame more happy that should departe, then such as should remane behynd; considering that thei knew nott yf thei shuld have such a confortar with thame at all tymes. He spared not to viseit thame that lay in the verray extreamitie; he conforted thame as that he mycht in such a multitude; he caused minister all thingis necessarye to those that mycht use meat or drynk; and in that poynt was the Toune wonderouse beneficiall; for the poore was no more neglected then was the rich. Whill he was spending his lyve to conforte the afflicted, the Devill ceassed nott to stirr up his awin sone the Cardinall agane, who corrupted by money a disperat preast, named Schir Johne Wightone, to slay the said Maister George, who looked not to him self in all thingis so circumspectlie as worldlie men wold have wissed. And upoun a day, the sermoun ended, and the people departing, no man suspecting danger, and tharefore nott heading the said Maister George, the Preast that was corrupted stood wating at the foot of the steppis, his goune lowse, and his whinger drawin into his hand under his gown, the said Maister George, as that he was most scharpe of eie and judgement, marked him, and as he came neyr, he said, "My friend, what wald ye do?" And tharewith he clapped his hand upoun the Preastis hand, wharein the whingar was, which he tooke from him. The Preast abassed, fell down at his feitt, and openly confessed the veritie as it was. The noyse rysing, and cuming to the earis of the seik, thei cryed, "Deliver the tratour to us, or ellis we will tack him by forse;" and so thei birst[350] in at the yett. But Maister George took him in his armes, and said, "Whosoevir trubles him shall truble me; for he has hurte me in nothing, bot he hes done great conforte boyth to yow and me, to witt, he hes lattin us understand what we may feare in tymes to come. We will watch better." And so he appeased boith the one parte and the other, and saved the lyif of him that soght his. When the plague was so ceassed, that almost thare war none seak, he tooke his leave of thame, and said, "That God had almost putt end to that battell: he fand him self called to ane other." The gentilmen of the West had written unto him, That he should meitt thame at Edinburgh; for thei wald requyre disputatioun of the Bischoppis, and that he should be publictlie heard. Whaireto he willinglye aggreed; but first, he passed to Montrose, to salute the Kirk thare; whare he remaned occupyed sometymes in preaching, but most parte in secreat meditatioun, in the which he was so earnest, that nycht and day he wold continew in it. Whill he was so occupyed with his God, the Cardinall drew a secreat drawght for his slawchter. He caused to writt unto him a letter, as it had bein frome his most familiare friend, the Larde of Kynneyre,[351] "Desyring him with all possible diligence to come unto him, for he was strickin with a suddane seakness." In this meantyme, had the tratour provided thre score men, with jackis and spearis, to lye in wate within a myll and a half of the toune of Montrose, for his dispatche. The letter cuming to his hand, he maid haste at the first, (for the boy had brought a horse,) and so with some honest men, he passes forth of the toune. But suddandlye he stayed, and musing a space, returned back; whareat thei wondering, he said, "I will nott go: I am forbiddin of God: I am assured thare is treasone. Lett some of yow, (sayis he,) go to yonder place, and tell me what ye fynd." Diligence made, thei fand the treassone, as it was; which being schawin with expeditioun to Maister George, he ansured, "I know that I shall finysh this[352] my lief in that blood-thrusty manis handis; butt it will not be of this maner." The tyme approching that he had appointed to meit the gentilmen at Edinburght, he took his leave of Montrose, and, sore against the judgement of the Lard of Dune,[353] he entered in his jorney, and so returned to Dondy; but remaned not, but passed to the hous of a faythfull brother, named James Watsone, who dwelt in Inner Gowrye, distant frome the said toune two myles, and that nycht, (as informatioun was gevin to us by Williame Spadin and Johnne Watsoun, both men of good credyte,) befoir day a litill he passed furth into a yard. The said Williame and Johne followed previlie, and took head what he did. When he had gone up and doune into ane alay a ressonable space, with many sobbes and deape grones, he platt upoun[354] his knees, and setting thareon, his grones increassed; and frome his knees he fell upoun his face; and then the personis fornamed heard weaping and, as it war ane indigest sound, as it war of prayeris, in the which he continewed neyre ane hour, and after begane to be qwiet; and so arrose and came in to his bed. They that awated prevented him, as thei had bein ignorant, till that he came in; and than begane thei to demand whare he had bein? Butt that nycht he wold ansuer nothing. Upoun the morow, thei urged him agane; and whill that he dissimuled, thei said, "Maister George, be plaine with us; for we heard your grones; yea, we heard your bitter murning, and saw yow boyth upoun your kneis and upoun your face." With dejected visage, he said, "I had rather ye had bein in your beddis, and it had bein more profitable to yow, for I was skarse weall occupyed." When thei instantlie urged him to lett thame know some conforte; he said, "I will tell yow, that I am assured that my travail is neir ane end; and tharefor call to God with me, that now I schrink not when the battell waxis moist hoote." And whill that thei weaped, and said, "That was small conforte unto thame;" [SN: PROPHECIE SPOKIN BY MAISTER GEORGE WISHARTE.] he ansured, "God shall send yow conforte after me. This realme shalbe illuminated with the light of Christis Evangell, as clearlie as ever was any realme sence the dayis of the Apostles. The house of God shalbe builded in to it. Yea, it sall not lack, (whatsoever the ennemye imagyne in the contrare,) the verray cope stone:"[355] Meanyng that it shuld anes be browght to the full perfectioun. "Neyther, (said he,) shall this be long to: Thare shall nott many suffer after me, till that the glorie of God shall evidently appear, and shall anes triumphe in dispyte of Sathan. Butt, allace! yf the people shall after be unthankfull, then fearfull and terrible shall the plagues be that after shall follow." And with these woordis he marched fordwardis in his jorney towardis Sanct Johnestoun; and so to Fyff, and then to Leyth. Whare arryved, and hearing no wourd of those that appointed to meitt him, (to witt, the Erle of Cassilles, and the gentill men of Kyle and Cunynghame,[356]) keap him self secreat a day or two. But begynnyng to wax sorowfull in spreit, and being demanded of the caus, of such as war nott into his cumpany of befoir, he said, "What differ I from a dead man, except that I eat and drynk? To this tyme God hes used my laubouris to the instructioun of otheris, and unto the disclosing of darknes; and now I lurk as a man that war eschamed, and durst not schaw him self befoir men." By these and lyik woordis, thei that heard him understoode that his desyre was to preach; and tharefoir said, "Maist confortable it war unto us to hear yow: but becaus we know the danger wharein ye stand, we dar not desyre yow." "But dar ye and otheris hear, (said he,) and then lett my God provide for me, as best pleasith him." Finally, it was concluded, that the nixt Sounday he should preach in Leyth; as that he did, and took the text, "The Parable of the Sowar that went furth to saw sead," Mathæi, 13. And this was upoun a fyvetene dayis[357] befoir Yule. The sermon ended, the gentill men of Lotheane, who then war earnest professouris of Christ Jesus, thought not expedient that he shuld remane in Leyth, becaus that the Governour and Cardinall war schortlie to come to Edinburgh; and tharefore thei tooke him with thame, and keapt him sometymes in Brounestoun, sometymes in Langnudry, and sometymes in Ormestoun; for those thrie[358] diligentlie awated upoun him. The Sounday following, he preached in the kirk of Enresk,[359] besydis Mussilburght, both befoir and at after none, whare thare was a great confluence of people, amonges whome was Schir George Douglass,[360] who after the sermon said publictlie, [SN: THE WOORDIS OF SIR GEORGE DOWGLASS.] "I know that my Lord Governour and my Lord Cardinall shall hear that I have bein at this preaching, (for thei war then in Edinburght.) Say unto thame that I will avow it, and will nott onlye manteane the doctrin that I have hard, bot also the persone of the teachare to the uttermost of my power." Which woordis greatly rejosed the people and the gentilmen then present. [SN: MAISTER GEORGE WISHARTE HIS THREATNYNG TO TWO GRAY FREIRIS.] One thing notable in that sermon we can not pass by. Amonges otheris thare came two Gray Frearis, and standing in the entrie of the kirk doore, thei made some whispering to such as came in. Which perceaved, the preachar said to the people that stoode ney thame, "I hartlye pray yow to mack roome to those two men: It may be that thei be come to learne." And unto thame he said, "Come neyr, (for thei stoode in the verray entrye of the doore,) for I assure yow ye shall heare the woord of veritie, which shall eyther seall in to yow this same day your salvatioun, or condempnatioun." And so proceaded he in doctrin, supposing that thei wold have bein qwyette. But when he perceaved them still to truble the people that stood ney thame, (for vehement was he against the false wirschipping of God,) he turned unto thame the secound tyme, and with ane awfull countenance said, "O sergeantis of Sathan, and deceavaris of the soules of men, will ye nether hear Goddis trewth, nor suffer otheris to hear it? Departe and tack this for your portioun,--God shall schortlie confound and disclose your hipochrisie: Within this realme ye shall be abhominable unto men, and your places and habitationis shalbe desolate." This sentence he pronunced with great vehemeneye, in the myddist of the sermoun; and turneying to the people, he said, "Yone wicked men have provocked the Spreat of God to angar." And so he returned to his mater, and proceaded to the end. That dayis travaill ended, he came to Langnudrye; and the two nixt Soundayis preached in Tranent, with the lyik grace and lyik confluence of people. In all his sermonis, after his departure from Anguss, he forespake the schortnes of the tyme that he had to traval, and of his death, the day whairof he said approched neyar then any wold beleve. In the hynder end of those dayis that ar called the Holy dayis of Yule, past he, by consent of the gentilmen, to Hadingtoun, whare it was supposed the greatast confluence of people should be, boyth be reassoun of the toune and of the countrey adjacent. The first day befoir nune the auditouris[361] was reassonable, and yitt nothing in comparisone of that which used to be in that kyrk. Butt the after nune, and the nixt day following befoir nune, the auditure[362] was so selender, that many wondered. The cause was judged to have bein, that the Erle Bothwell, who in those boundis used to have great credite and obedience, by procurement of the Cardinall, had gevin inhibitioun, asweell unto the toune, as unto the countrey, that thei should nott hear him under the pane of his displeasur. The first nycht he lay within the toune with David Forress, now called the Generall,[363] ane man that long hes professed the trueth, and upoun whom many in that tyme depended. The secound nycht, he lay in Lethingtoun, the Lard[364] whareof was ever civile, albeit not persuaded in religioun. The day following, befoir the said Maister George past to the sermoun, thare came to him a boy with ane letter from the West land, which receaved and red, he called for JOHNE KNOX,[365] who had awaited upoun him carefullie frome the tyme he came to Lotheane; with whome he began to enter in purpose, "that he weryed of the world:" for he perceaved that men begane to weary of God.[366] The caus of his complaint was, the gentilmen of the West had writtin unto him, that thei could nott keape dyet at Edinburgh. The said Johne Knox wondering that he desyred to keape any purpoise befoir sermoun, (for that was never his accustomed use befoir,) said, "Schir, the tyme of sermoun approches: I will leave yow for the present to your meditatioun;" and so took the bill conteanyng the purpose foirsaid, and left him. The said Maister George spaced up and doune behynd the hie altar more then half ane houre: his verray contenance and visage declared the greaf and alteratioun of his mynd. At last, he passed to the pulpett, but the auditure was small. He should have begune to have entreated the secound table of the Law; But thareof in that sermoun he spak verray litill, but begane on this maner; "O Lord, how long shall it be, that thy holy woord shalbe despysed, and men shall not regard thare awin salvatioun. I have heard of thee, Hadingtoun, that in thee wold have bein at ane vane Clerk play[367] two or three thowsand people; and now to hear the messinger of the Eternall God, of all thy toune nor parishe can not be nombred a hundreth personis. Sore and feirfull shall the plagues be that shall ensew this thy contempt: with fyre and sword thow shalt be plagued; yea, thow Haddingtoun, in speciall, strangearis shall possesse thee, and yow, the present inhabitantes shall eyther in bondage serve your ennemyes, or ellis ye shalbe chassed fra your awin habitationis; and that becaus ye have not knawin, nor will nott know the tyme of Goddis mercifull visitatioun." In such vehemency and threatnyng continewed that servand of God neyr ane hour and ane half, in the which he declared all the plagues that ensewed, as plainlie as after our eyes saw thame performed. In the end he said, "I have forgotten my self and the mater that I should have entraited; but lett these my last woordis as concernyng publict preaching, remane in your myndis, till that God send yow new conforte." Thairefter he maid a schorte paraphrasis upoun the Secound Table, with ane exhortatioun to patience, to the fear of God, and unto the werkis of mercy; and so putt end, as it war macking his last testament, as the ischew declaired, that the spreat of trewth and of trew judgement war both in his harte and mouth. For that same nycht was he apprehended, befoir mydnycht, in the house of Ormestoun, by the Erle Bothwell, made for money bucheour to the Cardinall. The maner of his tackin was thus: departing frome the toune of Hadingtoun, he tuk his good nyght, as it war for ever, of all his acquentance, especiallie from Hew Dowglas of Langnudrye. Johne Knox preassing to have gone with the said Maister George, he said, "Nay, returne to your barnes, and God blisse yow. One is sufficient for one sacrifice." And so he caused a twa handed sweard, (which commonly was caiyed with the said Maister George,) be tackin fra the said Johnne Knox, who, albeit unwillinglie, obeyit, and returned with Hew Dowglass of Langnudrye.[368] Maister George having to accompany him the Lard of Ormestoun, Johnne Sandelandis of Caldar youngar, the Lard of Brounestoun, and otheris, with thare servandis, passed upoun foote, (for it was a vehement frost,) to Ormestoun. After suppar he held confortable purpose of the death of Goddis chosen childrin, and mearely[369] said, "Methink that I desyre earnestlye to sleap;" and thairwith he said, "Will we sing a Psalme?" And so he appointed the 51st Psalme, which was put in Scotishe meter, and begane thus,-- Have mercy on me now, good Lord, After thy great mercy, &c.:[370] Which being ended, he past to chalmer, and sonar then his commoun dyet was past to bed, with these wourdis, "God grant qwyet rest." Befoir mydnycht, the place was besett about that none could eschape to mack advertisment. The Erle Bothwell[371] came and called for the Lard, and declaired the purpose, and said, "that it was but vane to maik him to hold his house; for the Governour and the Cardinall with all thare power war cuming," (and indead the Cardinall was at Elphinstoun,[372] not a myle distant frome Ormestoun;) [SN: THE LORD BOTHWELLIS PROMESSE.] "butt and yf he wald deliver the man to him, he wold promeise upoun his honour, that he should be saif, and that it should pass the power of the Cardinall to do him any harme or skaith." Allured with these wordis, and tackin counsall with the said Maister George, (who at the first word said, "Open the yettis: the blissed will of my God be doun,") thei receaved in the Erle Bothwell him self, with some gentilmen with him, to whome Maister George said, [SN: MAISTER GEORGE HIS WOORDIS TO THE ERLE BOTHWELL.] "I praise my God that sa honorable a man as ye, my Lord, receavis me this nycht, in the presence of these noble men; for now, I am assured, that for your honouris saik, ye will suffer nothing to be done unto me besydis the ordour of law. I am nott ignorant, that thaire law is nothing but corruptioun, and a clock to sched the bloode of the sanctes; but yitt I lesse fear to dye openlye, then secreatlye to be murthered." The said Erle Bothwell ansured, "I shall not onlye preserve your body frome all violence, that shalbe purposed against yow without ordour of law, but also I promeisse, hear in the presence of these gentilmen, that neyther shall the Governour nor Cardinall have thare will of yow;[373] but I shall reteane yow in my awin handis, and in my awin place, till that eyther I shall mack yow free, or ellis restoir yow in the same place whare I receave yow." The Lardis foirsaid said, "My Lord, yf ye will do as ye have spokin, and as we think your Lordship will do, then do we hear promesse unto your Lordschip, that not only we our selfis shall serve yow all the dayis of our lyiff, but also we shall procure the haill professouris within Lotheane to do the same. And upoun eyther the preservatioun[374] of this our brother, or upoun his delyverie agane to our handis, we being reassonable advertissed to receave him, that we, in the name and behalf of our freindis, shall deliver to your Lordschip, or to any sufficient man, that shall deliver to us agane this servand of God, our band of manrent in manor foirsaid." As thus promesse maid in the presence of God, and handis stracked upon boith the parties, for observatioun of the premisses,[375] the said Maister George was delivered to the handis of the said Erle Bothwell, who immediatlye departing with him, came to Elphinstoun, whare the Cardinall was; who knowing that Caldar yongar and Brunestoun war with the Larde of Ormestoun, send back with expeditioun to apprehend thame also. The noyse of horsmen being hard, the servandis gave advertisment, that mo then departed, or that war thare befoir, war returned; and whill that thei disput, what should be the motive, the Cardinallis garison had ceased both the utter and the inner close. Thei called for the Larde, and for the Larde of Calder, who presenting thame selves, demanded what thare commissioun was. "To bring yow two," say thei, "and the Larde of Brunestoun to my Lord Governour." Thei war nothing content, (as thei had no cause,) and yitt thei maid fayr contenance, and entreated the gentilmen to tack a drynk, and to bate thare horse, till that thei mycht putt thame selves in redynes to ryd with thame. In this meantyme, Brunestoun convoyed him self, fyrst secreatlye, and then by spead of foote, to Ormestoun wood, and frome thense to Drundallon,[376] and so eschaped that danger. The other two war putt in the Castell of Edinburght, whare the one, to witt Caldar youngar, remaned whill his band of manrent to the Cardinall was the meanes of his deliverance, and the other, to witt Ormestoun, fread him self by leapping of the wall of the Castell, betuix ten houris and allevin befoir none; and so breakin ward,[377] he eschaped preassone, which he injustlye sufferred. The servand of God, Maister George Wisharte, was caryed first to Edinburgh; thareafter browght back, for the fassionis saik, to the hous of Hales[378] agane, which was the principall place that then the Erle Bothwell had in Lotheane. But as gold and wemen have corrupted all wordlye and fleschlye men from the begynning, so did thei him. For the Cardinall gave gold, and that largelye, and the Quene, with whome the said Erle was then in the glondouris, promissed favouris in all his lauchfull suyttis to wemen, yf he wold deliver the said Maister George to be keap[379] in the Castell of Edinburgh. He made some resistance at the first, be reassone of his promesse:[380] [SN: _IRONICE._] butt ane effeminat man cane nott long withstand the assaultes of a gratious Quein. And so was the servand of God transported to Edinburgh Castell, whare he remaned nott many dayis. For that bloody wolfe the Cardinall, ever thrusting the blood of the servand of God, so travailled with the abused Governour, that he was content that Goddis servand should be delivered to the power of that tyranne. And so, small inversioun being maid, Pilate obeyed the petitioun of Cayiaphas and of his fellowis, and adjugeid Christ to be crucifeid. The servand of God delivered to the hande of that proude and mercyless tyranne, triumphe was maid by the preastis. The godly lamented, and accused the foolishnes of the Governour; for, by the reteanyng of the said Maister George, he mycht have caused Protestantis and Papistis, (rather proude Romanistis,) to have served, the ane to the end, That the lyef of thare preachear mycht have bene saved, the other, For fear that he should have sett him at libertie agane, to the confusioun of the Bischoppis. But where God is left, (as he had plainlie renunced him before,) what can counsall or judgement availl? How the servand of God was entreated, and what he did frome the day that he entered within the Sea-tour of Sanctandrose, quhilk was in the end of Januare, in the year of God J^m. V^c. xlvj, unto the first of Merch[381] the same year, when he sufferred, we can not certanelye[382] tell, except we understand that he wrett somewhat being in preason; but that was suppressed by the ennemyes. The Cardinall delayed no tyme, but caused all Bischoppis, yea, all the cleargy that had any preheminance, to be convocat to Sanctandrose against the penult of Februare, that consultatioun mycht be had in that questioun, which in his mynd was no less resolved then Christis death was in the mynd of Caiaphas; butt that the rest should bear the lyek burdein with him, he wold that thei should befoir the world subscrive whatsoever he did.[383] In that day was wrought no less a wonder than was at the accusatioun and death of Jesus Christ, when that Pilate and Herode, who befoir war ennemyes, war maid freindis, by consenting of thame boith to Christis condempnatioun, differris nothing, except that Pilate and Herode war brethrene under thare father the Devill, in the Estaite called Temporall, and these two, of whome we ar to speak, war brethren (sonnes of the same father the Devill) in the Estaite Ecclesiasticall. Yf we enterlase merynes with earnest materis, pardon us, goode Readar; for the fact is so notable that it deservith long memorye. [SN: THE PROUDE CARDINALL AND THE GLORIOUS FOOLE DUMBAR.] The Cardinall was knowin proude; and Dumbare, Archibischope of Glasgw, was knowin a glorious foole; and yitt, becaus sometymes he was called the Kingis Maister,[384] he was Chancelour of Scotland. The Cardinall cumis evin thus same year, in the end of harvest befoir, to Glasgw; upoun what purpose we omitt.[385] [SN: A QUESTION WORTHY OF SUCH TWO PRELATTIS.] But whill they remane togither, the one in the toune, the other in the Castell,[386] questioun ryses for bearing of thare croces. The Cardinall alledgeid, by reassoun of his Cardinallschip, and that he was _Legatus Natus_, and Primat within Scotland, in the kingdom of Antichrist, that he should have the pre-eminence, and that his croce should not onlye go befoir, but that also it should onlye be borne, wharesoever he was. Good Gukstoun Glaikstour, the foirsaid Archibischop, lacked no reassonis, as he thowght, for mantenance of his glorie: He was ane Archibischope in his awin dioscy, and in his awin Cathedrall seat and Church, and tharefor awght to give place to no man: The power of the Cardinall was but begged from Rome, and apperteined but to his awin persone, and nott to his bischoprik; for it mycht be, that his successour should nott be Cardinall: Bot his dignitie was annexed with his office, and did apperteane to all that ever should be Bischoppis of Glasgw. Howsoever these dowbtis war resolved by the doctouris of divinitie of boith the Prelattis; yitt the decisioun was as ye shall hear. Cuming furth, (or going in, all is one,) att the qweir doore of Glasgw Kirk, begynnes stryving for state betuix the two croce beraris, so that from glowmyng thei come to schouldering; frome schouldering, thei go to buffettis, and from dry blawes, by neffis and neffelling; and then for cheriteis saik, thei crye, _Dispersit, dedit pauperibus_, and assayis quhilk of the croces war fynast mettall, which staf was strongast, and which berar could best defend his maisteris pre-eminence; and that thare should be no superioritie in that behalf, to the ground gois boyth the croces. And then begane no litill fray, but yitt a meary game; for rockettis war rent, typpetis war torne, crounis war knapped,[387] and syd gounis mycht have bene sein wantonly wag from the one wall to the other: Many of thame lacked beardis, and that was the more pitie; and tharefore could not bukkill other by the byrse, as[388] bold men wold haif doune. Butt fy on the jackmen that did nott thare dewitie; for had the one parte of thame reacontered the other, then had all gone rycht. But the sanctuarye, we suppose, saved the lyves of many. How mearelye[389] that ever this be writtin, it was bitter bowrding[390] to the Cardinall and his courte. It was more then irregularitie; yea, it mycht weall have bene judged lease majestie to the sone of perdition, the Papes awin persone; and yitt the other in his foly, as proud as a packoke, wold lett the Cardinall know that he was a Bischop when the other was butt Betoun, befoir he gat Abirbrothok.[391] This inemitie was judged mortall, and without all hope of reconsiliatioun. Butt the blood of the innocent servand of God buryed in oblivioun all that braggine and boast. For the Archibischope of Glasgw was the first unto whome the Cardinall wraitt, signifeing unto him what was done, and earnestly craving of him, that he wold assist with his presence and counsall, how that such are ennemye unto thare estaite mycht be suppressed. And thareto was nott the other slow, but keapt tyme appointed, satt nixt to the Cardinall, voted and subscrivit first in the ranck, and lay ower the East blok-house[392] with the said Cardinall, till the Martyre of God was consumed by fyre. For this we man note, that as all thei beastis consented in harte to the slawchter of that innocent, so did thei approve it with thare presence, having the hole ordinance of the Castell of Sanctandrose bent towardis the place of executioun, which was ney to the said Castell, reddy to have schote yf any wold have maid defence, or reskew to Goddis servand. The maner of his Accusatioun, Process, and Ansueris followis, as we have receaved the same frome the Book of the Martyres,[393] which, woord by woord, we have hear inserted, and that becaus the said book, for the great price thairof, is rare to be had. [THE CONDEMNATION OF M. GEORGE WISCHEART, GENTLEMAN, WHO SUFFERED MARTYRDOME FOR THE FAYTH OF CHRIST JESUS, AT SAINT ANDREWES IN SCOTLAND, ANNO 1546, MARCHE 1; WITH THE ARTICLES OBJECTED AGAINST HIM, AND HIS ANSWERES TO THE SAME.[394] With moste tender affection and unfayned hart consider, (gentle Reader,) the uncharitable maner of the Accusation of Maister George Wischart, made by the bloudye enemies of Christes fayth. Note also the Articles whereof he was accused, by order digested, and his meeke answeares, so farre as he had leave and leysure to speake. Finally, ponder with no dissemblyng spirite the furious rage, and tragicall cruelnes of the malignant Churche, in persecuting of this blessed man of God; and, of the contrarye, his humble, pacient, and most godly answeares, made to them sodaynely without al feare, not having respect to their glorious manasinges and boysterous threates, but charitably and without stop answearing: not movyng his countenance, nor changing his visage, as in his Accusation hereafter folowyng manifestly shal appeare.] Upone the last of Februare, was send to the preason, quhare the servand of God lay, the Deane of the toune, by the commandiment of the Cardinall and his wicked counsall, and thai summoned the said Maister George, that he should upoun the morne following appeir befoir the Judge, then and thare to give accompt of his seditious and hereticall doctrine. To whome the said Maister George ansuered, "What needith, (said he,) my Lord Cardinall to summound me to ansuere for my doctrine oppinlie befoir him, under whose power and dominioun I am thus straitlie bound in irnes. May not my Lord compell me to ansuer to his extorte power? Or belevith he that I am unprovided to rander accompt of my doctrine? To manifest your selves what men ye ar, it is weall done that ye keapt your old ceremonyes and constitutions maid by men." Upoun the nixt morne, my Lord Cardinall caused his servandis to address thame selves in thare most warlyk array, with jack, knapscall, splent, speir, and axe, more semyng for the war, then for the preaching of the trew word of God. And when these armed campionis, marching in warlyk ordour, had conveyed the Bischoppis unto the Abbay Church, incontinentlye thei sent for Maistor George, who was conveyed unto the said churche by the Capitane of the Castell, and the nomber of ane hundreth men, addressed in maner foirsaid, lyik a lambe led thei him to sacrifice. As he entered in at the Abbay Church doore, there was a poore man lying vexed with great infirmities, asking of his almouse, to whome he flang his purse. And when he came befoir the Cardinall, by and by the Suppriour of the Abbay, called Dene Johne Wynreme,[395] stoode up in the pulpete, and maid a sermon to all the congregatioun there then assembled, taking his mater out of the xiij chaptour of Matthew; whose sermon was devided into four principall partes. The First was, a schorte and breaf declaratioun of the Evangelist. The Secound, of the interpretatioun of the good seid; and becaus he called the Word of God the Good seid, and Heresye the Evill seid, he declaired what Heresye wes, and how it should be knowin. [SN: BONA HÆRESEOS DEFINITIO.] He defyned it on this maner: "Heresye is a fals opinioun, defended with pertinacie, cleirlye repugning to the word of God." The Third parte of his sermoun was, the caus of Heresye within that realme, and all other realmes. "The caus of Heresie, (quod he,) is the ignorance of thame which have the cure of menis saules, to whome it necessarelie belongeth to have the trew understanding of the word of God, that thei may be able to wyn agane the fals doctouris of heresyes, with the sword of the Spreat, which is the word of God; and not only to wyne agane, bot also to owircum:--as saith[396] Paule, 'A bischope most be faltles, as becumith the minister of God, not stubburne, not angrie, no drunkard, no feghtar, not gevin to filthy lucre; but harberous, one that loveth goodnes, sober mynded, rychteous, holy, temperat, and such as cleaveth unto the trew word of the doctrine, that he may be able to exhorte with holsome learning, and to improve that which thei say against him.'" The Fourte parte of his sermon was, how Heresyes should be knowin. "Heresyes (quod he) be knawin on this maner: As the goldsmyth knowith the fyne gold frome the unperfite, by the towch stone, so lyikwyise may we know heresye by the undowbted towch stone, that is, the trew, syncere, and undefyled worde of God." At the last, he added, "That heretikis should he putt down in this present lyef: To the which propositioun the Gospell appeired to repunge whilk he entreated of, 'Lett thame boith grow unto the harvist:' The harvest is the end of the world; nevertheles, he affirmed, that thei should be putt down by the Civile Magistrat and law." And when he ended his Sermone, incontinent thei caused Maister George to ascend into the pulpet, there to heir his Accusatioun and Articles; for rycht against him stood up one of the fedd flok, a monstere,[397] Johnne Lawder, ladin full of cursingis, writtin in paper, of the which he took out a roll boyth long and also full of cursingis,[398] threatnynges, maledictionis, and wordis of devillesh spyte and malice, saying to the innocent Maister George so many cruell and abhominable wordis, and hit him so spytfullie with the Popis thunder, that the ignorant people dreded least the earth then wold have swallowed him up qwick. Nochtwythstanding, he stood still with great patience hearing thare sayingis, not ones moving or changeing his countenance. When that this fedd sow had red throwghout all his lying minasingis, his face runnyng doune with sweat, and frothing at the mouth lyik ane bayre, he[399] spate at Maister George his face, saying, "What ansuerist thow to these sayingis, thow runnigat, tratour, theef, which we have dewlye proved by sufficient witnes against thee." Maister George hearing this, satt doune upoun his kneis in the pulpete, making his prayer to God. When he had ended his prayer, sweitlye and Christianelie he answered to thame all in this maner. MAISTER GEORGE HIS ORATIOUN. "Many and horrible sayingis unto me, a Christiane man, many wordis abhominable for to hear, ye haif spokin heir this day, which not only to teach, but also to think, I thowght it ever great abhominatioun. Wharefore, I pray your discretionis quietlie to hear me, that ye may know what war my sayingis, and the maner of my doctrin. This my petitioun, my Lordis, I desyre to be heard for three causes: The First is, Becaus throw preaching of the word of God, his glorie is maid manifest: it is ressonabill tharefoir, for the avanceing of the glorie of God, that ye heare me teaching treulye the pure and syncere worde of God, without any dissimulatioun. The Second reassone is, Becaus that your helth springeth of the worde of God, for he workith all thing by his word: it war tharefoir ane unrychteous thing, yf ye should stope your earis from me teiching trewlye the word of God. The Thrid reason is, Becaus your doctrine speaketh furth many pestilentious,[400] blasphemous, and abhominable wordis, not cuming by the inspiratioun of God, bot of the devill, on[401] no less pearrell then my lyif: It is just tharefoir, and ressonable, your discreationis to know what my wordis and doctrine are, and what I have ever tawght in my tyme in this realme, that I perish not injustlye, to the great perrell of your soulles. Wharfoir, boyth for the glorie and honour of God, your awin health, and savegard of my lyef, I beseik your discretionis to hear me, and in the meantyme I sall recyte my doctrin without any cullour. First, and cheiflie, since the tyme I came into this realme, I tawght nothing but the Ten Commandimentis of God, the Twelf Articles of the Fayth, and the Prayer of the Lord, in the mother toung. Moirovir, in Dundy, I tawcht the Epistill of Sanct Paule to the Romanes; and I shall schaw your discretionis faythfullie what fassion and maner I used when I tawcht, without any humane dread, so that your discretionis give me your earis benevolent and attent." Suddanlie then, with ane heycht voce,[402] cryed the Accusare, the fed sow, "Thow heretike, runnigate, tratour, and theif, it was not lauchfull for thee to preach. Thow hes tackin the power at thyne awin hand, without any autoritie of the Church. We forthink that thow hes bene a preachar so long." Then said all the hole congregatioun of the Prelattis, with thare complices, these woordis, "Yf we give him licience to preach, he is so craftie, and in Holy Scriptures so exercised, that he will perswaid the people to his opinioun, and rase them against us." Maister George, seing thare maliciouse and wicked intent, appealed [from the Lord Cardinall to the Lord Governour, as[403]] to ane indifferent and equall judge.[404] To whome the Accusare, Johne Lauder foirsaid, with hoggish voce answered, "Is not my Lord Cardinall the secund persone within this realme, Chancellar of Scotland, Archibischope of Sanctandross, Bischope of Meropose, Commendatour of Abirbrothok, _Legatus Natus, Legatus a Latere_?" And so reciting as many titilles of his unworthy honouris[405] as wold have lodin a schip, much sonare ane asse; "Is not he, (quod Johnne Lauder,) ane equall judge apparantlye to thee? Whome other desyrest thow to be thy judge?" To whome this humble man answered, saying, "I refuise not my Lord Cardinall, but I desyre the word of God to be my judge, and the Temporall Estate, with some of your Lordschippis myne auditoures; becaus I am hear my Lord Governouris presonar." Whareupone the pridefull and scornefull people that stood by, mocked him, saying, "Suche man, such judge," speaking seditious and reprochfull wordis aganis the Governour, and other the Nobles, meanyng thame also to be Heretykis. And incontinent, without all delay, thei wold have gevin sentence upoun Maister George, and that without farther process, had not certane men thare counselled my Lord Cardinall to reid agane the Articles, and to heir his ansueris thareupoun, that the people mycht nott complaine of his wrongfull condemnatioun. And schortlie for to declair, these war the Articles following, with his Ansueris, as far as thei wold give him leave to speak; for when he intended to mitigate thare lesingis, and schaw the maner of his doctrine, by and by thei stoped his mouth with ane other Article. THE FIRST ARTICLE. Thow fals Heretyk, runiagate, tratour, and theif, deceavar of the people, dispysest the holy Churches, and in lyik case contemnest my Lord Governouris authoritie. And this we know for suyrtie, that when thow preached in Dundye, and was charged be my Lord Governouris authoritie to desist, nevertheles thow woldest not obey, but persevered in the same. And tharefoir the Bischope of Brechin curssed thee,[406] and delivered thee into the Devillis handis, and gave thee in commandiment that thow souldest preach no more: Yitt nochtwythstanding, thow didest continew obstinatlye. THE ANSUER. My Lordis, I have red in the Actes of the Apostles, that it is not lauchfull, for the threattis and minacinges of men, to desist from the preaching of the Evangell.[407] Tharefoir it is writtin, "We shall rather obey God then men." I have also red [in] the Propheit Malachie, "I shall curse your blissinges, and bliss your cursingis, sayeis the Lord:" beleving firmelie, that he wold turne your cursingis into blissinges. THE SECUND ARTICLE. Thow fals Heretike did say, that a preast standing at the altare saying Masse, was lyik a fox wagging his taill in Julie. THE ANSUER. My Lordis, I said not so. These war my sayinges: The moving of the body outward, without the inward moving of the harte, is nocht ellis bott the playing of ane ape, and nott the trew serving of God; for God is a secreit searchare of menis hartes: Tharefoir, who will trewlye adorne and honour God, he must in spreit and veritie honour him. Then the Accusatour stopped his mouth with ane other Article. THE THRID ARTICLE. Thow fals Heretik preachest aganis the Sacramentis, saying, That thare ar not Sevin Sacramentis. THE ANSWER. My Lordis, if it[408] be your pleasuris, I tawght never of the nomber of the Sacramentis, whither thei war sevin, or ane ellevin. So many as ar instituted by Christ, and ar schawin to us by the Evangell, I professe opinlie. Except it be the word of God, I dar affirme nothing. THE FOURTE ARTICLE. Thow fals Heretike hes oppinlie tawght, that Auriculare Confessioun is not a blessed Sacrament; and thow sayest, that we should only confess us to God, and to no preast. THE ANSWER. My Lordis, I say, that Auriculare Confessioun, seing that it hath no promeis of the Evangell,[409] tharefoir it can not be a Sacrament. Of the Confessioun to be maid to God, thare ar many testimonyes in Scripture; as when David sayeth, "I thowght that I wold knowledge my iniquitie against my self unto the Lord; and he forgave the trespasses[410] of my synnes." Heir, Confessioun signifieth the secreat knowledge of our synnes befoir God: when I exhorted the people on this maner, I reproved no maner of Confessioun. And farther, Sanct James sayith, "Knowledge your synnes[411] one to ane uther, and so lett yow to have peace amonge your selfes." Heir the Apostle meaneth nothing of Auriculare Confessioun, but that we should acknawledge and confesse our selfis to be synneris befoir our brethrene, and befoir the world, and not to esteame our selfis as the Gray Freiris dois, thinking thame selfis allreddy purgeid.[412] When that he had said these wordis, the horned Bischopis and thare complices cryed, and girned[413] with thare teith, saying, "See ye not what colouris he hath in his speich, that he may begile us, and seduce us to his opinioun." THE FYFT ARTICLE. Thow Heretike didest say openlye, that it was necessarie to everie man to know and understand his Baptisme, and that it was contrarie to Generall Counsallis, and the Estaites of Holy Churche. THE ANSWER. My Lordis, I beleve thare be none so unwyse hear, that will mak merchandise with ane Frenche man, or any other unknawin stranger, except he know and understand first the conditioun or promeise maid by the French man or stranger. So lyikwyse I wold that we understood what thing we promeis in the name of the infante unto God in Baptisme: For this caus, I beleve, ye have Confirmatioun. Then said Maister Bleiter,[414] chaplen, that he had the Devill within him, and the spreit of errour. Then answered him a cheild,[415] saying, "The Devill cane not speik such wordis as yonder man doith speik." THE SAXT ARTICLE. Thow fals Heretike, tratour, and theif, thow saidest that the Sacrament of the Altare was but a pece of bread, backin upon the asches, and no other thing elles; and all that is thare done, is but a superstitious ryte aganis the commandiment of God. THE ANSWER. Oh Lord God! so manifest lyes and blasphemyes the Scripture doith not so teach yow. As concernyng the Sacrament of the Altare, (my Lordis,) I never tawght any thing against the Scripture, the which I shall, (by Goddis grace,) mak manifest this day, I being ready tharefore to suffer death. The lauchfull use of the Sacrament is most acceptable unto God: but the great abuse of it is verray detestable unto him. But what occasioun thei have to say such wordis of me, I sall schortlie schaw your Lordschippes. I once chanced to meitt with a Jew, when I was sailling upoun the watter of Rhene.[416] I did inqueir of him, what was the caus of his pertinacie, that he did not beleve that the trew Messias was come, considering that thei had sene all the prophecyes, which war speking of him, to be fulfilled: moreover, the prophecyes tackin away, and the Scepter of Juda. By many other testimonyes of the Scriptour, I vanquest him, and approved that Messias was come, the which thei called Jesus of Nazareth. This Jew answered agane unto me, "When Messias cumith, he shall restore all thingis, and he sall not abrogate the Law, which was gevin to our fatheris, as ye do. For why? we see the poore almost perish throw hunger amang yow, yitt yow ar nott moved with pitie towardis thame; butt among us Jewes, thowght we be puir, thare ar no beggares found. Secundarly, It is forbiddin by the Law, to faine any kynd of imagrie of thingis in heavin above, or in the erth beneth, or in the scy under the erth; but one God only to honour; but your sanctuaries and churches ar full of idolles. Thridly, A peice of braid backin upone the aschis, ye adore and wirschip, and say, that it is your God." I have rehersed hear but the sayingis of the Jew,[417] which I never affirmed to be trew. Then the Bischoppis schooke thare headis, and spitted into the earth: And what he ment in this mater farther, thei wold nott heare.[418] THE SEVINT ARTICLE. Thow fals Heretike did say, that Extreme Unctioun was not a Sacrament. THE ANSWER. My Lord, forsuyth, I never tawght any thing of Extreme Unctioun in my doctrine, whetther it war a Sacrament or no. THE EYGHT ARTICLE. Thow fals Heretike saidest that the Holy Watter is no sa good as wasche, and suche lyik. Thow contempnest Conjuring, and sayest, that Holy Churches cursing availled nott. THE ANSWERE. My Lordis, as for Holy Watter, what strenth it is of, I tawght never in my doctrine. Conjuringes and Exorzismes, yf thei war conformable to the word of God, I wold commend thame. But in so far as thei ar not conformeable to the commandiment and worde of God, I reprove thame. THE NYNT ARTICLE. Thow fals Heretike and runnagate hast said, that everie Layman is a Preast; and such lyik thow sayest, that the Pope hath no more power then any other man. THE ANSWERE. My Lordis, I tawght nothing but the worde of God. I remember that I have red in some places in Sanct Johnne and Sanct Petir, of the which one sayeth, "He hath made us kingis and preastis;" the other sayeth, "He hath made us the kinglye preasthode:" Wharefoir, I have affirmed, any man being cuning and perfite in the word of God, and the trew faith of Jesus Christ, to have his power gevin him frome God, and not by the power or violence of men, but by the vertew of the word of God, the which word is called the power of God, as witnesseth Sanct Paule evidentlie ynewgh. And agane, I say, any unlearned man, and not exercised in the woord of God, nor yit constant in his faith, whatsoever estaite or order he be of; I say, he hath no power to bynd or loose, seing he wanteth the instrument by the which he bindeth or looseth, that is to say, the word of God. After that he had said these wordis, all the Bischoppes lawghed, and mocked him. When that he beheld thare lawghing, "Lawgh ye, (sayeth he,) my Lordis? Thowght that these my sayingis appeir scornefull and worthy of derisioun to your Lordschippis, nevertheless thei ar verray weightye to me, and of a great valow; becaus that thei stand not only upon my lyif, bot also the honour and glorie of God." In the meantyme many godly men, beholding the wodness and great crueltie of the Bischoppis, and the invincible patience of the said Maister George, did greatlie mourne and lament. THE TENT ARTICLE. Thow fals Heretike saidst, that a man hath no Free Will; but is lyik to the Stoickis, which say, That it is nott in man's will to do any thing, but that all concupiscence and desyre cumith of God, of whatsoever kynd it be of. THE ANSWER. My Lordis, I said nott so, trewlie: I say, that as many as beleve in Christ firmelie, unto thame is gevin libertie, conformable to the saying of Sanct Johnne, "If the Sone mak yow free, then shall ye verelie be free." Of the contrarie, as many as beleve not in Christ Jesus, thei ar bound servandis of synne: "He that synneth is bound to synne." THE ELLEVINT ARTICLE. Thow fals Heretike sayest, It is as lawfull to eitt flesche upoun Fryday, as on Sonday. THE ANSWERE. Pleasith it your Lordschippis, I have redd in the Epistles of Sanct Paule, "That who is cleane, unto thame all thingis is cleane." Of the contrarie, "To the filthie men, all thingis ar uncleane." A faithfull man, cleane and holy, sanctifieth by the worde the creature of God; but the creature maketh no man acceptable unto God: so that a creature may not sanctifie any impure and unfaithfull man. But to the faythfull man, all thingis ar sanctifeid, by the prayer of the worde of God. After these sayingis of Maister George, then said all the Bischoppes, with thare complices, "Quhat nedeth us any witnesse against him: hath he nott oppinlie hear spokin blasphemie?" THE TWELTH ARTICLE. Thow fals Heretike doest say, That we should nott pray to Sanctes, butt to God onlye: Say whetther thow hast said this or no: say schortlye. THE ANSWER. For the weaknes and the infirmitie of the heararis, (he said,) without doubt plainelie, that Sanctis should not be honored nor incalled upone. My Lordis, (said he,) thare ar two thingis worthy of note: the one is certane, and the other uncertane. It is found plainlie and certane in Scriptures, that we should wirschipe and honour one God, according to the saying of the first Commandiment, "Thow sall onlie wirschip and honour thy Lord God with all thy harte." But as for praying to and honoring of Sanctes, thare is great dowbt amang many, whether thei hear or no invocatioun maid unto thame. Tharefoir, I exhorted all men equallye in my doctrine, that thei should laif the unsure way, and follow the way which was taught us by our Maister Christ: He is onlye our Mediatour, and maketh intercessioun for us to God his Father: He is the doore, by which we must enter in: He that entereth not in by this doore, but clymeth ane other way, is a theif and a murtherare: He is the Veritie and Lyef: He that goeth out of this way, thare is no dowbt but he shall fall into the myre; yea, verrelye, he is fallin in to it all readdy. This is the fassioun of my doctrine, the which I have ever followed. Verrelie that which I have heard and redd in the woorde of God, I taught opinelye and in no cornerris, and now ye shall witness the same, yf your Lordschippis will hear me: Except it stand by the worde of God, I dar nott be so bold to affirme any thing. These sayingis he rehersed diverse tymes. THE XIII ARTICLE. Thow fals Heretike has preached plainelie, saying, That thare is no Purgatorie, and that it is a fayned thing, any man, after this lyfe, to be punished in Purgatorie. THE ANSWERE. My Lordis, as I haif oftentymes said heirtofoir, without expresse witnes and testimonye of Scripture, I dar affirme nothing. I have oft and divers tymes redd ower the Bible, and yitt such a terme fand I never, nor yet any place of Scripture applicable thairunto. Tharefore, I was eschamed ever to teach of that thing, which I could nott fynd in Scripture. Then said he to Maister Johnne Lauder, his accusare, "Yf yow have any testimonye of the Scripture, by the which ye may prove any such place, schew it now befoir this auditoure."[419] But that dolt had not a worde to say for him self, but was as doume as a bitle[420] in that mater. THE XIIII ARTICLE. Thow fals Heretyke hast taught plainelie against the vowis of Monkis, Freiris, Nonnes, and Preastis, saying, That whosoever was bound to such lyik vowis, thei vowed thame selves to the estate of damnatioun: Moreover, that it was lauchfull for Preastis to marye wyffis, and not to leve sole. THE ANSWER. Of suth, my Lordis, I have redd in the Evangell, that thare ar three kynd of chast men: some ar gelded frome thare motheris wombe; some ar gelded by men; and some have gelded thame selfis for the kingdome of heavinis saik: verrelye, I say, these men ar blessed by the Scripture of God. But as many as have nott the gyft of Chastitie, nor yitt for the Evangell have nott owercome the concupiscence of the flesche, and have vowed chastitie, ye have experience, althowght I suld hold my toung,[421] to what inconvenience thei have vowed thame selfis. When he had said these wordis, thei were all doume,[422] thinking better to have ten concubynes, then one maryed wyfe. THE XV ARTICLE. Thow fals Heretike and runnagate, sayest, That thow will not obey our Generall nor Principale[423] Councellis. THE ANSWER. My Lordis, what your Generall Counsallis ar, I know not: I was never exercised in thame; butt to the pure woord of God I gave my laubouris. Read hear your Generall Counsallis, or ellis give me a book, whairin thei ar conteaned, that I may reid thame: Yf that thei aggree with the word of God, I will not disagree. [SN: THIS WAS FREIR SCOT.] Then the ravineyng wolves turned into madnes,[424] and said, "Whareunto lett we him speak any further? Reid furth the rest of the Articles, and stay not upoun thame." Amonges these cruell tygres, thare was one fals hypocryte, a seducer of the people, called Johnne Scot,[425] standing behynd Johnne Lauderis back, hasting him to reid the rest of the Articles, and nott to tary upone his wittie and godlye ansueris; "For we may not abyde thame, (quod he,) no more then the Devill may abyde the sign of the croce, when it is named." THE XVI ARTICLE. Thow Heretike sayest, That it is vane to buyld to the honour of God costlie Churches, seing that God remaneth not in Churches made by menis handis, nor yit can God be in so litill space, as betuix the Preastis handis. THE ANSWER. My Lordis, Salomon sayith, "Yf that the heavin of heavinis can not comprehend thee, how much less this house that I have buylded." And Job consenteth to the same sentence, saying, "Seing that he is heychtar then the heavins, tharefor what can thow buyld unto him? He is deapar then the hell, then how sall thow know him? He is longar then the earth, and breadar then the sea." So that God can nott be comprehended into one space, becaus that he is infinite. These sayingis, nochtwithstanding, I said never that churches should be destroyed; bot of the contrarie, I affirmed ever, that churches should be susteaned and upholdin, that the people should be congregat in thame to hear the worde of God preached. Moreover, wharesoever is the trew preaching of the word of God, and the lauchfull use of the Sacramentes, undoubtedlye thare is God him self. So that both these sayingis ar trew together: God can nott be comprehended into any one place: And, "Wharesoever thare ar two or three gathered in his name, thare is he present in the myddest of thame." Then said he to his Accusar, "Yf thow thinkest any otherwyise then I say, schaw furth thy reasonis befoir this auditorie." Then he, without all reassone, was dome,[426] and could not answer a worde. THE XVII ARTICLE. Thow fals Heretike contemnest Fasting, and sayest, thow shouldest not fast. THE ANSWER. My Lordis, I find that Fasting is commended in the Scripture; tharefor I war a sclanderar of the Gospell, yf I contemned fasting. And not so onlye, but I have learned by experience, that fasting is good for the health and conservatioun of the body. But God knowith onlye who fastith the trew fast. THE XVIII ARTICLE. Thow fals Heretike hes preached opinlie, saying, That the Soulles of men shall sleip to the latter day of judgement, and shall not obtene lyfe immortale untill that day. THE ANSWER. God, full of mercy and goodnes, forgeve thame that sayeth such thingis of me. I wote and know suirelie by the word of God, that he which hath begone to have the faith of Jesus Christ, and belevith fermelie in him, I know suirelie, that the sawll of that man shall never sleape, bot ever shall leve ane immortall lyef; the which lyef, frome day to day, is renewed in grace and augmented; nor yitt shall ever perish, or have ane end, but shall ever leve immortall with Christ thare heid: To the which lyfe all that beleve in him shall come, and rest in eternall glorie. Amen. * * * * * When that the Bischoppis, with thare complices, had accused this innocent man, in maner and forme afoirsaid, incontinentlie thei condemned him to be brynt as are Heretike, not having respect to his godly answeris and trew reassones which he alledged, nor yitt to thare awin consciences, thinking verelye, that thei should do to God good sacrifice, conformable to the sayingis of Jesus Christ in the Gospell of Sanct Johnne, chapter 16: "Thei shall excommunicat yow; yea, and the tyme shall come, that he which killeth yow shall think that he hath done to God good service." THE PRAYER OF MAISTER GEORGE. "O Immortall God! how long sall thow suffer the woodnes and great crudelitie of the ungodlie to exercise thare furie upoun thy servandes, which do further thy word in this world, seing thei desyre to do the contrarie, that is, to chok and destroy thy trew doctrin and veritie, by the which thow hast schewed thee unto the world, which was all drouned in blyndness and mysknowledge of thy name. O Lord, we know suirlie, that thy trew servandes most neidis suffer, for thy names saik, persecutioun, afflictioun, and troubles in this present lyef, which is but a schaddow, as thow hast schewed to us, by thy Propheittis and Apostles. But yitt we desyre thee, (Mercyfull Father,) that thow conserve, defend, and help thy Congregatioun, which thow hast chosen befoir the begynning of the world, and give thame thy grace to hear thy word, and to be thy trew servandis in this present lyef." Then, by and by, thei caused the commoun people to remove,[427] whose desyre was alwyise to hear that innocent speak. And the sonis of darknes pronunced thare sentence definitive, not having respect to the judgement of God. When all this was done and said, my Lord Cardinall caused his tormentares[428] to pas agane with the meke lambe unto the Castell, untill such tyme the fyre was maid reddy. When he was come into the Castell, then thare came two Gray feindis, Freir Scott and his mate, saying, "Schir, ye must maik your confessioun unto us." He answered, and said, "I will mak no confessioun unto yow. Go fetch me yonder man that preached this day, and I will maik my confessioun unto him." Then thei sent for the Suppriour of the Abbay,[429] who came to him with all dilegence; but what he said in this confessioun, I can not schaw.[430] When the fyre was maid reddy, and the gallowse, at the West parte of the Castell, neir to the Priorie, my Lord Cardinall, dreading that Maister George should have bene takin away by his freindis, tharefoir he commanded to bend all the ordinance of the Castell richit against the place of executioun, and commanded all his gunnaris to be readdy, and stand besyde thare gunnes, unto such tyme as he war burned. All this being done, thei bound Maister George's handis behind his back, and led him furth with thare soldeouris, from the Castell, to the place of thare cruell and wicked executioun. As he came furth of the Castell gate, thare mett him certane beggeris, asking of his almes, for Goddis saik. To whome he answered, "I want my handis, wharewith I wont to geve yow almes. But the mercyfull Lord, of his benignitie and aboundand grace, that fedith all men, votschafe to geve yow necessaries, boith unto your bodyes and soules." Then afterward mett him two fals feindis, (I should say, Freiris,) saying, "Maister George, pray to our Lady, that sche may be a mediatrix for yow to hir Sone." To whome he answered meiklie, "Cease: tempt me not, my brethrene." After this, he was led to the fyre, with a rope about his neck, and a chaine of irne about his myddill. When that he came to the fyre, he sat doun upoun his knees, and rose agane; and thrise he said these wordis, "O thow Saviour of the warld, have mercy upon me: Father of heavin, I commend my spreit into thy holy handis." When he had maid this prayer, he turned him to the people, and said these wordis: "I beseik yow, Christiane brethrene and sisteris, that ye be nott offended att the word of God, for the afflictioun and tormentis which ye see already prepared for me. But I exhorte yow, that ye love the word of God, your salvatioun, and suffer patientlie, and with a confortable harte, for the wordis saik, which is your undoubted salvatioun and everlesting conforte. Moirover, I pray yow, shew my brethrene and sisteris, which have heard me oft befoir, that thei cease nott nor leve of to learne the word of God, which I taught unto thame, after the grace gevin unto me, for no persequutionis nor trubles in this world, which lestith nott. And schaw unto thame, that my doctrine was no wyffes fables, after the constitutions maid by men; and yf I had taught menis doctrin, I had gottin grettar thankis by men. Bot for the wordis saik, and trew Evangell, which was gevin to me by the grace of God, I suffer this day by men, not sorowfullie, but with a glaid harte and mynd. For this caus I was sent, that I should suffer this fyre for Christis saik. Considder and behold my visage, ye sall not see me change my cullour. This gryme fyre I fear nott; and so I pray yow for to do, yf that any persecutioun come unto yow for the wordis saik; and nott to fear thame that slay the body, and afterwarte have no power to slay the saule. Some have said of me, that I taught, that the saule of man should sleap untill the last day; but I know suirlie, and my faith is such, that my saule sail sowp[431] with my Saviour this nycht, or it be sex houris, for whome I suffer this." Then he prayed for thame which accused him, saying, "I beseik the Father of Heavin to forgive thame that have of any ignorance, or ellis of any evill mynd, forged lyes upone me; I forgeve thame with all myne hearte: I beseik Christ to forgeve thame that have condemned me to death this day ignorantlye." And last of all, he said to the people on this maner, "I beseik yow, brethrene and sisteris, to exhorte your Prelattis to the learnyng of the word of God, that thei at the least may be eschamed to do evill, and learne to do good; and yf thei will not converte thame selves frome thare wicked errour, thare shall hastelie come upone thame the wrath of God,[432] which thei sail not eschew." Many faythfull wordis said he in the meane tyme, takin no head or cair of the cruell tormentis which war then prepared for him. Then, last of all, the hangman, that was his tormentour, sat doune upoun his kneis, and said, "Schir, I pray yow, forgive me, for I am nott guiltie of your death." To whome he answered, "Come hither to me." When he was come to him, he kissed his cheik, and said, "Lo! hear is a tokin that I forgeve thee: My harte, do thyn office." And then by and by, he was putt upoun the gibbet, and hanged, and there brynt to poulder.[433] When that the people beheld the great tormenting of that innocent, thei mycht not withhold frome piteous morning and complaining of the innocent lambes slawchter.[434] * * * * * [SN: THE WORLDLY STRENTH OF THE CARDINALL OF SCOTLAND.] After the death of this blissed martyre of God, begane the people, in plaine speaking, to dampne and detest the crueltie that was used. Yea, men of great byrth, estimatioun, and honour, at open tables avowed, That the blood of the said Maister George should be revenged, or ellis thei should cost lyef for lyef. Amonges whome Johnne Leslye,[435] brother to the Erle of Rothess, was the cheaf; for he, in all cumpanyes, spared not to say, "That same whingar, (schawin furth his dager,) and that same hand, should be preastis to the Cardinall." These bruytis came to the Cardinalles earis; but he thought him self stout yneuch for all Scotland; for in Babylon, that is, in his new blok-house, he was suyre, as he thought; and upoun the feildis, he was able to matche all his ennemies. And to wryte the trewth, the most parte of the Nobilitie of Scotland had ether gevin unto him thare bandis of manrent, or ellis war in confideracye, and promessed amitie with him. He onlye feared thame in whose handis God did deliver him, and for thame had he laid his neattis so secreatlie, (as that he maid a full compt,) that thare feit could not eschap, as we shall after heare; and something of his formare practises we man reacompt. After the Pasche he came to Edinburgh, to hold the seinze,[436] (as the Papistes terme thare unhappy assemblie of Baallis schaven sorte.) It was bruyted that something was purposed against him, at that tyme, by the Erle of Anguss and his freindis, whome he mortally hated, and whose destructioun he sought. But it failled, and so returned he to his strenth; yea, to his God and only conforte, asweill in heavin as in earth. And thare he remaned without all fear of death, promissing unto him self no less pleasur, nor did the riche man, of whome mentioun is maid by our Maister in the Evangell; for he did nott onlie rejois and say, "Eitt and be glade, my saule, for thow hast great riches laid up in store for many dayis;" [SN: THE BRAGGYN OF THE CARDINALL A LITLE BEFOIR HIS DEATH.] bot also he said, "Tush, a feg for the fead, and a buttoun for the braggyne of all the heretikis and thare assistance in Scotland. Is nott my Lord Governour myne? Witness his eldast sone[437] thare pledge at my table? Have I not the Quene at my awin devotioun? (He ment of the mother to Mary that now myschevouslie regnes.) Is not France my freind, and I freind to France? What danger should I fear?" And thus, in vanitie, the carnall Cardinall delyted him self a lytill befoir his death. But yit he had devised to have cutt of such as he thought mycht cummer him; for he had appointed the haill gentilmen of Fyff to have mett him at Falkland, the Mononday after that he was slane upoun the Setterday. [SN: THE TREASOUN OF THE CARDINALL.] His treasonable purpoise was nott understand but by his secreat counsall; and it was this: That Normond Leslie, Schireff of Fyff,[438] and appearing air to his father, the Erle of Rothess; the said Johnne Leslye, father-brother to Normound; the Lardis of Grange, eldar and youngar; Schir James Lermound of Darsye,[439] and Provest of Sanctandrose; and the faythfull Lard of Raith;[440] should eyther have bene slane, or ellis tane, and after to have bene used at his pleasur. This interprise was disclosed after his slawchtter, partlye by letteris and memorialles found in his chalmer, butt playnlie affirmed by suche as war of the consall. Many purposes war devised, how that wicked man mycht have bene tackin away. But all failled, till Fryday, the xxviij of Maij, Anno 1546, when the foirsaid Normound came at nycht to Sanctandross; Williame Kirkcaldye of Grange youngar was in the toune befoir, awaitting upoun the purpoise; last came Johnne Leslye foirsaid, who was most suspected. What conclusion thei took that nycht, it was nott knawin, butt by the ischew which followed. [SN: HOW THE CARDINALL WAS OCCUPYED THE NYCHT BEFOIR THAT THE MORNYNG HE WAS SLAINE.] But airlie upoun the Setterday, in the mornyng, the 29. of Maij, war thei in syndree cumpanyes in the Abbay kirk-yard, not far distant frome the Castell. First, the yettis being oppin, and the draw-brig lettin doun, for receaving of lyme and stanes, and other thingis necessar for buylding, (for Babylon was almost finished,)--first, we say, assayed Williame Kirkcaldy of Grange youngar, and with him sex personis, and gottin enteress, held purpose with the portare, "Yf My Lord was walking?" who ansuered, "No." (And so it was in dead; for he had bene busy at his comptis with Maistres Marioun Ogilbye[441] that nycht, who was espyed to departe frome him by the previe posterne that morning; and tharefor qwyetness, after the reuillis of phisick, and a morne sleap[442] was requisite for My Lord.) Whill the said Williame and the Portar talked, and his servandis maid thame to look the work and the workemen, approched Normound Leslye with his company; and becaus thei war in no great nomber, thei easilie gat entress. Thei address thame to the myddest of the close, and immediatlie came Johnne Leslye, somewhat rudlye, and four personis with him. The portar, fearing, wold have drawin the brig; but the said Johnne, being entered thairon, stayed, and lap in. And whill the portar maid him for defence, his head was brokin, the keyis tackin frome him, and he castin in the fowsea;[443] and so the place was seased. The schowt arises:[444] the workemen, to the nomber of mo then a hundreth, ran of the wallis, and war without hurte put furth at the wicked yett.[445] The first thing that ever was done, Williame Kirkcaldye took the garde of the prevey posterne, fearing that the fox should have eschaped. Then go the rest to the gentilmenis chalmeris, and without violence done to any man, thei put mo then fyftie personis to the yett: The nomber that interprised and did this, was but sextein personis. The Cardinall, awalkned with the schouttis, asked from his windo, What ment that noyse? It was answered, That Normound Leslye had tackin his Castell. Which understand, he ran to the posterne; but perceaving the passage to be keapt without, he returned qwicklye to his chalmer, took his twahanded sword, and garte his chalmer child cast kystes, and other impedimentis to the doore. [SN: THE CARDINALLIS DEMAND.] In this meane tyme came Johnne Leslye unto it, and biddis open. The Cardinall askyne, "Who calles?" he answeris, "My name is Leslye." He re-demandis, "Is that Normond?" The other sayis, "Nay; my name is Johnne." "I will have Normound," sayis the Cardinall; "for he is my friend."[446] "Content your self with such as ar hear; for other shall ye gett nane." Thare war with the said Johnne, James Melven,[447] a man familiarlie acquented with Maister George Wisharte, and Petir Caremichaell,[448] a stout gentilman. In this meanetyme, whill thei force at the doore, the Cardinall hydis a box of gold under coallis that war laide in a secreat cornar. At lenth he asked, "Will ye save my lyef?" The said Johnne answered, "It may be that we will." "Nay," sayis the Cardinall, "Swear unto me by Goddis woundis, and I will open unto yow." Then answered the said Johnne, "It that was said, is unsaid;" and so cryed, "Fyre, fyre;" (for the doore was verray stark;) and so was brought ane chymlay full of burnyng coallis. Which perceaved, the Cardinall or his chalmer child, (it is uncertane,) opened the doore, and the Cardinall satt doune in a chyre, and cryed, [SN: THE CARDINALLIS CONFESSIOUN.] "I am a preast; I am a preast: ye will nott slay me." The said Johnne Leslye, (according to his formar vowes,) strook him first anes or twyse, and so did the said Petir. But James Melven, (a man of nature most gentill and most modest,[449]) perceaving thame boyth in cholere, withdrew thame, and said, "This worke and judgement of God, (althought it be secreit,) aught to be done with greattar gravitie;" and presenting unto him the point of the sweard, said, [SN: THE GODLY FACT AND WOORDIS OF JAMES MELVEN.[450]] "Repent thee of thy formar wicked lyef, but especiallie of the schedding of the blood of that notable instrument of God, Maister George Wisharte, which albeit the flame of fyre consumed befoir men; yitt cryes it, a vengeance upoun thee, and we from God ar sent to revenge it: For heir, befoir my God, I protest, that nether the hetterent of thy persone, the luif of thy riches, nor the fear of any truble thow could have done to me in particulare, moved, nor movis me to stryk thee; but only becaus thow hast bein, and remanes ane obstinat ennemye against Christ Jesus and his holy Evangell." And so he stroke him twyse or thrise trowght with a stog sweard; and so he fell, never word heard out of his mouth, but [SN: THE CARDINALLIS LAST WOORDIS.] "I am a preast, I am a preast: fy, fy: all is gone."[451] Whill they war thus occupyed with the Cardinall, the fray rises in the toune. The Provest[452] assembles the communitie, and cumis to the fowseis syd, crying, "What have ye done with my Lord Cardinall? Whare is my Lord Cardinall? Have ye slayne my Lord Cardinall? Lett us see my Lord Cardinall?" Thei that war within answered gentilye, "Best it war unto yow to returne to your awin houssis; for the man ye call the Cardinall has receaved his reward, and in his awin persone will truble the warld no more." But then more enraigedlye, thei cry, "We shall never departe till that we see him." And so was he brought to the East blok-house head, and schawen dead ower the wall to the faythless multitude, which wold not beleve bofoir it saw: How miserably lay David Betoun, cairfull Cardinall.[453] And so thei departed, without _Requiem æternam_, and _Requiescant in pace_, song for his saule. Now, becaus the wether was hote, (for it was in Maij, as yo have heard,) and his funerallis could not suddandly be prepared, it was thowght best, to keap him frome styncking, to geve him great salt ynewcht, a cope of lead, and a nuk[454] in the boddome of the Sea-toore, (a place whare many of Goddis childrene had bein empreasoncd befoir,) to await what exequeis his brethrene the Bischoppes wold prepare for him.[455] [SN: ADVERTISMENT TO THE READAR.] These thingis we wreat mearelie.[456] But we wold, that the Reader should observe Goddis just judgementis, and how that he can deprehend the worldly wyse in thare awin wisdome, mak thare table to be a snare to trape thare awin feit, and thare awin presupposed strenth to be thare awin destructioun. These ar the workis of our God, wharby he wold admonish the tyrantis of this earth, that in the end he will be revenged of thare crueltye, what strenth so ever thei mack in the contrare. But such is the blyndnes of man, (as David speakis,) "That the posteritie does ever follow the footsteppes of thare wicked fatheris, and principallie in thare impietie;" for how litill differres the cruelty of that bastarde, that yitt is called Bischope of Sanctandrois,[457] frome the crueltie of the formar, we will after heare. [SN: THE BISCHOPE OF SANCTANDROIS WAS GLAID, AND YITT MAID HIMSELF TO BE ANGREE AT THE SLAUCHTER OF THE CARDINALL.] The death of this foirsaid tyrant was dolorous to the preastis, dolorous to the Governour, most dolorous to the Quene Dowager;[458] for in him perished faythfulnes to France, and the conforte to all gentilwemen, and especiallie to wantoun wedowis: His death most be revenged. To the Courte agane repares the Erle of Anguss, and his brother Schir George. Laubour is maid for the Abbacy of Abirbrothok, and a grant was ones maid of the samyn, (in memorie whareof George Dowglas,[459] bastard sone to the said Erle, is yet called Postulat.) Butt it was more proper, (think the Hammyltonis,) for the Governouris keching, nor for reward to the Dowglasses. And yitt in esperance thairof, the saidis Erle and George his brother war the first that voted, that the Castell of Sanctandrois should he beseiged. The Bischope, to declair the zeall that he had to revenge the death of him that was his predecessour, (and yit for his wishe he wold nott haif had him leaving agane,) still blew the coallis. And first, he caused summound, then denunce accurssed, and then last, rebelles,[460] not only the first interprisaris, but all such also as after did accumpany thame.[461] And last of all, the seige was concluded, which begane in the end of August; (for the 23 day thairof departed the soldeouris from Edinburgh,) and continewed near to the end of Januare. At what tyme, becaus thei had no other hope of wynnyng of it butt by hounger; and thairof also thei war dispared; for thei within had brockin throwght the east wall, and maid a plaine passage, by ane yron yett to the sea, which greatly releaved the besegeid, and abased the beseagearis; for then thei saw that thei could nott stope thame of victualles, onless that thei should be maisteris of the sea, and that thei clearlie understood thei could not be; for the Engliss schippis had ones bein thare, and had browght Williame Kirkcaldy frome London, and with much difficultie, (becaus the said yett was nott then prepared,) and some loss of men, had randered him to the Castell agane, and had tackin with thame to the Courte of England, Johnne Lesly and Maister Henry Balnavis, for perfyting of all contractes betuix thame and King Harye, [SN: UPON WHAT CONDITIONIS KING HARY TOOK THE CASTELL OF SANCTANDROIS IN HIS PROTECTIOUN.] who promissed to tak thame in his protectioun, upoun conditioun onlye, that thei should keape the Governouris sone, my Lord of Errane,[462] and stand freindis to the contract of mariage, whareof befoir we have made mentioun. These thingis clearly understand, (we say,) by the Governour and his Counsall, the preastis and the schavin sorte, thei conclude to make ane Appointment, to the end, that under treuth thei mycht eyther gett the Castell betrayed, or elles some principall men of the cumpany tackin at unwarres. In the which head was the Abbot of Dumfermling[463] principall; and for that purpose had the Lard of Monquhany,[464] (who was most familiar with those of the Castell,) laubored at foote and hand, and proceaded so in his trafique, that from entress upoun daylyght at his pleasur, he gat licience to come upoun the nycht whensoever it pleased him. But God had nott appointed so many to be betrayed, albeit that he wold that thei should be punished, and that justlye, as heirafter we will hear. THE HEADIS OF THE COLOURED APPOINTMENT WAR:-- 1. That thei should keap the Castell of Sanctandrois, ay and whill that the Governour, and the authoritie of Scotland, should gett unto thame ane sufficient absolutioun from the Pape, (Antichrist of Rome,) for the slawchtter of the Cardinall foirsaid. 2. That thei should deliver pledges for deliverie of that House, how sone the foirsaid absolutioun was delivered unto thame. 3. That thei, thare freindis, familiaris, servandes, and otheris to thame pertenyng, should never be persewed in the law, nor by the law,[465] be the authoritie, for the slauchter foirsaid. But that thei should bruik[466] commodities spirituall or temporall, whatsoever thei possessed befoir the said slauchter, evin as yf it had never bein committed. 4. That thei of the Castell should keape the Erle of Errane,[467] so long as thare pledges war keape.--And such lyik Articles, liberall yneuch; for thei never mynded to keape word of thame, as the ischew did declaire. The Appointment maid, all the godly war glaid; for some esperance[468] thei had, that thairby Goddis woord should somewhat bud, as in deid so it did. For Johnne Rowgh,[469] (who sone after the Cardinalles slawghter entered within the Castell, and had continewed with thame the hole seige,) begane to preach in Sanctandrois; and albeit he was nott the most learned, yit was his doctrin without corruptioun, and tharefoir weall lyiked of the people. At the Pasche[470] after, [SN: ANNO 1547.] came to the Castell of Sanctandrois JOHNNE KNOX, who, weareid of removing from place to place, be reassone of the persecutioun that came upoun him by this Bischope of Sanctandros, was determinat to have left Scotland, and to have vesitid the schooles of Germany, (of England then he had no pleasur, be reassone that the Paipes name being suppressed, his lawes and corruptionis remaned in full vigour.) But becaus he had the cair of some gentilmenes childrene, whome certane yearis he had nurished in godlynes, thare fatheris solisted him to go to Sanctandrois, that himself mycht have the benefite of the Castell, and thare childrene the benefite of his doctrine; and so, (we say,) came he the tyme foirsaid to the said place, and, having in his cumpanye Franciss Dowglass of Langnudrye, George his brother,[471] and Alexander Cockburne, eldast sone then to the Lard of Ormestoun,[472] begane to exercise thame after his accustomed maner. Besydis thare grammare, and other humane authoris, he redd unto thame a catechisme, a compt whairof he caused thame geve publictlie in the parishe Kirk of Sanctandrois. He redd moreover unto thame the Evangell of Johnne, proceading whare he left at his departing from Langnudrye, whare befoir his residence was; and that lecture he redd in the chapell, within the Castell, at a certane hour. Thei of the place, but especiallie Maister Henry Balnaves and Johne Rowght, preachear, perceaving the manor of his doctrin, begane earnestlie to travaill with him, that he wold tack the preaching place upoun him. But he utterlie refuissed, alledgeing "That he wold nott ryne whare God had nott called him;" meanyng, that he wold do nothing without a lauchfull vocatioun. [SN: THE FIRST VOCATIOUN BY NAME OF JOHNE KNOX TO PREACHE.] Whareupone thei prively amonges thame selfis advising, having with thame in counsall[473] Schir David Lyndesay of the Mont, thei concluded, that thei wold geve a charge to the said Johnne, and that publictlie by the mouth of thare preachear. And so upoun a certane day, a sermone had of the electioun of ministeris, What power the congregatioun (how small that ever it was, passing the nomber of two or three) had above any man, in whome thei supposed and espyed the giftes of God to be, and how dangerous it was to refuise, and not to hear the voce of such as desyre to be instructed. These and other headis, (we say,) declaired, the said Johnne Rowght,[474] prcachear, directed his wordis to the said Johne Knox, saying, "Brother, ye shall nott be offended, albeit that I speak unto yow that which I have in charge, evin from all those that ar hear present, which is this: In the name of God, and of his Sone Jesus Christ, and in the name of these that presentlie calles yow by my mouth, I charge yow, that ye refuise not this holy vocatioun, but that as ye tender the glorie of God, the encrease of Christ his kingdome, the edificatioun of your brethrene, and the conforte of me, whome ye understand weill yneuch to be oppressed by the multitude of laubouris, that ye tack upoun yow the publict office and charge of preaching, evin as ye looke to avoid Goddis heavye displeasur, and desyre that he shall multiplye his graces with yow." And in the end, he said to those that war present, "Was not this your charge to me? And do ye not approve this vocatioun?" Thei answered, "It was; and we approve it." Whairat the said Johnne[475] abashed, byrst furth in moist abundand tearis, and withdrew him self to his chalmer. His conteanance and behaveour, fra that day till the day that he was compelled to present him self to the publict place of preaching, did sufficiently declair the greaf and truble of his hearte; for no man saw any sign of myrth of him, neyther yitt had he pleasur to accumpany any man, many dayis togetther. [SN: DEAN JOHNE ANNAN.] The necessitie that caused him to enter in the publict place, besydis the vocatioun foirsaid, was: Dean[476] Johne Annane,[477] (a rottin Papist,) had long trubled Johnne Rowght in his preaching: The said Johnne Knox had fortifeid the doctrine of the Preachear by his pen, and had beattin the said Dean Johne from all defences, that he was compelled to fly to his last refuge, that is, to the authoritie of the Church, "Which authoritie, (said he,) damned all Lutherianes and heretikes; and tharefoir he nedith no farther disputatioun." Johne Knox answered, "Befoir we hold our selfis, or that ye can prove us sufficientlie convict, we must defyne the Church, by the; rycht notes gevin to us in Goddis Scriptures of the trew Church. We must decerne the immaculat spous of Jesus Christ, frome the Mother of confusioun, spirituall Babylon, least that imprudentlie we embrase a harlote instead of the cheast spous; yea, to speak it in plaine wordes, least that we submitt our selves to Sathan, thinking that we submitt our selfis to Jesus Christ. For, as for your Romane Kirk, as it is now corrupted, and the authoritie thairof, whairin standis the hope of your victorie, I no more dowbt but that it is the synagog of Sathan, and the head thairof, called the Pape, to be that man of syne, of whome the Apostle speakis, then that I doubt that Jesus Christ suffurred by the procurement of the visible Kirk of Hierusalem. [SN: THE OFFER OF JOHNE KNOX FIRST AND LAST UNTO THE PAPISTIS.] Yea, I offer my selve, by woord or wryte, to prove the Romane Church this day farther degenerat from the puritie which was in the dayis of the Apostles, then was the Church of the Jewes from the ordinance gevin by Moses, when thei consented to the innocent death of Jesus Christ." These woordis war spokin in open audience, in the parishe Kirk of Sanctandrois, after that the said Dean Johne Annane had spokin what it pleasith him, and had refuissed to dispute. The people hearing the offer, cryed with one consent, "We can not all read your writtingis, butt we may all hear your preaching: Tharefore we requyre yow, in the name of God, that ye will lett us hear the probatioun of that which ye have affirmed; for yf it be trew, we have bene miserable deceaved." [SN: THE FIRST PUBLICT SERMON[478] OF JOHNE KNOX MAID IN THE PARISH KIRK OF SANCTANDROIS.] And so the nixt Sounday was appointed to the said Johne, to expresse his mynd in the publict preaching place. Which day approching, the said Johne took the text writtin in Daniel, the sevint chapter, begynnyng thus: "And ane other king shall rise after thame, and he shall be unlyik unto the first, and he shall subdew three kinges, and shall speak wordis against the Most Heigh, and shall consome the sanctes of the Most Heigh, and think that he may change tymes and lawes, and thei shalbe gevin into his handis, untill a tyme, and tymes, and deviding of tymes." 1. In the begynnyng of his sermon, he schew the great luif of God towardis his Church, whome it pleaseth to foirwarne of dangeris to come so many yearis befoir thei come to pas. 2. He breavelie[479] entraited the estait of the Israelitis, who thane war in bondage in Babylon, for the most parte; and maid a schorte discourse of the foure Impyres, the Babyloniane, the Persiane, that of the Greakis, and the fourte of the Romanes; in the destructioun whairof, rase up that last Beast, which he affirmed to be the Romane Church; for to none other power that ever has yitt bein, do all the notes that God hes schawin to the Propheit appertane, except to it allone; and unto it thei do so propirlie apperteane, that such as ar not more then blynd, may clearlie see thame. 3. But befoir he begane to opin the corruptionis of the Papistrie, he defyned the trew Kirk, schew the trew notes of it, whairupoun it was buylded, why it was the pillare of veritie, and why it could nott err, to witt, "Becaus it heard the voce of the awin pastor, Jesus Christ, wold not hear a strangere, nether yitt wold be caryed about with everie kynd of doctrin." Every ane of these headis sufficientlie declared, he entered to the contrar; and upoun the notes gevin in his text, he schew that the Spreit of God in the New Testament gave to this king other names,[480] to witt, "the Man of Syn," "the Antichrist," "the Hoore of Babylon." He schew, that this man of syn, or Antichrist, was not to be restreaned to the person of any one man onlie, no more then by the fourte beast was to be understand the persone of any one Emperour. But by sic meanes[481] the Spreat of God wold forewarne his chosyn of a body and a multitud, having a wicked head, which should not only be synefull him self, butt that also should be occasioun of syne to all that should be subject unto him, (as Christ Jesus is caus of justice to all the membres of his body;) and is called the Antichrist, that is to say, one contrare to Christ, becaus that he is contrare to him in lyeff, doctrin, lawes, and subjectes. And thane begane he to dissipher the lyves of diverse Papes, and the lyves of all the scheavelynges for the most parte; thare doctrine and lawes he plainelie proved to repugne directlye to the doctrin and lawes of God the Father, and of Christ Jesus his Sone. [SN: _CONTRA DEI SPIRITUM AD GALATOS CA. 2. VERSU 16, ET 3, 11._] This he proved by conferring the doctrin of justificatioun, expressed in the Scriptures, which teach that man is "justifyed by faith only;" "that the blood of Jesus Christ purges us from all our synnes;" and the doctrin of the Papistes, which attributeth justificatioun to the workis of the law, yea, to the workis of manis inventioun, as pilgremage, pardonis, and otheris sic baggage. That the Papisticall lawes repugned to the lawes of the Evangell, he proved by the lawis maid of observatioun of dayis, absteanyng from meattis, and frome mariage, which Christ Jesus maid free; and the forbidding whereof, Sanct Paule called "the doctrin of devillis." In handilling the notes of that Beast gevin in the text, he willed men to considder yf these notes, [SN: THE GREAT WOORDIS WHICH THE ANTICHRIST SPEAKITH.] "Thare shall ane arise unlyk to the other, heaving a mouth speaking great thinges and blasphemous," could be applyed to any other, but to the Pape and his kingdome; for "yf these, (said he,) be not great woordis and blasphemous, 'the Successor of Petir,' 'the Vicare of Christ,' 'the Head of the Kirk,' 'most holy,' 'most blessed,' 'that can not err;' that 'may maik rycht of wrong, and wrong of rycht;' that 'of nothing, may mak somewhat;' and that 'hath all veritie in the schryne of his breast;' yea, 'that hes power of all, and none power of him:' Nay, 'not to say that he dois wrong, althought he draw ten thowsand millioun of saules with him self to hell.' Yf these, (said he,) and many other, able to be schawin in his awin Cannone Law, be not great and blasphemous woordis, and such as never mortall man spak befoir, lett the world judge. And yitt, (said he,) is thare one most evident of all, to wit, Johnne, in his Revelatioun, sayis, 'That the merchandeise of that Babyloniane harlot, amonges otheris thingis, shalbe the bodyes and saules of men.' Now, lett the verray Papistes thame selfis judge, yf ever any befoir thame took upoun thame power to relax the paines of thame that war in Purgatorie, as thei affirme to the people that daily thei do, by the merites of thare Messe, and of thare other trifilles." In the end he said, "Yf any here, (and thare war present Maister Johne Mayre,[482] the Universitie, the Suppriour,[483] and many Channonis, with some Freiris of boyth the ordouris,) that will say, That I have alledgeid Scripture, doctour, or historye, otherwyise then it is writtin, lett thame come unto me with sufficient witness, and by conference I shall lett thame see, not onlye the originall whare my testimonyes ar writtin, but I shall prove, that the wrettaris ment as I have spokin." Of this sermon, which was the first that ever Johne Knox maid in publict, was thare diverse bruyttis. Some said, "Otheris sned[484] the branches of the Papistrie, but he stryekis at the roote, to destroy the hole." Otheris said, "Yf the doctouris, and _Magistri nostri_, defend nott now the Pape and his authoritie, which in thare awin presence is so manifestlie impugned, the Devill have my parte of him, and of his lawes boyth." Otheris said, "Maister George Wishart spak never so plainelye, and yitt he was brunt: evin so will he be." In the end, otheris said, "The tyranny of the Cardinall maid nott his cause the bettir, nether yitt the sufferring of Goddis servand maid his cause the worse. And tharefoir we wold counsall yow and thame, to provide bettir defenses then fyre and sweard; for it may be that ellis ye wilbe disapointed: men now have other eyes then thei had than." This answer gave the Lard of Nydie,[485] a man fervent and uprycht in religioun. The bastard Bischope, who yit was not execrated, (consecrated[486] thei call it,) wrait to the Suppriour of Sanctandrois, who (_Sede vacante_) was Vicare Generall, "That he wondered that he sufferred sic hereticall and schismaticall doctrin to be tawght, and nott to oppone him self to the same." Upoun this rebuck, was a conventioun of Gray Freiris and Blak feindis appointed, with the said Suppriour Dean Johnne Wynrame, in Sanct Leonardis yardis, whareunto was first called Johne Rowght, and certane Articles redd unto him; and thairafter was Johnne Knox called for. The caus of thare conventioun, and why that thei war called, was exponed; and the Articles war read, which war these:-- I. No mortall man can be the head of the Church. II. The Pape is ane Antichrist, and so is no member of Christis misticall body. III. Man may nether maik nor devise a religioun that is acceptable to God: butt man is bound to observe and keap the religioun that fra God is receaved, without chopping or changeing thairof. IV. The Sacramentis of the New Testament aucht to be ministred as thei war institut by Christ Jesus, and practised by his Apostles: nothing awght to be added unto thame; nothing awght to be diminished from thame. V. The Messe is abominable idolatrie, blasphemous to the death of Christ, and a prophanatioun of the Lordis Suppar. VI. Thare is no Purgatorie, in the which the saules of men can eyther be pyned or purged after this lyef: butt heavin restis to the faythfull, and hell to the reprobat and unthankfull.[487] VII. Praying for the dead is vane, and to the dead is idolatrie. VIII. Thare is no Bischoppes, except thei preach evin by thame selfis, without any substitut. IX. The teindis by Goddis law do not apperteane of necessitie to the Kirkmen. "The strangeness, (said the Suppriour,) of these Articles, which ar gaddered furth of your doctrin, have moved us to call for you, to hear your awin answeres." John Knox said, "I, for my parte, praise my God that I see so honorable, and appearandlye so modest and qwyet are auditure. But becaus it is long since that I have heard, that ye ar one that is not ignorant of the treuth, I man crave of yow, in the name of God, yea, and I appell your conscience befoir that Suppreme Judge, that yf ye think any Article thare expressed contrarious unto the treuth of God, that ye oppone your self plainelie unto it, and suffer nott the people to be tharewith deceaved. But, and yf in your conscience ye knaw the doctrin to be trew, then will I crave your patrocinye thareto; that, by your authoritie, the people may be moved the rather to beleve the trewth, whareof many dowbtes be reassone of our yowght."[488] The Suppriour answered, "I came nott hear as a judge, but only familiarlie to talk; and tharefore, I will nether allow nor condempne; butt yf ye list, I will reassone. Why may nott the Kirk, (said he,) for good causes, devise Ceremonies to decore the Sacramentis, and other Goddis service?" JOHNE KNOX. "Becaus the Kirk awght to do nothing, butt in fayth, and awght not to go befoir; but is bound to follow the voce of the trew Pastor." THE SUPPRIOUR. "It is in fayth that the ceremonyes ar commanded, and thei have proper significationis to help our fayth; as the hardis in Baptisme signifie the rowchnes of the law, and the oyle the softnes of Goddis mercy; and lyikwyese, everie ane of the ceremonyes has a godly significatioun, and tharefoir thei boyth procead frome fayth, and ar done into faith." JOHNE KNOX. "It is not yneucht that man invent a ceremonye, and then geve it a significatioun, according to his pleasur. For so mycht the ceremonyes of the Gentiles, and this day the ceremonyes of Mahomeit, be manteaned. But yf that any thing procead frome fayth, it man have the word of God for the assurance; for ye ar nott ignorant, 'That fayth cumis by hearing, and hearing by the word of God.' Now, yf ye will prove that your ceremonyes procead from fayth, and do pleas God, ye man prove that God in expressed wordis hes commanded thame: Or ellis shall ye never prove, That thei proceid from fayth, nor yitt that thei please God; but that thei ar synne, and do displease him, according to the wordis of the Apostill, 'Whatsoever is nott of fayth is synne.'" THE SUPPRIOUR. "Will ye bynd us so strait, that we may do nothing without the expresse word of God? What! and I ask a drynk? think ye that I synne? and yitt I have nott Goddis word for me." This answer gave he, as mycht appear, to schift ower the argument upon the Freare, as that he did. JOHNE KNOX. "I wald we should not jest in so grave a mater; nether wold I that ye should begyn to illud the trewth with sophistrie; and yf ye do, I will defend me the best that I can. And first, to your drinking, I say, that yf ye eyther eat or drynk without assurance of Goddis worde, that in so doing ye displease God, and ye synne into your verray eatting and drynking. For sayis nott the Apostle, speaking evin of meatt and drynk, 'That the creatures ar sanctifeid unto man, evin by the word and by prayer.' The word is this: 'All thingis ar clean to the clean,' &c. Now, let me hear thus much of your ceremonyes, and I sall geve you the argument; bot I wonder that ye compare thingis prophane and holy thingis so indiscreatlie togetther. The questioun wes not, nor is nott of meat or drynk, whairinto the kingdome of God consistis nott; butt the questioun is of Goddis trew wirschiping, without the quhilk we can have no societie with God. And, hear it is dowbted, yf we may tack the same fredome in the using of Christis Sacramentis, that we may do in eatting and drynking. One meat I may eatt, another I may refuise, and that without scrupill of conscience. I may change ane with ane other, evin as oft as I please. Whither may we do the same in materis of religioun? May we cast away what we please, and reteane what we please? Yf I be weill remembred, Moses, in the name of God, sayis to the people of Israell, 'All that the Lord thy God commandis thee to do, that do thow to the Lord thy God: add nothing to it; diminyshe nothing from it.' Be this rewill, think I, that the Kirk of Christ will measur Goddis religioun, and not by that which seames good in thare awin eis." THE SUPPRIOUR. "Forgeve me: I spak it but in mowes, and I was dry. And now, Father, (said he to the Freir,) follow the argument. Ye have heard what I have said, and what is answered unto me agane." ARBUCKILL GRAY-FREIR.[489] "I shall prove plainlye that Ceremonyes ar ordeyned by God." JOHNE KNOX. "Such as God hes ordeyned we allow, and with reverence we use thame. But the questioun is of those that God hes nott ordeyned, such as, in Baptisme, ar spattill, salt, candill, cuide, (except it be to keap the barne from cald,) hardis, oyle, and the rest of the Papisticall inventionis." ARBUCKILL. "I will evin prove these that ye dampne to be ordeyned of God." JOHNE KNOX. "The pruif thareof I wald glaidly hear." ARBUCKILL. "Sayis not Sanct Paule, 'That another fundatioun then Jesus Christ may no man lay.' But upone this fundatioun some buyld, gold, silver, and precious stones; some hay, stuble, and wood. The gold, sylver, and precious stones, ar the Ceremonyes of the Church, which do abyd the fyre, and consumes nott away.' This place of Scripture is most plaine," (sayis the foolish Feind.) JOHNE KNOX. "I prayse my God, throwght Jesus Christ, for I fynd his promeis suyre, trew, and stable. Christ Jesus biddis us 'Nott fear, when we shalbe called befoir men, to geve confessioun of his trewth;' for he promisses, 'that it salbe gevin unto us in that hour, what we shall speak.' Yf I had sowght the hole Scripturis, I could not have produced a place more propir for my purpose, nor more potent to confound yow. Now to your argument: The Ceremonyes of the Kirk, (say ye,) ar gold, silver, and pretious stonis, becaus thei ar able to abyd the fyre; but, I wold learne of yow, what fyre is it which your Ceremonies does abyd? And in the meantyme, till that ye be advised to answer, I will schaw my mynd, and make ane argument against youris, upoun the same text. And first, I say, that I have heard this text adduced, for a pruf of Purgatorie; but for defence of Ceremonies, I never heard, nor yitt red it. But omitting whetther ye understand the mynd of the Apostill or nott, I maik my argument, and say, That which may abyd the fyre, may abyd the word of God: But your Ceremonies may not abyd the word of God: _Ergo_, Thei may not abyd the fyre; and yf they may not abyd the fyre, then ar they not gold, silver, nor precious stones. Now, yf ye find any ambiguitie in this terme, Fyre, which I interpret to be the woord, fynd ye me ane other fyre, by the which thingis buylded upoun Christ Jesus should be tryed then God and his woord, which both in the Scriptures ar called fyre, and I shall correct my argument." ARBUCKILL. "I stand nott thairupoun; but I deny your Minor, to wit, that our Ceremonies may not abyd the tryall of Goddis woord." JOHNE KNOX. [SN: _OPTIMA COLLATIO._] "I prove, that abydis not the tryall of Goddis word, which Goddis word condempnes But Goddis word condempnes your Ceremonies: Therefor thei do not abyd the tryall thairof. But as the theaf abydis the tryall of the inqueist, and tharby is condempned to be hanged, evin so may your ceremonies abyd the tryall of Goddis word; but not ellis. And now, in few wordis to maik plane that wharein ye may seme to dowbt, to wit, That Goddis woord damnes your Ceremonies, it is evident; for the plaine and strate commandiment of God is, 'Not that thing which appearis good in thy eis, shalt thow do to the Lord thy God, but what the Lord thy God hes commanded thee, that do thow: add nothing to it; diminish nothing from it'. [SN: DEUTE. 4.] Now onless that ye be able to prove that God hes commanded your Ceremonies, this his formar commandiment will dampne boyth yow and thame." * * * * * The Freir, somewhat abased[490] what first to answer, whill he wanderis about in the myst, he falles in a fowll myre; for alledgeing that we may nott be so bound to the woord, he affirmed, "That the Apostles had not receaved the Holy Ghost, when thei did wryte thare Epistles; but after, thei receaved him, and then thei did ordeyn the Ceremonies." (Few wold have thought, that so learned a man wold have gevin so foolishe ane answer; and yitt it is evin as trew as he bayre a gray cowll.) Johne Knox, hearing the answer, starte, and said, "Yf that be trew, I have long bein in ane errour, and I think I shall dye thairintill." The Suppriour said to him, "Father, what say ye? God forbide that ye affirme that; for then fayre weall the ground of our fayth." The Freir astonyed, made the best schift that he could to correct his fall;[491] but it wold not be. Johne Knox brought him oft agane to the ground of the argument: but he wold never answer directlie, but ever fled to the authoritie of the Kyrk. Whairto the said Johnne answered ofter then ones, "That the spous of Christ had nether power nor authoritie against the word of God." Then said the Freir, "Yf so be, ye will leave us na Kirk." "Indead, (said the other,) in David I read that thare is a church of the malignantis, for he sayis, _Odi ecclesiam malignantium_. That church ye may have, without the word, and doing many thingis directly feghtting against the word of God. Of that church yf ye wilbe, I can not impead[492] yow. Bott as for me, I wilbe of none other church, except of that which hath Christ Jesus to be pastor, which hearis his voce, and will nott hear a strangeir." [SN: FREIR ARBUCKILLIS PRUF FOR PURGATORYE.] In this Disputatioun many other thingis war merealy skooft ower;[493] for the Freir, after his fall, could speak nothing to a purpose. For Purgatorie he had no better pruf, but the authoritie of Vergile in his sext Æneidos; and the panes thareof to him was ane evill wyff. How Johne Knox answered that, and many other thingis, him self did witness in a treatise that he wrate in the gallayis, conteanyng the some of his doctrin, and Confessioun of his fayth,[494] and send it to his familiaris in Scotland; with his exhortatioun, that thei should continew in the trewth, which thei had professed, nochtwithstanding any worldly adversitie that mycht ensew thareof. [SN: THE CAUS OF THE INSERTING OF THIS DISPUTATIOUN.] Thus much of that Disputatioun have we inserted hear, to the intent that men may see, how that Sathan ever travellis to obscure the lyght; and yitt how God by his power, in his weak veschellis, confoundis his craft, and discloses his darkness. [SN: THE PRACTISE OF PAPISTIS THAT THARE WICKIDNES SHOULD NOT BE DISCLOSED.] After this, the Papistes nor Frearis had not great heart of farther disputatioun or reassonyng; butt invented ane other schift, which appeared to proceid frome godlynes; and it was this. Everie learned man in the Abbay, and in the Universitie, should preach in the parishe kirk his Sonday about. The Suppriour began, followed the Officiall called Spittall,[495] (sermones penned to offend no man,) followed all the rest in thare ranckes. And so Johne Knox smelled out the craft, and in his sermonis, which he maid upone the Weak dayis, he prayed to God, that thei should be als busye in preaching when thare should be more myster of it, then thare was then. [SN: THE PROTESTATIOUN OF JOHNE KNOX.] "Allwyise, (said he,) I praise God, that Christ Jesus is preached, and nothing is said publictlie against the doctrin ye have heard. Yf in my absence thei shall speak any thing, which in my presence thei do nott, I protest that ye suspend your judgement till that it please God ye hear me agane." [SN: MAISTER JAMES BALFOUR ANES JOYNED WITH THE CHURCH, AND DID PROFESSE ALL DOCTRINE TAWGHT BE JOHNE KNOX.] God so assisted his weak soldeour, and so blessed his laubouris, that not onlye all those of the Castell, but also a great nomber of the toune, openlie professed, by participatioun of the Lordis Table, in the same puritie that now it is ministrat in the churches of Scotland, wyth that same doctrin, that he had taught unto thame. Amongis whome was he that now eyther rewillis, or ellis misrewillis Scotland, to wit, Schir James Balfour, (sometymes called Maister James,[496]) the cheaf and principall Protestant that then was to be found in this realme. This we wryte, becaus we have heard that the said Maister James alledgeis, that he was never of this our religioun; but that he was brought up in Martine's[497] opinioun of the Sacrament, and tharefoir he can nott communicat with us. But his awin conscience, and two hundreth witness besydes, know that he lyes; and that he was ane of the cheaff, (yf he had not bein after Coppis,) that wold have gevin his lyef, yf men mycht credite his wordis, for defence of the doctrin that the said Johnne Knox tawght. But albeit, that those that never war of us, (as none of Monquhanye's sones have schawin thame selfis to be,) departe from us, it is no great wonder; for it is propir and naturall that the children follow the father; and lett the godly levar of that rase and progeny be schawen;[498] for yf in thame be eather fear of God, or luf of vertew, farther then the present commoditie persuades thame, men of judgement ar deceaved. Butt to returne to our Historye. [SN: THE RAGE OF THE MARKED BEASTIS AT THE PREACHING OF THE TREUTH.] The Preastis and Bischoppis, enraged at these proceadingis, that war in Sanctandrois, ran now upoun the Governour, now upoun the Quene, now upoun the hole Counsall, and thare mycht have been hard complainetes and cryes, "What ar we doing? Shall ye suffer this hole realme to be infected with pernicious doctrin? Fy upoun yow, and fy upoun us." The Quein and Monsieur Dosell,[499] (who then was _a secretis mulierum_ in the Courte,) conforted thame, and willed thame to be quyet, for thei should see remeady or it was long. [SN: THE FIRST CUMING OF THE GALAYES ANNO 1547.] And so was provin in dead; for upoun the penult day of Junij, appeared in the sight of the Castell of Sanctandrois twenty ane Frenche galayis, with a skeife of an army,[500] the lyik whairof was never sein in that Fyrth befoir. [SN: THE TREASONABLE FACT OF THE GOVERNOUR AND THE QUEIN DOWAGER.] This treassonable meane had the Governour, the Bischope, the Quein, and Monsieur Dosell, under the Appointment drawin. Bot to excuse thare treasone, viij dayis befoir, thei had presented ane absolutioun unto thame, as sent from Rome, conteanyng, after the aggravatioun of the cryme, this clause, _Remittimus Irremissibile_, that is, We remitt the cryme that can nott be remitted. Which considdered by the worst of the company[501] that was in the Castell, answer was gevin, [SN: THE ANSWER GEVIN TO THE GOVERNOUR WHEN THE CASTELL OF SANCTANDROIS WAS REQUIRED TO BE DELIVERED.] "That the Governour and Counsall of the Realme had promissed unto thame a sufficient and assured absolutioun, which that appeared nott to be; and tharefor could thei nott deliver the house, nether thought thei that any reassonable man wald requyre thame so to do, considering that promeis was nott keapt unto thame." The nixt day, after that the galayis arryved, thei summoned the hous, which being denyed, (becaus thei knew thame no magistrattis in Scotland,) thei prepared for seage. And, first thei begane to assalt by sey, and schote two dayis. Bott thairof thei nether gat advantage nor honour; for thei dang the sclattis of houssis, but neyther slew man, nor did harme to any wall. [SN: THE GUNNARRIS GODDESS.] But the Castell handilled thame so, that Sancta Barbara, (the gunnaris goddess,) helped thame nothing; for thei lost many of thare rowaris, men chained in the galayis, and some soldeouris, bayth by sea and land. And farther, a galay that approched neyar then the rest, was so doung with the cannoun and other ordinance, that she was stopped under watter, and so almost drowned, and so had bein, war nott that the rest gave hir succourse in tyme, and drew hir first to the west sandis, without the schot of the Castell, and thaireftir to Dondye, whare thei remaned, till that the Governour, who then was at the seige of Langhope,[502] came unto thame, with the rest of the French factioun. The seige by land was confirmed about the Castell of Sanctandrois, the xviiij day of Julij. The trenchess war cast; ordinance was planted upoun the Abbay Kirk, and upoun Sanct Salvatouris Colledge, and yitt was the steaple thairof brunt; which so noyed the Castell, that neyther could thei keape thare blok-houssis, the Sea-tour head, nor the west wall; for in all these places war men slaine by great ordinance. Yea, thei monted the ordinance so height upoun the Abbay Kirk, that thei mycht discover the ground of the close[503] in diverse places. Moreover, within the Castell was the pest,[504] (and diverse thairin dyed,) which more effrayed some that was thairin, then did the externall force without. [SN: THE SENTENCE OF JOHNE KNOX TO THE CASTELL OF SANCTANDROIS BEFOIR IT WAS WON.] But Johne Knox was of ane other judgement, for he ever said, "That thare corrupt lyef could nott eschape punishment of God;" and that was his continuall advertisment, fra the tyme that he was called to preache. When thei triumphed of thare victorie, (the first twenty dayis thei had many prosperous chances,) he lamented, and ever said, "Thei saw not what he saw." When thei bragged of the force and thicknes of thare walles, he said, "Thei should be butt eggeschellis."[505] When thei vanted, "England will reskew us," he said, "Ye shall not see thame; but ye shalbe delivered in your ennemyis handis, and shalbe caryed to ane strange countrey." [SN: PRIOR OF CAPPUA] Upone the penult of Julij,[506] at nycht, was the ordinance planted for the battery; xiiij cannons, whareof four was cannons royall, called double cannons, besydis other peices. The battery begane att iiij houris in the mornyng, and befoir ten houris of the day, the haill sowth qwarter, betuix the foir tour and the East blok-house, was maid saltable. The lawer transe was condempned, diverse slane into it, and the East blok-house was schote of fra the rest of the place, betuix ten houris and ellevin. Thare fell a schour of rane, that continewed neir ane hour, the lyek wharof had seldom bein sein: It was so vehement, that no man myeht abyd without a house: The cannounes war left allone. Some within the Castell war of judgement, that men should have ished, and putt all in the handis of God. But becaus that Williame Kirkcaldy was commonyng[507] with the Priour of Cappua,[508] who had the commissioun of that jorney from the King of France, nothing was interprysed. And so was appointment maid, and the Castell randered upone Setterday, the last of Julij. [SN: THE CASTELL OF SANCTANDROIS REFUISED IN THARE GREATEST EXTREMITIE TO APPOINT WITH THE GOVERNOUR.] The headis of the Appointment war; "That the lyefis of all within the Castell should be saved, alsweall Engliss as Scottish; That thei should be saiflie transported to France; and in case that, upoun conditionis that by the King of France should be offerred unto thame, thei could nott be content to remane in service and fredome thare, thei should, upoun the King of France expenssis, be saiflie conveyed to what contrey thei wold requyre, other then Scotland." Wyth the Governour thei wold have nothing ado, neyther yitt with any Scottishe man; for thei had all tratorouslye betrayed them, "Which," said the Lard of Grange eldar, (a man sempill, and of most stout corage,) "I am assured God shall revenge it, or it be long." [SN: MAISTER JAMES BALFOUR WAS FLEYED YNEUCH.] The galayes, weall furnessed with the spoyle of the Castell foirsaid, after certane dayis, returned to France; and eschaping a great danger, (for upon the back of the sandis thei all schopped,) thei arryved first at Fekcam,[509] and thareafter past up the watter of Sequane,[510] and lay befoir Rowane; whare the principall gentilmen, who looked for fredome, war dispersed and putt in syndrie preasonis. The rest war left in the galayis, and thare miserable entreated, amonges whome the foirsaid Maister James Balfour was, with his two brethrein, David and Gilbert, men without God. Which we wryt, becaus that we hear, that the said Maister James, principall mysgydar now of Scotland, denyes that he had any thing to do with the Castell of Sanctandrois, or yet that ever he was in the galayis. Then was the joy of the Papistis boyth of Scotland and France evin in full perfectioun; for this was thare song of triumphe:-- Preastis content yow now; Preastis content yow now; For Normond and his cumpany hes filled the galayis fow. The Pope wrote his letters to the King of France, and so did he to the Governour of Scotland, thanking thame hartlie for the tacking panes to revenge the death of his kynd creature, the Cardinall of Scotland; desyring thame to continew in thare begune severitie, that such thingis after should not be attemptat. And so war all these that war deprehended in the Castell dampned to perpetuall preasone; and so judged the ungodly, that after that in Scotland should Christ Jesus never have triumphed. One thing we can not pass by: From Scotland was send a famous clerk, (lawghe not, readar,) Maister Johnne Hammyltoun of Mylburne,[511] with credite to the King of France, and unto the Cardinall of Lorane, (and yitt he nether had French nor Latine, and some say his Scottishe toung was nott verray good.) The sume of all his negotiatioun was, That those of the Castell should be scharplie handilled. In which suyt, he was heard with favouris, and was dispatched fra the Courte of France with letteris, and great credyte, which that famouse clark foryett by the way; for passing up to the craig[512] of Dumbertane, befoir his letteris war delyvered, he brack his nek; and so God took away a proude ignorant ennemye. Butt now to our Historie. [SN: _NULLA FIDES REGNI SOCIIS, ETC._] These thingis against promeissis, (but Princes have no fidelitie farther then for thare awin advantage,) done at Rowane,[513] the galayes departed to Nantes, in Bartainzie, whare upone the watter of Lore[514] thei lay the hole wyntar. In Scotland, that somer, was nothing but myrth; for all yead[515] with the preastis eavin at thare awin pleasur. The Castell of Sanctandrois was rased to the ground,[516] the block houssis thairof cast doune, and the walles round about demolissed. Whitther this was to fulfill thare law, which commandis places whare Cartlinalles ar slane so to be used; or ellis for fear that England should have takin it, as after thei did Broughty Crage, we remitt to the judgement of such as was of counsall. [SN: PYNCKEY CLEUCHT.] This same year, in the begynnyng of September, entered in Scotland ane army of ten thowsand men from England, by land, some schippes with ordinance came by sea. The Governour and the Bischope, heirof advertissed, gathered togetther the forces of Scotland, and assembled at Edinburgh. The Protectour of England,[517] with the Erle of Warwik, and thare army, remaned at Preastoun, and about Preastoun Pannes:[518] for thei had certane offerres to have bein proponed unto the Nobilitie of Scotland, concernyng the promeissis befoir maid by thame, unto the which King Hary befoir his death gentillye required thame to stand fast; and yf thei so wald do, of him nor of his Realme thei should have no truble, but the helpe and the conforte that he could maike thame in all thingis lauchfull. And heirupoun was thare a letter direct to the Governour and Counsall;[519] which cuming to the handis of the Bischope of Sanctandros, he thought it could nott be for his advantage that it should be divulgat, and thairfoir by his craft it was suppressed. [SN: THE SECURITIE OF THE SCOTISMEN AT PYNKEY CLEUCHT.] Upone the Fryday, the [ixth[520]] of September, the Engliss army marched towardis Leyth, and the Scottishe army marched from Edinburgh to Enresk.[521] The hole Scottishe army was nott assembled, and yitt the skirmissing begane; for nothing was concluded but victorie without strok. The Protectour, the Erle of Warwik, the Lord Gray, and all the Engliss Capitanes, war played[522] at the dyce. No men war stowttar then the Preastis and Channounes, with thare schaven crownes and blak jackis. [SN: FRYDAYIS CHASE.] The Erle of Warwik and the Lord Gray, who had the cheaf charge of the horsmen, perecaving the host to be molested with the Scotishe preakaris,[523] and knowing that the multitud war nether under ordour nor obedience, (for thei war devided fra the great army,) sent furth certane troupes horsmen, and some of thare Borderaris, eyther to feght thame, or ellis to putt thame out of thare syght, so that thei mycht not annoy the host. The skarmuch grewe hote, and at lenth the Scottishmen gave back, and fled without gane turne. The chase continewed far, bayth towardis the East and towardis the Weast; in the which many war slayne, and he that now is Lord Home was tane, which was the occasioun, that the Castell of Home[524] was after randered to the Engliss men. [SN: BRAGGIS.] The lose of these men neyther moved the Governour, nor yitt the Bischope, his bastard brother: Thei should revenge the mater weall yneuch upoun the morne; for thei war handis ynew, (no word of God;) the Engliss heretyckis had no faces; thei wald not abyd. [SN: THE REPULSE OF THE HORSMEN OF ENGLAND.] Upone the Setterday, the armyis of boyth sydis past to array. The Engliss army tackis the mydd parte of Fawsyd hill,[525] having thare ordinance planted befoir thame, and having thare schippes and two galayis brought as neir the land as watter wald serve. The Scottishe army stood first in ane ressonable strenth and good ordour, having betuix thame and the Engliss army the Watter of Esk, (otherwyese called Mussilburgh Watter;) butt at length a charge was gevin in the Governouris behalf, with sound of trumpett, that all men should merche fordwarte, and go ower the watter.[526] Some say, that this was procured by the Abbote of Dumfermeling,[527] and Maister Hew Rig,[528] for preservatioun of Carbarry. Men of judgement lyeked not the jorney; for thei thought it no wisdome to leave thare strenth. But commandiment upoun commandiment, and charge upoun charge, was gevin, which urged thame so, that unwillinglie thei obeyed. The Erle of Anguss,[529] being in the vantgard, had in his cumpany the gentilmen of Fyfe, of Anguss, Mernes, and the Westland, with many otheris that of luif resorted to him, and especiallie those that war professouris of the Evangell; for thei supposed, that England wold not have maid gret persuyt of him. He passed first throwght the watter, and arrayed his host direct befoir the ennemies. Followed the Erle of Huntlie, with his Northland men. Last came the Duke, having in his cumpany the Erle of Ergyle,[530] with his awin freindis, and the body of the realme. The Englesmen perceaving the danger, and how that the Scottishe men intended to have tane the tope of the hill, maid hast to prevent the perrell. The Lord Gray was commanded to geve the charge with his men of armes, which he did, albeit the hasard[531] was verray unliklye; for the Erle of Anguss host[532] stood evin as a wall, and receaved the first assaultairis upon the pointis of thare spearis, (which war longar then those of the Englismen,) so ruidlye, that fyftie horse and men of the first rank lay dead at ones, without any hurte done to the Scottishe army, except that the spearis of the formar two rankis war brokin. Which discomfitur receaved, the rest of the hors men fled; yea, some passed beyound Fawsyd hill. The Lord Gray him self was hurte in the mouth, and plainelie denyed to charge agane; for he said, "it was alyik as to ryne against a wall." The galayis and the schippes, and so did the ordinance planted upoun the mydd hill, schote terriblye. But the ordinance of the galayis schooting longis the Scotish army effrayed thame wonderuslye.[533] And whill that everie man laubouris to draw from the north, whense the danger appeired, thei begyne to reyll, and with that war the Engliss foot men marching fordwarte, albeit that some of thare horsmen war upoun the flight. The Erle of Anguss army stood still, looking that eyther Huntlie[534] or the Duke should have recountered the nixt battell; but thei had decreid that the favoraris of England, and the Heretickis, (as the Preastis called thame,) and the Englismen should parte it betuix thame for the day. The fear ryses, and at ane instant thei, which befoir war victouris, and war nott yitt assaulted with any force, (except with ordinance, as said is,) cast frome thame thare spearis and fled. So that Goddis power was so evidentlie sein, that in one moment, yea, at one instant tyme, boyth the armyes war fleing. The schout came from the hill frome those that hoped no victorie upone the Engliss parte; the schout ryses, (we say,) "Thei flye, thei flie;" but at the first it could nott be beleved, till at the last it was clearlie sein, that all had gevin backis, and then begane a cruell slawchtter, (which was the greattar be reassone of the lait displeasur of the men of armes.) The chase and slaughter lasted till ney Edinburght, upoun the one parte, and be-west Dalkeith, upon the other.[535] The number of the slane upoun the Scotishe syd war judged ney ten thowsand men. The Erle of Huntley was tackin, and caryed to London; but he releved him self, being suyrtie for many ransonis, honestlie or unhonestlie[536] we know nott; but, as the bruyt past, he used pollicye with England. In that same battell was slane the Maister of Erskin,[537] deirlie beloved of the Quein, for whome she maid great lamentatioun, and bayre his death many dayis in mind. When the certaintie of the disconfiture came, sche was in Edinburgh abyding upon tydinges; but with expeditioun she posted that same nycht to Stryveling, with Monsieur Dosell, who was als fleyed as "a fox when his hole is smoked." And thus did God tak the secound revenge upoun the perjured Governour, with such as assisted him to defend ane injust qwerrell; albeit that many innocentis fell amonges the myddest of the wicked. The Engliss army came to Leyth, and thare tackin ordour with thare preasonaris and spoile, thei returned with this victorie, (which thei looked nott for,) to England. That wynter following was great heirschippes maid upoun all the Bordouris of Scotland. Browghty crag[538] was tane by the Englismen, beseiged by the Governour, but still keapt; and at it was slane Gawen, the best of the Hammyltonis,[539] and the ordinance left. Whareupon, the Englismen encouraged, begane to fortifie upoun the hill above Broughty hous, which was called the Forte of Broughty, and was verray noysome to Dondy, which it brunt and laid waist; and so did it the moist parte of Anguss, which was not assured, and under freindschipe with thame. That Lentran[540] following, [SN: 1548.] was Haddingtoun fortified by the Engliss men. The maist parte of Lothiane, from Edinburgh east, was eyther assured or laid wast. Thus did God plague in everie qwarter; butt men war blynd, and wald nott, nor could nott, considder the cause. The Lardes Ormestoun[541] and Brunestoun[542] war banissed, and after forfalted,[543] and so war all those of the Castell of Sanctandrois. The suyre knowledge of the trubles of Scotland cuming to France, thare was prepared a navy and army. The navy was such as never was sein to come fra France, for the supporte of Scotland; for besydis the galayis, being twenty twa then in nomber, thei had threscoir great schippis, besydis vittallaris. Howsone soever thei took the playne seas, the read lyoun of Scotland was displayed, and thei holdin as rebelles unto France, (such pollicye is no falsett in Princes,) for good peax stoode betuix France and England, and the King of France approved nothing that thei did. The cheaf men, to whome the conducting of that army was committed, war Monsieur Dandelot, Monsieur de Termes, and Peir de Strois. In thare jorney thei maid some hereschepe upoun the coast of England; but it was nott great. [SN: 1549.] They arryved in Scotland in Maij, anno 1549.[544] The galayis did visitt the forte of Browghty, but did no more at that tyme. Preparationis war maid for the seig of Hadyngtoun; but it was ane other thing that thei ment, as the ischew declared. [SN: THE PARLIAMENT ATT HADINGTOUN.] The hole body of the realme assembled, the forme of a Parliament was sett to be holdin thare, to witt, in the Abbay of Haddingtoun.[545] The principall head was the mariage of the Princess (by thame befoir contracted to King Edwarte,) to the King of France, and of hir present deliverie, be reassone of the danger that she stood into, by the invasioun of our old ennemies of England. Some war corrupted with buddis, some deceaved by flattering promessis, and some for fear war compelled to consent; for the French soldartis war the officiaris of armes in that Parliament. The Lard of Balclewcht,[546] a bloody man, with many Goddis woundis, sware, "Thei that wold nott consent should do war." The Governour gat the Duchry of Chattellerawlt,[547] with the Ordour of the Cokill, and a full discharge of all intromissionis with King James the Fyft his treasure and substance whatsoever, with possessioun of the Castell of Dumbertane, till that ischew should be sein of the Quenis body. [SN: THE DUKIS FACT, AND WHAT APPEARIS TO FOLLOW THAREOF.] With these, and other conditionis, stood he content to sell his Soverane furth of his awin handis, which in the end wilbe his destructioun; God thairby punishing his formar wickedness, (yf speady reapentance prevent not Goddis judgementis, which we hartly wishe.) Huntley, Ergyle, and Anguss, was lykwiese maid Knyghtis of the Cockill;[548] and for that and other good deid receaved, thei sold also thare parte. [SN: EXPERIENCE HES TAWGHT, AND FARTHER WILL DECLAIR.] Schortlie, none was found to resist that injust demand; and so was she sold to go to France, to the end that in hir youth she should drynk of that lycour, that should remane with hir all hir lyfetyme, for a plague to this realme, and for hir finall destructioun. And tharefoir, albeit that now a fyre cumes out frome hir, that consumes many, lett no man wonder, she is Goddis hand, in his displeasur punishing our formare ingratitude. [SN: _PERFICE QUOD CEPISTI ME DEUS PROPTER TUI NOMINIS GLORIAM. 15 JUNIJ 1567._[549]] Lett men patientlie abyd, and turne unto thare God, and then shall he eyther destroy that hoore in hir hurdome, or ellis he shall putt it in the harttis of a multitude, to tak the same vengeance upoun hir, that hes bein tane of Jesabell and Athalia, yea, and of otheris, of whome prophane historyis mak mentioun; for greattar abominatioun was never in the nature of any woman, then is in hir, whareof we have but sein only the buddis; butt we will after taist of the rype frutt of hir impietie, yf God cutt not hir dayis schorte. [SN: WRITTIN THE ---- OF APRILE, ANNO 1566.] But to returne to our Historie. [SN: THE SEIGE OF HADINGTOUN.] This conclusioun tackin, that our Quein, (butt farther delay,) should be delivered to France, the seig continewis, great schooting, but no assaulting; and yitt thei had fair occasioun offered unto thame. For the Englismen approching to the toune, for the conforting of the beseiged, with powder, vittalles, and men, lost ane army of sax thowsand men. [SN: TUESDAYIS CHASE.] Schir Robert Bowes[550] so was tane, and the most parte of the Borderaris war eyther tackin or slane. And so mycht the Toune justlye have dispared of any farther succourse to have bein loked for; butt yit it held good; for the stout corage and prudent governement of Schir James Wolfurd,[551] generall, who did so encorage the hole capitanes and soldartis, that thei determined to dye upon thare wallis. But from the tyme that the Frenche men had gottin the bone for the which the dog barked, the persuyt of the toune was slow. The seig was rased, and she was convoyed by the Weast seas to France,[552] with four galayis, and some schippis; and so the Cardinall of Lorane gatt hir in his keping, a morsall, assuyre yow,[553] meit for his awin mouth. We omitt many thingis that, occurred in this tyme; as the sitting doun of the schip called the Cardinall, (the farest schip in France,) betuix Sanct Colmes Inch and Crawmond,[554] without any occasioun, except negligence, for the day was fair, and the wetther calme; but God wold schaw, that the countrie of Scotland can bear no Cardinallis. In this tyme also, was thare a combate betuix the galayis and the Engliss schippis; thei schote fracklie a whill. Ane Engliss schip took fyre, or ellis the galayis had come schorte hame, and, as it was, thei fled without mercy, till that thei war abuf Sanct Colmes Inch.[555] The Capitanes left the galayes, and took a forte maid upoun the Inch for thare defence. But the Engliss schippis maid no persuyt, (except that thei brunt the Cardinall whare that she lay,) and so the galayis and the galay-men did boyth eschape. Ordoure was lackin, that nixt September, that some galayes should remane in Scotland, and that the rest should returne to France; as that thei did all, except one that was tackin by ane Engliss schip, (by one Engliss schip onlye, we say,) as that thei war passing betuix Dover and Calice. That wynter remaned Monsieur De Arfe[556] in Scotland, with the bandis of French men. Thei fortified Enresk, to stay that the Engliss should not invaid Edinburgh and Leyth. Some skarmessis[557] thare war betuix the one and the other, butt no notable thing done, except that the French had almost tackin Hadingtoun; the occasioun whareof was this. The French men thinking thame selfis moir then maisteris in all partes of Scotland, and in Edinburgh principallie, thought that thei could do no wrong to no Scottishe man; for a certane French man delivred a coulvering to George Tod, Scottisman, to be stocked, who bringing it throwght the streat, ane other French man clamed it, and wold have reft it from the said George; but he resisted, alledgeing that the Frenche man did wronge. And so begane parties to assemble, asweall to the Scottishman, as to the French; so that two of the French men war stryckin doune, and the rest chassed from the Croce to Nudrye's Wynd head.[558] The Provost being upoun the streat, apprehended two of the French, and was carying thame to the Tolbuyth; but from Monsieur de Essie's loodgeing and close isched furth French men, to the nomber of threscoir persones, with drawin sweardis, and resisted the said Provest. But yitt the toune assembling repulsed thame, till that thei came to the Nether Bow;[559] and thare Monsieur La Chapell, with the hole bandis of French men enarmed, rencontered the said Provest, and[560] repulsed him, (for the toune war without weapones, for the maist parte,) and so maid invasioun upoun all that thei mett. [SN: THE SLAUGHTER OF THE CAPITANE OF THE CASTELL OF EDINBURGH] And first, in the throt of the Bow, war slane David Kirk and David Barbour, (being at the Provostes back,) and thareafter war slane the said Provest himself, being Lard of Stannoss, and Capitane of the Castell,[561] James Hammyltoun his sone,[562] Williame Chapman, a godly man, Maister Williame Stewarte,[563] Williame Purvess, and a woman, named Elizabeth Stewarte; and thareafter taryed within the toune, by force, from fyve houris, till after sevin at nycht, and then reteared to the Cannogat, as to thare receptackle and refuge. [SN: HADINGTOUN ALMOST SURPRISED BY THE FRENCH.] The hole Toun, yea, the Governour and Nobilitie commoved at the unwoorthynes of this bold attemptat, craved justice upoun the malefactouris, or ellis thei wold tack justice of the hole. The Quein, crafty yneweht, Monsieur de Essye, and Monsieur Dosel, laubored for pacificatioun, and did promeise, "That onless the French men, by thame selfis allone, should do such ane act, as mycht recompense the wrong that thei had done, that then thei should not refuise, but that justice should be executed to the rigour." These fayre woordis pleased our foollis, and so war the Frenche bandis the nixt nycht direct to Hadingtoun,[564] to the which thei approched a lytill after mydnycht, so secreatlye, that thei war never espyed, till that the formar war within the basse courte, and the haill cumpany in the church yard, nott two payre of boot lenthis distant frome the toune. The soldartis, Englishmen, war all a sleape, exceapt the watch, the which was sklender, and yitt the schowt arises, "Bowes and billes: Bowes and billes;" which is significatioun of extreame defence, to avoid the present danger, in all tounes of warr. The effrayed aryses: weapones that first come to hand serve for the nead. One[565] amongis many cumes to the East porte, whare lay two great pieces of ordinance, and whare the ennemies war knowin to be, and cryed to his fellowes that war at the yett macking defence, "Ware befoir;" and so fyres a great peace, and thareafter another, which God so conducted, that after thame was no farther persuyt maid; for the bullates redounded fra the wall of the Freir Kirk, to the wall of Sanct Katherine's Chapell, which stood direct foiranent it, and fra the wall of the said Chapell to the said Kirk wall agane, so oft, that thare fell mo then ane hundreth of the French, att those two schottis only. Thei schott oft, but the French reteired with diligence, and returned to Edinburgh, without harme done, except the destructioun of some drynkin bear, which lay in the saidis Chappell and Kirk. And this was satisfactioun more then yneuht,[566] for the slawchter of the said Capitane and Provest, and for the slawghter of such as war slane with him. This was the begynnyng of the French fruittis. [SN: THE RECOVERY OF THE CASTELL OF HOME.] This wynter, in the tyme of Christen Masse, was the Castell of Home recovered from the Engliss, by the negligence of the Capitane named Dudley.[567] [SN: THE DEATH OF THE LARD OF RAYTH.] This wynter also did the Lard of Rayth most innocentlie suffer, and after was forfalted, becaus that he wrait a bill to his sone, Johne Melvin,[568] who then was in England, which was alleged to have bein found in the house of Ormestoun; but many suspected the pauckis[569] and craft of Ringzen Cockburne, (now called Capitane Ringzeane,[570]) to whome the said letter was delivered. Butt howsoever it was, thei cruell beastis, the Bischope of Sanctandrois and Abbot of Dumfermling, ceassed nott, till that the head of the said noble man was strickin from him; especiallie becaus that he was knawin to be ane that unfeanedlie favored the treuth of Goddis word, and was a great freind to those that war in the Castell of Sanctandrois; of whose deliverance, and of Goddis wonderouse wyrking with thame during the tyme of thare bondage, we man now speak, least that in suppressing of so notable a wark of God, we mycht justlie be accused of ingratitude. [SN: THE ENTREATMENT OF THESE OF THE CASTELL OF SANCTANDROIS DURING THARE CAPTIVITY.] And, first, the principalles being putt in severall houssis, as befoir we have said, great laubouris was maid to mack thame have a good opinioun of the Messe. But cheaflie travail was takin upoun Normond Leslye,[571] the Lard of Grange, and the Lard of Petmyllie,[572] who war in the Castell of Scherisburgh,[573] that thei wold come to the Messe with the Capitane: Who answered, "That the Capitane had commandiment to keape thare bodyes, but he had no power to command thare conscience." The Capitane replyed, "That he had power to command and to compell thame to go whare he yead." Thei answered, "That to go to any lauchfull place with him, thei wold nott refuise; but to do any thing that was against thare conscience thei wold not, nether for him, nor yitt for the King." The Capitane said, "Will ye nott go to the Messe?" Thai answered, "No; and yf ye wald compell us, yitt will we displease yow farther; for we will so use our selfis thare, that all those that ar present shall knaw that we dispite it." These same answeris, (and somewhat scharpar,) Williame Kirkcaldye, Petir Carmichaell, and such as war with thame in Mont Sanct Michaell, gave to thare Capitane; for thei said, "Thei wold nott only hear Messe everie day, but that thei wold help to say it, provided that thei mycht stick the preastis, or ellis thei wold nott." Maister Henry Balnaves,[574] who was in the Castell of Rowane, was most sharplie assaulted of all; for becaus he was judged learned, (as he was, and is, in deid,) tharefoir learned men war appointed to trawall with him, with whome he had many conflictes; but God so ever assisted him, that thei departed confounded, and he, by the power of Goddis Spreit, remaned constant in the trewth and profession of the same, without any wavering or declynyng to idolatrie. In the preasone he wrait a most profitable Treatise of Justificatioun,[575] and of the workis and conversatioun of a justifeid man: but how it is suppressed, we know nott. These that war in the galayis war threatned with tormentis, yf thei wold not geve reverence to the Messe, (for at certane tymes the Messe was said in the galay, or ellis heard upoun the schoar, in[576] presence of the forsaris;) butt thei could never mack the poorest of that cumpanye to geve reverence to that idole. Yea, when upoun the Setterday at nycht, thei song thare _Salve Regina_, the hole Scottishmen putt on thare cappes, thare hoodis, or such thing as thei had to cover thare headis; and when that otheris war compelled to kyss a paynted brod, (which thei called "Nostre Dame,") thei war not preassed after ones; for this was the chance. [SN: MEARY FACT.] Sone after the arrivall at Nances,[577] thare great _Salve_ was song, and a glorious painted Lady was brought in to be kissed, and, amongis otheris, was presented to one of the Scotishmen then cheyned. He gentillye said, "Truble me nott; such ane idole[578] is accurssed; and tharefoir I will not tuich it." The Patron and the Arguesyn, with two officeris, having the cheaf charge of all such materis, said, "Thow salt handill it;" and so thei violentlie thrust it to his face, and putt it betuix his handis; who seing the extremitie, tooke the idole, and advisitlie looking about, he caist it in the rivare, and said, "Lett our Lady now saif hir self: sche is lycht aneuch; lett hir learne to swyme." After that was no Scotish man urged with that idolatrie. These ar thingis that appear to be of no great importance; and yit yf we do rychtlie considder, thei expresse the same obedience that God requyred of his people Israell, when that thei should be caryed to Babylon; for he gave charge unto thame, that when thei should see the Babylonians wirschipe thare goddis of gold, silver, mettall, and woid, that thei should say, [SN: JERE. 10.] "The goddis that have nott maid the heavin and the earth shall perish frome the heavin, and out of the earth." That confessioun gave that hole nomber, during the tyme of thare bondage: in the which, wald God thei had continewed in thare fredome; for then had nott Maister James Balfour bein Officiall,[579] neyther yitt borne a cope[580] for pleasur of the Bischope. But to proceid. The said Maister James and Johne Knox being intill one galay, and being wounderous familiare with him, wold often tymes ask his judgement, "Yf he thought that ever thei should be delivered?" Whose answer was ever, fra the day that thei entered in the galayis, "That God wald deliver thame from that bondage, to his glorie, evin in this lyef." [SN: _QUÆVIS MULTA SINT JUSTORUM MALA._] And lyeing betuix Dundye and Sanctandrois, the secound tyme[581] that the galayis returned to Scotland, the said Johne being so extreamlye seak, that few hoped his lyeff, the said Maister James willed him to look to the land, and asked yf he knew it? Who answered, "Yes: I knaw it weall; for I see the stepill of that place, whare God first in publict opened my mouth to his glorie, and I am fullie persuaded, how weak that ever I now appear, that I shall nott departe this lyif, till that my toung shall glorifie his godlie name in the same place." This reported the said Maister James in presence of many famous witness, many zearis befoir that ever the said Johne sett his futt in Scotland, this last tyme, to preache. [SN: JOHNE KNOX HIS ANSUER AND COUNSALL TO THE CAPTIVES.] Williame Kirkcaldy, then of Grange, youngar, Petir Carmichaell, Robert and Williame Leslyes, who war altogetther in Mont Sanct Michaell,[582] wrait to the said Johnne, asking his counsall, "Yf thei mycht with saif conscience break thare preasone?" Whose answer was, "That yf without the blood of any sched of spilt by thame for thare deliverance, thei mycht sett thame selfis at fredome, that thei mycht saiflye tak it: but to sched any manes bloode for thare fredome, thairto wold he never consent." Adding farther, "That he was assured that God wold deliver thame, and the rest of that cumpany, evin in the eis[583] of the world; but not by such meanes as we had looked for, that was by the force of freindis, or by thare other labouris." By such meanes he affirmed thei should nott be delivered, but that God wold so wirk in the deliverance of thame, that the praise thairof should redound to his glorie onlye. He willed, tharefoir, everie one to tack the occasioun that God offerred unto thame, providing that thei committed nothing against Goddis expresse commandiment, for deliverance of thame selves. He was the more earnest in geving his counsall, becaus that the old Larde of Grange,[584] and otheris, repugned to thare purpoise, fearing least that the eschaping of the otheris should be ane occasioun of thare warse entreatment. Whareunto the said Johnne answered, "That such fear proceided nott from Goddis Spreat, but only from ane blynd luif of the self; and tharefor, that no good purpoise was to be stayed for thingis that war in the handis and power of God." And added, "That in one instant God delivered all that cumpany in the handis of unfaythfull men, but so wald he nott releave thame. But some wald he deliver by one meanes, and at one tyme, and otheris must abyd for a season upon his good pleasur." This counsall in the end embrased, upoun the Kinges Evin,[585] when French men commonlie use to drynk liberallie, the foirsaid four personis, having the helpe and conducting of a boy of the house, band all those that war in the Castell, putt thame in syndrie houssis, locked the doores upon thame, took the keyis from the Capitane, and departed, without harme done to the persone of any, or without tueching of any thing that apparteaned to the King, the Capitane, or the house. [SN: THE ESCHAPING OF WILLIAME KIRKCALDYE AND HIS FELLOWIS FURTH OF MONT SANCT MICHAELL.] Great search was maid throweh the hole countrey for thame.[586] But it was Goddis gud pleasur so to conduct thame, that thei eschaped the handis of the faithless, albeit it was with long travaill, and grait pane and povertie susteaned; for the French boy left thame, and took with him the small poise that thei had; and so nether having money, nor knawledge of the countrey, and farther fearing that the boy should discrive thame, (as that in verray dead he did,) thei took purpose[587] to devid thame selfis, to change thare garmentis, and to go in sindrie partes. The two brethrein, Williame and Robert Leslyes,[588] (who now ar become, the said Robert especiall, ennemies to Christ Jesus and to all vertew,) came to Rowane. Williame Kirkcaldy and Petir Carmichael, in beggaris garment, came to Conqwet,[589] and by the space of twelf or threttein weakis, thei travalled as poore marinaris, frome porte to porte, till at lenth thei gat a French schipe, and landed in the Weast, and from thense came to England, whare thei mett befoir thame the said Johne Knox, who that same wynter was delivered, and Alexander Clerk[590] in his cumpany. The said Johne[591] was first appointed preachar to Berwik, then to Newcastell; last he was called to London, and to the sowth partes of England, whare he remaned to the death of King Edwart the Sext.[592] When he left England, then he passed to Geneva, and thare remaned at his privat study, till that he was called by the Engliss[593] congregatioun, that then was assembled at Franctfoorde, to be preachear to thame: Which vocatioun he obeyed, (albeit unwillinglye,) at the commandiment of that notable servand of God, JOHNE CALVYNE. At Franctfoord he remaned, till that some of the learned, (whose names we suppress,) moir gevin to unprofitable ceremonies,[594] then to synceritie of religioun, began to qwerrall with the said Johnne; and becaus thei dispared to prevaill befoir the Magistrat thare, for the establissing of thare corruptionis, thei accused him of treasone committed against the Emperour, and against thare Soverane Quein Marie, that in his ADMONITIOUN TO ENGLAND,[595] he called the one lytill inferiour to Nero, and the other more cruell then Jezabell. The Magistrat perceaving thare malice, and fearing that the said Johnne should fall in the handis of his accusatouris, by one meane or by other, gave advertisment secreatlie to him to departe thare citie; for thei could not saif him yf he ware required by the Emperour, or by the Quein of England in the Emperouris name; and so the said Johne returned to Geneva, from thense to Deape, and thairafter to Scotland, as we shall after hear. The tyme and that wynter that the galayes remaned in Scotland, war delivered Maister James Balfour, his twa brethrein, David and Gilbert, Johne Auchinlek, Johnne Sibbald, Johne Gray, William Gutthery, and Stevin Bell.[596] The gentilmen that remaned in preasonis war, by the procurement of the Quein Dowager, to the Cardinall of Lorane and to the King of France, sett at libertie in the moneth of Julij, Anno 1550; who schorte tharefter war called to Scotland,[597] thare peax proclamed, and thei thame selfis restored to thare landis, in dyspite of thare ennemies. And that was done in hatterent of the Duck, becaus that then France begane to thrist to have the regiment of Scotland in thare awin handis. How soever it was, God maid the heartis of thare ennemyes to sett thame at libertie and fredome. Thare rested a nomber of commoun servandis yitt in the galayes, who war all delivered upoun the contract of peace that was maid betuix France and England, after the tackin of Bullon; and so was the haill cumpany sett at libertie, none perishing,[598] (no nott befoir the world,) except James Melvin, who departed from the miserie of this lyif in the Castell of Byrst in Bartainzea.[599] [SN: THE SLAUGHTER OF THAT VILLANE DAVY.] This we wryte to lett the posteriteis to come understand, how potentlye God wrought in preserving and delivering of these that had butt a small knowledge of his trewth, and for the luif of the same hasarded all; that yf that eyther we now in our dayis, having grettar lycht, or our posteriteis that shall follow us, shall see ane fearfull dispersioun of such as oppone thame selfis to impietie, or tack upoun thame to punishe the same, otherwiese then lawis of men will permite: yf, (we say,) we or thei[600] shall see such left of men, yea, as it war, dispyssed and punished of God; yit lett us nott dampne the personis that punish vice, (and that for just caussis;) nor yitt dispare, butt that the same God that dejectes, (for causes unknawin to us,) will raise up agane the personis dejected, to his glorye and thare conforte. And to lett the world understand in plane termes what we meane, that great abusar of this commoun wealth, that pultron and vyle knave Davie, was justlie punished, the nynt of Merch, in the year of God[601] J^m. V^c. threscore fyve, for abusing of the commoun wealth, and for his other villany,[602] which we list nott to express, by the counsall and handis of James Dowglas, Erle of Morton, Patrik Lord Lyndesay, and the Lord Ruthven, with otheris assistaris in thare cumpany, who all, for thare just act, and most worthy of all praise, ar now unworthely left of thare brethrein, and suffer the bitterness of banishement and exyle. But this is our hope in the mercyes of our God, that this same blynd generatioun, whither it will or nott, shalbe compelled to see that he will have respect to thame that ar injustlye persewed; that he will apardoun thare formar offenses; that he will restore thame to the libertie of thare countrey and common wealth agane; and that he will punish, (in dispyte of man,) the head and the taill, that now trubles the just, and manteanes impietie. [SN: THE REULARIS OF MARY, ANNO 1566, AND THAIRE PREDICTIOUN.] The head is knawin: the taill hes two branches; the temporall Lordis that manteane hir abhominationis, and hir flattering counsallouris, blasphemous Balfour, now called Clerk of Register,[603] Sinclar Deane of Restalrige and Bischope of Brechin, blynd of ane eie in the body, but of boithe in his saule,[604] upoun whome God schortlie after took vengeance; [John[605]] Leslye, preastis gett,[606] Abbot of Londorse and Bischope of Ross, Symon Preastoun of Craigmyllare,[607] a right epicureane, whose end wilbe, or it be long, according to thare warkis. Butt now to returne to our Historye. * * * * * Haddingtoun being keapt,[608] and much hearschipe done about in the countrey, (for what the Engliss men destroyed nott, that was consumed by the French,) God begynnis to feght for Schotland; for in the toun he send a peast so contagious, that with great difficultie could thei have thare dead buryed. Thei war oft refresched with new men, but all was in vane. Hunger and pest within, and the persuyt of the ennemy with a campe volant lay about thame, and intercepted all victuallis, (except when thei war brought by ane convoy from Berwik,) so constrayned thame that the Counsall of England was compelled in spring tyme to call thare forses from that place; and so spuilzeing and burnyng some parte of the toune, thei left it to be occupyed to such as first should tack possessioun,--and those war the Frenchmen, with a meane nomber of the ancient inhabitantis. And so did God performe the woordis and threatnyng of his servand, Maister George Wisharte, who said, "That for thare contempt of Goddis messinger, thei should be visited with sweard and fyre, with pestilence, strangearis, and famyne;" which all thei fand in such perfectioun, that to this day yitt, that toune hes neyther recovered the formar beautie, nor yit men of such wisdome and habilitie, as then did inhabite it. Hearafter was Peace contracted betuix France and England and Scotland;[609] yea, a severall Peace was contracted betuix Scotland and Flanderis, togetther with all the Easterlingis; so that Scotland had peace with the world.[610] Butt yitt wold thare Bischopcs maik warr against God; for how sone that ever thei gat any qwyetness, thei apprehended Adame Wallace,[611] alias Fean, a sempill man, without great learnyng, but ane that was zelous in godlynes and of ane uprycht lyeff. He, with his wyif Beatrice Levingstoun, frequented the cumpany of the Lady Ormestoun,[612] for instructioun of hir childrein, during the truble of hir husband, who then was banissed. This bastard, called Bischope of Sanctandrois, took the said Adame furth of the place of Wyntoun,[613] (men supposed that thei thowght to have apprehended the Lard,) and caryed him to Edinburgh; whare, after certane dayis, he was presented to judgement in the Kirk of the Blak thevis alias Freiris,[614] befoir the Duik, the Erle of Huntley, and diverse otheris besydis, the Bischoppes and thare rable. Thei begyn to accuse him, (Maister Johnne Lauder[615] was Accusatour,) [SN: THE ACCUSATIOUN OF ADAME WALLACE AND HIS ANSWERIS.] "That he took upoun him to preach." He answered, "That he never judged himself worthy of sa excellent a vocatioun, and tharefoir he never took upoun him to preach; but he wold not deny, butt sometymes at the table, and sometymes in other prevey places, he wald reid, and had red the Scriptures, and had gevin such exhortatioun as God pleaseth to geve to him, to such as pleased to hear him." [SN: THE PAPISTICALL MANER OF ACCUSATIOUN.] "Knave, (quod ane,) what have ye to do to medle with the Scriptures?" "I think, (said he,) it is the dewitie of everie Christiane to seak the will of his God, and the assurance of his salvatioun, whare it is to be found, and that is within his Old and New Testament." "What then, (said ane other,) shall we leave to the Bischoppis and Kirkmen to do, yf everie man shalbe a babler upoun the Byble?" "It becumith[616] yow, (said he,) to speak more reverentlie of God, and of his blessed worde: Yf the judge war uncorrupt, he wald punish yow for your blasphemye. But to your questioun, I answer, That albeit ye and I, and other fyve thowsand within this realme, should read the Byble, and speak of it what God should geve us to speak, yitt left we more to the Bischoppes to do, nor eyther thei will or yit can weill do; for we leave to thame publictly to preach the Evangell of Jesus Christ, and to fead the flock, which he hath redeamed by his awin bloode, and hes commanded the same to the cayre of all trew pastouris. And when we leave this unto thame, me think we leave to thame a heavy burdein; and that we do unto thame na wrong, althowght we search our awin salvatioun whare it is to be found, considdering that thei ar but dum doggis, and unsavery salt, that hes altogither lost the seasson." The Bischoppes heirat offended, said, "What pratting is this? Lett his accusatioun be redd." And than was begun, "False tratour, heretik, thow baptised thy awin barne: Thow said, thare is no Purgatorie: Thow said, that to pray to Sanctes and for the dead is idolatrie and a vane superstitioun, &c. What sayis thow of these thinges?" He answered, "Yf I should be bound to answer, I wold requyre an uprycht and indifferent judge." The Erle of Hunteley[617] disdanefullie said, "Foolishe man, wilt thow desyre ane uther judge nor my Lorde Dukis Grace, great Governour of Scotland, and my Lordis the Bischoppes, and the Clargy hear present?" Whairto he answered, "The Bischoppes can be no judges to me; for thei ar oppen ennemyes to me and to the doctrin that I professe. And as for my Lord Duck, I can not tell yf he hes the knowledge that should be in him that should judge and decerne betuix lyes and the trewth, the inventionis of men and the trew wirschipping of God. I desyre Goddis word (and with that he produced the Byble) to be judge betuix the Bischoppes and me, and I am content that ye all hear, and yf by this book, I salbe convict to have tawght, spokin, or done, in materis of religioun, any thing that repugnes to Goddis will, I refuise not to dye; but yf I can nott be convict, (as I am assured by Goddis woord I sall nott,) then I in Goddis name desyre your assistance, that malicious men execut not upoun me injust tyranny." The Erle of Hunteley said, "What a babling foole is this? Thow shalt gett none other judges then those that sitt heir." Wharunto the said Adam ansured, "The good will of God be done. But be ye assured, my Lord, with sic measur as ye mett to otheris, with the same measur it shalbe mett to yow agane. I know that I shall dye, but be ye assured, that my blood shalbe requyred of your handis." [SN: PROTESTATIOUN OF THE ERLE OF GLENCARNE.] Alexander Erle of Glencarne,[618] yitt alyve, said to the Bischope of Orknay,[619] and otheris that satt ney him, "Tack yow yon, my Lordis of the Clargye;[620] for hear I protest, for my parte, that I consent nott to his death." And so, without fear, prepared the said Adam to answer. And first, to the baptising of his awin child, he said, "It was and is als lauchfull to me, for lack of a trew minister, to baptise my awin child, as that it was to Abraham to circumcise his sone Ismael and his familie. And as for Purgatorie, praying to Sanctes, and for the dead, I have oft redd, (said he,) boith the New and Old Testamentis, but I nether could find mentioun nor assurance of thame; and tharefoir, I beleve, that thei ar but mear inventionis of men, devised for covetousnes saik." "Weall, (quod the Bischope,) ye hear this, my Lordis." "What sayis thow of the Messe?" spearis the Erle of Huntley. He ansuered, "I say, my Lord, as my master Jesus Christ sayis, 'That which is in greatast estimatioun befoir men, is abomination befoir God.'" [SN: LUCÆ. [16.]] Then all cryed out, "Heresye! heresye!" And so was the sempill servand of God adjudged to the fyre; which he patientlie susteaned that same day, at after nune, upoun the Castell-hill.[621] And so began thei agane to pollute the land, which God had laitlie plagued; for yitt thare iniquitie was nott come to so full rypnes, as that God wold that thei should be manifested to this hole realme, (as this day thei ar,) to be faggottis prepared for the everlesting fyre, and to be men whome nether plagues may correct, nor the light of Goddis woorde converte from thare darknes and impietie. The Peace, as said is, contracted, the Quein Dowager past by sea to France, with galayes,[622] that for that purpose war prepared, and took with hir diverse of the nobilitie of Scotland, to witt, the Erles Huntley, Glencarne, Marschell, Cassilles, the Lordis Maxwell, Fleyming, Schir George Dowglass, togither with all the Kinges Sonnes, and diverse baronis and gentillmen of ecclesiasticall estait, the Bischope of Galloway, and many otheris, with promisses that thei should be richely rewarded for thare good service. What thei receaved we can nott tell; but few maid ruse at thare returnyng. The Dowager had to practise somewhat with hir brethrein, the Duck of Gueise, and the Cardinall of Lorane, the weght wharof the Governour after felt: for schortly after hir returnyng, was the Governour deposed of the governement, (justly by God, but most injustly by men,) and she maid Regent in the year of God J^m. V^c. fyfty four;[623] and a croune putt upone hir head, als seimlye a sight, (yf men had eis,) as to putt a sadill upoun the back of ane unrewly kow. And so began she to practise practise upoun practise, how France mycht be advanced, hir freindis maid riche, and sche brought to immortall glorie: for that was hir commoun talk, "So that I may procure the wealth and honour of my freindis, and a good fame unto my self, I regard nott what God do after with me." And in verray deid, in deap dissimulatioun, to bring hir awin purpose to effect, sche passed the commoun sorte of wemen, as we will after heare. Butt yit God, to whose Evangell she declared hir self ennemye, in the end frustrat hir of all hir devises. [SN: THE DEATH AND VERTEUS OF EDWARD THE SEXT.] Thus did light and darknes stryve within the realme of Scotland; the darknes ever befoir the world suppressing the light, from the death of that notable servand of God, Maister Patrik Hammyltoun, unto the death of Edwarde the Saxt, that most godly and most verteous King that hath bein knowin to have rounge in England, or elles whare, these many yearis bypast, who departed the miserie of this lyef the vj of Julij, Anno, &c., 1553. The death of this Prince was lamented of all the godly within Europe; for the graces gevin unto him of God, as weall of nature as of eruditioun and godlines, passed the measur that accustomablye useth to be gevin to other Princes in thare grettast perfectioun, and yitt exceaded he nott sextein yearis of aige. What gravitie abuf age, what wisdome passing all expectatioun of man,[624] and what dexteritie in answering in all thingis proponed, war into that excellent Prince, the Ambassadouris of all countreeis, (yea, some that war mortall ennemyes to him and to his realme, amonges whome the Quein Dowager of Scotland was not the least,) could and did testifie; for the said Quein Dowager, returnyng from France throwght England, commoned with him at lenth,[625] and gave record when sche came to this Realme, "That sche fand more wisdome and solidd judgement in young King Edward, then she wold have looked for in any three Princes that war then in Europe." His liberalitie towardis the godly and learned, that war in other realmes persecuted, was such as Germanes, Frenchmen, Italianes, Scottis, Spainzardis, Polonianes, Grecianis, and Hebrewis borne, can yitt geve sufficient document; for how honorablie war Martyn Buceir,[626] Petir Martyre, Joannes Alasco, ...[627] Emanuel Gualterus,[628] and many otheris, upoun his publict stipendis interteaned, thare patentis can witnesse, and thei thame selfis during thare lyffis wold never have denyed. After the death of this most verteous Prince, of whome the godless people of England, (for the most parte,) was nott worthy, Sathan intended nothing less then the light of Jesus Christ utterly to have bein extinguissed, within the hole Ile of Britannye; for after him was rased up, in Goddis hote displeasur, that idolatress Jesabel, mischevous Marie, of the Spaynyardis bloode;[629] a cruell persecutrix of Goddis people, as the actes of hir unhappy regne can sufficiently witnesse.[630] And in to Scotland, that same tyme, (as we have hard,[631]) rang that crafty practisar, Marie of Lorane, then named Regent of Scotland; who, bound to the devotioun of hir two brethrein, the Duck of Gueise, and Cardinall of Lorane, did onlye abyd the oportunitie to cutt the throttis of all those in whome she suspected any knowledge of God to be, within the realme of Scotland. And so thought Sathan, that his kingdome of darkness was in qwietness and rest, asweall in the one realme, as in the other: but that provident eie of the Eternall our God, who continually watches for preservatioun of his Church, did so dispone all thingis, that Sathane schorte after fand him self far disapointed of his conclusioun tackin. For in that cruell persecutioun, used by that monstour, Marie of England, war godlie men dispersed in diverse nationis, of whom it pleaseth the goodnes of our God to send some unto us, for our conforte and instructioun. [SN: WHO FIRST AFTER THE DEATH OF KING EDWARDE BEGANE TO PREACH IN SCOTLAND.] And first cam a sempill man, WILLIAME HARLAW,[632] whose eruditioun, althowght it excell nott, yit for his zeill, and diligent plainess in doctrin, is he to this day worthy of praise, and remanes a fruitfull member within the Church of Scotland. After him cam that notable man, JOHNE WILLOK,[633] as one that had some commissioun to the Quein Regent, from the Duchess of Emden. Butt his principall purpose was to assay what God wald wirk by him in his native countrey. These two did sometymes, in severall cumpanyes, assemble the brethrein, who by thare exhortationis begane greatlie to be encoraged, and did schaw that thei had ane earnest thrist of godlines. [SN: ELIZABETH ADAMESOUN AND HIR DEATH.] And last came JOHNE KNOX,[634] in the end of the harvest, in the year of God J^m. V^c. fyfty fyve; who first being loodged in the house of that notable man of God, James Syme, begane to exhorte secreatly in that same house; whareunto repared the Lard of Dun, David Forress, and some certane personages of the toune, amonges whome was Elizabeth Adamsoun, then spous to James Barroun,[635] burges of Edinburgh, who be reasson that she had a trubled conscience, delyted much in the cumpany of the said Johne, becaus that he, according to the grace gevin unto him, opened more fullie the fontane of Goddis mercyes, then did the commoun sorte of teachearis that sche had hard befoir, (for sche had heard none except Freiris,) and did with such gredynes drynk thairof, that at hir death she did expresse the frute of hir hearing, to the great conforte of all those that repared to hir; for albeit that she sufferred most grevous torment in hir body, yitt out of hir mouth was heard nothing but praising of God, except that somtymes she wold lament the trubles of those that war trubled by hir. Being somtymes demanded by hir Sisteris, "What she thought of that pane, which she than sufferred in body, in respect of that wharewith sometymes she was trubled in spreit?" She ansuered, "A thowsand year of this torment, and ten tymes more joyned unto it, is not to be compared to the qwarter of ane hour that I sufferred in my spreit. I thank my God, throught Jesus Christ, that hes delivered me from that most fearfull pane; and welcome be this, evin so long as it pleassed his godlie Majestie to exercise me thairwith." A litill befoir hir departuyre, she desyred hir Sisteris, and some otheris that war besyd hir, to sing a psalme, and amonges others, she appointed the 103. Psalme, begynnyng, "My saule praise thow the Lord alwyes;"[636] which ended, sche said, "At the teaching of this Psalme, begane my trubled soule first effectually to taist of the mercy of my God, which now to me is more sweat and precious, then[637] all the kingdomes of the earth war gevin to me to possesse thame a thowsand yearis." The Preastis urged hir with thare ceremonies and superstitionis; to whome she answered, "Depart from me, ye sergeantis[638] of Sathan; for I have refused, and in your awin presence do refuise, all your abominationis. That which ye call your Sacrament and Christes body, (as ye have deceaved us to beleve in tymes past,) is nothing but ane idole, and hes nothing to do with the rycht institutioun of Jesus Christ; and thairfor, in Goddis name, I command yow nott to truble me." Thei departed, allegeing, That she raved, and wist not what sche said. And she short thereafter sleapt in the Lord Jesus, to no small conforte of those that saw hir blessed departing. This we could nott omitt of this wourthy woman, who gave sa notable a confessioun, befoir that the great lycht of Goddis word did universallie schyne throwght this realme. At the first cuming of the said Johne Knox, he perceaving diverse who had a zeall to godlynes maik small scrupill to go to the Messe, or to communicat with the abused Sacramentis in the Papisticall maner, begane alsweall in privy conferance as in doctrin, to schaw the impietie of the Messe, and how dangerous a thing it was to communicat in any sort with idolatrie. Wharewith the conscience of some being effrayed, the mater began to be agitat fra man to man, and so was the said Johne called to suppar by the Lard of Dun, for that same purpose, whare war conveaned David Forress, Maister Robert Lockart, Johne Willock, and Williame Maitland of Lethingtoun youngar, a man of good learnyng, and of scharpe witt and reassonyng. The questioun was proponed, and it was answered by the said Johne, "That no-wyise it was lauchfull to a Christiane to present him self to that idoll." Nothing was omitted that mycht maik for the temperisar,[639] and yitt was everie head so fullie ansuered, and especially one whairinto thei thought thare great defence stood, to wit, "That Paule at the commandiment of James, and of the eldaris of Jerusalem, passed to the tempill and fanzeid him self to pay his vow with otheris." This, we say, and otheris, war so fullye ansuered, that Williame Maitland concluded, saying, "I see perfytlye, that our schiftis will serve nothing befoir God, seing that thei stand us in so small stead befoir man." The answer of Johne Knox to the fact of Paule, and to the commandiment of James, was, "That Paule's fact had nothing to do with thare going to the Messe; for to pay vowes was sometymes Goddis commandiment, and was never idolatrie: but thare Messe, from the originall, was and remaned odiouse idolatrie; tharefor the factes war moist unlyik. Secundarly, (said he,) I greatly dowbt whitther eyther James's commandiment or Paule's obedience proceaded frome the Holy Ghost. We knaw thare counsall tended to this, That Paule should schaw him self one that observed the verray small pointes of the law, to the end that he mycht purchase to him the favouris of the Jewes, who war offended at him be reassone of the bruittis that war sparsed, that he tawght defectioun from Moses. Now, whill he obeyed thare counsall, he fell into the most disperat danger that ever he susteaned befor, whareof it was evident, that God approved nott that meane of reconciliatioun; but rather that he plainelie declaired, 'That evill should not be done that good mycht come of it.' Evill it was to Paule to confirme those obstinat Jewes in thare superstitioun by his exampill; worse it was to him to expone him self, and the doctrin which befoir he had tawght, to sklander and mockage; and tharefoir, (concluded the said Johne,) that the fact of Paule, and the seqwell that tharof followed, appeired rather to feght against thame that wold go to the Messe, than to geve unto thame any assurance to follow his example, onless that thei wold, that the lyik truble should instantlye apprehend thame that apprehended him, for obeying worldly wyise counsall." After these and lyik reassonynges, the Messe began to be abhorred of such as befoir used it for the fassioun, and avoiding of sclander, (as then thei termed it.) Johne Knox, at the request of the Lard of Dun,[640] followed him to his place of Dun, whare he remaned a moneth, dalye exercised in doctrin, whairunto resorted the principall men of that countrey. After his returnyng, his residence was most in Calder,[641] whare repared unto him the Lord Erskin that now is,[642] the Erle of Argyle, then Lord of Lorne,[643] and Lord James, then Priour of Sanctandrois,[644] and now Erle of Murray; whare thei hard and so approved his doctrin, that thei wissed it to have bein publict. That same wynter[645] he tawght commonly in Edinburgh; and after the Youle, by the conduct of the Lard of Barr, and Robert Campbell of Kingyeancleucht, he came to Kyle,[646] and tawght in the Barr, in the house of the Carnell, in the Kingyeancleuch, in the toune of Air, and in the houssis of Uchiltrie, and Gathgyrth, and in some of thame ministrat the Lordis Table. Befoir the Pasche,[647] the Erle of Glencarne send for him to his place of Fynlastoun;[648] whare, after doctrin, he lyikwiese ministrat the Lordis Table, whairof besydis him self war parttakaris, his Lady, two of his sonnis, and certane of his freindis; and so returned he to Calder, whare diverse frome Edinburgh, and frome the countrey about, convened, asweall for the doctrin, as for the rycht use of the Lordis Table, which befoir thei had never practised. From thense he departed the secound tyme to the Lard of Dun; and teiching then in grettar libertie, the gentilmen required that he should ministrat lyikwiese unto thame the Table of the Lord Jesus, whairof war partakaris the moist parte of the gentilmen of the Mernse; who, God be praised, to this day constantlie do remane in the same doctrin which then thei professed, to witt, that thei refuissed all societie with idolatrie, and band thame selfis,[649] to the uttermost of thare poweris, to manteane the trew preaching of the Evangell of Jesus Christ, as God should offer unto thame preachearis and oportunitie. The bruyt heirof sparsed, (for the Freiris from all qwarteris flokked to the Bischoppes,) the said Johne Knox was summond to compeir in the Kirk of the Black Freiris in Edinburgh, the xv day of Maij [1556,] which day the said Johne decread to keape; and for that purpose Johne Erskin of Dun, with diverse otheris gentilmen, convened to the toune of Edinburgh. Butt that dyet held nott; for whitther that the Bischoppis perceaved informalitie in thare awin proceidyngis, or yf thei feared danger to ensew upoun thare extremitie, it was unknown unto us. But the Setterday befoir the day appointed, thei caist thare awin summondis; and the said Johne, the same day of the summondis, tawght in Edinburgh in a greattar audience then ever befoir he had done in that toune: The place was the Bischope of Dunkellis his great loodgeing, whare he continewed in doctrin ten dayis, boyth befoir and after nune. The Erle of Glencarne allured the Erle Merschall,[650] who with Harye Drummound,[651] (his counsallour for that tyme,) heard ane exhortation, (but it was upone the nycht,) who war so weall contented with it, that thei boyth willed the said Johne to wrait unto the Quein Regent somwhat that mycht move hir to heir the word of God. He obeyed thare desyre, and wrait that which after was imprinted, and is called "THE LETTER TO THE QUEIN DOWAGER;"[652] which was delivered into hir awin handis by the said Alexander Erle of Glencarne. Which letter, when sche had redd, within a day or two, she delivered it to that proud Prelate, Betoun,[653] Bischope of Glasgw, and said in mockage, "Please yow, my Lord, to reid a pasqwill." Which woordis cuming to the earis of the said Johne, war the occasioun that to his Letter he maid his additionis,[654] as yitt may be sein. [SN: _NOTA._] As concernyng the threatnyngis pronunccd against hir awin persone, and the most principale of hir freindis, lett thare verray flatteraris see what hath failled of all that he hes writtin. And tharefor it war expedient that hir Dochtter, now mischevouslye rynging, should look to that which hath passed befoir, least that in following the counsallis of the wicked, she end more miserablie then hir crafty Mother did. Whill Johne Knox was thus occupyed in Scotland, letteris came unto him from the Engliss Kirk that was assembled in Geneva, (which was separated from that superstitious and contentious cumpany that war at Franckfoord,) commanding him in Goddis name, as he that was thare chosin pastor, to repayre unto thame, for thare conforte. Upone the which, the said Johne took his leave from us, almost in everie congregatioun whare befor he had preached, and exhorted us to prayaris, to reading of the Scriptures, and mutuall conference, unto such tyme as God should geve unto us grettar libertie. And hearupon he send befoir him to Deape, his mother in law Elizabeth Bowes,[655] and his wyef Marjory, with no small dolour to thare hartes, and unto many of us. He him self, by procurement and laubouris of Robert Campbell of Kingzeanclewch,[656] remaned behynd in Scotland, and passed to the old Erle of Ergyle,[657] who then was in the Castell of Campbell,[658] whare he tawght certane dayis. The Lard of Glenurquhare,[659] (which yit liveth,) being one of his auditouris, willed the said Erle of Ergyle to reateane him still; but he, purposed upoun his jorney, wold not att that tyme stay for no requeast, adding, "That yf God so blessed thei small begynnynes, that thei continewed in godlyness, whensoever thei pleased to command him, thei should fynd him obedient;" but said, "That ones he must neadis visit that lytill flock which the wickedness of men had compelled him to leave." And so in the moneth of Julij he left this realme, and past to France, and so to Geneva. Immediatly after, the Bischoppis summoned him, and for none compeirance, brunt him in effigie at the Croce of Edinburgh, in the year of God 1555.[660] Fra the which injust sentence the said Johnne maid his APPELLATIOUN, and caused to print the same, and direct it to the Nobilitie and Commounes of Scotland,[661] as yitt may be redd. [SN: WARR AGAINST ENGLAND BY THE MEANES OF QUEIN REGENT.] In[662] the wynter that the said Johne aboad in Scotland, appeired a comet, the course whairof was from the south and south-west, to the north and north-east. It was sein the monethis of November, December, and Januare. It was called "The fyrie boosome."[663] Sune after dyed Christierne, King of Denmark: And warr raise betuix Scotland and England; for the Commissionaris of boyth realmes, who almost the space of sex monethis entraitted upoun the conditionis of peace, and war upoun a neyr point of conclusioun [war disappointed.] The Quein Regent with hir Counsall of the French factioun decreatted war at Newbattil,[664] without geving any advertisment to the Commissionaris for the parte of Scotland. Such is the fidelitie of Princes, guyded by Preastis, when soever thei seik thare awin affectionis to be served. [SN: A CALF WITH TWO HEADIS.] In the end of that nixt harvest, was sein upoun the Bordouris of England and Scotland a strange fyre, which discended from the heavin, and brunt diverse cornes in boyth the realmes, but most in England. Thare was presented to the Quein Regent, by Robert Ormestoun, a calf having two headdis, whareat sche scripped, and said, "It was but a commoun thing." The warr begane in the end of the harvest, as said is, and conclusioun was tackin that Wark[665] should be asseged. The army and ordinance past fordwarte to Maxwell Heucht.[666] The Quein Regent remaned in the Castell of Home,[667] and thinking that all thingis war in assurance, Monsieur Dosell, then Lieutenant for France, gave charge that the cannonis should be transported ower the watter of Twead, which was done with expeditioun, (for the French in such factes ar experte;) [SN: THE FACT OF THE NOBILITIE OF SCOTLAND AT MAXWELL HEWCHT.] but the nobilitie of Scotland nothing content of such proceadingis, after consultatioun amongis thame selfis, past to the palzeon[668] of Monsieur Dosell, and in his awin face declared, "That in no wiese wald thei invade England," and tharefoir command the ordinance to be reteired; and that it was, without farther delay.[669] This putt ane effray in Monsieur Dosell his breathe,[670] and kendilled such a fyre in the Quein Regentis stomak, as was nott weall slockened till hir braith failled. And thus was that enterprise frustrate. Butt yitt warre continewed, during the which the Evangell of Jesus Christ begane wonderouslye to floriss; for in Edinburgh begane publictlie to exhorte, Williame Harlaw; Johnne Dowglass,[671] who had (being with the Erle of Ergyle) preached in Leyth, and sometymes exhorted in Edinburgh; Paule Meaffen begane publictly to preach in Dondye; and so did diverse otheris in Anguss and the Mernse. [SN: THE SECUND RETURNE OF JOHNE WILLOK TO SCOTLAND.] And last, at Goddis good pleasur, arryved Johnne Wyllok the secound tyme from Emden;[672] whose returne was so joyfull to the brethrein, that thare zeall and godly courage daly encreassed. And albeit he contracted a dangerous seaknes, yitt he ceassed nott from laubouris, but tawght and exhorted from his bed: some of the nobilitie, [SN: LORD SETOUN ANE APOSTAT.] (of whome some ar fallen back, amongis whome the Lord Setoun[673] is cheaf,) with many baronis and gentilmen, war his auditouris, and by him war godly instructed, and wonderouslie conforted. Thei keapt thare conventionis, and held counsallis with such gravitie and closnes, that the ennemyes trembled. [SN: THE ABOLISHING OF IMAGES AND TRUDLE THAREFOIR.] The images war stollen away in all partes of the countrie; and in Edinburgh was that great idole called Sanct Geyle,[674] first drouned in the North Loch,[675] after brunt, which rased no small truble in the toun. For the Freiris rowping lyik reavins upoun the Bischoppes, the Bischoppes ran upoun the Quein, who to thame was favorable yneweh, but that she thowght it could not stand with hir advantage to offend such a multitud as then took upon thame the defence of the Evangell, and the name of Protestantes. [SN: THE PREACHARIS SUMMONED.] And yitt consented sche to summond the Preachearis; whareat the Protestantis neyther offended, neyther yitt thairof effrayed, determined to keape the day of summondis,[676] as that thei did. [SN: THE PRACTISE OF PRELATTIS, AND WHAT THAIROF ENSEWED.] Which perceaved by the Prelattis and Preastis, thei procured a proclamatioun to be publictlie maid, "That all men that war come to the toune without commandiment of the authoritie, should with all diligence repayre to the Bordouris, and thare remane xv dayis:" for the Bischope of Galloway,[677] in this maner of ryme, said to the Quein, "MADAME, Becaus thei ar come without ordour, I red ye, send thame to the Bordour." [SN: THE BOLD WOURDIS OF JAMES CHALMERIS OF GAITHGYRTH.] Now so had God provided, that the qwarter of the West-land, (in to the which war many faythfull men,) was that same day returned from the Bordour; who understanding the mater to procead from the malice of the Preastis, assembled thame selfis together, and maid passage to thame selfis, till thei came to the verray prevey chalmer, whare the Quein Regent and the Bischoppes war. The Gentilmen begane to complane upoun thare strange intertenement, considdering that hir Grace had found into thame so faithfull obedience in all thingis lauchfull. Whill that the Quein begane to craft, a zelous and a bold man, James Chalmeris of Gaitgyrth,[678] said, "Madame, we know that this is the malice and devise of thei Jefwellis, and of that Bastard, (meanyng the Bischope of Sanctandrois,) that standis by yow: We avow to God we shall maik ane day of it. Thei oppresse us and our tennantis for feading of thare idill bellyes: thei truble our preacheris, and wold murther thame and us: Shall we suffer this any longare? Na, Madame: It shall nott be." And tharewith everie man putt on his steill bonet. Thare was hard nothing of the Quenis parte but "My joyes, my hartes, what ailes yow? Me[679] meanes no evill to yow nor to your preachearis. The Bischoppes shall do yow no wrong. Ye ar all my loving subjectes. Me knew nathing of this proclamatioun. The day of your preachearis shalbe discharged, and me will hear the controversie that is betuix the Bischoppes and yow. Thei shall do yow no wrong. My Lordis," said she to the Bischoppes, "I forbid yow eyther to truble thame or thare preachearis." [SN: O CRAFTY FLATTERAR!] And unto the gentilmen who war wonderouslye commoved, she turned agane, and said, "O my heartis, should ye nott love the Lord your God with all your harte, with all your mynd? and should ye nott luif your nychtbouris as your selfis?" With these and the lyik fair wordis, she keapt the Bischoppes from buffattis at that tyme. [SN: THE COMMAND OF THE BISCHOPPIS.] And so the day of summondis being discharged, begane the brethrein universallie to be farther encoraged. But yit could the Bischoppes in no sorte be qwyet; for Sanct Geillis day approcheing, thei gave charge to the Provest, Baillies, and Counsall of Edinburgh, eyther to gett agane the ald Sanct Geile, or ellis upoun thaire expenssis to maik ane new image. [SN: THE ANSWER OF EDINBURGH.] The Counsall answered, "That to thame the charge appeired verray injust; for thei understood that God in some plaices had commanded idolles and images to be distroyed; but whare he had commanded ymages to be sett up, thei had nott redd; and desyred the Bischope to fynd a warrant for his commandiment." [SN: EDINBURGH APPELLED FROM THE SENTENCE OF THE BISCHOPE OF SANCTANDROSE.] Whareat the Bischope offended, admonissed under pane of curssing; which thei prevented by a formall Appellatioun;[680] appelling from him, as from a parciall and corrupt judge, unto the Pape's holynes; and so grettar thingis schortly following, that passed in oblivioun. Yit wold nott the Preastis and Freiris cease to have that great solempnitie and manifest abhominatioun which thei accustomablie had upoun Sanct Geillis day,[681] to witt, thei wold have that idole borne; and tharefor was all preparatioun necessar deuly maid. A marmouset idole was borrowed fra the Gray Freiris, (a silver peise of James Carmichaell[682] was laid in pledge:) It was fast fixed with irne nailles upon a barrow, called thare fertour. [SN: TRIUMPH FOR BEARING OF STOCK GEILL.] Thare assembled Preastis, Frearis, Channonis, and rottin Papistes, with tabornes and trumpettis, banerris and bage-pypes, and who was thare to led the ring, but the Quein Regent hir self, with all hir schaivelingis, for honour of that feast. West about goes it, and cumis doun the Hie Streat, and doun to the Canno Croce.[683] The Quein Regent dyned that day in Sandie Carpetyne's housse, betuix the Bowes,[684] and so when the idole returned back agane, sche left it, and past in to hir dennar. The heartes of the brethrein war wonderouslie inflammed, and seing such abominatioun so manifestlie manteaned, war decreed to be revenged. Thei war devided in severall cumpanyes, wharof not one knew of ane other. Thare war some temperisaris that day, (amonges whome David Forress, called the Generall,[685] was one,) who, fearing the chance to be dune as it fell, laubored to stay the brethrein. Butt that could not be; for immediatlie after that the Quein was entered in the loodgeing, some of those that war of the interprise drew ney to the idole, as willing to helpe to bear him, and getting the fertour upon thare schulderis, begane to schudder, thinking that thairby the idole should have fallin. [SN: THE DOUNCASTING OF STOCK GEILL, AND DISCONFITUR OF BAALIS PREASTIS.] But that was provided and prevented by the irne nailles, as we have said; and so, begane one to cry "Doun with the idole; doun with it;" and so without delay it was pulled doun. Some brag maid the Preastis patrons at the first; but when thei saw the febilness of thare god, (for one took him by the heillis, and dadding his head to the calsay, left Dagon without head or handis, and said, "Fye upon thee, thow young Sanct Geile, thy father wold haif taryed four such:") this considdered, (we say,) the Preastis and Freiris fled faster then thei did at Pynckey Clewcht.[686] Thare mycht have bein sein so suddane a fray as seildome hes bein sein amonges that sorte of men within this realme; for doun goes the croses, of goes the surpleise, round cappes cornar with the crounes. The Gray Freiris gapped, the Blak Frearis blew, the Preastis panted, and fled, and happy was he that first gate the house; for such ane suddan fray came never amonges the generatioun of Antichrist within this realme befoir. [SN: A MEARY ENGLISMAN.] By chance thare lay upoun a stare a meary Englissman, and seing the discomfiture to be without blood, thought he wold add some mearynes to the mater, and so cryed he ower a stayr, and said, "Fy upoun yow, hoorsones, why have ye brockin ordour! Doun the streat ye passed in array and with great myrth. Why flie ye, vilanes, now, without ordour? Turne and stryk everie one a strok for the honour of his god. Fy, cowardis, fy, ye shall never be judged worthy of your wages agane!" But exhortationis war then unprofitable; for after that Bell had brokin his neck, thare was no conforte to his confused army. The Quein Regent lade up this amonges hir other mementoes, till that sche mycht have sein the tyme proper to have revenged it. Search was maid for the doaris, but none could be deprehended; for the brethrein assembled thame selfis in such sorte, in companyes, synging psalmes, and prasing God, that the proudast of the ennemies war astonied. [SN: THE DEATH OF THE BISCHOPE OF GALLOWAY, AND HIS LAST CONFESSIOUN.] This tragedy of Sanct Geill was so terrible to some Papistes, that Dury, sometymes called for his filthines Abbot Stottikin, and then intitulat Bischope of Galloway,[687] left his rymyng wharewith he was accustumed, and departed this lyef, evin as that he leved: For the articles of his beleve war; "I Referr: Decarte yow: Ha, ha, the four Kinges and all maid: The Devill go with it: It is but a varlett: Fra France we thought to have gottin a Rooby;[688] And yit is he nothing but a cowhuby." [SN: THE VOW OF THAT MARKED BEAST DURY BISCHOPE OF GALLOWAY.] With such faith and such prayeris, departed out of this lyeff that ennemy of God, who had vowed and plainelie said, "That in dispyte of God, so long as thei that then war Prelattis lyved, should that word (called the Evangell) never be preached within this realme." [SN: THE DEATH OF DAVID PANTER.] After him followed that belly-god, Maister David Panter,[689] called Bischope of Ross, evin with the lyik documentis, exceapt that he departed eatting and drynking, which, togitther with the rest that tharupoun dependis, was the pastyme of his lyef. [SN: THE DEATH OF THE BISCHOPE OF ORKNAY, REID.] The most parte of the Lordis that war in France at the Quenis mariage, althought that thei gat thare congie fra the Courte, yit thei forget to returne to Scotland.[690] For whitther it was by ane Italiane posset, or by French fegges, or by the potage of thare potingar, (he was a French man,) thare departed fra this lyef the Erle of Cassilles,[691] the Erle of Rothose,[692] Lord Flemyng,[693] and the Bischope of Orknay, whose end was evin according to his lyfe:[694] For after that he was dryvin back by a contrarious wynd, and forced to land agane at Deape, perceaving his seiknes to encrease, he caused maik his bed betuix his two cofferis, (some said upoun thame:) such was his god, the gold that tharein was inclosed, that he could not departe tharefra, so long as memorie wold serve him. The Lord James, then Priour of Sanctandrois, had (by all appearance) lyked of the same bust[695] that dispatched the rest, for thareof to this day his stomack doeth testifie: but God preserved him for a bettir purpose. This same Lord James, now Erle of Murray, and the said Bischope, war commonlye at debate for materis of religioun; and tharefoir the said Lord, hearing of the Bischoppis disease, came to visitt him, and fynding him not sa weall at a point as he thowght he should have bein, and as the honour of the country requyred, said unto him, "Fy, my Lord, how ly ye so? Will ye not go to your chalmer, and not ly hear into this commoun house?" [SN: ORKNAYIS ANSWER, AND HIS FREINDIS WHOME.] His answer was, "I am weall whare I am, my Lord, so long as I can tary; for I am neir unto my freindis, (meanyng his cofferis and the gold tharein.) But, my Lord, (said he,) long have ye and I bein in pley for Purgatory: I think that I shall know or it be long whetther thare be such a place or not." Whill the other did exhorte him to call to mynd the promisses of God, and the vertew of Christis death; he answered, "Nay, my Lord, lett me allon; for ye and I never aggreid in our lyiff, and I think we shall nott aggree now at my death; and tharefor lett me allone." The said Lord James departed to his loodgeing, and the other schort after departed this lyef; whitther, the great day of the Lord will declare. [SN: THE QUEIN REGENTIS SENTENCE OF THE DEATH OF HIR PAPISTIS.[696]] When the word of the departing of so many patrons of the Papistrye, and of the maner of thare departing, cam unto the Quein Regent, after astonisment and musing, she said, "What shall I say of such men? Thei lieved as beastis, and as beastis thei dye: God is not with thame, nether with that which thei interprise." [SN: DEAN OF RESTALRIG, HYPOCRITE, BEGAN TO PREACHE.] Whill these thingis war in doing in Scotland and France, that perfyt hipocryte Maister Johne Sinclare, then Dene of Restalrige,[697] and now Lord President and Bischope of Brechin, begane to preache in his Kirk of Restalrig; and at the begynnyng held himself so indifferent, that many had opinion of him, that he was nott far from the kingdom of God. But his hypochrisie could nott long be clocked; for when he understood that such as feared God began to have a good opinioun of him, and that the Freiris and otheris of that sect begane to whisper, "That yf he took not head in tyme to him self, and unto his doctrin, he wold be the destructioun of the hole estait of the Kirk." This by him understand, he appointed a sermon, in the which he promissed to geve his judgement upoun all such headis as then war in controversie in the materis of religioun. The bruyte heirof maid his audience great at the first; but that day he so handilled him self, that after that, no godly man did creditt him; for not only ganesaid he the doctrin of Justificatioun and of Prayer which befoir he had tawght, but also he sett up and manteaned the Papistrie to the uttermost prick; yea, Holy Watter, Pilgramage, Purgatory, and Pardonis war of such vertew in his conceit, that without thame he looked not, to be saved. [SN: MAISTER DAVID PANTER HIS CONSALL TO HIS FORSWORNE BRETHREIN THE BISCHOPPIS.] In this meantyme, the Clargye maid a brag that thei wald disput. But Maister David Panter,[698] which then lived and lay at Restalrig, dissuaded thame tharefra, affirmyng, "That yf ever thei disputed, but whare thame selfis war bayth judge and party, and whare that fyre and swerd should obey thare decrie, that then thare caus was wracked for ever; for thare victorie stood neyther in God, nor in his word, but in thare awin willis, and in the thingis concluded by thare awin Counsallis, (togitther with sword and fyre,) whareto, (said he,) these new starte-up fellowis will give no place. But thei will call yow to your compt booke, and that is to the Bible; and by it ye will no more be found the men that ye ar called, then the Devill wilbe approvin to be God. And therefor, yf ye love your selfis, enter never in disputatioun; nether yitt call ye the mater in questioun; but defend your possessioun, or ellis all is lost." Cayaphas could not geve ane bettir counsall to his companizeons; but yitt God disapointed boith thame and him, as after we shall hear. * * * * * [SN: THE SECOUND VOCATION OF JOHNE KNOX BY LETTERIS OF THE LORDIS.] At this same tyme, some of the Nobilitie direct thare letteris to call JOHNE KNOX from Geneva, for thare conforte, and for the conforte of thare brethrein the preachearis, and otheris that then couragiouslye faught against the ennemyes of Goddis trewth. The tenour of thare lettre is this: _Grace, Mercy, and Peace, for Salutatioun, &c._ DEIRLIE BELOVED in the Lord, the Faithfull that ar of your acquentance in thir partes, (thankis be unto God,) ar stedfast in the beleve whareinto ye left thame, and hes ane godly thrist and desyre, day by day, of your presence agane; quhilk, gif the Spreat of God will sua move and permitt tyme unto yow, we will hartly desyre yow, in the name of the Lord, that ye will returne agane in thir partes, whare ye shall fynd all faithfull that ye left behynd yow, not only glaid to hear your doctrin, but wilbe reddy to jeopard lyffis and goodis in the forward setting of the glorie of God, as he will permitt tyme. And albeit the Magistraittis in this countrey be as yitt but in the staite ye left thame, yitt at the maiking heirof, we have na experience of any mair crueltie to be used nor was befoir; but rather we have beleve, that God will augment his flock, becaus we see daly the Freiris, ennemyes to Christis Evangell, in less estimatioun, baith with the Quenis Grace, and the rest of the Nobilitie of our realme. This in few wordis is the mynd of the faithfull, being present, and otheris absent. The rest of our myndis this faythfull berare will schaw you at lenth. This, fair ye weill in the Lord. Off Striveling, the tent of Marche, Anno 1556.[699] (This is the trew copy of the bill, being subscrived by the names underwrittin,) _Sic subscribitur_, GLENCARNE. LORNE, (now ERGYLE.) ERSKYN. JAMES STEWART. These letteris war delivered to the said Johne in Geneva, by the handis of James Sym, who now resteth with Christ, and of James Barroun, that yit liveth,[700] in the moneth of Maij immediatlie tharefter. Which receaved, and advised upoun, he took consultatioun alsweall with his awin church as with that notable servand of God, Johne Calvin, and with other godlie ministers, who all with one consent, said, "That he could nott refuise that Vocatioun, onless he wald declair him self rebellious unto his God, and unmercyfull to his contrie." And so he returned answer, with promessis to visite thame with ressonable expeditioun, and so sone as he mycht putt ordour to that dear flock that was committed to his charge. And so, in the end of the nixt September after, he departed from Geneva, and came to Deape, whare thare mett him contrare letteris; as by this his answer thareto we may understand. _The Spreit of wisdom, constancie, and strenth be multiplied with yow, by the favour of God our Father, and by the grace of our Lord Jesus Christ._ According to my promeis, Rycht Honorable, I came to Deape, the xxiiij of October, of full mynd, by the good will of God, with the first schippes to have visited yow. Bot becaus two letteris, not verray pleassing to the flesche, wer there presented unto me, I was compelled to stay for a tyme. The one was directed to myself from a faithfull brother, which maid mentioun, that new consultatioun was appointed for finall conclusioun of the mater befoir purposed, and willed me tharefoir to abyd in these partes, till the determinatioun of the same. The other letter was direct from a gentilman to a friend, with charge to advertise me, that he had communed with all those that seamed most frack and fervent in the mater, and that into none did he fynd such boldness and constancie, as was requisite for such ane interprise; bot that some did (as he writteth) reapent that ever any such thing was moved; some war partlie eschamed; and otheris war able to deny, that ever thei did consent to any such purpose, yf any triall or questioun should be tackin thareof, &c. Which letteris, when I had considdered, I partlie was confounded, and partlye was persed with anguise and sorrow. Confounded I was, that I had so far travelled in the mater, moving the same to the most godly and the most learned that this day we know to lyve in Europe, to the effect that I mycht have thare judgements and grave counsalles, for assurance alsweall of your consciences as of myne, in all interprises: And then that nothing should succead so long consultatioun, can not but redound eyther to your schame or myne; for eyther it shall appear; that I was mervelouse vane, being so solist whare no necessitie requyred, or ellis, that such as war my moveris thareto lacked the rypnes of judgement in thare first vocatioun. To some it may appear ane small and lycht mater, that I have cast of, and as it war abandoned, alsweall my particulare care, as my publict office and charge, leaving my house and poore familie destitut of all head, save God only, and committing that small (but to Christ deirlie belovit) flock, ower the which I was appointed one of the ministeris, to the charge of ane other. This, I say, to worldly men may appear a small mater, but to me it was, and yit is such, that more worldly sustance then I will expresse, could not have caused me willinglie behold the eies of so many grave men weape at ones for my caus, as that I did, in tackin of my last good nycht frome thame. To whome, yf it please God that I returne, and questioun be demanded, What was the impediment of my purposed jorney? judge yow what I shall answer. The caus of my dolour and sorrow (God is witnes) is for nothing pertenyng eyther to my corporall contentment or worldly displeasur; butt it is for the grevouse plagues and punishmentis of God, which assuredly shall apprehend nott only yow, but everie inhabitant of that miserable Realme and Ile, except that the power of God, by the libertie of his Evangell, deliver yow from bondage. [SN: THE MATRIMONIALL CROUN WAS GRANTED, AND FRENCHE BANDIS WAR ARRYVED.] I meane not only that perpetuall fyre and torment, prepared for the Devill, and for such as denying Christ Jesus and his knawin veritie, do follow the sones of wickednes to perditioun, (which most is to be feared;) butt also that thraldome and miserie shall apprehend your awin bodyes, your childrein, subjectis, and posteritie, whome ye have betrayed, (in conscience, I can except none that bear the name of Nobilitie,) and presentlie do feght to betray thame and your Realme to the slavrie of strangeris. The warr begune, (althocht I acknawledge it to be the wark of God,) shalbe your destructioun, unless that, be tyme, remedy be provided. God opin your eis, that ye may espy and considder your awin miserable estaite. My wordis shall appeir to some scharpe and undiscreitlie spokin; but as charitie awght to interpreit all thingis to the best, so awght wyse men to understand, that a trew friend can nott be a flatterar, especiallie when the questions of salvatioun, boith of body and saule, ar moved; and that nott of one nor of two, but as it war of a hole realme and natioun. What ar the sobbes, and what is the affectioun[701] of my trubled heart, God shall one day declare. But this will I add to my formar rigour and severitie, to wit, yf any perswad yow, for feir of dangeris that may follow, to faint in your formar purpose, be he never esteamed so wyse and freindly, lett him be judged of yow boith foolish and your mortall ennemy: foolishe, for becaus he understandeth nothing of Goddis approved wisedome; and ennemye unto yow, becaus he lauboureth to separat yow from Goddis favour; provoking his vengeance and grevouse plagues against yow, becaus he wald that ye should prefer your worldly rest to Goddis prase and glorie, and the freindschipe of the wicked to the salvatioun of your brethrein. [SN: LETT THE PAPISTIS THAME SELVIS JUDGE OF WHAT SPREIT THOSE SENTENSES COULD PROCEAD.] "I am nott ignorant, that feirfull trubles shall ensew your enterprise, (as in my formar letters I did signifie unto yow;) but O joyfull and confortable ar those trubles and adversities, which man susteaneth for accomplishment of Goddis will, reveilled by his woord! For how terrible that ever thei appear to the judgement of the naturall man, yit ar thei never able to devore nor utterlie to consume the sufferraris: For the invisible and invincible power of God susteaneth and preserveth, according to his promeis, all such as with simplicitie do obey him." The subtell craft of Pharao, many years joyned wyth his bloody cruelty, was not able to destroy the male childrein of Israell, nether war the watteris of the Redd Sea, much less the rage of Pharao, able to confound Moses and the cumpany which he conducted; and that because the one had Goddis promisse that thei should multiplie, and the other had his commandiment to enter into such dangeris. I wold your Wisedomes should considder, that our God remaneth one, and is immutable; and that the Church of Christ Jesus hath the same promeis of protectioun and defence that Israell had of multiplicatioun; and farther, that no less caus have ye to enter in your formar interprise, then Moses had to go to the presence of Pharao; for your subjectis, yea, your brethrein ar oppressed, thare bodyis and saules haldin in bondage: and God speaketh to your consciences, (onles ye be dead with the blynd warld,) [SN: THE DEUTIE OF THE NOBILITIE.] that yow awght to hasard your awin lyves, (be it against Kingis or Empriouris,) for thare deliverance; for only for that caus ar ye called Princes of the people, and ye receave of your brethrein honour, tribute, and homage at Goddis commandiment; not be reasson of your birth and progenye, (as the most parte of men falslie do suppose,) but by ressoun of your office and dewtie, which is to vindicat and deliver your subjectes and brethrein from all violence and oppressioun, to the uttermost of your power. [SN: THAT LETTER LOST BY NEGLIGENCE AND TRUBLES.] Advise diligentlie, I beseik yow, with the pointis of that Letter, which I directed to the hole Nobilitie, and lett everie man apply the mater and case to him self; for your conscience shall one day be compelled to acknowledge, that the Reformatioun of religioun, and of publict enormities, doith appertene to mo then to the Clargie, or cheaf reularis called Kingis. [SN: GOD GRANT THAT OUR NOBILITIE WOULD YITT UNDERSTAND.] The mychtie Spreit of the Lord Jesus rewle and guyde your counsellis, to his glorie, your eternall conforte, and to the consolatioun of your brethrene. Amen. From Deape, the 27 of October 1557. These letteris receaved and redd, togetther with otheris direct to the hole Nobilitie, and some particular gentilmen, as to the Lardis of Dun and Pettarrow, new consultatioun was had what was best to be done: and in the end it was concluded, that thei wold follow fordwart thare purpose anes intended, and wold committ thame selfis, and whatsoever God had gevin unto thame, in his handis, rather then thei wold suffer idolatrie so manifestlie to regne, and the subjectes of that Realme so to be defrauded, as long thei had bein, of the only food of thare saules, the trew preaching of Christes Evangell. And that everie ane should be the more assured of other, a commoun Band was maid, and by some subscrived, the tennour whareof followis:-- "We, perceaving how Sathan in his memberis, the Antichristis of our tyme, cruelly doeth rage, seaking to dounethring and to destroy the Evangell of Christ, and his Congregatioun, aught, according to our bonden deuitie, to stryve in our Maisteris caus, evin unto the death, being certane of the victorie in him. The quhilk our dewitie being weall considdered, We do promesse befoir the Majestie of God, and his congregatioun, that we (be his grace,) shall with all diligence continually apply our hole power, substance, and our verray lyves, to manteane, sett fordward, and establish the most blessed word of God and his Congregatioun; and shall laubour at our possibilitie to have faythfull Ministeris purely and trewlie to minister Christis Evangell and Sacramentes to his people. We shall manteane thame, nuriss thame, and defend thame, the haill congregatioun of Christ, and everie membour thairof, at our haill poweris and waring of our lyves, against Sathan, and all wicked power that does intend tyranny or truble against the foirsaid congregatioun. Onto the quhilk holy woord and congregatioun we do joyne us, and also dois forsaike and renunce the congregatioun of Sathan, with all the superstitious abominatioun and idolatrie thareof: And moreover, shall declare our selfis manifestlie ennemies thairto, be this oure faithfull promesse befoir God, testifeid to his Congregatioun, be our subscriptionis at thir presentis:-- "At Edinburgh, the thrid day of December, the year of God J^m. V^c. fyfty sevin yearis: God called to witnesse.[702] (_Sic subscribitur_,) A. ERLE OF ERGILE. GLENCARNE. MORTON. ARCHIBALD LORD OF LORNE. JOHNNE ERSKYNE OF DOUN.[703] _Et cetera_. [SN: THE THIRD VOCATIOUN OF JOHNE KNOX BY THE LORDIS AND CHURCHE OF SCOTLAND.] Befoir a litill that this Band was subscryved, by the foirwrittin and many otheris, letteris war direct agane to Johne Knox fra the said Lordis, togitther with thare letteris to Maister CALVIN, craving of him, that by his authoritie he wold command the said Johne anes agane to visit thame. These letteris war delivered by the handis of Maister Johne Gray,[704] in the moneth of November, the yeir of God J^m. V^c. fyfty awght, who at that same tyme past to Rome for expeditioun of the bowes[705] of Ross to Maister Henry Sinclare.[706] Immediatlie after the subscriptioun of this foirsaid Band, the Lordis and Barons professing Christ Jesus, conveined frequentlie in counsall; in the which these Headis war concluded:-- First, It is thought expedient, devised, and ordeaned, that in all parochines of this Realme the Commoun Prayeris[707] be redd owklie on Sounday, and other festuall dayis, publictlie in the Paroche Kirkis, with the Lessonis of the New and Old Testament, conforme to the ordour of the Book of Common Prayeris: And yf the curattis of the parochynes be qualified, to cause thame to reid the samyn; and yf thei be nott, or yf thei refuise, that the maist qualifeid in the parish use and read the same. Secoundly, It is thought necessare, that doctrin, preacheing, and interpretatioun of Scriptures be had and used privatlie in qwyet houssis, without great conventionis of the people tharto, whill afterward that God move the Prince to grant publict preacheing be faithfull and trew ministeris. * * * * * These two Headis concernyng the religioun, and some otheris concernyng the Polecy, being concluded, the old Erle of Ergile took the mantenance of Johne Dowglass, caused him preache publictlie in his hous, and reformed many thingis according to his consall. The same boldness took diverse otheris, alsweall within townes as to landwarte; which did not a litle truble the Bischoppis and Quein Regent, as by this lettre and credite, committed to Sir David Hammyltoun [708] fra the Bischope of Sanctandrois to the said Erle of Ergile, may be clearlic understand. THE BISCHOPPIS LETTER TO THE OLD ERLE OF ERGYLE. MY LORD, After maist hartlie commendatioun. This is to advertise your Lordship, we have direct this berar, our Cousing, towart your Lordschipis, in sick besynes and effaris as concernes your Lordschipis honour, proffeitt, and great weall; lyk as the said berar will declare your Lordsehipe at mare lenth. Praying your Lordschipe effectuously to adverte thairto, and geve attendance to us, your Lordschipis freindis, that ay hes willed the honour, proffeit, and uter wealth of your Lordschipis house, as of our awin; and credite to the berar. And Jesu haif your Lordschipe in everlesting keaping. Of Edinburgh, the XXV day of Merche, Anno 1558. (_Sic subscribitur_,) Your Lordschippes att all power, J. SANCTANDROIS. FOLLOWIS THE CREDITE.--Memorandum to SCHIR DAVID HAMMYLTOUN, to my Lord Erle of Ergile, in my behalf, and lett him see and heare everie Articule. _In primis_, To repeit the ancient blood of his House, how long it hes stand, how notable it hes bein, and so many noble men hes bein Erles, Lordis, and Knychtis thairof; how long thei have rong in thei partes, ever trew and obedient bayth to God and the Prince, without any smote to thir dayis in any maner of sorte: and to remember how many notable men ar cuming of his house. Secoundly, To schaw him the great affectioun I bear towardis him, his blood, house, and freindis, and of the ardent desyre I have of the perpetuall standing of it in honour and fame, with all thame that ar come of it: quhilk is my parte for many and diverse caussis, as ye shall schaw. Thridly, To schaw my Lord, how havy and displeasing[709] it is to me now to hear, that he, wha is and hes bein sa noble a man, should be seduced and abused by the flattery of sick ane infamet person of the law[710] and mensworne apostate, that under the pretense that he geves him self furth as a preachcar of the Evangell and veritie, under that cullour settis furth schismes and divisionis in the Haly Kirk of God, with hereticall propositions, thinkand that under his mantenance and defence, to infect this countrey with heresy, perswading my said Lord and otheris his barnes and freindis, that all that he speakis is Scripture, and conforme thairto, albeit that many of his propositionis ar many yearis past condempned be Generall Counsallis and the haill estaite of Christiane people. 4. To schaw to my Lord, how perrelous this is to his Lordschip and his house, and decay thareof, in caise the Authoritie wold be scharpe, and wold use conforme bayth to civile and cannon, and als your awin municipall law of this Realme. 5. To schaw his Lordschipe, how wa[711] I wold be eyther to hear, see, or knaw any displeasur that mycht come to him, his Sone, or any of his house, or freindis, and especiallie in his awin tyme and dayis; and als how great displeasur I have ellis to hear great and evill bruyte of him, that should now in his aige, in a maner vary in[712] his fayth; and to be alterat tharein, when the tyme is that he should be maist suir and firme thairin. 6. To schaw his Lordschipe, that thare is dilatioun of that man, called Dowglass or Grant, of syndrie Articules of heresye, quhilk lyes to my charge and conscience to put remeady to, or ellis all the pestilentious doctrin he sawes, and siclyik all that ar corrupt be his doctrin, and all that he drawes fra our fayth and Christiane religioun, will ly to my charge afoir God, and I to be accused befoir God for ower seing of him, yf I putt nott remedy tharto, and correct him for sick thingis he is delaited of. And tharefor that my Lord considder, and weay it weall, how heychtlie it lyes bayth to my honour and conscience: for yf I thole him, I wilbe accused for all thame that he infectis and corruptis in heresye. Heirfor, I pray My Lord, in my maist hartly manor, to tack this mater in the best parte, for his awin conscience, honour, and weall of him self, hous, freindis, and servandis; and sick lyik for my parte, and for my conscience and honour, that considdering that thare ar diverse Articules of heresey to be laid to him that he is delated of, and that he is presentlie in my Lordis cumpany, that my Lord wold, be some honest way, departe with this man, and putt him fra him and fra his Sonnes cumpanye; for I wold be richt sory that any being in any of thare cumpanyes should be called for sick causses, or that any of thame should be bruited to hold any sick men. And this I wold advertise my Lord, and have his Lordschippis answer and resolutioun, ere any summondis passed upoun him, togitther with my Lordis answer. _Item_, Yf my Lord wald have a man to instruct him trewlie in the fayth, and preache to him, I wold provide a cunning man to him, wharefoir I shall answer for his trew doctrin, and shall putt my saule tharefoir, that he shall teach nathing but trewly according to our Catholik faith. Off Edinburgh, this last of Merch, 1558. (_Sic subscribitur_,) J. SANCTANDROIS.[713] [SN: FLESCHE AND BLOOD IS PREFERRED TO GOD WITH THE BISCHOPE.] _Item_, Attour, your Lordschipe shall draw to good remembrance, and wey the great and havye murmur against me, bayth be the Quenis Grace, the Kirk men, Spirituall and Temporall Estaitis, and weall gevin people, meanyng, crying, and murmuring me greattumlie, that I do nott my office to thole sick infamouse persons with sick perversett doctrin, within my Diosey and this Realme, be ressoun of my Legasey and Primacey;[714] quhilkis I have rather susteaned and long sufferred, for the great luif that I had to your Lordschip and posteritie, and your freindis, and your house; als beleving suyrly your Lordschippis wisedom should not have manteaned and mulled with sick thingis that mycht do me dishonour or displeasur, considdering I being reddy to have putt good ordour thairto alwayes; but hes allanerlie absteaned, for the luif of your Lordschip and house foirsaid, that I bear trewly, knawing and seing the great skaith and dishonour and lack appeirandlye that mycht come tharthrowght, incaise your Lordschip remeid not the samyn haistelly, whareby we mycht bayth be qwyet of all danger, quhilkis dowbtless will come upoun us bayth, yf I use nott my office, or that he be called, the tyme that he is now with your Lordschip, and under your Lordschippis protectioun. (_Subserivit agane_,) J. SANCTANDROIS. By these formar Instructions, thow may perceave, Gentill Readar, what was the cayre that this pastor, with his complices, took to fead the flock committed to thare charge, (as thei alledge,) and to ganestand fals teachearis. Hear is oft mentioun of conscience, of heresy, and suche other termes, that may fray the ignorant, and deceave the sempill. But we hear no cryme in particulare laid to the charge of the accused;[715] and yit is he dampned as ane mensworne apostate. This was my Lordis conscience, which he learned of his fatheris, the Pharesies, old ennemyes to Christ Jesus, who damned him befoir thei hard him. But who rewlled my Lordis conscience, when he took his Eme's wyff, Lady Giltoun?[716] Considder thow the rest of his persuasioun, and thow shall clearlie see, that honour, estimatioun, luif to housse and freindis, is the best ground that my Lord Bischope hes, why he should persecut Jesus Christ in his members. We thowght good to insert the Answeris of the said Erle, which follow:-- The most remarkable notice of this lady occurs in the Records of the Town Council of Edinburgh, 26th November 1561, on which day the Provost and other members of Council ordained "actis to be set furth, charging Grizzell Simpill Lady Stanehous adulterar, to remuif her self furth of the town betuix and Mununday nixt, under the panys contenit in the proclamation set furth aganis adulteraris." As the Archbishop of St. Andrews had a residence in Edinburgh, it was no doubt her living openly with him, that occasioned this peremptory enactment. Without enlarging further, it may be added, that she acquired the lands of Blair, in the lordship of Culross, and was sometimes called "Lady Blair." She died in October 1575, and in the Confirmation of her Testament Dative, she is styled "ane honorabill Lady Gryssell Sympill, Lady Stanehous." MEMORANDUM.--This present wryte is to mak Answer particularly to everilk Article, directed be my LORD OF SANCTANDROIS to me, with SCHIR DAVID HAMMYLTOUN; quhilkis Articles ar in nomber IX, and hear repeted and answered as I traist to his Lordschippis contentment. 1. The First Article puttis me in remembrance of the ancianitie of the blood of my Hous, how many Erles, Lordis, and Knychtes, hes bein thairof; how many Noble men discended of the same hous, how long it continewed trew to God and the Prince, without smot in thare dayis, in any maner of sorte. [ANSWER.]--Trew it is, my Lord, that thare is weall long continewance of my Hous, be Goddis providence and benevolence of our Princes, whome we have served, and shall serve trewly nixt to God: And the lyik obedience towardis God and our Princes remanes with us yitt, or rather bettir, (praised be the Lordis name,) nother know we any spot towardis our Princess and hir dew obedience. And yf thare be offence towardis God, he is mercifull to remitt our offences; for "He will not the death of a synnar." Lyik as, it standis in his Omnipotent power to maik up housses, to continew the samyn, to alter thame, to maik thame small or great, or to extinguish thame, according to his awin inscrutable wisedome; for in exalting, depressing, and changeing of houssis, the laude and praise most be gevin to that ane eternall God, in whais hand the same standis. 2. The Secound Article bearis the great affectioun and love your Lordschip bearis towardis me and my House; and of the ardent desyre ye have of the perpetuall standing thairof in honour and fame, with all thame that is cuming of it. [ANSWER.]--Forsuyth, it is your dewitie to wische good unto my Hous, and unto thame that ar cuming of the same, not allanerlie for the faythfulnes, amitie, and societie, that hes bein betuix our foirbearis, but also for the lait conjunction of blood[717] that is betuix oure saidis Houssis, gif it be Goddis pleasur that it have success; quhilk should give sufficient occasioun to your Lordschip to wische good to my Housse, and perpetuitie with Goddis gloir, without quhilk nothing is perpetuall, unto whome be praise and wirschipe for ever and ever. Amen. 3. Thridly, your Lordschip declares how displeasand it is to yow, that I should be seduced be ane infamed persone of the law,[718] and be the flatterie of ane mensworne apostate, that, under pretence of his furth geving, maikis us to understand, that he is ane preachear of the Evangell, and tharewith rases schismes and divisionis in the haill Kirk of God; and be our mantenance and defence, wald infect this countrey with heresye; alledgeand that to be Scripture, whilk thir many yearis bygane, hes bein condemned as heresye be the Generall Counsallis and haill estate of Christiane people. ANSURE.--The God that creatted heavin and earth, and all that thairin is, preserve me fra seduceing; and I dread otheris many under the cullour of godlynes ar seduceid, and thinkis that thei do God a pleasur, when thei persecute ane of thame that professes his name. What that man is of the law we know nott: we hear nane of his flatterie: his mensworne aith of apostasie is ignorant to us. But yf he had maid ane unlefull aith, contrair Goddis command, it war bettir to violate it then to observe it. He preaches nathing to us but the Evangell. Giff he wald otherwiese do, we wold nott beleve him, nor yitt ane angell of heavin. We hear him sawe na schismes nor divisiones, but sic as may stand with Goddis word, whilk we shall caus him confesse in presence of your Lordschip and the Clargie, when ye requyre us thairto. And as to it that hes bein condempned be the Generall Counsallis, we traist ye knaw weall that all the Generall Counsalles hes bein at diversitie amanges thame selfis, and never twa of thame universallie aggreing in all pointis, in samekle as thei ar of men. But the Spreit of veritie that bearis testimony of our Lord Jesus hes nott, nether can not, err; "for heavin and earth shall perishe or ane jote of it perishe." By this, my Lord, nether teaches he, nether will we accept of him, but that whilk aggreis with Goddis synceir word, sett furth be Patriarkis, Prophetis, Apostles, and Evangelistis, left to our salvatioun in his expresse word. And swa, my Lord, to condempne the doctrin not examinat is not requyred; for when your Lordschip pleassis to hear the confessioun of that manis faith, the maner of his doctrin, which aggreis with the Evangell of Jesus Christ, I will caus him to assist to judgement, and shalbe present thairat with Goddis pleasur, that he may rander recknyng of his beleve and our doctrin, to the superiour-poweris, according to the prescriptioun of that blood of the eternall Testament, seilled be the immaculate Lambe, to whome, with the Father, and the Holy Spreit, be all honour and glorie, for ever and ever. Amen. 4. The Ferd Article puttis me in remembrance, how dangerous it is, gif the authoritie wald putt at me and my House, according to civile and cannon lawes, and our awin municipale lawis of this Realme, and how it appeareth to the decay of our house. ANSURE.--All lawis ar (or at the least should be) subject to Goddis law, whilk law should be first placed and planted in everie manes hearte; it should have na impediment: men should not abrogat it for the defence and upsetting of thare awin advantage. Gif it wald please Authorities to put at our housse, for confessing of Goddis word, or for mantenance of his law, God is mychtie yneuch in his awin caus: He should be rather obeyed nor man. I will serve my Princess with bodye, harte, goodis, strenth, and all that is in my power, except that whilk is Goddis dewitie, quhilk I will reserve to him self alone: That is, to wirschipe him in trewth and veritie, and als near as I can, conforme to his prescrived worde, to his awin honour and obedience of my Princess. 5. The Fyft Article puttis me in remembrance how wa your Lordschip wald be to hear, see, or know any displeasur that mycht come to me, my sone, or any of my house, and speciallie in my tyme and dayis, and als to hear the great and evill bruyte of me that should now in my aige in a maner begyn to warie fra[719] my faith, and to be altered thairin, when the tyme is, that I should be maist suir and firme thairin. ANSURE.--Youre Lordschippis gud will is ever maid manifest to me in all your Articles, that wald not hear, see, or knaw my displeasur, for the quhilkis I am bound to rander your Lordschip thankis, and shall do the samyn assuredly. But as for wavering in my faith, God forbyd that I should sa do; for I beleve in God the Father, Almyghtie maikar of heavin and earth, and in Jesus Christ his onlie Sone our Salveour. My Lord, I vary not in my faith; bot I praise God that of his goodnes now in my latter dayis hes of his infinit mercy oppynned his bosome of grace to me, to acknawledge him the Eternall Wisedome, his Sone Jesus Christ, my omnisufficient satisfactioun to refuise all maner of idolatrie, superstitioun, and ignorance, whairwyth I haif bein blynded in tymes bygane, and now belevis that God wilbe mercyfull to me, for now he hes declared his blessed will clearlie to me, befoir my departing of this transitorie lyiff. 6. The Sext Article declaired that thare ar delationis of syndrie pointis of heresye upoun that man, called Dowglas or Grant, whilk lyes to your charge and conscience to putt remeady to, or ellis that all the pestilentiouse doctrin he sawis, and all whome he corruptes with his seid, wilbe requyred at your handis, and all whome he drawes fra your Christiane faith; and yf ye should thole him, that ye wilbe accused for all thame whome he infectes with heresey; and tharefoir to regard your Lordschippis honour and conscience heirintill. ANSURE.--What is his surname I knaw nott, but he calles him self Dowglas;[720] for I know nother his father nor his mother. I have heard him teache na Articles of heresye; bot that quhilk aggreis with Goddis word; for I wold manteane na man in heresey or errour. Your Lordschip regardis your conscience in the punishement thairof. I pray God that ye sua do, and examyn weall your conscience. He preaches aganis idolatrie: I remit to your Lordschippis conscience yf it be heresye or not. He preaches aganis adulterie and fornicatioun: I referr that to your Lordschippis conscience. He preaches aganis hypocrisye: I referr that to your Lordschippis conscience. He preaches aganis all maner of abuses and corruptioun of Christes synceir religioun: I refer that to your Lordschippis conscience. My Lord, I exhorte yow, in Christis name, to wey all thir effaris in your conscience,[721] and considder yf it be your dewitie also, not only to thole this, but in lyk maner to do the same. This is all, my Lord, that I varye in my aige, and na uther thing, but that I knew nott befoir these offenses to be abhominable to God, and now knowing his will be manifestatioun of his word, abhorres thame. 7. The Sevint Article desyres me to way thir materis in maist hartlie maner, and to tack thame in best parte, for the weall of bayth our consciences, my Hous, freindis, and servandis, and to put sic ane man out of my cumpany, for feir of the cummer and bruyt that should follow thairupoun, be reasson he is dilated of sindry hereseyis: and that your Lordschip wald be sory to hear ony of our servandis delated or bruited for sic caussis, or for halding of any sic men; and that your Lordschip wald understand my ansuer hearintill, or ony summondis passed thairupoun. ANSURE.--I thank your Lordschip greatlie that ye ar so solist for the weall of me and my House, and is sa humane as to maik me the advertisment befoir ye have summoned, of your awin good will and benevolence; and hes weyed thir materis, als heychtlie as my judgement can serve me, bayth for your Lordschippis honour and myn. And when I have reassoned all that I can do with my self in it, I think it ay best to serve God, and obey his manifest word, and nott be obstinat in his contrarie: syne to give thare dew obedience to our Princes, rewllaris, and magistratis, and to hear the voce of Goddis propheittis, declairing his good promisses to thame that reapentis, and threatnyng to obstinat wicked doaris, everlesting destructioun. Your Lordschip knawis weall the man: he hes spoking with your Lordschip: I thought yow content with him. I heard na occasioun of offence in him. I can nott weall want him, or some preachar. I can nott put away sic ane man, without I knew him ane offendar, as I know nott; for I hear nothing of him, but sic as your Lordschippis self heard of him, and sick as he yitt will professe in your presence, whenever your Lordschip requires. Sic ane man that is readdy to assist him self to judgement, should not be expelled without cognitioun of the cause; for lyik as I answered befoir in ane other Article, when your Lordschip pleassis that all the spirituall and temporall men of estaite in Scotland beis convened, I shall caus him render ane accompt of his beleve and doctrin in your presences: Then gif he deserves punishment and correctioun, lett him so suffer; give he be found faythfull, lett him leve in his faith. 8. The Aucht Article proponis to me, that your Lordschip wald tack the laubour to gett me a man to instruct me in your Catholick faith, and to be my preachear, for whais doctrine ye wald lay your saule, that he wald teach nathing but trewly conforme to your faith. ANSURE.--God Almychtie send us many of that sorte, that will preache trewlie, and nathing but ane Catholik universall Christiane faith; and we Heland rud people hes mister of thame. And yf your Lordschip wald gett and provid me sic a man, I should provid him a corporall leving, as to my self, with great thankis to your Lordschip; for trewly, I and many ma hes great myster of sick men. And becaus I am able to susteane ma nor ane of thame, I will requeist your Lordschip earnestlie to provid me sic a man as yo wrait; "for the harvist is great, and thare ar few lauboraris." 9. The last and Nynt Article puttis me in remembrance, to considder what murmour your Lordschip thollis, and great bruyt, at many manis handis, bayth Spirituall and Temporall, and at the Quenis Grace hand, and utheris weall gevin people, for nott putting of ordour to thir effaris; and that your Lordschip hes absteaned fra executioun heirof, for luif of my house and posteritie, to the effect that my self should remaid it, for feir of the dishonour mycht come upoun us bayth for the same; whilk beand remeaded, mycht bring us out of all danger. ANSURE.--My Lord, I knaw weall what murmur and indignatioun your Lordschip thoillis at ennemies handis of all estaitis, for non-persewing of pure sempill Christianes; and I know, that gif your Lordschip wald use thare counsall, that wald be blud-schedding and burnyng of pure men, to maik your Lordschip serve thare wicked appetites. Yit your Lordschip knawis your awin dewitie, and should not feare the danger of men, as of him whom ye professe. And verrely, my Lord, thare is nathing that may be to your Lordschippis releaf in this behalf, bot I will use your Lordschippis counsall thairintill, and further the samyn, Goddis honour being first provided, and the treuth of his eternall word having libertie. And to absteane for my luif fra persuyt, as your Lordschip hes signified, I am addetted to your Lordschip, as I have writtin diverse tymes befoir. But thare is ane above, for whais fear ye man absteane fra blude-schedding, or ellis, my Lord, knok on your conscience. Last of all, your Lordschip please to considder, how desyrous some ar to have sedition amongis freindis; how mychtie the Devill is to saw discord; how that mony wald desyre na better game but to hunt us at uther. I pray your Lordschip begyle thame: we will aggree upoun all purpose, with Goddis pleasur, standing to his honour. Thare ar diverse Houssis in Scotland by us, that professe the same God secreatly. Thei desyre but that ye begyn the bargane at us; and when it begynnis at us, God knawis the end thairof, and wha sall byd the nixt putt. My Lord, considder this: mak na preparative of us. Lett nott the vane exhortatioun of thame that regardis litill of the weall and strenth of bayth our Houssis, sture up your Lordschip, as thei wald to do aganis God, your awin conscience, and the weall of your posteritie for ever. And thairfoir now in the end, I pray your Lordschip, wey thir thingis wysely; and gif ye do utherwyise, God is God, wes, and shalbe God, when all is wrocht that man can wirk. This ansuer receaved, the Bischope and his complices fand thame selfis somewhat disapointed; for the Bischoppes looked for nothing less then for such ansueris frome the ERLE OF ERGILE; and thairfoir thei maid thame for thare extreame defence; that is, to corrupt and by buddis to styre up the Quein Regent in our contrare; as in the Secound Booke we shall more plainly heare. Schorte after this, God called to his mercy the said Erle of Ergyle from the miseries of this lyef;[722] whareof the Bischoppis war glaid; for thei thowght that thare great ennemye was takin out of the way: but God disapointed thame. For as the said Erle departed most constant in the trew faith of Jesus Christ, with a plane renunciatioun of all impietie, superstitioun, and idolatrie; so left he it to his Sone in his Testament, "That he should study to set fordwarte the publict and trew preaching of the Evangell of Jesus Christ, and to suppress all superstitioun and idolatrie, to the uttermost of his power." In which poynt small falt can be found with him[723] to this day. God be mercifull to his other offensses. Amen. [SN: 10 MAIJ, ANNO 1566.[724]] ---------------------------------- [725] The Bischoppis continewed in thare Provinciall Counsall[726] evin unto that day that JOHNE KNOX arryved in Scotland.[727] And that thei mycht geve some schaw to the People that thei mynded Reformatioun, thei sparsed abrod a rumor thairof, and sett furth somewhat in print, which of the People was called "The Twa-penny Fayth."[728] 1. Amonges thare Actes, thare was much ado for cappes, schavin crounes, tippettis, long gounes, and such other trifilles. 2. _Item_, That nane should enjoy office or benefice ecclesiasticall, except a Preast. [SN: BROTHERLIE CHARITIE.] 3. _Item_, That na Kirk-man should nuriss his awin barnes in his awin cumpanye: but that everie one should hold the childrein of otheris. 4. That none should putt his awin sone in his awin benefice. 5. That yf any war found in open adultery, for the first falt, he should lose the thrid of his benefice; for the secound cryme, the half; and for the thrid, the hole benefice. But hearfra appelled the Bischope of Murray,[729] and otheris Prelattis, saying, "That thei wold abyd at the Cannoun law." And so mycht thei weall yneuch do, so long as thei remaned interpretouris, dispensatouris, maikaris, and disannullaris of that law. But lett the same law have the trew interpretatioun and just executioun, and the Devill shall als schone be provin a trew and obedient servand unto God, as any of that sorte shalbe provin a Bischope, or yit to have any just authoritie within the Church of Christ Jesus. But we returne to oure Historye. [SN: THE QUEIN REGENT HIR PRACTISES.] The persecutioun was decreid, asweall by the Quein Regent as by the Prelattis; but thare rested a point, which the Quein Regent and France had nott at that tyme obteaned; to witt, That the Croune Matrimoniall should be granted to Frances, husband to our Soverane, and so should France and Scotland be but one kingdome, the subjectes of boyth realmes to have equall libertie, Scotismen in France, and French men in Scotland. The glister of the proffeit that was judged heirof to have ensewed to Scotishmen at the first sight, blynded many menis eyis. But a small wynd caused that myst suddantlye to vaniss away; for the greatast offices and benefices within the Realme war appointed for French men. Monsieur Ruby[730] keapt the Great Seall. Vielmort was Comptrollar.[731] Melrose and Kelso[732] should have bein a Commend to the poore Cardinall of Lorane. The fredomes of Scotish merchantis war restreaned in Rowan, and thei compelled to pay toll and taxationis otheris then thare ancient liberties did bear. To bring this head to pass, to witt, to gett the Matrimoniall Croune, the Quein Regent left no point of the compas unsailled. With the Bischoppis and Preastis, sche practised on this maner: "Ye may clearlie see, that I can not do what I wald within this Realme; for these heretickis and confidderatis of England ar so band togitther, that thei stop all good ordour. Butt will ye be favorable unto me in this suyt of the Matrimoniall Croune to be granted to my Dowghtaris housband, then shall ye see how I shall handill these heretickis and tratouris or it be long." And in verray dead, in these hir promessis, sche ment no deceat in that behalf. Unto the Protestantis she said, "I am nott unmyndfull how oft ye have suyted me for Reformatioun in religioun, and glaidly wald I consent thairunto; but ye see the power and craft of the Bischop of Sanctandrois, togetther with the power of the Duck, and of the Kirkmen, ever to be bent against me in all my proceadingis: So that I may do nothing, onless the full authoritie of this Realme be devolved to the King of France, which can nott be butt by donatioun of the Croune Matrimoniall; which thing yf ye will bring to passe, then devise ye what ye please in materis of religioun, and thei shalbe granted." Wyth this commission and credytt was Lord James, then Priour of Sanctandrois, direct to the Erle of Ergyle, with mo other promessis then we list to reherse. By such dissimulatioun to those that war sempill and trew of harte, inflambed sche thame to be more fervent in hir petitioun, then hir self appeared to be. And so at the Parliament, haldin at Edinburght in the moneth of October,[733] the yeir of God 1558, it was clearlie voted, no man reclamyng, (except the Duck[734] for his entress;[735]) and yitt for it thare was no better law produced, except that thare was ane solempned Messe appointed for that purpose in the Pontificall. This head obteaned, whaireat France and sche principallie schote, what faith sche keapt unto the Protestantis, in this our Secound Book shalbe declared: In the begynnyng whairof, we man more amplie reherse some thingis, that in this our First ar summarly tweiched. THE END OF THE FIRST BOOK. +Telos+ THE SECOUND BOOK OF THE HISTORYE OF THINGIS DONE IN SCOTLAND, IN THE REFORMATIOUN OF RELIGIOUN, BEGYNNYNG IN THE YEAR OF GOD J^M. V^C. FYFTY AUCHT. Oure purpose was to have maid the begynnyng of our Historie from the thingis that war done from the year of God J^m. V^c. fyfty aucht yearis, till the Reformatioun of Religioun, which of Goddis mercy we anes possessed;[736] and yitt, in doctrin and in the rycht use of administratioun of Sacramentis, do possesse. But becaus diverse of the godlie, (as befoir is said,) earnestlye requyred, that such Personis as God raised up in the myddis of darknes, to oppone thame selfis to the same, should nott be omitted; we obeyed thare requeast, and have maid a schorte rehersall of all such materis as concerne Religion, frome the death of that notable servand of God, Maister Patrik Hammyltoun, unto the foirsaid year, when that it pleased God to look upoun us more mercyfullie then we deserved, and to geve unto us greattar boldness and better (albeit not without hasard and truble) successe in all our interprises then we looked for, as the trew Narratioun of this Secound Book shall witness: The Preface whareof followis. PREFATIO. Least that Sathan by our long silence shall tak occasioun to blaspheym, and to sklander us THE PROTESTANTIS OF THE REALME OF SCOTLAND, as that our fact tendit rather to seditioun and rebellioun, then to reformatioun of maners and abuses in Religioun; we have thocht expedient, so trewlie and brievlie as we can, to committ to writting the causes moving us, (us, we say, are great parte of the Nobilitie and Baronis of the Realme,) to tak the sweard of just defence against those that most injustly seak our destructioun. And in this our Confessioun we shall faithfullie declair, what moved us to putt our handis to the Reformatioun of Religioun; how we have proceaded in the same; what we have asked, and what presentlie we requyre of the sacrat authoritie; to the end, that our caus being knawen, alsweall our ennemeis as our brethren in all Realmes may understand how falslie we ar accused of tumult and rebellioun, and how unjustlie we ar persecuted by France and by thare factioun: as also, that our brethren, naturall Scottismen, of what religioun so evir thei be, may have occasioun to examinat thame selfis, yf thei may with salf conscience oppone themselfes to us, who seak nothing bot Christ Jesus his glorious Evangell to be preached, his holy Sacramentis to be trewlie ministrat, superstitioun, tyrannye, and idolatrie to be suppressed in this Realme; and, finallie, the libertie of this our native countrie to remane free from the bondage and tyranny of strangeris. * * * * * Whill that the QUEIN REGENT practised with the Prelattis, how that Christ Jesus his blessed Evangell mycht utterlie be suppressed within Scotland, God so blessed the laubouris of his weak servandis, that na small parte of the Baronis of this Realme begane to abhorre the tyranny of the Bischoppes: God did so oppin thare eyis by the light of his woord, that thei could clearelie decerne betuix idolatrie and the trew honoring of God. [SN: THE FIRST DOUBTE.] Yea, men almost universallie begane to dowbt whetther that thei myght, (God nott offended,) give thare bodelye presence to the Messe, or yitt offer thare childrein to the Papisticall Baptisme. To the which dowbtes, when the most godlie and the most learned in Europe had answered, both by word and writt, affirmyng, [SN: THE SECOUND.] "That neather of both we mycht do, without the extreame perrell of our saulles," we began to be more trubled; for then also began men of estimatioun, and that bare rewill amanges us, to examinat thame selfis concernyng thare dewities, alsweall towardis Reformatioun of Religioun, as towardis the just defence of thare brethren most cruelly persecuted. And so begane diverse Questionis to be moved, to witt, "Yf that with salf conscience such as war Judgeis, Lordis, and rewlaris of the people, mycht serve the uppare powers in maynteanyng idolatrie, in persecuting thare brethrein, and in suppressing Christes trewth?" Or, "Whitther thei, to whome God in some caisses had committed the sweard of justice, mycht suffer the bloode of thare brethrein to be sched in thare presence, without any declaratioun that such tyrannye displeased thame?" [SN: SCRIPTURIS ANSWERING THE DOUBTIS.] By the plane Scriptures it was found, "That a lyvelie faith requyred a plane confessioun, when Christes trewth is oppugned; that not only ar thei gyltie that do evill, bot also thei that assent to evill." And plane it is, that thei assent to evill, who seing iniquitie openly committed, by thare silence seame to justifie and allow whatsoever is done. These thingis being resolved, and sufficientlie provin by evident Scriptures of God, we began everie man to look more diligentlie to his salvatioun: for the idolatrie and tyranny of the clargie, (called the Churchmen,) was and is so manifest, that whosoever doth deny it, declair him self ignorant of God, and ennemy to Christ Jesus. We thairfore, with humbill confessioun of our formar offenses, with fasting and supplicatioun unto God, begane to seak some remeady in sa present a danger. And first, it was concluded, "That the Brethren in everie toune at certane tymes should assemble togidder, to Commoun Prayeris, to Exercise and Reading of the Scripturis, till it should please God to give the sermone of Exhortatioun to some, for conforte and instructioun of the rest." And this our weak begynnyng God did so bless, that within few monethis the hartes of many war so strenthned, that we sought to have the face of a Church amanges us, and open crymes to be punished without respect of persone. And for that purpose, by commoun electioun, war eldaris appointed, to whome the hole brethren promissed obedience: for at that tyme we had na publict ministeris of the worde; onlie did certane zelous men, (amonges whome war the Lard of Dun, David Forress, Maister Robert Lokharte, Maister Robert Hammylton, Williame Harlay,[737] and otheris,[738]) exhorte thare brethrein, according to the giftes and graces granted unto thame. [SN: THIS WAS CALLED THE PREVYE KIRK.] Bot schort after did God stirre up his servand, Paule Methven,[739] (his latter fall[740] aught not to deface the work of God in him,) who in boldnes of spreit begane opinlie to preache Christ Jesus, in Dundie, in diverse partes of Anguss, and in Fyffe; and so did God work with him, that many began opinly to abrenunce thare ald idolatrie, and to submitt thame selfis to Christ Jesus, and unto his blessed ordinances; insomuch that the toune of Dundee began to erect the face of a publict churche Reformed, in the which the Worde was openlie preached, and Christis Sacramentcs trewlie ministrat. In this meantyme did God send to us our deare brother, Johne Willock,[741] ane man godly, learned, and grave, who, after his schorte abode at Dundie, repared to Edinburgh, and thare (notwithstanding his long and dangerous seiknes) did so encorage the brethren by godly exhortationis, that we began to deliberat upoun some publict Reformatioun; for the corruptioun in religioun was such, that with salf conscience we could na langar susteane it. Yitt becaus we wold attempt nothing without the knowledge of the sacrate authoritie,[742] with one consent, after the deliberatioun of many dayes, it was concluded, that by our publict and commoun Supplicatioun, we should attempt the favouris, supporte, and assistance of the Quein then Regent, to a godly Reformatioun. [SN: THE LARD OF CALDAR ELDAR.] And for that purpoise, after we had drawin our oraisoun and petitionis, as followeth, we appointed from amanges us a man whose age and yearis deserved reverence, whose honestie and wirschip mycht have craved audience of ony magistrate on earth, and whose faithfull service to the authoritie at all tymes had bein suche, that in him culd fall no suspitioun of unlawfull disobedience. This Oratour was that auncient and honorable father, Schir James Sandelandes of Calder, knycht,[743] to whome we geve commissioun and power in all our names then present, befoir the Quein Regent thus to speak:-- THE FIRST ORATIOUN, AND PETITIOUN, OF THE PROTESTANTES OF SCOTLAND TO THE QUEIN REGENT. Albeit we have of long tyme conteyned our selfis in that modestie, (Maist Noble Princess,) that neyther the exile of body, tynsall of goodis, nor perishing of this mortall lyif, wes able to convein us to ask at your Grace reformatioun and redress of those wrangis, and of that sore greaff, patientlie borne of us in bodyes and myndes of so long tyme; yitt ar we now, of verray conscience and by the fear of our God, compelled to crave at your Grace's feit, remeady against the most injust tyranny used against your Grace's most obedient subjectes, by those that be called the Estate Ecclesiasticall. [SN: CONTROVERSYE IN RELIGIOUN.] Your Grace can not be ignorant what controversie hath bein, and yit is, concernyng the trew religioun, and rycht wirschipping of God, and how the Cleargye (as thei wilbe termed) usurpe to thame selfes suche empyre above the consciences of men, that whatsoever thei command must be obeyed, and whatsoever thei forbid must be avoided, without farder respect had to Godis plesour, commandiment, or will, reveilled till us in his most holy worde; [SN: THE TYRANNYE OF THE CLEARGIE.] or ellis thare abydeth nothing for us but faggot, fyre, and sweard, by the which many of our brethrene, most cruellie and most injustlie, have bein strickin of laitt yearis within this realme: which now we fynd to truble and wound our consciences; for we acknowledge it to have bein our bound dewities befoir God, eyther to haif defended our brethren from those cruell murtheraris, (seing we ar a parte of that power which God hath establessed in this realme,) or ellis to haif gevin open testificatioun of our faith with thame, which now we offer our selfis to do, least that by our continewall silence we shall seame to justifie thare cruell tyranny; which doeth not onlie displease us, but your Grace's wisdome most prudentlie doeth foirsee, that for the quieting of this intestine dissentioun, a publict Reformatioun, alsweall in the religioun as in the temporall governement, war most necessarie; and to the performance thairof, most gravelie and most godlie, (as we ar informed,) ye have exhorted alsweall the Cleargy as the Nobilitie, to employ thare study, diligence, and care. We tharefoir of conscience dar na langar dissemble in so weighty a mater, which concerneth the glorie of God and our salvatioun: Neather now dar we withdraw our presence, nor conceill our petitionis, least that the adversaries hearefter shall object to us, that place was granted to Reformatioun, and yit no man suited for the same; and so shall our silence be prejudiciall unto us in tyme to come. And tharefoir we, knowing no other order placed in this realme, but your Grace, in your grave Counsall, sett to amend, alsweall the disordour Ecclesiasticall, as the defaultes in the Temporall regiment, most humblie prostrat our selfes befoir your featt, asking your justice, and your gratious help, against thame that falslie traduce and accuse us, as that we war heretickis and schismatikis, under that culour seiking our destructioun; [SN: THE PETITIOUN.] for that we seak the amendment of thare corrupted lyeffis, and Christes religioun to be restored to the originall puritie. Farther, we crave of your Grace, with opin and patent earis, to heare these our subsequent Requestis; and to the joy and satisfactioun of our trubled consciences, mercifullie to grant the same, onless by Goddis plane worde any be able to prove that justlie thei awght to be denyed. THE FIRST PETITIOUN. First, Humblie we ask, that as we haif, of the Lawes of this realme, after long debaite, obteaned to reade the Holy bookes of the Old and New Testamentes in our commoun toung,[744] as spirituall foode to our soullis, so from hensfurth it may be lauchfull that we may convene, publictlie or privatlie, to our Commoun Prayeris, in our vulgar toung; to the end that we may encrease and grow in knowledge, and be induceid, in fervent and oft prayer,[745] to commend to God the holye Church universall, the Quoin our Soverane, hir honorable and gratiouse Husband, the habilitie[746] of thare succcssioun, your Grace Regent, the Nobilitie, and hole Estait of this Realme. Secundly, Yf it shall happin in oure saidis conventionis any hard place of Scripture to be redd, of the which no proffeit arysith to the convenaris, that it shalbe lauchfull to any qualifiit personis in knowledge, being present, to interpreit and open up the saidis hard places, to Goddis glorie and to the proffeit of the auditour. And yf any think that this libertie should be occasioun of confusioun, debait, or heresie; we ar content that it be providit, that the said interpretatioun shall underly the judgement of the most godly and most learned within the realme at this tyme. Thridly, That the holy Sacrament of Baptisme may be used in the vulgare toung; that the godfatheris and witnesses may nott onlie understand the poyntes of the league and contract maid betuix God and the infant, bot also that the Churche then assembled, more gravelie may be informed and instructed of thare dewiteis, whiche at all tymes thei owe to God, according to that promeise maid unto him, when thei war receaved in his houshold by the lavachre[747] of spirituall regeneratioun. Ferdlie, We desyre, that the holy Sacrament of the Lordis Suppare, or of his most blessed body and bloode, may lykwyise be ministred unto us in the vulgare toung; and in boyth kyndis,[748] according to the plane institutioun of our Saviour Christ Jesus. And last, We most humblie requyre, that the wicked, sklanderous, and detestable lyiff of Prelates, and of the State Ecclesiasticall, may be so reformed, that the people by thame have nott occasioun (as of many dayis thei have had) to contempne thare ministerie, and the preaching wharof thei shuld be messingeris.[749] And yf thei suspect, that we, rather invying thare honouris, or coveting thare riches and possessionis, then zelouslie desyring thare amendment and salvatioun, do travell and labour for this Reformatioun; [SN: THE OFFER.] we ar content not onlie that the rewllis and preceptis of the New Testament, bot also the writtinges of the ancient Fatheris, and the godly approved lawis of Justiniane the Emperour, decyd the contraversie betuix us and thame: And if it salbe found, that eyther malevolentlie or ignorantlie we ask more then these three foirnamed have requyred, and continewlie do requyre of able and trew ministeris in Christes Church, we refuise not correctioun, as your Grace, with right judgement, shall think meit. Bot and yf all the foirnamed shall dampne that whiche we dampne, and approve that whiche we requyre, then we most earnestlie beseik your Grace, that notwithstanding the long consuetude which thei have had to live as thei list, that thei be compelled eyther to desist from ecclesiastical administratioun, or to discharge thare dewities as becumeth trew ministeris; So that the grave and godlie face of the primitive Churche reduced, ignorance may be expelled, trew doctrine and good maneris may ones agane appeare in the Churche of this Realme. These thingis we, as most obedient subjectis, requyre of your Grace, in the name of the Eternall God, and of his Sone, Christ Jesus; in presence of whose throne judiciall, ye and all other that hear in earth bear authoritie, shall geve accomptes of your temporall regiment. The Spreit of the Lord Jesus move your Grace's harte to justice and equitie. Amen. * * * * * [SN: THE PRACTISE OF SATHANE.] These oure Petitionis being proponed, the Estate Ecclesiasticall began to storme, and to devise all maner of leys to deface the equitie of our caus. Thei bragged as that thei wald have publict disputatioun, which also we most earnestlie requyred, two thingis being provided; the formare, that the plane and writtin Scriptures of God shuld decyde all contraversie; [SN: DISPUTATIOUN WITH CONDITIONIS.] Secoundlie, that our brethrene, of whom some war then exiled, and by them injustlie dampned, myght have free accesse to the said disputatioun, and salf conduct to returne to thair duelling places, nochtwithstanding any processe whiche befoir had bene led aganis thame in materis concernyng religioun. [SN: THE OFFER OF THE PAPISTIS.] But these being by thame utterlie denyed, (for no judge wold thei admitt bot thame selfis, thare Counsallis, and Cannon law,) thei and thare factioun began to draw certane Articles of reconciliation, promissing unto us, yf we wold admitt the Messe, to stand in hir formare reverence and estimatioun, grant Purgatorie after this lyiff, confesse Prayer to Sanctes and for the dead, and suffer thame to enjoye thare accustomed renttis, possession, and honour, that then thei wold grant unto us to pray and baptize in the vulgare toung, so that it war done secreatlie, and nott in the open assemblie. But the grosness of these Articles wes suche, that with ane voce we refused thame; and constantlie craved justice of the Quein Regent, and a reasonable answer of our formare Petitionis. [SN: THE GRANT OF THE QUEIN REGENT.] The Quein, then Regent, ane woman crafty, dissimulate, and fals, thinking to mak hir proffeit of both parteis, gave to us permissioun to use our selfis godlye according to our desyres, providit that we should not maik publict assembleis in Edinburgh nor Leyth; and did promeise hir assistance to our Preacheouris, untill some uniforme ordour myght be established by a Parliament. To thame, (we meane to the Cleargy,) she quietlie gave significatioun of hir mynd, promissing that how sone any oportunitie should serve, she should so putt ordour in thare materis, that after thei should not be trubled; for some say thei gave hir a large purse,[750] 40,000 lib., sayis the Chronicle,[751] gathered by the Lard of Erleshall.[752] We, nothing suspecting hir dowblenes nor falshode, departed, fullelie contented with hir answer; and did use our selfis so qwietlie, that for hir pleasour we putt silence to Johne Dowglass, who publictlie wold have preached in the toune of Leyth; for in all thingis we soght the contentment of hir mynd, so far furth as God should not be offended against us for obeying hir in thingis unlawfull. [SN: THE APPREHENSION OF WALTER MYLLE.] Schortlie after these thingis, that cruell tyrant and unmercyfull hypocrite, falselie called Bischope of Sanctandrois, apprehended that blessed martyre of Christ Jesus WALTER MYLN;[753] a man of decrepite age, whome most cruellie and most unjustlie be put to death by fyre in Sanctandrois, the twenty awcht day of Aprile, the year of God J^m. V^c. fyfty aught yearis: Whiche thing did so heighlie offend the hartis of all godlye, that immediatlie after his death began a new fervencie amongis the hole people; yea, evin in the toune of Sanctandrois, begane the people plainelie to dampne suche injust crueltie; and in testificatioun that thei wold his death should abide in recent memorie, thare was castin together a great heape of stones in the place whare he was brynt. The Bischope and Preastis thairat offended, caused ones or twyse to remove the same, with denunciatioun of Cursing, yf any man should thare lay ony stone. Bott in vane was that wynd blowen; for still was the heape maid, till that Preastis and Papistis did steall away by nycht the stones to big thare walles, and to uther thare privat uses.[754] [SN: THE HYPOCHRISIE OF THE QUEIN REGENT.] We suspecting nothing that the Quein Regent wes consenting to the foirnamed murther, most humilie did complayne of suche injust crueltie, requiring that justice in suche cases should be ministrate with greattare indifference. Sche, as a woman borne to dissemble and deceave, began with us to lament the crueltie of the Bischope, excusing hir self as innocent in that caus; for that the sentence was gevin without hir knowledge, becaus the man sometymes had bene ane Preast; tharefoir the Bischop's Officiare[755] did proceid upon him without any commissioun of the civile authoritie _Ex officio_, as thei terme it. We yit nothing suspectand hir falsheid, requyred some ordour to be tackin against such enormities, whiche sche promissed as oft befoir. Bot becaus schorte after thare wes a Parliament to be haldin, for certane effares pertenyng rather to the Quenis proffeit particulare, nor to the commoditie of the commoun wealth, we thocht good to expone our mater unto the hole Parliament, and by thame to seak some redress. We tharefoire, with one consent, did offer to the Quein and Parliament[756] a Lettir in this tennour:-- THE FORME OF THE LETTIR GEVIN IN PARLIAMENT. "Unto youre Grace, and unto yow, Rycht Honorable Lordis of this present Parliament, humlie meanes and schawes your Grace's faithfull and obedient Subjectis: That quhare we ar dalie molested, sklandered, and injured be wicked and ignorant personis, place-haldaris of the ministers of the Churche, who most untrewlie cease nott to infame us as Heretickis, and under that name thei most cruellie haif persecuted diverse of our brethrein; and farder intend to execute thare malice against us, onles be some godlie ordour thare fury and raige be brydilled and stayed; and yitt in us thei ar able to prove no cryme worthy of punishment, onless that to read the Holie Scriptures in our assembleis, to invocat the name of God in publict prayeris, with all sobrietie to interprete and open the places of Scripture that be redd, to the farther edificatioun of the brethrein assembled, and trewlie according to Christ Jesus his holy institutioun to minister the Sacramentes, be crymes worthy of punishment. Other crymes, (we say,) in us thei ar not abill to convict. And to the premisses ar we compelled; for that the saidis place-haldaris discharge no parte of thare deuiteis rychtlie till us, nether yitt to the people subject to us; and thairfoir, onless we should declair our selfis altogether unmyndfull of our awin salvatioun, we ar compelled, of verray conscience, to seak how that we and our brethrein may be delivered from the thraldome of Sathan. [SN: PROTESTATIOUN.] For now it hath pleased God to open our eyes, that manifestlie we see, that without extreame danger of our sowlles, we may in no wyise communicat with the damnable idolatrie, and intolerable abuses of the Papisticall Churche; and thairfoir most humblie requyre we of your Grace, and of yow Rycht Honorable Lordis, Baronis, and Burgesses assembled in this present Parliament, prudentlie to wey, and as it becum[757] just judges, to grant these our maist just and reasonable Petitionis.-- "First, Seing that the contraversie in religioun, which long hath continewed betuix the Protestants of Almany, Helvetia, and other provinces, and the Papisticall Churche, is not yitt decyded by a lauchfull and Generall Counsall; and seing that our consciences ar lyikwyes towcheit with the fear of God, as was thares in the begynnyng of thare contraversie, we most humlie desyre, that all suche Actes of Parliament, as in the tyme of darknes gave power to the Churche men to execute thare tyranny aganis us, be reasoun that we to thame wor delated as Heretiques, may be suspended and abrogated, till a Generall Counsall lawfullie assembled have decyded all contraverseis in religioun. "And least that this mutatioun shuld seame to sett all men at libertie to lyve as thame list, We Secundarelie requyre, That it be enacted by this present Parliament, that the Prelattis and thare Officiaris[758] be removed from place of judgement; onlie granting unto thame, nocht the less, the place of accusatouris in the presence of a temporall judge, befoir whom the Churche men accusatouris salbe bundin to call any by thame accused of heresye, to whome also thei salbe bundin to deliver ane authentik copy of all depositionis, accusationis, and process led against the persone accused; the judge lykewyis delivering the same to the partie accused, assignyng unto him a competent terme to answer to the same, after he hath takin sufficient cautioun _de judicio sisti_. "Thridly, We requyre, that all lawfull defences be granted to the personis accused; as yf he be able to prove, that the witnesses be personis unable by law to testifie aganis thame, that then thare accusationis and depositionis be null according to justice. "_Item_, That place be granted to the partie accused, to explane and interprite his awin mynd and meanyng; which confessioun we requyre be inserted in publict Actes, and be preferred to the depositionis of any witnesses, seing that nane owght to suffer for religioun, that is not found obstinat in his damnable opinioun. "Last, We requyre, that our brethrene be not dampned for Hereticques, onles, by the manifest word of God, thei be convicted to have erred from that faith whiche the Holy Spreit witnesseth to be necessarie to salvatioun; and yf so thei be, we refuise nott bot that thei be punished according to justice, onles by holsome admonitioun thei can be reduced to a better mynd. "These thingis requyre we to be considered of yow, who occupy the place of the Eternall God, (who is God of ordour and trewth,) evin in suche sorte as ye will answer in the presence of his throne judiciall: Requyring farder, that favorablie ye will have respect to the tendernes of our consciences, and to the truble which appeareth to follow in this commoun wealth, yf the tyranny of the Prelattis, and of thare adherentis, be nott brydilled by God and just lawis. God move your hartes deeplie to considder your awin dewiteis and our present trubles." These our Petitionis did we first present to the Quein Regent, becaus that we war determined to interprise nothing without hir knowledge, most humlie requyring hir favorable assistance in our just actioun. Sche spared nott amyable lookis, and good wordes in aboundance; bot alwayis sche keaped our Bill close in hir pocket. When we requyred secreatlie of hir Grace, that our Petitionis should be proponed to the hole Assemblie, sche ansured, "That sche thought nott that expedient; for then wold the hole Ecclesiasticall Estate be contrarie to hir proceadingis, which at that tyme war great;" for the Matrimoniall Croune was asked, and in that Parliament granted.[759] "Bot, (said sche,) how sone ordour can be tacken with these thingis, which now may be hyndered by the Kirk men, ye shall know my goode mynd; and, in the meantyme, whatsoevir I may grant unto yow, shall glaidlie be granted." We yitt nothing suspecting hir falshode, was content to geve place for a tyme to hir pleasour, and pretended reasoun; and yitt thocht we expedient somewhat to protest befoir the dissolutioun of the Parliament; for our Petitionis war manifestlie knowen to the hole Assemblie, as also how, for the Quenis pleasour, we ceassed to persew the uttermost. Our Protestatioun was formed in manor following:-- FORME OF THE PROTESTATIOUN MAID IN PARLIAMENT. "It is not unknawin to this honorable Parliament, what contraversie is now laitlie rissin betuix those that wilbe called the Prelattis and rewlarris of the Church, and a great number of us, the Nobilitie and commonaltie of this Realme, for the trew wirschipping of God, for the dewitie of Ministeris, for the rycht administratioun of Christ Jesus holie Sacramentis: how that we have complained by our publict supplicationis to the Quene Regent, that our consciences ar burdened with unprofitable ceremonies, and are compelled to adhear to idolatrie; that such as tack upoun thame the office Ecclesiasticall, discharge no parte thareof, as becumith trew ministeris to do; and finallie, that we and our brethrein ar most unjustlie oppressed by thare usurped authoritie. And also we suppose it is a thing sufficientlie knowin, that we wer of mynd at this present Parliament to seik redress of suche enormiteis; bot, considering that the trubles of the tyme do nott suffer suche Reformatioun as we, by Goddis plane word, do requyre, we ar enforced to delay that which most earnestlie we desyre; and yitt, least that our silence should geve occasioun to our adversaries to think, that we repent our formare interprise, we can not cease to protest for remedy against that most unjust tyranny, which we heirtofoir most patientlie have susteaned. "And, First, We protest, that seing we can not obtene ane just Reformatioun, according to Goddis worde, that it be lauchfull to us to use oure selfis in materis of religioun and conscience, as we must ansuer unto God, unto suche tyme as our adversaries be able to prove thame selfis the trew ministers of Christes Churche, and to purge thame selfis of suche crymes as we have already layed to thare charge, offering our selfis to prove the same whensoever the Sacrat Authoritie please to geve us audience. "Secundlie, We protest, that nether we, nor yit any other that godlie list to joyne with us in the trew faith, whiche is grounded upoun the invincible worde of God, shall incure any danger in lyiff or landis, or other politicall paines, for nott observing suche Actes as heirtofoir have passed in favouris of our adversaries, neyther yit for violating of suche rytes as man without God's commandiment or worde hath commanded. "We, Thridly, protest, that yf any tumult or uproare shall aryise amanges the membres of this realme for the diversitie of religioun, and yf it shall chance that abuses be violentlie reformed, that the cryme thairof be not impute to us, who most humlie do now seak all thinges to be reformed by ane ordour: [SN: LETT THE PAPISTIS OBSERVE.] Bot rather whatsoever inconvenient shall happin to follow for lack of ordour tacken, that may be imputed to those that do refuise the same. "And last, We protest, that these our requeastis, proceading from conscience, do tend to none other end, bot to the Reformatioun of abuses in Religioun onlie: Most humilie beseiking the Sacred Authoritie to tak us, faithfull and obedient subjectis, in protectioun against our adversaries; and to schaw unto us suche indifferencie in our most just Petitionis, as it becumeth God's Lievetenentis to do to those that in his name do call for defence against cruell oppressouris and bloode thrustie tyrantes."[760] [SN: LETTERIS TO JOHNE CALVIN.] These our Protestationis publictlie redd, we desyred thame to have bene inserted in the commoun Register; bot that by laubouris of ennemies was denyed unto us. Nochttheles, the Quein Regent said, "Me will remember what is protested; and me shall putt good ordour after this to all thingis that now be in contraversie." And thus, after that sche be craft had obteaned hir purpoise, we departed in good esperance of hir favouris, praysing God in our hartes that sche was so weall enclyned towardes godlynes. The goode opinioun that we had of hir synceritie, caused us not onlie to spend our goodis and hasarde our bodyes at hir pleasour, bot also, by our publict letters writtin to that excellent servand of God JOHNE CALVINE, we did prayse and commend hir for excellent knowledge in Goddis worde and good will towarttis the advancement of his glorie; requyring of him, that by his grave counsall and godlie exhortatioun he wald animat hir Grace constantlie to follow that which godlie sche had begune. We did farther charplie rebuike, boith by word and writting, all suche as appeired to suspect in hir any vennoum of hypochrisie, or that war contrare to that opinioun which we had conceaved of hir godlie mynd. Bott how far we war deceaved in our opinioun, and abused by hir craft, did suddandlie appeare: for how sone that all thingis perteanyng to the commoditie of France war granted by us, and that peace was contracted betuix King Philip and France, and England and us,[761] sche began to spew furth, and disclose the latent vennome of hir dowble harte. Then began sche to frowne, and to look frowardlie to all suche as sche knew did favour the Evangell of Jesus Christ. Sche commanded her houshold to use all abhominationis at Pasche; and sche hir self, to geve exampill to utheris, did communicat with that idole in open audience: Sche comptrolled hir houshold, and wold know whare that everie ane receaved thare Sacrament. And it is supposed, that after that day the Devill took more violent and strong possessioun in hir[762] then he had befoir; for, from that day fordwarte, sche appeared altogether altered, insomuche that hir countenances and factes did declair the vennome of hir harte. For incontinent sche caused our preachearis to be summoned;[763] for whome, when we maid intercessioun, beseiching hir Grace not to molest thame in thare ministerie, onles any man war able to convict thame of fals doctrin, sche could not bryddill hir toung from open blasphemy, but proudlie sche said, [SN: SCHE HAD GOTTIN HIR LESSOUN FROM THE CARDINALL.] "In dispite of yow and of your ministeris boith, thei shalbe banisshed owt of Scotland, albeit thei preached als trewlie as evir did Sanct Paule." Which proud and blasphemous ansuer did greatlie astoniss us; and yit ceassed we not moist humilie to seak hir favouris, and by great diligence at last obteaned, that the summoundis at that tyme war delayed. For to hir wer send Alexander Erle of Glencarne, and Sir Hew Campbell of Loudoun knycht, Schiref of Air, to reassoun with hir, and to crave some performance of hir manifold promisses. [SN: QUENE REGENTIS ANSURE.] To whome sche ansured, "It became not subjectis to burden thare Princess with promisses, farther then it pleaseth thame to keape the same." Boith thei Noble men faythfullie and boldly discharged thare dewitie, and plainlie foirwarned hir of the inconvenientis that war to follow; wharewyth sche somewhat astonied said, "Sche wald advise."[764] [SN: SANCT JOHNESTOUN EMBRASED THE EVANGELL.] In this meantyme did the toune of Perth, called Sanct Johnestoun, embrase the trewth, which did provok hir to a new fury; in which sche willed the Lord Ruthven, Provest of that toune,[765] to suppress all suche religioun thare. [SN: LORD RUTHVEN HIS ANSURE.] To the which, when he ansured, "That he could maik thare bodyes to come to hir Grace, and to prostrate thame selfis befoir her, till that sche war fullie satiate of thare bloode, bot to caus thame do against thare conscience, he could not promeise:" Sche in fury did ansure, "That he was too malaperte to geve hir suche ansure," affirmyng, "that boyth he and thei should repent it." Sche solisted Maister James Halyburtoun, Provest of Dundie,[766] to apprehend Paule Methven,[767] who, fearing God, gave secreat advertisement to the man to avoid the toune for a tyme. Sche send furth suche as sche thought most able to perswade at Pasche, to caus Montrose, Dundie, Sanct Johnestoun, and otheris suche places as had receaved the Evangell, to communicat with the idole of the Messe; bot thei could profeit nothing: the heartis of many war bent to follow the trewth reveilled, and did abhore superstitioun and idolatrie. Whareat sche more heighlie commoved, did summound agane all the preachearis to compear at Striveling, the tent day of Maij, the year of God 1559. Which understand by us, we, wyth all humble obedience, sowght the meanes how sche myght be appeased, and our preachearis not molested: bot when we could nothing prevaill, it was concluded by the hole brethrein, that the Gentilmen of everie cuntrie should accumpany thare Preachouris to the day and place appointed. [SN: THE FIRST ASSEMBLIE AT SANCT JOHNESTOUN.] Whareto all men war most willing; and for that purpose the toune of Dundy, the gentilmen of Anguss and Mernis, passed fordwarte with thare preachearis to Sanct Johnestoun, without armour, as peciable men, mynding onlie to geve confessioun with thare preachearis. And least that suche a multitude should have gevin fear to the Quein Regent, the Lard of Dun, a zelous, prudent, and godly man, passed befoir to the Quein, then being in Striveling, to declare to hir, that the caus of thare convocatioun was onlie to geve confessioun with thare preachearis, and to assist thame in thare just defence. Sche understanding the fervencie of the people, began to craft with him, solisting him to stay the multitude, and the preachearis also, with promeise that sche wald tak some bettir ordour. [SN: THE LARD OF DUN STAYED THE CONGREGATIOUN AND THE PREACHEARIS.] He, a man most gentill of nature, and most addict to please hir in all thingis not repugnant to God, wret to those that then war assembled at Sanct Johnestoun, to stay, and nott to come fordwarte; schawand what promess and esperance he had of the Quenis Grace favouris. At the reading of his letteris, some did smell the craft and deceat, and persuaded to pas fordwarte, unto the tyme a discharge of the formare summondis should be had, alledgeing, that otherwyis thare process of horning or rebellioun, should be executed against the preachearis; and so should not onlie thei, bot also all suche as did accumpanye thame, be involved in a lyik cryme. Otheris did reassone, that the Quenes promeisses was not to be suspected, neyther yitt the Lard of Dun his requeast to be contempned; and so did the hole multitude with thare preacheris stay. In this meanetyme that the Preacheouris ware summoned, to wit, the secound of Maij 1559, arryved JOHNE KNOX from France,[768] who ludgeing two nychtis onlie in Edinburgh, hearing the day appointed to his brethren, repared to Dundee, whare he earnestlie requyred thame, "That he myght be permitted to assist his brethrein, and to geve confessioun of his faith with thame:" which granted unto him, [he] departed unto Sanct Johnestoun with thame; whare he began to exhorte, according to the grace of God granted unto him. The Quein, perceaving that the preachearis did nott compeir, began to utter her malice; and notwythstanding any requeist maid in the contrarie, gave commandiment to putt thame to the horne, inhibiting all men under pane of thare rebellioun to assist, conforte, receave, or maynteane thame in any sorte. Whiche extremitie perceaved by the said Lard of Dune, he prudentlie withdrew himself, (for otherwyes by all appearance he had not eschaped empresonement;) for the Maister of Maxwell,[769] ane man zelous and stout in God's caus, (as then appeired,) under the cloak of ane uther small cryme, was that same day committed to warde, becaus he did boldlie affirme, "That to the uttermost of his power, he wold assist the preachearis and the congregatioun; notwythstanding any sentence whiche injustlie was, or should be, pronunced against thame. The Lard of Dun, cuming to Sanct Johnestoun, expounded the caise evin as it was, and did conceill nothing of the Quenis craft and falshode. Whiche understand, the multitud was so enflammed, that neyther could the exhortatioun of the preacheare, nor the commandiment of the magistrat, stay thame from distroying of the places of idolatrie. [SN: THE DOUN CASTING OF THE FREIRIS IN SANCT JOHNESTOUN.] The maner whairof was this:[770] The preacheouris befoir had declaired, how odiouse was idolatrie in God's presence; what commandiment he had gevin for the destructioun of the monumentis thairof; what idolatrie and what abhominatioun was in the Messe. It chanced, that the next day, whiche was the ellevint of Maij, after that the Preachearis wer exyled, that after the sermoun whiche was vehement against idolatrie, that a preast in contempt wold go to the Messe; and to declair his malapert presumptioun, he wold opin up ane glorious tabernacle which stoode upoun the Hie Altare. Thare stoode besyde, certane godly men, and amonges otheris a young boy, who cryed with a lowd voce, "This is intollerable, that when God by his Worde hath planelie damned idolatrie, we shall stand and see it used in dispyte." The preast heirat offended, gave the chyld a great blow; who in anger took up a stone, and casting at the prcast, did hytt the tabernacle and brack doune ane ymage; and immediatlie the hole multitude that war about cast stones, and putt handis to the said tabernacle, and to all utheris monumentis of idolatrie; whiche thei dispatched, befoir the tent man in the toune war advertist, (for the moist parte war gone to dennar:) Whiche noysed abroad, the hole multitude convened, not of the gentilmen, neyther of thame that war earnest professouris, bot of the raschall multitude, who fynding nothing to do in that Churche, did run without deliberatioun to the Gray and Blak Freris; and nochtwythstanding that thei had within thame verray strong gardis keapt for thare defence, yitt war thare gates incontinent brust upe. The first invasioun was upoun the idolatrie; and thareafter the commoun people began to seak some spoile; and in verray deid the Gray Freiris[771] was a place so weall provided, that oneles honest men had sein the same, we wold have feared to have reported what provisioun thei had. Thare scheittis, blancattis, beddis, and covertouris wer suche, as no Erle in Scotland hath the bettir: thair naiprie was fyne. [SN: THAIR PROVISIOUN.] Thei wer bot awght personis in convent, and yitt had viij punscheonis of salt beaff, (considder the tyme of the yeare, the ellevint day of Maij,) wyne, beare, and aill, besydis stoare of victuallis effeiring thareto. The lyik haboundance was nott in the Blak Frearis;[772] and yitt thare was more then becam men professing povertie. The spoile was permitted to the poore: for so had the preacheouris befoir threatned all men, that for covetousnes saik none shuld putt thare hand to suche a Reformatioun, that no honest man was enriched thairby the valew of a groate. Thare conscience so moved thame, that thei suffered those hypocreattis tak away what thei could, of that whiche was in thare places. The Priour of Charter-howse was permitted to tack away with him evin so muche gold and silver as he was weall able to cary.[773] So was menis consciences befoir beattin with the worde, that thei had no respect to thare awin particulare proffeit, bot onlie to abolishe idolatrie, the places and monumentis thareof: in which thei wer so busye, and so laborious, that within two dayis, these three great places, monumentis of idolatrie, to witt, the Gray and Blak theves,[774] and Charter-housse monkis, (a buylding of a wonderouse coast and greatness,[775]) was so destroyed, that the walles onlie did remane of all these great edificationis. [SN: A GODLY VOW.] Whiche, reported to the Quein, sche was so enraged that sche did avow, "Utterlie to destroy Sanct Johnestoun, man, woman, and child, and to consume the same by fyre, and thairafter to salt it, in signe of a perpetuall desolatioun." We suspecting nothing suche creweltie, bot thinking that suche wordis myght eschape hir in choler, without purpose determinate, becaus sche was a woman sett a fyre by the complaintes of those hypocrytes who flocked unto hir, as ravennis to a carioun; We, (we say,) suspecting nothing suche beastlie crueltie, returned to our awin housses; leaving in Sanct Johnestoun Johne Knox to instruct, becaus thei war young and rude in Christ. Bott sche, sett a fyre, partlie be hir awin malice, partelie by commandiment of hir freindis in France, and not a litill by brybes, whiche sche and Monsieur Dosell receaved from the Bischoppes and the Preastis heir at home, did continew in hir rage. [SN: THE COMPLAINT OF THE QUEIN REGENT.] And first, sche send for all the Nobilitie, to whome sche complaned, "That we meaned nothing bot a rebellioun." Sche did grevouslie aggreage the destructioun of the Charter-howse,[776] becaus it was a Kingis fundatioun; and thare was the tumbe of King James the First; and by suche other perswasionis sche maid the most parte of thame grant to persew us. And then incontinent send sche for hir Frenchemen; for that was and hath ever bein hir joy to see Scottishmen dip one with anotheris bloode. No man was at that tyme more frack against us then was the Duke,[777] lead by the crewell beast, the Bischope of Sanctandrois, and by these that yitt abuse him, the Abbot of Kilwynnyng,[778] and Matthew Hammyltoun of Mylburne,[779] two cheaf ennemeis to Christ Jesus; yea, and ennemeis[780] to the Duke and to his hole house, bot in sa far as thairby thei may procure thair awin particulare proffeitt. These and suche other pestilent Papistes ceassed nott to cast faggotis on the fyre, continewalie cryeing, "Fordwarte upoun these Heretiques; we shall ones rydd this realme of thame." The certantie heirof cuming to our knowledge, some of us repaired to the Toune agane, about the 22 day of Maij, and thare did abyde for the conforte of our brethrein. Whare, after invocatioun of the name of God, we began to putt the Toune and ourselfis in suche strenth, as we thought myght best for our just defence. And, becaus we war nott utterlie dispared of the Quenis favouris, we cawsed to forme a lettir to hir Grace, as followeth:-- "TO THE QUENIS GRACE REGENT, ALL HUMILL OBEDIENCE AND DEWITIE PREMISSED. "As heirtofoir, with jeopard of our lyves, and yitt with willing hartes, we haif served the Authoritie of Scotland, and your Grace, now Regent in this Realme, in service to our bodyes dangerous and painefull; so now, with most dolorous myndis we ar constraned, by injust tyrannye purposed against us, to declair unto your Grace, That except this crueltie be stayed by your wisdome, we wilbe compelled to tak the sweard of just defence aganis all that shall persew us for the mater of religioun, and for our conscience saik; whiche awght not, nor may nott be subject to mortale creatures, farder than be God's worde man be able to prove that he hath power to command us. We signifie moreover unto your Grace, That yf by rigour we be compelled to scale the extreme defence, that we will nott onlie notife our innocencie and petitionis to the King of France, to our Maistres and to her Housband, bot also to the Princes and Counsall of everie Christiane Realme, declairing unto thame, that this cruell, injust, and most tyrannicall murther, intended aganis townes and multitudis, wes, and is the onlie caus of our revolt from our accustomed obedience, whiche, in God's presence, we faythfullie promeise to our Soverane Maistres, to hir Husband, and unto your Grace Regent; provided, that our consciences may lyve in that peace and libertie whiche Christ Jesus hath purchassed till us by his bloode; and that we may have his worde trewlie preached, and holie Sacramentis ryghtlie ministrat unto us, without whiche we fermelie purpose never to be subject to mortall man: [SN: O WHAIR IS THIS FERVENCIE NOW!] For better, we think, to expone our bodyes to a thowsand deathis, then to hasarde our soules to perpetuall condemnatioun, by denying Christ Jesus and his manifest veritie, whiche thing not onlie do thei that committ open idolatrie, bot also all suche as seing thare brethrene injustlie persewed for the caus of religioun, and having sufficient meanes to conforte and assist thame, do nott the less withdraw frome thame thair detfull supporte. [SN: O WALD GOD THAT THE NOBILITIE SHULD YITT CONSIDERE.] We wald nott your Grace should be deceaved by the fals persuasionis of those cruell beastis, the Churche men, who affirme, That your Grace nedith nott greatlie to regarde the losse of us that professe Christ Jesus in this realme. Yf (as God forbid) ye gif care to thare pestilent counsall, and so use against us this extremitie pretended; it is to be feared, that neyther ye, neyther yitt your posteritie, shall at any tyme after this fynd that obedience and faithfull service within this realme, whiche at all tymes yow have found in us. We declair our judgementis frelie, as trew and faithfull subjectis. God move your Graces harte favorablie to interpreite our faythfull meanyng. Further advertissing your Grace, that the self same thing, together with all thingis that we have done, or yitt intend to do, we will notifie by our letteris to the King of France; asking of yow, in the name of the eternall God, and as your Grace tenderis the peace and qwyetness of this realme, that ye invaid us nott with violence, till we receave ansur from our Maistres, hir Husband, and from thare advised counsall thare. And this we committ your Grace to the protectioun of the Omnipotent. "Frome Sanet Johnestoun the 22 of Maij 1559. (_Sic subscribitur_,) Your Grace's obedient subjectis in all thingis not repugnant to God, "THE FAITHFULL CONGREGATIOUN OF CHRIST JESUS IN SCOTLAND." In the same tennour we wrate to Monsieur Dosell in Frenche, requiring of him, that by his wisdome he wold mitigate the Quenis raige, and the raige of the Preastis; otherwyis that flambe, whiche then begane to burne, wold so kendle that quhen some men wold, it culd not be slokenned; adding farder, that he declairit him self[781] no faithfull servand to his maister the King of France, yf for the plesour of the Preistis he wald persecut us, and so compell us to taik the sweard of just defence. In lyke maner we wrait to Capitane Serra la Burse, and to all uther Capitanis and Frenche soldiouris in generall, admonischeing thame that thair vocatioun was nocht to fyght aganis us naturall Scottishmen; nather yit that thai had any suche commandiment of thair maister. We besowght thame thairfoir nocht to provok us to inemitie aganest thame, considdering, that thay had found us favorable in thair most extreme necessiteis. We declairit farther unto thame, that yf thay enterit in hostilitie and bloody warre aganest us, that the same sould remane langar than thair and oure lyves, to witt, evin in all posteriteis to come, so lang as naturall Scottishmen suld have power to revenge suche crewelty, and maist horribill ingratitude. Thease letteris war causit be spred abroade in great habundance, to the end that sum myght cume to the knawlege of men. The Quene Regent hir letter was layed upoun hir cussing in the Chapell Royall at Striveling, quhair sche accustomit to sitt at Messe. Sche looked upoun it, and put it in the pocket of hir goune. Monsieur Dosell and the Capitanis receavit thairis deliverit evin be thair awin soldiouris, (for sum amongis thame war favoraris of the treuth,) quho efter the reading of thame, began to ryve thair awin beardis; for that was the modest behaveour of Monsieur Dosell, quhen treuth was told unto him, so that it repugne to his fantasie. These our letteris war suppressed to the uttermost of thair power, and yit thay come to the knowlege of mony. Bot the raige of the Quene and Preistis culd nocht be stayed; bot fordwart thay move against us, quho than war bot are verrie few and meane number of gentilmen in Sanct Johnestoun. We perceaving the extremitie to approche, did wrytt to all bretherin, to repair towardis us for our releve; to the quhiche we fand all men so readie bent, that the work of God was evidentlie to be espyed. And becaus that we wold omitt na diligence to declair our innocencie to all men, we formit ane letter to those of the Nobilitie who than persecuted us, as efter followeth:-- "TO THE NOBILITIE OF SCOTLAND, THE CONGREGATIONIS OF CHRYST JESUS WITHIN THE SAME, DESYR THE SPREIT OF RYGHTEOUS JUDGEMENT." "Becaus we ar nocht ignorant, that the Nobilitie of this realme who now persecute us, employing thair hole study and force to manteyne the kingdome of Sathan, of superstitioun and idolatrie, ar yit nochttheles devidit in opinioun; We, the Congregatioun of Christ Jesus by yow injustlie persecuted, have thocht good, in one letter, to write unto yow severallie. Ye ar devidit, we say, in opinioun; for sum of yow think that we who have tackin upoun us this interpryise to remove idolatrie, and the monumentis of the same, to erect the trew preaching of Chryst Jesus in the boundis committit to our chargis, ar Heretickis, seditious men, and trubilleris of this commone wealth; and thairfoir that no punischment is sufficient for us: and so, blyndit with this rage, and under pretens to serve the Authoritie, ye proclame warre, and threattin distructioun without all ordour of law aganis us. To yow, we say, that nather your blynd zeale, nather yit the colour of authoritie, sall excuse yow in Godis presence, who commandeth "None to suffer death, till that he be opinlie convictit in jugement, to have offendit against God, and against his law writtin," whiche no mortall creature is able to prove against us: for quhatsoevir we have done, the same we have done at Godis commandiment, who planelie commandis idolatrie, and all monumentis of the same to be destroyed and abolisshed, Oure ernist and long requeist hath bein, and is, that in opin assemblie it may be disputit in presence of indifferent auditouris, [SN: THE PERPETUALL REQUEIST OF THE PROTESTANTIS OF SCOTLAND.] "Whether that theis abhominationis, namit by the pestilent Papistis, religioun, whiche thay by fyre and sweard defend, be the trew religioun of Christ Jesus or not?" Now, this our humbill requeast denyed unto us, our lyves ar sought in most crewell maner. And ye, the Nobilitie, (whose dewetie is to defend innocentis, and to brydle the fury and raige of wicked men, wer it of Princes or Emperouris,) do nochtwithstanding follow thare appetytis, and arme your selfis against us, your bretherin, and naturall cuntriemen; yea, against us that be innocent and just, as concerning all suche crymes as be layid to our chargis. Yf ye think that we be criminall becaus that we dissent from your opinioun, considder, we beseiche yow, that the Prophetis under the law, the Apostles of Christ Jesus efter his Assentioun, his primitive Churche, and holy Martyris, did disassent from the hole world in thare dayis; and will ye deny bot that thair actioun was just, and that all those that persecuted thame war murtheraris befoir God? May nocht the lyek be trew this day? What assurance have ye this day of your religioun, whiche the warld that day had nocht of thairis? Ye have a multitude that aggre with yow, and so had thay. Ye have antiquitie of tyme, and that thay lacked nocht. Ye have counsales, lawis, and men of reputatioun that have establisshed all thingis, as ye suppose: Bot none of all these can maik any religioun acceptable unto God, whiche onelie dependeth upon his awin will, revealled to man in his most sacred word. Is it nocht than a wonder that ye sleip in so deadlie a securitie, in the mater of your awin salvatioun, considdering that God gevith unto yow so manifest tockens, that ye and your leaderis ar boith declynit from God? [SN: PROBATIOUN AGAINST THE PAPISTIS.] For yf "the tree salbe judgit by the fruit," (as Christ Jesus affirmeth, that it must be,) than of necessitie it is that your Prelattis, and the hole rable of thair clergie, be evill treeis. For yf adultrie, pryde, ambitioun, dronknes, covetousnes, incest, unthankfulnes, oppressioun, murther, idolatrie, and blasphemye, be evill fructis, thare can none of that generatioun, whiche clame to thame selfis the title of Churche men,[782] be judged gud treeis; for all these pestilent and wicked fruittis do they bring furth in greittest habundance: And gif thai be evill treis, (as ye your selfis must be compelled to confes thay ar,) advise prudentlie with what consciences ye can manteyne thame, to occupy the roume and place in the Lordis vyne yarde. Do ye nocht considder, that in so doing ye labour to manteyne the servandis of syne in thair filthie corruptioun; and so consequentlie ye labour, that the Devill may regne, and still abuse this realme, by all iniquitie and tyrannye, and that Chryst Jesus and his blessed Evangell be suppressed and extinguesshed? [SN: AGAINST SUCHE AS UNDER COLOUR OF AUTHORITIE PERSEQUTE THAIR BRETHERIN.] "The name and the cloke of the Authoritie, whiche ye pretend, will nothing excuse yow in Godis presence; but rather sall ye beir duble condempnatioun; for that ye burdeane God, as that his good ordinance wer the caus of your iniquitie. All authoritie quhilk God hath establisshed, is good and perfyte, and is to be obeyed of all men, yea under the pane of damnatioun. [SN: DIFFERENCE BETUIX THE PERSONE AND THE AUTHORITIE.] But do ye nocht understand, that thair is a great difference betuix the authoritie quhiche is Goddis ordinance, and the personis of those whiche ar placit in authoritie? The authoritie and Goddis ordinance can never do wrang; for it commandeth, That vice and wickit men be punischit, and vertew, with verteous men and just, be maynteaned. But the corrupt Persone placed in this authoritie may offend, and most commonelie doeth the contrare heirof; and is than the corruptioun of the persone to be followed, be ressone that he is cled with the name of the authoritie? Or, sall those that obey the wicked commandiment of those that ar placed in authoritie be excusable befoir God? Nocht so; nocht so. Bott the plagues and vengeances of God tackin upoun Kingis, thair servandis, and subjectis, do witnes to us the plane contrarie. Pharao was a King, and had his authoritie of God, who commandit his subjectis to murther and torment the Israelites, and at last most crewellie to persecut thair lyves. But was thare obedience, (blynd raige it should be called,) excusable befoir God? The universall plague doeth planelie declair, that the wicked commander, and those that obeyed, war alyke giltie befoir God. [SN: THE FACT OF KING SAULE.] And yf the example of Pharao shalbe rejected, becaus he was ane Ethnik, than lat us considder the factis of Saule: He was a King anoynted of God, appoynted to regne ower his people, he commanded to persecut David, becaus (as he alledged) David was a traytour and usurper of the Crowne; and lyekwyis commanded Abimelech the Hie Preast and his fellowis to be slane: But did God approve any parte of this obedience? Evident it is that he did nott. And think ye, that God will approve in yow that whiche he did dampne in otheris? Be nocht deceaved: with God thair is no suche partialitie.[783] Yf ye obey the injust commandimentis of wicked rewlaris, ye sall suffer Goddis vengeance and just punishment with thame. And thairfoir as ye tender your awin salvatioun, we most earnistlie requyre of yow moderatioun, and that ye stay your selfis, and the furye of utheris, from persecuting of us, till our cause be tryed in lauchfull and opin judgement. "And now, to yow that ar perswaded of the justice of our cause, that sumtyme have professed Chryst Jesus with us, and that also have exhorted us to this interpryse, and yit have left us in our extreme necessitie, or at the least look throw your fingaris, in this our truble, as that the matter apperteaned nocht unto yow; we say, that onles (all fear and warldlie respectis sett asyde) ye joyne your selffis with us, that as of God ye ar reputed traytouris, so shall ye be excomunicated from our societie, and from all participatioun with us in the administratioun of Sacramentis. The glorie of this victorie, quhilk God shall geve to his Churche, yea evin in the eyis of men, shall nocht apperteane to yow; bot the fearfull judgement, whiche apprehended Ananias and his wyfe Sapphyra, sall apprehend yow and your posteritie. [SN: LETT BOTH THE ONE PART AND THE UTHER JUDGE YF GOD HAVE NOCHT JUSTIFIED THE CAUS OF THE INNOCENTIS.] Ye may perchance contempne, and dispyise the excomunicatioun of the Churche now by Godis myghtie power erected amongis us, as a thing of no force; bot yit doubt we nothing, but that our Churche, and the trew ministeris of the same, have the same power whiche our Maister, Christ Jesus, granted to his Apostles in these wordis, "Whose synnis ye sall forgeve, shalbe forgevin; and whose synnis ye shall reteane, shall be reteaned;" and that, becaus thay preiche, and we beleve the same doctryne whiche is conteyned in his most blessed wourd. And thairfoir except that ye will contempne Chryst Jesus, ye nether can despyise our threatnyng, nether yit refuise us calling for your just defence. [SN: FROM QUHENS THIS CORAGE DID PROCEID THE ISHEW DECLAIRED.] By your faynting, and by extracting of your support, the enimeis ar incoraged, thinking, that thay shall find no resistance: In whiche point, God willing, thay salbe deceaved. For gif thay war ten thowsand, and we bot are thowsand, thai sall nocht murther the least of our bretherin, but we (God assisting us) shall first committ our lyves in the handis of God for thair defence. But this shall aggravat your damnatioun; for ye declair your selfis boith traytouris to the treuth ones professed, and murtheraris of us, and of your bretherin, from whome ye draw your detfull and promisshed support, whome your onelie presence (to manis judgement) myght preserve from this danger. For our enimeis looke nocht to the power of God, bot to the force and strenth of man. When the nomber is mean to resist thame, than rage thay as bloody wolvis; bot a party equall or able to resist thame in apperance, doeth brydill thair fury. Examinat your awin consciencis, and wey that sentence of our Maister, Chryst Jesus, saying, "Whosoevir denyeth me, or is aschamed of me befoir men, I shall deny him befoir my Father." Now is the day of his battell in this realme: Yf ye deny us, your bretherin, suffering for his name's saik, ye do also deny him, as him self doeth witnes in these wordis, "Whatsoevir ye did to any of these litill ones, that ye did to me; and what ye did nocht to one of those litill ones, that ye did nocht to me." Gif these sentencis be trew, as concerning meat, drink, cloithing, and suche thingis as apperteane to the body, shall thai not be lykewyis trew in these thingis that apperteane to the preservatioun of the lyves of thowsandis, whose bloode is now sought, for professioun of Christ Jesus? And thus schortlie leave we yow, who sumtymes have professed Christ Jesus with us, to the examinatioun of your awin consciencis. And yit ones agane, of yow, who, blynded by superstitioun persecute us, we requyre moderatioun, till our cause may be tryed, whiche gif ye will nocht grant unto us for Godis cause, yit we desyre yow to have respect to the preservatioun of our commone cuntree, whiche we can not sonnar betray in the handis of strangeris, than that one of us distroy and murther ane uther. Considder our petitionis, and call for the spreit of richteous judgement." These our Letteris being divulgat, some man began to reasoun whether of conscience thai myght invaid us or not, considdering that we offered dew obedience to the Authoritie; requiring nothing bot the libertie of conscience, and our religioun and fact to be tryed by the word of God. Oure Letteris came with convenient expeditioun to the handis of the bretherin in Cuninghame and Kyle, who convened at the Kirk of Craggie,[784] whare, efter some contrarious reassonis, Alexander Erle of Glencarne, in zeall, burst furth in these wordis, "Lat everie man serve his conscience. I will, by Goddis grace, see my bretherin in Sanct Johnestoun: yea, albeit never man should accumpany me, I will go, and gif it war bot with a pick upoun my shulder; for I had rather dye with that cumpany, nor leve efter thame." These wordis so encoraged the rest, that all decreed[785] to go fordward, as that thai did so stoutlie, that when Lyoun Herault, in his coat armour, commanded all man under the pane of treassone to returne to thair housses by publict sound of trumpett in Glasgw, never man obeyed that charge, but all went fordward, as we will efter hear. When it was clearlie understand that the Prelattis and thair adherantis, suppressing our petitionis so far as in thame lay, did kindill the furye of all men against us, it was thoght expedient to writt unto thame sum declaratioun of our myndis, whiche we did in this forme following:-- "TO THE GENERATIOUN OF ANTICHRIST, THE PESTILENT PRELATTIS AND THARE SCHAVILLINGIS WITHIN SCOTLAND, THE CONGREGATIOUN OF CHRIST JESUS WITHIN THE SAME, SAYETH, "To the end that ye shall not be abused, thinking to eschaipe just punishment, efter that ye in your blind fury have caused the bloode of many to be sched, this we notifie and declair unto yow, that yf ye proceid in this your malicious creweltie, ye shalbe entreated, wharesoevir ye shalbe apprehended, as murtheraris and oppin enimeis to God and unto mankind; and thairfoir, betymes cease from this blind raige. Remove first from your selfis your bandis of bloody men of warre, and reforme your selffis to a more quiet lyve; and thairefter mitigat ye the authoritie whiche, without cryme committed upoun our parte, ye have inflammit aganis us; or ellis be ye assured, that with the same measure that ye have measured against us, and yit intend to measure to utheris, it salbe measured unto yow: That is, as ye by tyranny intend nocht onelie to destroy our bodyis, bot also by the same to hold our sowllis in bondage of the Devill, subject to idolatrie, so shall we with all force and power, whiche God shall grant unto us, execut just vengeance and punishment upoun yow. Yea, we shall begyn that same warre whiche God commanded Israell to execut aganis the Cananites; that is, contract of peace shall never be maid, till ye desist from your oppin idolatrie and crewell persecutioun of Godis childrein. And this we signifie unto yow in the name of the eternall God, and of his Sone Christ Jesus, whose veritie we profess, and Evangell we will have preached, and holy Sacramentis ryghtlie minstrat, so long as God will assist us to ganestand your idolatrie. Tak this for Advertisment, and be nocht deceaved." [SN: SPEIKARIS SEND BY THE QUENE TO SANCT JOHNESTOUN.] These our requeistis and advertismentis nochtwithstanding, Monsieur Dosell and his Frenchemen, with the Preastis and thair bandis, marched fordward against Sanct Johnestoun, and approched within ten myles to the town. Than repaired the bretherin from all quartaris for our releaff. The gentilmen of Fyffe, Anguss, and Mernis, with the town of Dundie, war thay that first hasarded to resist the enimie; and for that purpoise was chosin a platt of ground,[786] a myle and more distant from the town. In this meantyme the Lord Ruthven, Provest of the town of Sanct Johnestoun, and a man whome many judged godlie and stout in that actioun, (as in verray dead he was evin unto his last breath,[787]) left the town, and depairtit first to his awin place, and efter to the Quene: whose defectioun and revolt was a great discoragement to the hartis of many; and yit did God so confort,[788] that within the space of tuelf houris efter, the hartis of all men war erected agane; for those that war than assembillit did nocht so muche houp victorie by thair awin strenth, as by the power of Him whose veritie they professed; and began one to confort another, till the hole multitude was erected in a reasonable esperance. The day efter that the Lord Ruthven depairted, whiche was the 24 of Maij, cam the Erle of Argyle, Lord James, Priour of Sanctandrois, and the Lord Sempill, directed from the Quene Regent to inquire the caus of that convocatioun of liegis thare. To quhome, quhen it was ansuered, that it was onelie to resist that crewell tyranny devised against that poore town, and the inhabitants of the same, thay asked, "Gif we myndit nocht to hold that town against the authoritie, and against the Quene Regent?" To the whiche questioun ansuered the Lairdis of Dun and Pittarro, with the Congregatioun of Anguss and Mernis, the Maister of Lyndesay, the Lairdis of Lundy, Balvaird,[789] and otheris Barronis of Fyffe, "That gif the Quenis Grace wald suffer the religioun thare begun to proceid, and nocht truble thair bretherin and sisteris that had professed Christ Jesus with thame, that the town, thay thame selffis, and quhatsoevir to thame perteaned, should be at the Quenis commandiment." [SN: THE FALS SUGGESTIOUN OF THE QUENE REGENT.] Whiche ansuer understand,[790] the Erle of Ergyle and the Priour (quho boith war than Protestantis) began to muse, and said planelie, that thay war far utherwayis informed by the Quene, to witt, "That we mentt no religioun, but a plane rebellioun." To the whiche when we had answered simplie, and as the treuth was, to wit, "That we conveaned for none other purpose, bot onelie to assist our brethrein, who than war most injustlie persecuted; and thairfoir we desyred thame faithfullie to report our answer, and to be intercessouris to the Quene Regent, that suche creweltie suld nocht be usit against us, considering that we had offered in our former letteris, alsweill to the Quenis Grace, as to the Nobilitie, our mater to be tryed in lauchfull judgement." Thay promesed fidelitie in that behalff, whiche also thay keipt. The day efter, whiche was the 25 day of Maij, befoir that the saidis Lordis depairted, in the morning Johne Knox desyred to speak with the same Lordis; whiche grantit unto him, he was conveyed to thair ludgeing by the Laird of Balvaird,[791] and thus he began:-- [SN: THE ORATIOUN OF JOHNE KNOX TO THE LORDIS.] "The present trublis, Honorable Lordis, owght to move the hartis, nocht onlie of the trew servandis of God, bot also of all suche as beare any favour to thare cuntree, and naturall cuntreymen, to discend within thame selfis and deiplie to considder quhat shalbe the end of this pretended tyranny. The raige of Sathan seaketh the destructioun of all those that within this realme professe Christ Jesus; and thay that inflambe the Quenis Grace, and yow the Nobles aganis us, regard nocht who prevaill, provided that thay may abuse the warld, and leve at thair pleasour, as heirtofoir thay have done. Yea, I fear that some seak nothing more than the effusioun of Scottis bloode, to the end that thair possessionis may be more patent to utheris. Bot, becaus that this is nocht the principall whiche I have to speak, omitting the same to be considderit by the wisdome of those to quhome the cair of the commone wealth apperteaneth. "1st. I most humbillie require of yow, my Lordis, in my name, to say to the Quenis Grace Regent, that we, who sche in hir blynd raige doeth persecute, ar Goddis servandis, faithfull and obedient subjectis to the authoritie of this realme; that that religioun, whiche sche pretendeth to maynteyne by fyre and sweard, is nott the trew religioun of Christ Jesus, bot is expres contrarie to the same; a superstitioun devised be the brane of man; whiche I offer my selff to prove aganis all that within Scotland will maynteane the contrarie, libertie of towng being granted unto me, and Godis writtin word being admitted for judge. [SN: LETT THE PAPISTES, RATHER AMBITIOUS ROMANISTIS, JUDGE.] "2d. I farder require your Honouris, in my name, to say unto hir Grace, that as of befoir I have writtin, sa now I say, that this hir interpryise shall nocht prosperouslie succeid in the end; and albeit for a tyme sche truble the sanctis of God, for sche feghteth nocht aganis man onelie, bot against the eternall God and his invincible veritie; and thairfoir, the end shalbe hir confusioun, oneles betymes sche repent and desist. "These thingis I require of yow, in the name of the eternall God, as from my mouth, to say unto hir Grace; adding, that I have bein, and am a more assured friend to hir Grace, than thay that either flattering hir ar servandis to hir corrupt appetytes,[792] or ellis inflambe hir against us, who seik nothing bot Goddis glorie to be advanceit, vice to be suppressed, and veritie to be maynteaned in this poore realme." [SN: THE DILIGENCE OF THE ERLE OF GLENCARNE, AND OF THE BRETHERIN OF THE WEST, FOR THE RELEIF OF SANCT JOHNESTOUN.] Thei all three did promese to report his wordis sa fer as thai culd, whiche efterwardis we understoode thai did. Yea, the Lord Semple[793] him self, a man sold under syne, enymye to God and to all godlynes, did yit maik suche report, that the Quene was sumquhat offended, that any man suld use suche libertie in hir presence. Sche still proceaded in hir malice; for immediatelie thairefter sche send hir Lyoun Herauld,[794] with letteris, straitlie chargeing all man to avoid the toun, under the pane of treasone. Whiche letteris, efter he had declaired thame to the cheife men of the Congregatioun, he publictlie proclamed the same, upoun Sounday, the 27 [28th] of Maij.[795] In this mean tyme, come sure knawlege to the Quene, to the Duke, and to Monsieur Dosell, that the Erle of Glencarne, the Lordis Uchiltrie and Boyd, the young Schiref of Air, the Lairdis of Cragy Wallace, Sesnock, Carnell, Barr, Gaitgirth,[796] and the hole Congregatioun of Kyle and Cuninghame, approched for our releve; and in verray dead thay came in suche diligence, and suche a nomber, that as the enymie had just caus to fear, so have all that professe Christ Jesus just matter to praise God for thair fidelitie and stout corage in that nead; for by thair presence was the tyranny of the enymie brydilled. Thare diligence was suche, that albeit the passage by Striveling, and sex myles above, was stoppit, (for thair lay the Quene with hir bandis, and gart cutt the brigis upoun the watter of Forth, Gwdy and Teath,[797] above Striveling,) yit maid thay suche expeditioun throw desert and montane, that thay prevented the enymie, and approched within sex myles to our campe, whiche than lay without the town, awaiting upoun the enymie, befoir that any assured knawlege come to us of thair cunning. Their number was judged to[798] to tuentie fyve hundreth men, whairof thair was 12 hundreth horsmen. The Quene understanding how the said Erle and Lordis, with thair cumpany approched, causit to besett all wayis, that na advertisment should come to us, to the end that we, dispared of support, myght condiscend to suche appointment as sche required; and send first to require, that some discreat men of our number wald cum and speik the Duke and Monsieur Dosell, (who than with thair armye did lye at Auchterardour,[799] ten myles fra Sanct Johnestoun,) to the end that some reasonable appointment myght be had. Sche had perswaded the Erle of Ergyle, and all utheris, that we ment nothing bot rebellioun; and thairfoir had he promisshed unto hir, that in case we should nocht stand content with ane reasonable appointment, he should declair him self plane enymie unto us, nochtwithstanding that he professed the same religioun with us. From us war send the Laird of Dun,[800] the Lard of Inverquharitie,[801] and Thomas Scot of Abbotishall,[802] to heir quhat appointment the Quene wald offer. The Duke and Monsieur Dosell required, "That the town should be maid patent, and that all thingis should be referred to the Quenis plesour." [SN: THE PETITIOUN OF THE PROTESTANTIS FOR RANDERING OF SANCT JOHNESTOUN.] To the whiche thai answered, "That nather had thay commissioun so to promese, nather durst thay of conscience so perswaid thair bretherin. Bot yf that the Quenis Grace wald promeise, that no inhabitant of the town should be trublit for any suche crymes as myght be alledged aganis thame for the lait mutatioun of religioun, and abolishment of idolatrie, and for douncasting the places of the same; yf sche wald suffer the religioun begun to go fordward, and leif the town at hir depairting free from the garysonis of Frenche soldiouris, that thay wald labour at the handis of thair bretherin that the Quene should be obeyed in all thingis." Monsieur Dosell perceaving the danger to be great, yf that are suddane appointment should nocht[803] be maid; and that thay war nocht able to execut thair tyranny against us, after that the Congregatioun of Kyle (of quhose cuming we had no advertisment) should be joyned with us; with gud wordis dismissed[804] the saidis Lairdis to perswaid the bretherin to quiet concord. To the whiche all men war so weill mynded, that with one voce thay cryed, "Curssed be thay that seak effusioun of bloode, war, or dissentioun. Lett us possess Christ Jesus, and the benefite of his Evangell, and none within Scotland shalbe more obedient subjectis than we shalbe." With all expeditioun war send from Striviling agane, (efter that the cuming of the Erle of Glencarne was knawin, for the enymie for fear quaiked,) the Erle of Ergyle and Lord James foirsaid, and in thair cumpany a crafty man, Maister Gavine Hammiltoun, Abbot of Kilwynning,[805] who war send by the Quene to finishe the appointment foirsaid. Bot befoir that thay came, was the Erle of Glencarne and his honorable cumpany arryved in the town; and then began all men to praise God, for that he had so mercifullie hard thame in thare maist extreme necessitie, and had send unto thame suche releafe as was able, without effusioun of bloode, to stay the raige of the ennemy. The Erle of Ergyle and Lord James did earnistlie perswaid the agreement,[806] to the whiche all men was willing. But sum did smell the craft of the adversarie, to wit, that thay war mynded to keip no point of the promeise longar than thay had obteanit thair intent. [SN: THE ANSUER OF THE ERLE OF ERGYLE, AND PRIOUR OF SANCTANDROIS.] With the Erle of Glencarne come our loving brother Johne Willok; Johne Knox was in the town befoir. These two went to the Erle of Ergyle and Priour, accusing thame of infidelitie, in sa fer as thay had defrauded thair brethering of thair debtfull support and confort in thair greatest necessitie. Thay ansuered boith, "That thair hart was constant with thair bretherin, and that thay wald defend that caus to the uttermost of thair power. Bot becaus thay had promesed to laubour for concord, and to assist the Quene, in case we refuised ressonable offerris, of conscience and honour, thay culd do na less than be faithfull in thair promeise maid: And thairfoir thay required that the bretherin myght be perswaided to consent to that reassonable appointment; promesing, in Goddis presence, that yf the Quene did break in ony joit thairof, that thay, with thair hole poweris, wald assist and concur with thair bretherin in all tymes to cum." [SN: THE PROMEISE OF THE FOIRSAIDIS.] This promeise maid, the Preacheouris appeased the multitude, and obteaned in the end that all men did consent to the appointment foirsaid, whiche thay obteaned nocht without great labouris. And no wonder, for many foirsaw the danger to follow; yea, the Preacheouris thame selfis, in oppin sermone, did affirme planelie, "That thay war assuredlie perswaided that the Quene mentt no treuth: Bot to stop the mouth of the adversarie, who injustlie did burthein us with rebellioun, thay moist earnistlie requyred all men to approve the appointment, and so to suffer hypocresie to discloise the selff." This appointment was concluded the 28th of Maij, and the day following, at tua efter none, depairted the Congregatioun from Sanct Johnestoun, after that Johne Knox had, in his sermone, exhorted all men to constancie, and unfeanedlie to thank God, for that it had pleased his mercie to stay the raige of the ennemy, without effusioun of bloode; also, that no brother should weary nor faint to support suche as should efter be lykewyis persecuted, "For, (said he,) I am assured, that no pairt of this promeise maid shalbe longar keipit than the Quene and hir Frenchemen have the upper hand." Many of the ennemeis war at the same sermone; for after that the appointment was maid, they had free entres in the town to provide ludgeingis. Befoir the Lordis depairted, was this Band made, quhose tenour followis, as it was writtin and subscryved.-- "At Perth, the last day of Maij, the yeir of God J^m. V^c. fiftie nyne yeiris, the Congregationis of the West cuntrey, with the Congregationis of Fyfe, Perth, Dundie, Anguss, Mearnis, and Munross, being conveaned in the town of Perth, in the name of Jesus Christ, for furthsetting of his glorie; understanding na thing mair necessar for the samin than to keap ane constant amitie, unitie, and fellowschipe togidder, according as thay ar commanded be God, ar confederat, and become bundin and obleast in the presence of God, to concur and assist together in doing all thingis required of God in his Scripture, that may be to his glorie; and at thair haill poweris[807] to distroy, and away put, all thingis that dois dishonour to his name, so that God may be trewlie and puirelie wirschipped: And in case that any truble beis intended aganis the saidis Congregationis, or ony part, or member[808] thairof, the haill Congregatioun shall concur, assist, and conveane togidder, to the defence of the samin Congregatioun, or persone trubled; and shall nocht spair laubouris, goodis, substancis, bodyis, and lyves, in manteaning the libertie of the haill Congregatioun, and everie member thairof, aganis whatsomevir power that shall intend the said trubill, for caus of religioun, or ony uther caus dependand thairupoun, or lay to thair charge under pretence thairof, althocht it happin to be coloured with ony uther outward caus. In witnessing and testimony of the quhilkis, the haill Congregationis foirsaidis hes ordeyned and appointit the Noblemen and personis underwrittin to subscrive thir presentis. (_Sic subscribitur_,) ARCH. ERGYLE. GLENCARNE. JAMES STEWART. R. LORD BOYD. MATHOW CAMPBELL OF TERINGLAND.[809] UCHILTRIE. [SN: THE FIRST SLAUCHTER OF THE FRENCHEMEN.] The tuenty nine day of Maij entered the Quene, the Duke, Monsieur Dosell, and the Frenchemen, who, in dischargeing thair voley of hacquebuttis, did weill mark the hous of Patrik Murray,[810] a man fervent in religioun, and that baldlie had susteaned all dangeris in that trubill; against whose stair thay directed vj or vij schott, evin aganis the faces of those that war thare lyand. All man eschaped, except the sone of the said Patrik, a boy of ten or tuelf yearis of aige, who being slane, was had to the Quenis presence. Bot sche understanding whose sone he was, said in mokage, "It is a pitie it chanced on the sone, and nocht on the father; bot seing that so is chanced, me can nocht be against fortune." This was hir happie entress to Sanct Johnestoun, and the great zeall sche tendeth to justice. [SN: IDOLATRIE ERECTED AGAINST THE APPOINTMENT.] The swarme of Papistis that entered with hir began streyght to mak provisioun for thair Messe; and becaus the altaris war nocht so easy to be repaired agane, thay provided tables, whairof sum befoir used to serve for drunkards, dysaris, and carteris;[811] bot thay war holy aneuch for the Preast and his padgean. The Quene began to raige against all godlie and honest men; thair housses was oppressed by the Frenchemen; the lauchfull Magistratis, alsweall Provest as Bailies, war injustlie, and without all ordour, deposed from thair authoritie. A wicked man, void of Godis fear, and destitut of all vertew, the Lard of Kinfawnse, was intrused by hir Provest above the town,[812] wharat all honest men was offended. Thay left thair awin housses, and with thair wyeffis and childrein sought amongis thare bretherin some resting place for a tyme. [SN: AGAINST THE APPOINTMENT THE SECUND TYME.] Sche tuk ordour that four ensenzeis of the soldiouris should abyde in the town to maynteane idolatrie, and to resist the Congregatioun. Honest and indifferent men asked, Why sche did so manifestlie violat hir promeise? [SN: SECUND ANSUER OF QUENE REGENT.] Sche answered, "That sche was bundin to keap na promeise to Hereticques: and moreover, that sche promeist onelie to leave the town free of Frenche soldiouris, whiche, (said sche,) sche did, becaus that those that thairin war left war Scottishmen." Bot when it was reasoned in hir contrair, That all those that took waiges of France, war counted Frenche soldiouris: [SN: THE THRID ANSUER.] sche answered, "Princes must nocht so straitlie be bundin to keap thair promesses. Myself, (said sche,) wold mak litill conscience to tak from all that sorte thair lyves and inheritance, yf I myght do it with als honest ane excuise." And than sche left the town in extreme bondage, efter that hir ungodlie Frenche men had most crewelly entreated the maist parte of those that remaned in the same. [SN: THE DEPARTURE OF THE ERLE OF ERGYLE AND LORD JAMES FRA THE QUENE REGENT, WITH SUCHE AS ASSISTED THAME AND THAIR FIRST BAND.] The Erle of Argyle, and Lord James foirsaidis, perceaving in the Quene nothing but meare tyrranny and falshode, myndfull of thair former promesses maid to thair bretherin, did secreidlie convey thame selfis and thair cumpanyeis of the town; and with thame departed the Lord Ruthven, (of whome befoir mentioun is maid,) the Erle of Menteith, and the Laird of Tullibardin;[813] who, in Godis presence, did confiderat, and bynd thame selfis togidder, faithfullie promessing one to assist and defend another against all personis that wald persew thame for religionis saik; and also that thay, with thair hole force and power, wald defend the bretherin persecuted for the same caus. The Quene, heyghlie offended at the suddane departure of the personis foirsaidis, send charge to thame to returne, under the heighest pane of hir displeasour. [SN: THE ANSUER OF THE ERLL OF ERGYLE.] Bot thay ansuered, "That with saif conscience thay culd nocht be partakaris of so manifest tyrranny as by hir was committed, and of so great iniquitie as thay perceaved devised, by hir and hir ungodlie Counsale the Prelattis." This ansuer was gevin to hir the first day of Junij, and immediatlie the Erle of Ergyle and Lord James repaired toward Sanctandrois, and in thair jorney gaif advertisment, by wrytting, to the Laird of Dun, to the Laird of Pittarrow, to the Provest of Dundie,[814] and otheris, professouris in Anguss,[815] to visite thame in Sanctandrois the feird[816] of Junij, for Reformatioun to be maid thair. Whiche day thay keap, and broght in thair cumpany Johne Knox, who, the first day, after his cuming to Fyfe, did preache in Carraill, the nixt day in Anstruther, mynding the thrid day, whiche was the Sounday,[817] to preache in Sanctandrois. The Bischope, hearing of Reformatioun to be maid in his Cathedrall Churche, thoght tyme to sturr, or ellis never; and thairfoir assembled his collegis[818] and confederat fellowis, besydis his uther freindis, and came to the town upoun the Setterday at night, accumpanyed with a hundreth spearis, of mynd to have stopped Johne Knox to have preached. The two Lordis and gentilmen foirsaid war onlie accumpanyed with thair quyet housholdis, and thairfoir was the suddane cuming of the Bischope the more fearfull; for than was the Quene and hir Frenchmen departed from Sanct Johnestoun, and war lying in Falkland, within tuelf myles of Sanctandrois; and the town at that tyme had not gevin professioun of Christ, and thairfoir could nocht the Lordis be assured of thair freindschip. Consultatioun being had, many war of mynd that the preaching should be delayed for that day, and especiallie that Johne Knox should nocht preache; for that did the Bischope affirme that he wald nocht suffer, considdering that by his commandiment the picture of the said Johne was befoir brunt. [SN: THE BISCHOPE HIS GOOD MYNDE TOWARD JOHNE KNOX.] He willed, thairfoir, ane honest gentillman, Robert Colvile of Cleishe,[819] to say to the Lordis, "That in case Johne Knox presented him selff to the preaching place, in his town and principall Churche, he should gar him be saluted with a dosane of culveringis, quherof the most parte should lyght upoun his nose." After long deliberatioun had, the said Johne was called, that his awin judgement might be had. When many perswationis war maid that he should delay for that tyme, and great terrouris gevin in caise he should interpryse suche a thing, as it war in contempt of the Bischope. He ansuered, "God is witnes that I never preached Christ Jesus in contempt of any man, nather mynd I at any tyme to present my selff to that place, having ather respect to my awin privat commoditie, eyther yit to the warldlie hurt of any creature; but to delay to preache the morrow, (onless the bodie be violentlie withholdin,) I can nocht of conscience: for in this Town and Churche began God first to call me to the dignitie of a preacheour, from the whiche I was reft by the tyrranny of France, by procurement of the Bischopis, as ye all weall aneuch know: How long I continewed prisoneir, what torment I susteaned in the galaies, and what war the sobbes of my harte, is now no tyme to receat: This onelie I can nocht conceall, whiche mo than one have hard me say, when the body was far absent from Scotland, that my assured houp was, in oppin audience, to preache in Sanctandrois befoir I depairtod this lyeff. And thairfoir (said he,) My Lordis, seing that God, above the expectatioun of many, hath brocht the body to the same place whair first I was called to the office of a preacher, and from the whiche most injustlie I was removed, I beseak your Honouris nocht to stop me to present my selff unto my bretherin. And as for the fear of danger that may come to me, lett no man be solist; for my lyef is in the custody of Him whose glorie I seak; and thairfoir I can nocht so fear thair boast nor tyrranny, that I will cease from doing my dewetie, when of his mercie[820] He offereth the occasioun. I desyre the hand nor weapone of no man to defend me; onelie do I crave audience; whiche, yf it be denyed heir unto me at this tyme, I must seak farther whare I may haif it." [SN: THE REFORMATIOUN OF SANCTANDROIS.] At these his wordis,[821] the Lordis war fullie content that he should occupie the place; which he did upoun Sounday, the 10 [11th] of Junij, and did entreat of the ejectioun of the byaris and the sellaris furth of the Tempill of Jerusalem, as it is writtin in the Evangelistis Mathow and Johne; and so applyed the corruptioun that was thair[822] to the corruptioun that is in the Papistrie; and Christis fact, to the dewetie of those to whome God geveth power and zeall thairto; that alsweill the magistratis, the Provest and Bailies, as the communaltie for the most parte, within the town,[823] did aggree to remove all monumentis of idolatrie, whiche also thay did with expeditioun. [SN: COWPER MURE.] The Bischope advertisshed heirof, departed that same day to the Quene, who lay with hir Frenchmen, as said is, in Falkland. The hote furie of the Bischope did so kendill hir choler, (and yit the luif was verrie cold betuix thame,) that without farder delay, conclusioun was taikin to invaid Sanctandrois, and the two young Lordis foirsaidis,[824] who than war thare verrie sklendarlie accumpanyed. Postis war send from the Quene with all diligence to Cowper, distant onelie sex myles from Sanctandrois, to prepair ludgeingis and victuallis for the Quene and hir Frenchemen. Ludgeingis war sygned, and furiouris[825] war send befoir. Whiche thing understand, counsale was gevin to the Lordis to marche fordward, and to prevent thame befoir thay came to Cowper; whiche thay did, geving advertisment to all bretherin with possible expeditioun to repair towardis thame; whiche thay also did, with suche diligence, that in thair assemblie the wonderous wark of God myght have bene espyed: for when at nyght the Lordis came to Cowper, thay war nocht a hundreth horse, and a certane footmen, whom Lord James brocht fra the coast syde; and yit befoir the nixt day at 12 houris, (whiche was Tyisday, the 13 of Junij,) thair number passed three thowsand men, whiche by Godis providence came unto the Lordis; from Lowthiane, the Lairdis of Ormestoun, Calder, Haltoun, Restalrig, and Coilstoun,[826] who, albeit thay understood at thair depairting from thair awin houssis no suche truble, yit war thay by thair good counsale verrie confortable that day. The Lord Ruthven came from Sanct Johnestoun, with some horsmen with him. The Erle of Rothess, Schireff of Fyffe, came with a honest cumpany. The townis of Dundie and Sanctandrois declaired thame selffis boith stout and faithfull. Cowper, becaus it stoode in greatest danger, assisted with the hole force. Finallie, God did so multiplie our number, that it appeared as men had rayned from the cloodis. The ennemy understanding nothing of our force, assured thame selffis of victorie. Who had bene in Falkland the nicht befoir, mycht have sene embrasing and kyssing betuix the Quene, the Duke, and the Bischope. [SN: MAISTER GAVINE HAMMILTOUNIS VOW.] Bot Maister Gavine Hammiltoun, gapare for the Bischoprik of Sanctandrois, above all other was lovinglie embrased of the Quene; for he maid his solempne vow, "That he wald feght, and that he should never returne till he had brought those traytouris to hir Grace, eyther quick or dead." And thus, befoir midnyght, did thay send fordward thair ordinance; thame selffis did follow befoir three houris in the morning. The Lordis heirof advertised, assembilled thair cumpany airelie in the morning upoun Cowper Mure;[827] whare by the advise of Maister James Halyburtoun, Provest of Dundie, was chosen a place of ground convenient for our defence; for it was so chosen, that upoun all sydis our ordinance mycht have bett the ennemie, and yit we have stand in saiftie,[828] gif we had bene persewed, till we had cumed to hand straikis. The Lord Ruthven tuik the charge of the horsmen, and ordered thame so, that the ennemy was never permitted to espy our nomber: the day was dark, whiche helpit thairto. The enemy, (as befoir is said,) thinking to have fundin no resistance, after that thay had twyis or thryis practised with us, as that thay wald retyre, marched fordward with great expeditioun, and approched within a myle befoir that evir thair horsmen stayed; and yit thay keipit betuix us and them a wattir for thair strenth. It appeared to us that ather thay marched for Cowper or Sanctandrois; and thairfoir our horsmen in thare trowpe, and a parte of the footemen, with the ordinance,[829] marched somewhat alwayis befoir thame for safetie of the town: The Lordis, with the gentilmen of Fyffe, and sa many of Anguss and Mearnes as war present, keape thame selffis close in a knott, neye to the nomber of a thowsand speiris. The townis of Dundie and Sanctandrois war arrayed in ane uther battell, who come nocht to the sight of the ennemy, till that efter xij houris the mist began to evanish, and than passed some of thair horsmen to a montane, from the height whairof thay mycht discerne our nomber. Whiche perceaved by thame, thare horsmen and footemen stayed incontinent. Postis ran to the Duke and Monsieur Dosell, to declair our nomber, and what ordour we keaped; and than was mediatouris send to maik appointment. But thay war nocht suffered to approche neye to the Lordis, neyther yit to the view of our camp; whiche put thame in greatter fear. [SN: FIRST ANSWER AT COWPER MURE.] Answer was gevin unto thame, "That as we had offended no man, so wald we seak appointment of no man; bot yf any wald seak our lyves, (as we war informed thay did,) thay should find us, yf thay pleased to mak diligence." This answer receaved, war send agane the Lord Lyndesay and Laird of Wauchtoun,[830] who earnestlie requeasted us to concord, and that we wold nocht be the occasioun that innocent bloode should be sched. [SN: THE SECUND ANSUER.] We ansuered, "That nather had we querrall against any man nather yit sought we any manis bloode; onelie we war conveaned for defence of our awin lyves injustlie sought by uther." We added forther, "That yf thay culd find the meane that we and our bretherin myght be free from the tyrranny devised against us, that thay should reasonabillie desyre nothing whiche should be denyed for our parte." This ansuer receaved, the Duke and Monsieur Dosell, haveing commissioun of the Quene Regent, required that Assurance mycht be taikin for eight dayis, to the end that indifferent men in the meantyme micht commone upoun sum finall aggrement of those thingis whiche than war in controversie. Heirto did we fullie consent, albeit that in nomber and force we war far superiour; and for testificatioun heirof, we send unto thame our hand-writtis, and we lykewyis receaved thairis, with promess that within two or three dayis some discreat men should be send unto us, to Sanctandrois, with farther knawlege of the Quenis mynd. The tennour of the Assurance was this:-- THE ASSURANCE. "We, JAMES DUKE OF CHATTELLERAULT, Erle of Arrane, Lord Hammiltoun, &c., and MY LORD DOSELL, Lievtenant for the King in thir partis, for our selffis, our assistaris and partakeris, being presentlie with us in cumpany, be the tennour heirof promittis faithfullie of honour to My Lordis ARCHIBALD ERLE OF ERGYLE, and JAMES COMMENDATAR OF THE PRIORIE OF SANCTANDROIS, to thair assistaris and partakeris, being presentlie with thame in cumpany; That we, and our cumpany foirsaidis, shall reteir incontinent to Falkland, and shall, with diligence, transport the Frenchemen and our uther folkis now presentlie with us; and that na Frencheman, or other souldiouris of ouris, shall remane within the boundis of Fyffe, bot sa mony as befoir the raising of the last armye lay in Disart, Kirkcaldy, and Kinghorne, and the same to ly in the same places onelie, yf we shall think goode: And this to have effect for the space of eight dayis following the dait heirof _exclusive_, that in the meantyme certane Noble men, be the advise of the Quenis Grace, and rest of the Counsale, may conveane to talk of sick thingis as may maik goode ordour and quyetnes amongis the Quenis liegis. And further, we, nor nane of our assistaris, being present with us, shall invade, truble, or inquyet the saidis Lordis, nor thair assistaris, dureing the said space: And this we bind and obleise us, upoun our lautie, fidelitie, and honour, to observe and keape in everie point above writtin, but fraude or gyle. In witnes whairof we have subscrivit thir presentis with our handis. "At Garlabank,[831] the xiij daij of Junii 1559. [Signed] [Signed] _The uther subscriptioun we culd nocht read, bot the simile is this_,--[832] [Signed] And, this receaved, we departed first, becaus we war thairto requeasted be the Duke, and so we returned to Cowper, lawding and praising God for his mercie schewed; and thairefter everie man departed to his duelling place. The Lordis, and a great part of the gentilmen, passed to Sanctandrois, who thair abode certane dayis, still looking for those that war promessed to come frome the Quene, for appointment to be maid. Bot we perceaving hir craft and disceat, (for under that assurance sche ment nothing ellis, but to convey hir selff, hir ordinance, and Frenche men, over the wattir of Forth,) took consultatioun what should be done[833] for delivering of Sanct Johnestoun from these ungodlie soldiouris, and how our bretherin, exiled from thair awin housses, mycht be restored agane. [SN: THE DELIVERANCE OF SANCT JOHNESTOUN.] It was concluded, that the bretherin of Fyffe, Anguss, Mearnis, and Stratherin, should convene at Sanct Johnestoun, the 24 day of Junij for that purpoise; and in the meantyme, war these letteris writtin be the Erle of Ergyle and Lord James, to the Quene than Regent. [SN: LETTERIS TO THE QUENE REGENT.] "Madame,--Efter our hartlie commendationis of service, this shalbe to schaw your Grace, that upoun the 13 day of Junij, we war informed by thame that war communeris betuix my Lord Duke, Monsieur Dosell, and us, that we should have spoken irreverentlie of your Grace, whiche we beseik your Grace, for the trew service that we have maid, and ar reddy to maik at all tymes to your Grace; that of your goodnes ye will lat us knaw the sayeris thairof, and we shall do the dewetie of trew subjectis to defend our awin innocencie; as we tak God to witnes of the gud zeale and love we beir towardis yow, to serve yow with trew hartis and all that we have, alsweill landis as goodis, desyring na uther thing for our service bot the libertie of our conscience, to serve our Lord God as we will ansuer to him, whiche your Grace aucht and should geve to us frelie unrequired. Mairover, please your Grace, that my Lord Duik, and the Noble men being in Striveling for the tyme, be your Gracis avise, solisted us to pass to the Congregatioun convened at the town of Perth, to commoun of concord, whair we did our exact diligence, and brocht it to pas, as your Grace knawis. And thair is a point that we plane is nocht observed to us, whiche is, that na soldiour should remane in the town, after your Grace departing. And suppois it may be inferred, that it was spokin of Frenche soldiouris allanerlie, yit we tuik it utherwais, lyik as we do yit, that Scottishmen, or any uther natioun, takand the King of Francis waiges, ar repute and haldin Frenche soldiouris. Thairfoir, sen we of good will and mynde brocht that matter to your Gracis contentment, it will please your Grace, of your goodnes, to remove the soldiouris and thair Capitanes, with utheris that hes gottin charge of the town, that the same may be guyded and reulled frelie, as it was befoir, be the Baillies and Counsale, conforme to thair infeftmentis gevin to thame be the ancient and maist excellent Kingis of this realme, to elect and cheise thair officiaris at Michelmess, and thai to indure for the space of one yeir, conforme to the auld ryte and consuetude of this realme; whiche being done be your Grace, we traist the better success shall follow thairupoun to your Grace contentatioun,[834] as the bearar will declair at mair lenth to your Grace; whome God preserve." [SN: THE SUMMONING OF SANCT JOHNESTOUN.] To Sanct Johnestoun, with the Gentilmen befoir expressed, did conveane the Erle of Menteath,[835] the Lard of Glenurquhar,[836] and diverse utheris who befoir had nocht presented thame selffis for defence of thair bretherin. When the hole multitude was conveaned, a trumpet was send by the Lordis, commanding the Capitanes and thair bandis to avoid the town, and to leave it to the ancient libertie and just inhabitantis of the same; alsua commanding the Laird of Killfaunes,[837] insett Provest be the Quene, with the Capitanes foirsaidis, to cast up the portis of the town, and maik the same patent to all our Soveraneis liegis, to the effect, that alsweill trew religioun now aneis begun thairin may be maynteaned, and idolatrie utterlie suppressed; as alsua the said town mycht joise and brooke thair ancient lawis and liberteis unoppressed by men of wear, according to thair old privilegis granted to thame be the ancient Princes of this realme, and conforme to the provisioun conteaned in the Contract of Mariage maid be the Nobilitie and Parliament of this realme with the King of France, beirand, that nane of our aid lawis nor liberteis should be alterat: adding thairto, gif they folishlie resisted, and thairin happined to commit murther, that thay should be entreated as murtheraris. To the whiche thay ansuered prowdlie, "That thay wald keap and defend that town, according to thair promess maid to the Quene Regent." [SN: COMMUNING AT SANCT JOHNESTOUN.] This answer receaved, preparatioun was maid for the seage and assault; for amangis all it was concluded, that the town should be sett at libertie, to what dangeris soever thair bodyis should be exponed. Whill preparatioun was in making, came the Erle of Huntlie, the Lord Erskin, and Maister Johne Bannatyne, Justice Clerk,[838] requireing that the persute of the town should be delayed. To speak thame war appointed the Erle of Ergyle, Lord James, and Lord Ruthven, who, perceaving in thame nothing but a drift of tyme, without any assurance that the former wrangis should be redressed, gave unto thame schort and plane ansuer, "That thay wald nocht delay thair purpoise ane hour; and thairfoir willed thame to certifie the Capitanes in the town, that gif by pryde and foolishnes thay wald keape the town, and in so doing slay any of thair bretherin, that thay should everie one dye as murtheraris." The Erle of Huntlie displeased at this ansuer, departed, as hielie offended that he culd nocht dress suche appointment as should have contented the Queue and the Preastis. After thair departing, the town was agane summondit; bot the Capitanes, supposing that na suddane persute should be maid, and looking for releif to have bein send from the Quene, abode in thair former opinioun. And so upoun Setterday, the 25 [24th] of Junij, at ten houris at nycht, commanded the Lord Ruthven, who beseaged the west quarter, to schoote the first voley; whiche being done, the town of Dundie did the lyke, whose ordinance lay upoun the eist syde of the brig. The Capitanes and soldiouris within the town, perceaving that thai war unable long to resist, required assurance till xij houris upoun the morne, promessing, "That gif or that hour thair came unto thame na releaf frome the Quene Regent, that thay wald rander the town, providing that thay should be suffered to departe the town with ensenzie displayed." We, thrusting the bloode of no man, and seaking onlie the libertie of our bretherin, condiscended to thair desyris, albeit that we mycht have executed against thame jugement without mercie, for that thay had refused our former favouris, and had slane one of our bretherin, and hurt two in thair resistance;[839] and yit we suffered thame freelie to depart without any forther molestatioun. [SN: THE BISCHOPE OF MURRAY.] The Town being delivered from thare thraldome, upoun Sounday the 26 [25th] of Junij, thankis war gevin unto God for his great benefite receaved, and consultatioun was taikin what was forder to be done. In this meantyme, four[840] zealous men, considdering how obstinat, prowde, and dispitefull the Bischope of Murray[841] had bein befoir; how he had threatned the town be his soldiouris and freindis, who lay in Skune,[842] thought good that some ordour should be taikin with him and with that place, whiche lay neir to the town end. The Lordis wrait unto him, (for he lay[843] within two myles to Sanet Johnestoun,) "That oneles he wald cum and assist thame, thay nather culd spair nor save his place." He ansuered be his writing, "That he wold cum, and wold do as thay thoght expedient; that he wold assist thame with his force, and wald vote with thame against the rest of the Clargie in Parliament." Bot becaus this ansuer was slaw in cuming, the town of Dundie, partelie offended for the slauchter of thair man, and especiallie bearing no goode favour to the said Bischope, for that he was and is cheif ennemy to Christ Jesus, and that by his counsale alone was Walter Mylne our brother put to death, thay marched fordward. To stay thame was first send the Provest of Dundie, and his brother Alexander Halyburtoun, Capitane, who litill prevaling, was send unto thame Johne Knox; bot befoir his cuming, thay war entered to the pulling down of the ydollis and dortour. And albeit the said Maister James Halyburtoun, Alexander his brother, and the said Johne, did what in thame lay to have stayed the furie of the multitude, yit war thay nocht able to put ordour universalie; and tharfoir thay send for the Lordis, Erle of Ergyle, and Lord James, who, cuming with all diligence, laboured to have saved the Palace and the Kirk. [SN: THE DISTRUCTIOUN OF SCONE.] Bot becaus the multitude had fundin, bureid in the Kirk, a great number of idollis, hid of purpose to have preserved thame to a bettir day, (as the Papistis speak,) the townis of Dundie and Sanct Johnestoun culd nocht be satisfeit, till that the hole reparatioun and ornamentis of the Churche, (as thay terme it,) war distroyed. And yit did the Lordis so travell, that thay saved the Bischopis Palace, with the Churche and place, for that nicht: for the two Lordis did nocht depart till thay brocht with thame the hole nomber of those that most sought the Bischopis displesour. The Bischope, greatlie offended that any thing should have bein interprised in Reformatioun of his place, asked of the Lordis his band and hand-writting, whiche nocht two houris befoir he had send to thame. Whiche delivered to his messinger, Sir Adame Brown,[844] advertisment was gevin, that yf any farder displesour chanced unto him, that he should nocht blame thame. The Bischopis servandis, that same nycht, began to fortifie the place agane, and began to do violence to some that war careing away suche baggage as thay culd cum by. The Bischopis girnell was keapt the first nycht by the laubouris of Johne Knox, who, by exhortatioun, removed suche as violentlie wald have maid irruptioun. That same nycht departed from Sanct Johnestoun the Erle of Ergyle, and Lord James, as efter shalbe declaired. [SN: THE CAUS OF THE BURNING OF SCONE.] The morrow following, some of the poore, in houp of spoyle, and sum of Dundie, to considder what was done, passed up to the said Abbay of Scone; whairat the Bischopis servandis offended, began to threattene and speak proudlie: and, as it was constantlie affermed, one of the Bischopis sonis stogged throuch with a rapper one of Dundie, for becaus he was looking in at the girnell door. This brute[845] noysed abrode, the town of Dundie was more enraged than befoir, who, putting thame selffis in armour, send word to the inhabitants of Sanct Johnestoun, "That onles thay should supporte thame to avenge that injurie, that thai should never after that day concur with thame in any actioun." The multitud easelie inflambed, gave the alarme,[846] and so was that Abbay and Palace appointit to saccag; in doing whairof thay took no lang deliberatioun, bot committed the hole to the merciment of fyre; wharat no small nomber of us war offended, that patientlie we culd nocht speak till any that war of Dundie or Sanct Johnestoun. [SN: SPEAKING OF ANE ANCIENT MATRONE WHEN SCONE WAS BURNING.] A poore aged matrone, seing the flambe of fyre pas up samichtelie, and perceaving that many war thairat offended, in plane and sober maner of speaking, said, "Now I see and understand that Goddis judgementis ar just, and that no man is able to save whare he will punische. Since my remembrance, this place hath bein nothing ellis bot a den of hooremongaris. It is incredible to beleve how many wyffes hath bein adulterat, and virginis deflored, by the filthie beastis whiche hath bein fostered in this den; bot especiallie by that wicked man who is called the Bischope. Yf all men knew alsmuche as I, thay wald praise God; and no man wald be offended." This woman duelt into the toun, neye unto the Abbay; at whose wordis war many pacifeid; affirming with hir, that it was Goddis just judgement. And assuredlie, yf the laubouris or travell of any man culd have saved that place, it had nocht bein at that tyme destroyed;[847] for men of greattest estimatioun lawboured with all diligence for the savetie of it. [SN: THE TAKING OF STRIVILING.] Whill these thingis war done at Sanct Johnestoun, the Quene, fearing what should follow, determinat to send certane bandis of Frenche soldiouris to Striveling, for purpose to stop the passage to us that than war upoun the north syde of Forth. Whiche understand, the Erle of Ergyle and Lord James departed secreatlie upoun the nycht, and with great expeditioun, preventing the Frenchemen, thay took the town, (befoir whose cuming the rascheall multitude put handis in the thevis, I should say, frearis places and utterlie distroyed thame;) wharat the Quene and hir factioun nocht a litill affrayed, with all diligence departed from Edinburgh to Dumbar. And so we with reasonable diligence merched fordwart to Edinburgh, for Reformatioun to be maid thair, whare we arrived the 29 of Junij. [SN: LORD SEYTOUN.] The Provest for that tyme, the Lord Seytoun, a man without God, without honestie, and oftentymes without reasone, had befoir greatlie trubled and molested the bretherin; for he had taikin upoun him the protectioun and defence of the Blak and Gray Frearis; and for that purpose did nocht onelie lye him self in the one everie nicht, bot also constraned the most honest of the town to wache those monstouris, to thair great greaf and truble. [SN: THE CUMING OF THE CONGREGATIOUN TO EDINBURGH.] Bot hearing of our suddane cuming, he abandoned his charge, and had left the spoile to the poore, who had maid havock of all suche thingis as was movable in those placis befoir our cuming, and had left nothing bot bair wallis, yea, nocht sa muche as door or windok; wharthrow we war the less trubilled in putting ordour to suche places. After that certane dayis we had deliberat what was to be done, and that ordour was tackin for suppressing of all monumentis of idolatrie within that town, and the places nixt adjacent, determinatioun was taikin, to send some message[848] to the Quene, than Regent; for sche had bruted, (as hir accustomed maner was, and yit hir Dochteris is, ever to forge lyes,) that we sought nothing bot hir lyef, and a plane revoltment from the lawfull obedience dew to our Soverane, hir authoritie, as by the tennour of these Letteris may be sene:-- "FRANCES AND MARIE, be the Grace of God, King and Quene of Scottis, Daulphine and Daulphines of Viennois, to our lovittis, Lyoun King of Armes, &c., our Schireffis in that parte, conjunctlie and severallie, specialie constitute, greting: For sa mekle as our darrest moder Marie, Quene Dowager, Regent of our Realme, and Lordis of our Secreat Counsale, perceaving the seditious tumult rased be ane parte of our liegis, nameing thame selffis THE CONGREGATIOUN, who, under pretense of religioun, have putt thame selffis in armes;[849] and that hir Grace, for satisfeing of everie manis conscience, and pacifeing of the saidis trubles, had offerred unto thame to affix ane Parliament to be haldin in Januare nixt to cum, (this was a manyfest leye, for this was nether offerred, nor by hir ancis thought upoun, till we required it,) or sonnar, gyf thay had pleased, for establissing of ane universall ordour in matteris of religioun, be our advise and Estatis of our Realme;[850] and, in the meantyme, to suffer everie man to leaf at libertie of conscience, without truble, unto the tyme the said ordour war tackin be advise of our foirsaid [Estates.[851]] And at last, becaus it appeared mekle to stand upoun our burght of Edinburght, offerred in lyke maner to latt the inhabitants thairof chease what maner of religioun thai wald sett up and use for that tyme; swa that na man mycht alledge that he was forsed to do against his conscience: Quhilk offer the Quenis Grace, our said darrest Moder, was at all tymes, and yit is, ready to fulfill. Nochttheles, the said Congregatioun being of mynd to receave no reasonable offerris, hes sensyne, by oppin dead, declaired, that it is na religioun, nor any thing thairto perteaning, that thai seak, bot onelie the subversioun of our authoritie, and usurpatioun of our Crown; in manifest witnessing whairof, thay daylie receave Inglismen with messagis unto thame, and sendis siclyk in Ingland; and last of all, have violentlie intrometted with, taikin, and yit withhaldis the irnis of our Cunzee hous,[852] quhilk is ane of the cheife pointis that concernis our Crown; and siclyke lies intrometted with our Palice of Halirudhouse. Oure will is heirfoir, &c., that ye pas to the Mercat Croce of our said burght of Edinburght, or any uther publict place within the same, and thair, be oppin proclamatioun in our name and authoritie, command and charge all and sindrie personis of the said Congregatioun, or yit being presentlie within our said burght other than the inhabitantis thairof, that thay, within sex houris nixt efter our said charge, depart furth of the same under the pane of treasone; and als, that ye command and charge all and sindrie personis to leave thair cumpany, and adhear to our authoritie; with certificatioun to suche as do the contrare, shalbe repute and haldin as manifest traytouris to our Crowne, &c." These letteris did nocht a litill greave us, who most injustlie war accused; for thare is never a sentence of the narrative trew, except that we stayed the irnes, and that for most just causses, to witt, because that daylie thair was suche nomber of Hard-headis printed,[853] that the basenes thairof maid all thingis exceiding dear; and thairfoir we war counsaled by the wysest to stay the irnes,[854] whill farther ordour mycht be tackin. Sche, with all possible diligence, posted for hir factioun. Maister James Balfour was nocht ydill in the meantyme. The Lordis, to purge thame of these odious crymes, wrait unto hir a letter, in forme as efter followeth:-- [SN: THE THRID LETTER TO THE QUENE REGENT.] "Pleas your Grace, be advertist, it is cum to our knowlcge, that your Grace hath sett furth, be your letteris openelie proclamed that we, called by name THE CONGREGATIOUN, under pretence and colour of religioun, convene togidder to na uther purpose bot to usurpe our Soveraneis authoritie, and to invaid your persone representand thairis at this present: Quhilkis thingis appeiris to have proceidit of sinister informatioun, maid to your Grace be our ennemeis, considdering that we never mynded sic thing, bot onelie our mynd and purpose was and is to promote and sett furth the glorie of God, maynteane and defend the trew preacharis of his word; and according to the same, abolish and put away idolatrie and false abuses, whiche may nocht stand with the said word of God: Beseaking your Grace to bear patientlie thairwith, and interpone your authoritie to the furtherance of the same, as is the dewetie of everie Christiane Prince and good magistrat. For as to the obedience of our Soveraneis authoritie in all civile and politick matteris, we ar and shalbe als obedient as ony uther your Gracis subjectis within the realme; and that our Conventioun is for na uther purpose bot to save our preacheouris and thair auditouris fra the injurie and violence of our enymeis, quhilk should be mair amplie declaired be some of us in your Gracis presence, yf yow war nocht accumpanyed with such as hes persewit our lyves and sought our bloode. Thus, we pray Almyghtie God to have your Hienes in his eternall tuitioun. "At Edinburght, the secund of Julij 1559." And for farther purgatioun heirof, it was thocht necessar that we should sempillie expone, alsweill to hir Grace as to the hole people, what war our requeastis and just petitionis. And for that purpoise, after that salf conduct was purchessed and granted, we directed unto hir two grave men of our counsale, to witt, the Lardis of Pittarrow and Cuninghamheid,[855] to whame we gaif commissioun and power, First, To expone our hole purpose and intent, whiche was none other than befoir at all tymes we had required, to witt, That we mycht injoy the libertie of conscience. Secundlie, [That] Christ Jesus mycht be trewlie preached, and his holie Sacramentis rychtlie ministrat unto us. [Thirdly,] That unable ministeris micht be removed from ecclesiasticall administratioun; and that our preacheouris mycht be relaxit from the horne, and permitted to execut thair chargis without molestatioun, unto such tyme as ather by a Generall Counsale, lauchfullie convened, or by a Parliament within the realme, the contraverseis in religioun wer decided. And, for declaratioun that hir Grace was heirto willing, that the bandis[856] of Frenche men, who than war a burthein untollerable to the cuntrey, and to us so fearfull, that we durst nocht in peaciable and quiet maner hant the places whare thay did lye, should be send to France, thair native cuntrey: Whiche thing is granted, hir Grace should have experience of our accustomed obedience. [SN: THE CRAFTYNES OF THE QUENE REGENT MAY YIT BE ESPYED.] To these headis sche did answer at the first so plesandlie, that sche put boith our Commissioneris in full esperance that all should be granted; and for that purpose, sche desyred to speak with sum of greatter authoritie, promesing, that yf thay wald assure hir of thair detfull[857] obedience, that sche wald deny nothing of that whiche was required. For satisfactioun of hir mynd, we send agane the Erle of Glencarne, the Lord Ruthven, the Lord Uchiltrie, and the said Lard of Pittarrow, with the same commissioun as of befoir. Bot than sche began to handill the matter more craftelie, compleaning that sche was nocht sought in a gentill maner; and that thay in whome sche had put maist singular confidence, had left hir in hir greattest neid; and suche uther thingis, perteaning nothing to thair commissioun, proponed sche, to spend and dryve the tyme. Thai answered, "That, by injust tyranny devised aganis thame and thair bretherin, (as hir Grace did weill know,) thay war compelled to seak the extreme remedie; and thairfoir, that hir Grace aucht nocht to wonder thocht godlie men left the cumpany whare thai nether fand fidelitie nor treuth." In the end of this communing, whiche was the xij day of Julij 1559, sche desyred to have talked privelie with the Erle of Ergyle, and Lord James, Priour of Sanctandrois, "For ellis, (as sche alledged,) sche culd nocht bot suspect that thai pretendit to some uther hiear purpose nor religioun." [SN: ACCUSATIONIS.] Sche and hir craftie Counsale had abuesd the Duke, perswaiding unto him, and unto his freindis, that the saidis Erle and Priour had conspyred, first to deprive our Soverane hir dochter of hir authoritie, and thairefter the Duke and his successioun of thair titill to the Crown of Scotland. By these invented lyes, sche inflambed the hartis of many against us, in so muche that some of our awin number began to murmur; whiche perceaved, alsweall the preacheouris, in thair publict sermonis, as we our selffis, by our publict proclamationis, gave purgatioun and satisfactioun to the people, planelie and simplie declairing what was our purpose, tacking God to witnes, that no suche crymes ever entered in our hartis as most injustlie was layed to our charge. The Counsale, efter consultatioun, thocht nocht expedient that the saidis Erle and Priour should talk with the Quene in ony sort; for hir former practises put all men in suspitioun, that some deceat lurked under suche colorat commoning. Sche had befoir said, That yf sche culd by any meane sunder those two from the rest, sche was assured schortlie to cum by hir hole purpose; and one of hir cheaf Counsale in those dayis, (and we fear bot over inward with hir yit,) said, "That or Michelmess day, thay two should leaf thair headis;" and thairfoir all men feared to committ two suche young plantis to hir mercie and fidelitie. It was, thairfoir, finallie denyed that thai should talk [with] the Quene, or ony to hir apperteaning, bot in places void of all suspitioun, whare thay should be equall in nomber with those that should talk [with] thame. [SN: THE COMMUNING AT PRESTON.] The Quene perceaving that hir craft culd nocht prevaill, was content that the Duke's Grace and the Erle of Huntlie, with utheris by hir appointed, should convene at Prestoun, to commone [with] the saidis Erle and Priour, and suche utheris as the Lordis of the Congregatioun wald appoint, to the nomber of ane hundreth on the syde, of the whiche nomber aucht personis onelie should meit for conference. The principallis for thair partie war, the Duke, the Erle Huntlie, the Lordis Erskin and Somervell, Maister Gavine Hammiltoun, and the Justice Clerk.[858] From us war directed the Erlis of Ergyle and Glencarne, the Lordis Ruthven, Lord James, Boyd, and Uchiltrie, the Lairdis Dun and Pittarrow, who, conveaning at Prestoun, spak the hole day without any certane conclusioun: For this was the practise of the Quene, and of hir factioun, by dryft of tyme to weary our cumpany, who, for the most parte, had bein upoun the feildis from the tent day of Maij, that we being dispersed, sche mycht cum to hir purpose. In whiche sche was nocht altogidder deceaved; for our commonis war compelled to skaill for lack of expenssis, and our gentilmen, partelie constraned be lack of furnessing, and partlie houping sum small appointment, after so many communingis, returned for the most parte to thair duelling places, for reposing of thame selffis. [SN: THE DEMAND OF QUENE REGENT, AND ANSWER OF THE PROTESTANTIS.] The Quene, in all these conventionis, seamed that sche wald geve libertie to religioun, provided, "That wharesoever sche was, our Preacheouris sould cease, and the Masse sould be maynteaned." We perceaving hir malitious craft, ansuered, "That as we wald compell hir Grace to no religioun, so could we nocht of conscience, for the pleasur of any earthlie creature, put silence to Godis trew messingeris; nather culd we suffer that the rycht administratioun of Christis trew sacramentis should gif place to manifest idolatrie; for in so doing, we should declair ourselffis ennemeis to God, to Christ Jesus his Sone, to his eternall veritie, and to the libertie and establishment of his Churche within this realme; for your requeist being granted, there can no Kirk within the same be so estableshit but at your pleasour, and by your residence and remaning thare ye myeht overthrow the samin." [SN: THE LAST OFFERIS OF THE PROTESTANTIS TO THE QUENE REGENT.] This our last answer we send unto hir with the Lord Ruthven and Laird of Pittarrow; requiring of hir Grace, in plane wordis, to signifie unto us what houpe we myeht have of hir favouris toward the outsetting of religioun. We also required that sche wald remove hir Frenchemen, who war a fear to us, and a burthein most grevouse to our cuntrey: And that sche wald promess to us, in the word of a Prince, that sche wald procure no mo to be send in; and than should we nocht onelie support, to the uttermost of our poweris, to furnish schippis and victuallis for thair transporting, bot also, upoun our honouris, should we tak hir body in our protectioun; and should promess, in the presence of God and the hole realme, to serve our Soverane hir Dochter, and hir Grace Regent, als faithfullie and als obedientlie as ever we did Kingis within Scotland: That, moreover, we should caus our Preacheouris geve reasone of thair doctrin in hir audience, till any that pleased till impugne any thing that thay did or taught: Finallie, that we should submit our selflis to a lauchtfull Parliament, provided that the Bischoppis, as the party accused, and our plane ennemeis, should be removed from judgement. [SN: THE SCOFFING OF THE QUENE REGENT.] To no point wald sche answer directlie; bot in all thingis sche was so generall and so ambigua, that hir craft appeared to all men. Sche had gottin assured knowlege that our cumpany was skailled, (for hir Frenchemen war daylie amongis us, without molestatioun or hurt done unto thame,) and thairfoir sche began to discloise hir mynde, and said, "The Congregatioun hes roung these two monethis bypast: me my selff wald ring now other two." The malice of hir hart being planelie perceaved, deliberatioun was had what was to be done. It was concluded, that the Lordis, Barronis, and gentilmen, with thare substantious housholdis, should remane in Edinburgh that hole winter, for establissing of the Church[859] thair. [SN: THE CAUS QUHY THE IRNES STAYED.] And becaus it was found, that by the corrupting of our money, the Quene maid to hir selff immoderat gaines for maynteaning of hir soldiouris, to the distructioun of our haill commone weill, it was thocht necessar[860] that the printing irnes, and all thingis to thame perteaning, should be stayed, for fear that sche should privelie caus transport thame to Dumbar. [SN: THE DEATH OF HARY, KING OF FRANCE.] In this meantyme came the assured word, first, that the King of France was hurt, and after, that he was dead[861] whiche, albeit it aucht to have put hir in mynd of hir awin estait and wicked interprise: for he that same tyme, in the fulnes of his glorie, (as sche hir self useth to speak,) had determined most crewell persecutioun aganis the sanctis of God in France, evin as sche hir selff was heir persecutand in Scotland: and yit he so perished in his pryde, that all men mycht see that Godis just vengeance did stryke him, evin quhen his iniquitie was cumed to full rypenes. Albeit, (we say,) that this wonderouse wark of God in his suddane death, aucht to have dantoned hir furie, and gevin unto hir admonitioun, that the same God culd nocht suffer her obstinat malice against his treuth long to be unpunished; yit culd hir indurat hart nothing be moved to repentance: for hearing the staying of the printing irnes, sche raiged more outragiouslie than of befoir, and sending for all suche as wer of hir factioun, exponed hir grevous complaint, aggredging the same with many lyes, to wit, "That we had declaired that whiche befoir sche suspected; for what culd we meane ellis, bot usurpatioun of the Crown, when we durst put handis to the Cunze-hous, whiche was a portioun of the patrimony of the Crown." Sche farther alleged, "That we had spoyled the Cunze-house of great sowmes of money." To the whiche we ansuered, boith by our letteris send to hir, and hir Counsale, and by publict proclamatioun to the people, that we, without usurpatioun of any thing justlie perteaning to the Crown of Scotland, did stay the printing irnes, in consideratioun that the commone wealth was greatlie hurt by corrupting of our money; and becaus that we war borne counsalouris of this realme, sworne to procure the proffite of the same, we culd do no less of dewetie and of conscience than to stay that for a tyme, whiche we saw so abused, that oneles remedy war fundin, should turne to the detriment of the hole body of this realme. And as to hir fals accusatioun of spuilzie, we did remit us to the conscience of Maister Robert Richesone[862], Maister of the Cunze-hous, who from our handis receaved silver, gold, and mettall, alsweill cunzeit as uncunzeit; so that with us thair did nocht remane the valour of a bawbie.[863] This our declaratioun and purgatioun nochtwithstanding, sche, partelie by hir craft and policie, and partelie by the lawbouris of the Bischopis of Sanctandrois and Glasgw; procured the hole nomber that war with hir to consent to persew us with all creweltie and expeditioun, befoir that we culd haif our cumpany (whiche than was dispersed for new furnessing) assembled agane. The certantie heirof cuming to our knawlege, the Setterday at nycht, the 25. [22d] of Julij, we did in what us lay to gif advertisment to our bretherin; bot impossible it was that those of the West, Anguss, Mearnis, Stratherin, or Fyeff, in any nomber culd come to us; for the ennemie marched from Dumbar upoun the Sounday, and approched within two myles of us befoir the sone-rysing upoun Monunday; for thay verrelie supposed to have found no resistance, being assured that the Lordis onelie with certane gentillmen remaned, with thair privat housses. Calling upoun God for counsale in that straytt, we soght what was the nixt defence. We mycht have left the town, and mycht have reteired our selffis without any danger; bot than we should have abandoned our bretherin of Edinburgh, and suffered the ministrie thairof to have decayed, whiche to our hartis was so dolorous, that we thocht better to hasard the extreamitie than so to do. For than the most parte of the town appeared rather to favour us than the Quenis factioun; and did offer unto us the uttermost of thair support, whiche for the most parte thay did faithfullie keap. [SN: LEYTH LEFT THE CONGREGATIOUN.] The same did the town of Leyth, bot thay keapit nocht the lyek fidelitie; for when we war upoun the feild, marching fordward for thair support, (for the Frenche marched neye to thame,) thai randered thame selffis, without ferther resistance. And this thay did, as was supposed, by the treasone of some within thame selffis, and by the perswasioun of the Lard of Restalrig,[864] who of befoir declaired himselff to have bein one of us, and nochtwithstanding,[865] that day randered him selff undesyred to Monsieur Dosell. Thair unprovided and suddane defectioun astonished many; and yit we retyred quyetlie to the syde of Cragingatt,[866] which place we tooke for resisting the ennemie. In the meantyme, diverse mediatouris passed betuix, amongis whome the Lord Ruthven, for our parte, wes principall. Alexander Erskin[867] did muche travell to stay us and our soldiouris, that we should nocht joyne with thame of Leyth, till that thay, as said is, had randered thame selffis to the Frenche. The said Alexander did oft promese, That the Frenche wald stay, provided that we wold nocht joyne with these of Leyth. Bot efter that thai war randerit, we hard nothing of him bot threatning and disconfortable wordis. Befoir it was eight houris in the morning, God had gevin unto us boith curage, and a reasonable nomber to withstand thair furie. The town of Edinburght, sa mony as had subject thame selffis to discipline, and diverse utheris besydis thame, behavit thame selffis boith faithfullie and stoutlie. The gentilmen of Lowthiane, especiall Caldar, Haltoun, and Ormestoun, war verrey confortable, alsweill for thair counsale as for thair hole assistance. Some gentilmen of Fiffe prevented the Frenche men; otheris war stopped, be reasone that the Frenche had possessed[868] Leyth. Alwais the ennemie tooke suche a fear, that thai determined nocht to invaid us whare we stoode, bot tooke purpose to have passed to Edinburgh, by the other syde of the Watter of Leyth, and that becaus thay had the Castell to thair freind, whiche was to us unknawin; for we supponed the Lord Erskin, Capitane of the same, ather to have bein our freind, or at the least to have bein indifferent. [SN: THE LORD ERSKIN AND HIS FACT.] Bot when we had determined to feght, he send word to the Erle of Ergyle, to Lord James, his sister sone,[869] and to the uther Noble men,[870] that he wald declair him selff boith ennemie to thame and to the town, and wald schoote at boith, gif thay maid any resistance to the Frenche men to enter in the town. This his treasonable defyence, send unto us by the Lard of Ricartoun,[871] did abait the corage of many; for we culd nocht feght nor stop the ennemie, bot under the mercie of the Castell and hole ordinance thairof. Heirupoun was consultatioun tackin; and in conclusioun, it was found less domage to tak ane Appointment, albeit the conditionis war nocht suche as we desyred, than to hasard battall betuix two suche ennemeis. After lang talkin, certane Headis war drawin by us, whiche we desyred to be granted:-- "First, That no member of the Congregatioun should be trubled in lief, landis, goodis, or possessionis by the Quene, hir Authoritie, nor any uther Justice within the realme, for any thing done in the lait innovatioun, till a Parliament (whiche should begin the tent of Januar nixt) had decyded thingis in contraversie. "2. That idolatrie should nocht be erected, whare it was at that day suppressed. "3. That the preacheouris and ministeris should nocht be trubled in thair ministrie, whare thai war alreadie establessed, nather yit stopped to preache, wharesoever thai should chance to come. "4. That no bandis of men of warr should be layed in garneshing within the town of Edinburght. "5. That the Frenche men should be send away at a reasonable day, and that none uther should be broght in the cuntrey without consent of the haill Nobilitie and Parliament." But these our Articles[872] war altered, and ane uther forme disposeth, as efter followeth:[873]-- "AT THE LYNKIS OF LEITH, THE 24. OF JULIJ 1559, IT IS APPOINTED IN MANER FOLLOWING:-- "In the first, the Congregatioun and thair cumpany, utheris than the inhabitants of the said Town, shall remove thame selffis furth of the said town, the morne at ten houris befoir none, the 25. of Julij, and leaf the same void and red of thame and thair said cumpany, conforme to the Quenis Grace pleasour and desyre. "_Item_, The said Congregatioun shall caus the irnes of the Cunze-hous,[874] tacken away be thame, be randered and delivered to Maister Robert Richardsone; and in lykewyis the Quenis Grace Palace[875] of Halirudhous to be left and randered agane to Maister Johne Balfour, or ony uther haveand hir Grace sufficient power, in the same maner as it was receaved, and that betuix the making of thir Articles and the morne at ten houris.--(For observing and keaping of thir tua Articles abovewrittin, the Lord Ruthven and the Lard of Pittarrow hes entered thame selffis pledges.) "_Item_, The saidis Lordis of Congregatioun, and all the memberis thairof, shall remane obedient subjectis to our Soverane Lord and Ladyis authoritie, and to the Quenis Grace Regent in thair place; and shall obey all lawis and lovable consuetudis of this realme, as thai war used of befoir the moving of this tumult and contraversie, exceptand the caus of religioun, whiche shalbe heirafter specifeid. [SN: IN CONTEMPLATIOUN OF THESE ARTICLES AROSE THIS PROVERB:--"GUD DAY, SIR JOHNE, WHILL JANUAR. "WELCUM, SIR JOHNE, QUHILL JANUAR", &c.] "_Item_, The said Congregatioun, nor nane of thame, shall nocht truble nor molest a Kirk-man be way of dead, nor yit shall maik thame any impediment in the peaciable bruiking, joising, and uptaking of thair rentis, proffittis, and deweties of thair benefices, bot that thai may frelie use and dispone upoun the same, according to the lawis and consuetude of this realme, to the tent day of Januar nixt to cum. "_Item_, The said Congregatioun, nor nane of thame, shall in no wayis from thynefurth use ony force or violence, in casting down of kirkis, religious placis, or reparrelling thairof, bot the same sall stand skaithles of thame, unto the said tent day of Januar. "_Item_, The town of Edinburght shall, without compulsioun, use and cheise what religioun and maner thairof thay please to the said day; sua that everie man may have fredome to use his awin conscience to the day foirsaid. "_Item_, The Quenis Grace sall nocht interpone hir authoritie, to molest or truble the preacheouris of the Congregatioun, nor thair ministrie, (to thame that pleasis to use the same,) nor na uther of the said Congregatioun, in thair bodyis, landis, goodis, or possessionis, pensionis, or whatsumever uther kynd of goodis thai possess; nor yit thoill the Clargie, or any uther haveand spirituall or temporall jurisdictioun, to truble thame, in ony maner of sort, privatlie or openelie, for the caus of religioun, or uther actioun depending thairupoun, to the said tent day of Januar within writtin; and that everie man in particular leife in the meantyme according to his awin conscience. "_Item_, That na man of warr, Frenche nor Scottis, be layed in daylie garnesoun within the town of Edinburght, bot to repair thairto to do thair lefull besynes, and thairefter to reteir thame to thare garnesounis."[876] This alteratioun in wordis and ordour was maid without knowledge and consent of those whose counsale we had used in all cases befoir. For sum of thame perceaving we began to faynt, and that we wald appoint with inequall conditionis, said, "God hath wonderfullie assisted us in our greatest dangeris: He hath strikin fear in the hartis of our ennemeis, when thai supposed thame selffis most assured of victorie: our case is nocht yit sa disperat that we nead to grant to thingis unreasonable and ungodlie; whiche, yf we do, it is to be feared that thingis sall nocht so prosperouslie succeid as thai have done heirtofoir." [SN: THE PROMESE OF THE DUKE AND ERLE OF HUNTLIE.] When all thingis war commoned and aggreed upoun by myd personis, the Duke and Erle of Huntlie, who that day war against us, desyred to speak the Erlis of Ergyle and Glencarne, the Lord James, and utheris of our partie: who obeying thare requeastis, mett thame at the Querrell Hollis,[877] betuix Leyth and Edinburght, who in conclusioun promest to our Lordis, "That yf the Quene breake to us any one joyt of the Appointment than maid, that thai should declair thame selffis plane ennemeis unto hir, and freindis to us." Alsmuche promeshed the Duke that he wold do, in case that sche wald nocht remove hir Frenche men at are reasonable day; for the oppressioun whiche thai did was manifest to all men. This Appointment maid and subscrived by the Duke, Monsieur Dosell, and the Erle of Huntlie, the 25. of Julij, we returned to the town of Edinburght, whare we remanit till the nixt day at none; when, efter sermone, dennar, and a proclamatioun maid at the Mercat Croce in forme as followeth, we departed. FORME OF THE PROCLAMATIOUN. "Forasmuche as it hath pleased God, that Appointment is maid betuix the Quene Regent and us the Lordis, hole[878] Protestantis of this Realme, we have thocht good to signifie unto yow the cheafe Headis of the same, whiche be these:-- "1. First, That no member of the Congregatioun shalbe trubled in lief, landis, goodis, or possessionis, by the Quene, by hir Authoritie, nor by any uther Justice within this realme, for any thing done in this lait innovatioun, till that a Parliament hath decyded thingis that be in contraversie. "2. That idolatrie shall nocht be erected, whare it is now at this day suppressed. "3. That the preachearis and ministeris shall nocht be trubled in the ministratioun, whare thai ar already established, nather yit stopped to preache whairsoevir thai shall happin to travaill within this realme. "4. That no bandis of men of warr shalbe layed in garnesoun within the town of Edinburght. "These cheafe headis of Appointment concerning the libertie of religioun and conservatioun of our bretherin, we thoght goode to notifie unto yow, by this our Proclamatioun, that in case wrong or injurie be done, by any of the contrarie factioun, to any member of our body, complaint may be maid to us, to whome we promese, as we will ansuer to God, our faitlifull support to the uttermost of our poweris." [SN: ANSUER TO THE COMPLAYNT OF THE PAPISTIS.] At this proclamatioun, maid with sound of trumpett, war offended all the Papistis: for, first, Thai alledged it was done in contempt of the Authoritie: secundarlie, That we had proclamed more than was conteaned in the Appointment: and last, That we, in our proclamatioun, had maid no mentioun of any thing promished unto thame. To suche mummeris[879] we answered, "That no just Authoritie culd think the selff contempned, becaus that the treuth was by us maid manifest unto all, who utherwayis mycht have pretendit ignorance. Secundlie, That we proclamed nathing, whiche [was] nocht finallie aggreit upoun in word and promeiss betuix us and thame with quhame the Appointment was maid, whatsoevir thair scribeis had efter writtin, quha in verray deid had alterit, bayth in wordis and sentenceis, oure Articles, as thay war first consavit; and yitt, gif thair awin writtingis war diligentlie examinit, the self same thing sall be found in substance. And last, To proclame any thing in thair favouris, we thocht it nocht necessarie, knawing that in that behalf thay thame selfis sould be diligent aneweh." And in this we war not desavit; for within fyftene dayis efter, thair was not ane schaveling in Scotland, to wham teyndis, or any uthor rentis pertenit, bot he had that Article of the Appointment by hart, "That the Kirk men sould be ansuerit of teyndis, rentis, and all uthir dewties, and that no man sould trubill nor molest thame." We depairting from Edinburgh, the 26. of Julij, came first to Lynlythqw, and efter to Striviling; whair, efter consultatioun, the band of defence, and mentenance of religioun, and for mutuall defence, evere ane of uther, was subscrivit of all that war thair present. The tennour of the Band was this:-- "We foirseing the craft and slycht of our adversaries, tending all maner of wayis to circumvene us, and be prevy meanis intendis to assailzie everie ane of us particularie be fair hechtis and promisses, thairthrow to separat ane of us frome ane uthir, to oure utter rewyne and destructioun: for remedy heirof, we faythfullie and trewlie byndis us, in the presence of God, and as we tender the mentenance of trew Religioun, that nane of us sall in tymeis cuming pas to the Queneis Grace Dowriare, to talk or commun with hir for any letter [or] message send be hir unto us, or yitt to be send, without consent of the rest, and commone consultatioun thairupoun. And quhowsone that ather message or writt sall cum fra hir unto us, with utter diligence we sall notifie the same ane to ane uther; swa that nathing sall proceid heirin without commune consent of us all. "At Striveling, the first day of August 1559." This Band subscrivit, and we foirseing that the Quene and Bischopis menit nathing bot desait, thocht guid to seik ayde and support of all Christiane Princeis against hir and hir tyrrannie, in caise we sould be mair schairplie persewit. And becaus that Ingland was of the same religioun, and lay nixt unto us, it was jugeit expedient first to prove thame; quhilk we did be ane or twa messingeris, as heirefter,[880] in the awin place, mair ampill sall be declairit. Efter we had abiddin certane dayis in Striviling, the Erle of Argyle depairtit to Glasgw; and becaus he was to depairt to his awin cuntrey, (with wham also past Lord James,) to pacifie sum trubill quhilk, be the craft of the Quene, was rasit in his absens, he requyreit the Erle of Glencairne, Lord Boyde, Lord Uchiltre, and utheris of Kyle, to meit thair, for sum ordoure to be taikin, that the brethren sould not be oppressit; quhilk with ane consent thay did, and appoyntit the tent of September for the nixt Conventioun at Striveling. [SN: THE FIRST KNAWLEGE OF THE ESCHAIPING OF THE ERLE OF ARRANE OUT OF FRANCE.] Quhill thir thingis war in doing at Glasgw, letteris and ane servand came fra the Erle of Arraine[881] to the Duik his father, signifeing unto him, that be the providence of God, he had eschaipit the Frensche Kyngis handis, quha maist treason abillie and maist crewellie had socht his lyfe, or at leist to have committit him to perpetuall presoun: [SN: LET THIS BE NOTIT.] for the same tyme, the said Frensche King, seing he could [not] have the Erle him self, gart put his youngar brother,[882] ane bairne of sick aige as could not offend, in strait presoun, quhair he yitt remaneis, to witt, in the moneth of October, the yeir of God J^m. V^c. lix yeiris: quhilk thingis war done be the craft and policie of the Quene Dowager, quhat tyme the Duik and his freyndis war maist frack to sett fordwart hir caus. Thir letteris resavit, and the estait of his twa soneis knawin, of whame the ane was escaipit, and the uthir in vyle preassoun cassin,[883] the Duke desyreit communing of the Erle of Argyle, quha, pairtlie against the will of sum that lovit him, raid unto the Duik fra Grlasgw to Hammiltoun; quhair, abyding ane nycht, he declairit his jugement to the Duik and to his freindis, especiallie to Maister Gawyne Hamyltoun. The Duik requyreit him and the Lord James to write thair freindlie and confortabill letteris to his sone, quhilk thay baith maist willinglie did, and thairefter addressit thame to thair jornay. Bot the verray day of thair depairting, came one Bowtencourt,[884] from the Quene Regent, with letteris, as was allegeit, from the Kyng and Quene of France to Lord James, whilk he delyverit with ane braggin countenance and many threatning wordis. The tennour of his letteris was this:-- "_Le Roy._ "My Cousing, I have bein greittumlie mervellitt, having understand the trubillis that ar happinnit in thir pairtis; and yit mair mervell that ye, of wham I had ane haill confidence, and alsua hes this honour to be sua neir the Quenis Grace, my wiffe, and hes resavit of umquhile the Kyngis Grace my father, hir Grace, and me, sick graceis and favouris, that ye sould be sa forgetfull as to mak youre self the heid, and ane of the principall begynnaris and nureischaris of the tumultis and seditiounis thar ar sene thair. The quhilk, becaus it is sa strange as it is, and syne against the professioun that ye at all tymeis have maid, I can not gudlie beleif it; and gif it be sa, I can not think bot ye have bene entyseit and led thairto be sum personis that haif seduceit and caussit yow commit sic ane falt, as I am assureit ye repent of alreddy, quhilk will be ane greit emplesour[885] to me, to the effect I mycht lose ane pairt of the occasioun I have to be miscontent with yow, as I will yow to understand I am, seing sua far ye have dissavit the esperance I had of yow, and your effectioun towart God, and the weill of our service, unto the quhilk ye knaw ye ar als mekill and mair obleist nor ony uther of the Lordis thair. For this cause, desyrand that the materis mycht be dutelie[886] amendit, and knawand quhat ye may heirintill, I thocht gude on this maner to write unto yow, and pray yow to tak heid to returne to the guid way, from quhilk ye ar declyneit, and caus me knaw the samin be the effectis that ye have ane uther attentioun nor this quhilk thir folies bipast makis me now to beleif; doing all that ever ye can to reduce all thyngis to thair first estait, and put the samin to the rycht and gud obedience that ye knaw to be dew unto God and unto me: [SN: BRAGGIS NOW.[887]] Utherwayis, ye may be weill assureit, that I will put to my hand, and that in gud eirnest, that ye and all thay have done, and dois as ye, sall[888] feill, (throw thair awin falt,) that quhilk thay have deservit and meritit; evin as I have gevin charge to this Gentilman, present beirar, to mak yow knaw mair largelie of my pairt; for quhilk caus, I pray yow creddeit him, evin as ye wald do my selff. Prayand God, my Cousing, to haif yow in his holy and worthy protectioun. "Writtin at Pareis, the xvij day of July 1559." The samyn messinger brocht alssua letteris frome the Quene our Soverane, mair scharp and threatning than the former; for hir conclusioun was, "_Vous senteras la poincture a jamais_."[889] This creddeit was, "That the Kyng wald spend the Croun of France, or that he war not revengeit upoun sick seditious personis. That he wald never have suspectit sick inobedience and sick defectioun frome his awin sister in him." To the quhilk the said Lord James ansuerit, first by word, and than by writting, as followis:-- "SCHIR, "My dewtie rememberit. Your Majestieis letter I resavit frome Pareis, the xvij of Julij last, proporting in effect, that your Majestie sould mervell that I, being forgetfull of the graceis and favouris schawing me be the King, of blissitt memorie, your Majestieis Father, and the Quenis Grace, my Soverane, sould declair my selff heid, and ane of the principall begynnaris of the allegeit tumultis and seditioun in thir pairtis, desaving thairby your Majestieis expectatioun at all tymis hard of me; with assurance, that gif I did not declair by contrarie effectis my repentance, I, with the rest that had put, or yitt putis handis to that wark, sould resave the rewaird quhilk we had deservit and meritit. "Schir, it grevis me heavelie that the cryme of ingratitude sould be laid to my charge be your Hienes, and the rather that I persave the same to haif proceidit of sinister informatioun, of thame quhais pairt it was not sua to have reportit, gif trew service bigane had bene regairdit. And as tuiching the repentance, and declaratioun of the same be contrar effectis,[890] that your Majestic desyris I schaw, my conscience perswaidis me in thir proceidingis to have done na thing aganeis God, nor the debtfull[891] obedience towartis your Hienes and the Queneis Grace my Soverane, utherwayis it sould have bene to repent, and als amendit allreddy, according to your Majestieis expectatioun of me. Bot your Hienes being treulie informeit, and perswaidit that the thyng quhilk we have done makis for the advancement of Godis glorie, (as it dois in deid,) without ony maner derogatioun to your Majesteis dew obedience, we dowt not bot your Majestie sall be weill contentit with our proceidingis, quhilk being groundit upoun the commandiment of the eternall God, we dar [nocht] leif the samyn unaccompleischeit; onelie wisching and desyreing your Majestie did knaw the same, and treuth thairof, as it is perswaidit to our conscience, and all thame that ar treulie instructit in the eternall word of our God, upoun quham we cast our cair for all daingearis that may follow the accompleisment of his eternall will; and to quham we commend your Hienes, beseiking him to illuminat your hart with the evangell of his eternall trewth, to knaw your Majestieis dewtie towartis[892] your pure subjectis, Godis chosin pepill, and quhat ye aucht to craif justlie of thame agane; for than we sould haif na occatioun to feir your Majestieis wraith and indignatioun, nor your Hienes suspitioun in our inobedience. The samyn God mot[893] have youre Majestie in his eternall saifgard. "At Dumbartane, the 12 of August 1559." This answer, directit to the Quene our Soverane, and to Francis hir husband, the Quene Dowager resavit, and was bold upoun it, as sche mycht weill yneuch; for it was suppoisit that the former letteris war forgeit heir at hame in Scotland. The answer red by hir, sche said, "That sua proud ane answer was never gevin to King, Prince, or Princess." And yitt indifferent men thocht that he mycht have answerit mair schairplie, and not have transgressit modestie nor treuth. For quhair thay burding him with the greit benefitis quhilk of thame he had resavit, gif in plane wordis he had purgeit him self, effirming, that the greitest benefit that ever he receavit of thame was to spend in thair service, that quhilk God be utheris had providit for him, na honest man wald have accusit him, and na man wald have bene abill to have convickit him of ane lye. Bot Princeis must be pardonit to speik quhat thay pleise. [SN: THE RESIDENCE OF JOHNNE WILLOCK IN EDINBURGH.] For confort of the brethren, and contynewance of the Kyrk in Edinburgh, was left thair our deir brother Johnne Willock, quha, for his faithfull laubouris and bald curage in that battell, deserves immortall prayse. For quhan it was fund dangerous that Johnne Knox, quha befoir was electit Minister[894] to that Kyrk, sould contynew thair, the brethren requeistit the said Johnne Willock to abyde with thame, least that, for laik of ministeris, idolatrie sould be erectit up agane. To the quhilk he sua glaidlie consentit, that it mycht evidentlie appeir, that he preferrit the confort of his brethren, and the contynewance of the Kirk thair, to his awin lyiff. One pairt of the Frensche men war appointtit to ly in garnesoun at Leith, (that was the first benefit thai gat for thair confideracie with thame,) the uthir pairt war appointit to ly in the Cannogait; the Quene and hir tryne abydeing in the Abbay. Oure brother Johnne Willock, the day efter our departure, prechit in Sanct Geillis Kirk, and ferventlie exhortit the brethren to stand constant in the trewth quhilk thay had professit. At this and sum uther sermondis was the Duke, and diverse utheris of the Queneis factioun. This libertie and preching, with resort of all pepill thairto, did hielie offend the Quene and the uther Papistis. And first thay began to gif terrouris to the Duke; affirmyng, that he wald he repute as ane of the Congregatioun, gif he gaif his presence to the sermondis. Thairefter thay begould[895] to requyre that Messe sould be sett up agane in Sanct Geillis kirk, and that the pepill sould be sett at libertie to chuse what religioun thay wald; for that, say thay, was contenit in the Appointmentt, that the town of Edinburgh sould cheis quhat religioun thay list. For obtening heirof, was send to the Tolbuith,[896] the Duke, the Erle of Huntlie, and the Lord Seytoun, to solist all men to condiscend to the Quenis mynd; quhairin the twa last did laubour that thay could, the Duik not sa, bot as ane behalder, of quham the brethren had guid esperance. And efter many perswationis and threatningis maid be the saidis Erle and Lord, the brethren, stoutlie and valiantlie in the Lord Jesus, ganesaid thair maist injust petitionis, reasonyng, "That as of conscience thay mycht nocht suffr idolatrie to be credit quhair Christ Jesus was treulie precheit, sua could nocht the Quene nor thay requyre any sick thyng, unless sche and thay wald plainlie violat thair faith and cheif article of the Appointment; for it is planelie appointit, That na member of the Congregatioun sall be molestit in any thing that, the day of the Appointment, be peaceabillie possessit. Bot sua it was that we, the Brethren and Protestantis of the toun of Edinburgh, with oure ministeris, the day of the Appointment, did peaceabillie possess Sanct Geilis Kirk,[897] appointit for us for preching of Christis trew Evangell, and rycht ministratioun of his holy Sacramentis. Thairfoir, without manifest violatioun of the Appointment, ye can not remove us thairfra, quhill ane Parliament have decydit the contraversie." [SN: THE QUENE REGENTIS MALICE AGAINST PURE MEN.] This answer gevin, the haill brethren depairtit, and left the foirsaid Erle, and Lord Seytoun the Provest of Edinburgh, still in the Tolbuyth; quha persaving that thay could not prevaill in that maner, bot began to entreat that thay wald be quyett, and that thay wald sa far condiscend to the Quenis plesour, as that thay wald chuse thame ane uthir Kirk[898] within the toun, or at the least be contentit that Messe sould be said ather efter or befoir thair sermonis. To the quhilk, ansuer was gevin, "That to gif place to the Devill, (quha was the cheif inventar of the Messe,) for the plesour of ony creature, thay could not. Thay war in possessioun of that Kirk, quhilk thay could not abandone; nether could thay suffer idolatrie be erectit in the samyn, unless be violence thay sould be constrancit sa to do; and than thay war determinit to seik the nixt remedy." Quhilk ansuer resavit, the Erle of Huntlie did lovinglie intreat thame to quyetnes; faithfullie promissing that in na sort thay sould be molestit, sa that thay wald be quyett, and mak na farther uproir. To the quhilk thay war maist willing; for thay socht onlie to serve God as he had commandit, and to keip thair possessioun, according to the Appointment; quhilk be Goddis grace thay did till the moneth of November, nochtwithstanding the greit bosting of the ennemy. For thay did not onlie convene to the preching, dailie supplicatiounis, and administratioun of Baptisme, bot alssua the Lordis Tabill was ministratt, evin in the eyis of the verray ennemy, to the greit confort of mony afflictit conscience. And as God did potentlie wirk with his trew Minister, and with his trubillit Kirk, so did nocht the Devill cease to enflamb the malice of the Quene, and of the Papistis with hir. For schort efter hir cuming to the Abbay of Halyrudhouse, sche caussit Messe to be said, first in hir awin Chapell, and efter in the Abbay, quhair the altaris befoir war cassin doun. Sche dischargit the Commoun Prayeris, and foirbad to gif ony portioun to sick as war the principall young men quha redd thame. Hir malice extendit in lik maner to Cambuskynneth;[899] for thair sche dischargeit the portionis of als many of the Channonis as had forsaikin Papistrie. Sche gaif command and inhibitioun, that the Abbot of Lundoris[900] sould be[901] ansuerit of any pairt of his leving in the North, becaus he had submitit him self to the Congregatioun, and had put sum reformatioun to his place. Be hir consent and retrahibitioun[902] was the preching stuleis brokin in the Kirk of Leith, and idolatrie was erectit in the samyn, quhair it was befoir suppressit. Hir Frensche Capitaneis, with thair suldiouris in greit companeis, in tyme of preching and prayeris, resortit to Sanct Geillis Kirk in Edinburgh, and maid thair commune deambulatour thairin, with sick lowd talking, as na perfyte audience could be had; and althocht the Minister was ofttymes thairthrow compellit to cry out on thame, praying to God to red thame of sick locustis; thay nevirtheless continewit still in thair wickit purpoise, devisit and ordaneit be the Quene, to have drawin our brethren of Edinburgh and thame in cummer; swa that sche mycht have had ony cullorat occatioun to have brokin the liegue with thame. Yitt, be Goddis grace, thay behaveit thame selfis swa, that sche could fynd na falt with thame; albeit in all thir thingis befoir nameit, and in every ane of thame, sche is worthelie comptit to have contravenit the sayd Appointment. We pass over the oppressing done of oure brethren in particular, quhilk had bene sufficient to have provin the Appointment to have bene playne violatit; for the Lord Seytoun, without ony occasioun offerrit unto him, brak a chaise upoun Alexander Quhitelaw,[903] as he came frome Prestoun, accumpaneit with Williame Knox,[904] towartis Edinburgh, and ceassit not to persew him till he came to the toun of Ormestoun: And this he did, supposing that the said Alexander Quhitelaw had bene Johnne Knox. In all this menetyme, and quhill that ma Frensche men arryvit, thay ar not abill to pruif that we brak the Appointment in any jote, except that ane hoirnit capp was taikin of ane proud preistis heid, and cut in four quarteris,[905] becaus he said he wald weir[906] it in dispyte of the Congregatioun. [SN: THE QUENE REGENTIS FALSE FLATTERING LETTER TO THE DUKE.[907]] In this menetyme, the Quene, then Regent, knawin assuredlie quhat force was schortlie to cum unto hir, ceassit not, by all meneis possibill, to cloik the incuming of the Frensche, and to enflamb the hartis of oure cuntrey men aganis us. And for that purpoise, sche first wrait to my Lord Duike, in forme as followis:-- "My Lord and Cousing, "Efter hartlie commendatioun; We ar informit that the Lordis of the Westland Congregatioun intendis to mak ane conventioun and assembillie of thair kyn and freyndis upoun Govane Mure, besyde Glasgw, on Monnunday cum viij dayis, the [21st] day[908] of August instant, for sum hie purpoise aganeis us, quhilk we can nott skantlie beleve,[909] considdering thay have na occasioun upoun our pairt sa to do. And albeit ye knaw the Appointment was maid be our avise,[910] yitt we acceptit the samin at your desyre, and hes sensyne maid na cause quhairby thay mycht be movit to cum in the contrair thairof. Lyke as we ar yitt myndit to keip firme and stabill all thingis promesit be yow in our behalf. We think, on the uther pairt, it is your dewatie to requyre tham, that thay contravene not thair pairt thairof in na wyise;[911] and in caice thay meane ony evill towartis us, and sua will breck thaire promeise, we beleif ye will, at the uttermost of your power, convene with us, and compell tham to do that thing quhilk thay aucht, gif thay will nocht. Praying yow to have your selff, your kin and freyndis, in reddynes to cum to us, as ye sall be adverteist be proclamatioun, in caise the Congregatioun assembill tham selffis for any purpoise aganeis us, or the tennour of the said Appointment: assureand yow, without thay gadder, and mak first occasioun, we sall nott put yow to any paneis in that behalf; and that ye adverteis us in writt, quhat we may lippin to heirin with this beirar, quha will schaw yow the fervent mynd we beir to have concord with the said Congregatioun, quhat offeris we haif maid to thame, and how desyrous we ar to draw thame to the obedience of our Soveranis authoritie, to quham ye sall gif creddeit; and God keip yow. "At Edinburgh, the tent day of August 1559." [SN: THE REGENTIS LETTER TO THE BARRONIS.] The lyke letter sche wrait to everie Lord, Barroun, and Gentilman, of this tennour:-- "TREST FREYND, "Efter hartlie commendatioun; We dowt nott bot ye have hard of the Appointment maid besyde Leith, betuix my Lord Duik, the Erle of Huntlie, and Monsieur Dosell, on the ane pairt, and the Lordis of the Congregatioun, on the uther syde; quhilk Appointment we have approvit in all poyntis, albeit it was taikin by our avise; and is myndit to observe and keip all the contentis thairof for our pairt. Nochtheless, we ar informeit, the saidis Lordis of the Congregatioun intendis schortlie to convene all sick personeis as will assist to thame, for interprysing of sum heycht purpoise aganis us, our authoratie, and tennour of the said Appointment, quhilk we can not beleif, seing thay nather haif, nor sall have, ony occasioun gevin thairto on our pairt, and yit thinkis not reassonabill, in caise thay meane ony sick thing: and thairfoir have thocht it guid to gif wairning to oure speciall freyndis of the adverteisment we have gottin, and amangis the rest, to yow, quham we esteme of that nomber. Praying yow to have your self, youre kin, and folkis in reddynes to cum to us."--And sua furth, as in the uthir letter above sent to the Duike, word efter word. [SN: THE PRACTISE OF QUENE REGENT.] Efter that by thir letteris, and by the dissaitfull furnissing of hyr solistaris, sche had sumquhat steirit up the hairtis of the pepill against us, than sche began oppinlie to complayne, "That we war of mynd to invaid hir persone; that we wald keip na pairt of the Appointment; and thairfoir sche was compellit to crave the assistance of all men against our injust persute." And this practise sche usit, as befoir is said, to abuse the simplicitie of the pepill, that thay sould not suddanlie espy for quhat purpois sche brocht in hir new bandis of men of weir, quha did arryve about the middis of August to the nomber of ane thousand men. The rest war appointit to cum efter, with Monsieur de la Broche,[912] and with the Bischop of Amiance,[913] quha arryvit the nynetene day of September following, as gif thay had bene Ambassadouris: [SN: THE ARRYVELL OF THE FRENSCHE.[914]] bot quhat was thair negotiatioun, the effect did declair, and thay thame selffis could not long conceill; for baith be tung and pen thay utterit, "That thay war send for the utter exterminatioun of all thame that wald not professe the Papisticall religioun in all pointis." The Quenis practise nor craft could not blynd the eyeis of all men; nether yitt could hir subtiltie hyde hir awin schame, bot that many did espy hir desait: and sum spairit not to speik thair jugement liberallie; quha foirseing the dainger gaif adverteisment, requyring that provisioun mycht be fund, befoir that the evill sould exceid our wisdome and strenth to put remedy to the same; for prudent men foirsaw, that sche prctendit ane plane conqueist. Bot to the end, that the pepill sould not suddanlie stur, sche wald nocht bring in hir full force at aneis, (as befoir is said,) bot by continewall traffique purposit to augment hir army, so that in the end we sould not be abill to resist. Bot the greitest pairt of the Nobilitie, and many of the pepill, war so enchantit by hir treassonabill solistaris, that thay could not heir, nor creddeit the treuth planelie spokin. The Frensche than, efter the arryvell of thair new men, began to brag: [SN: THE DEVISIOUN OF THE LORDIS LANDIS BY THE FRENSCHE.] than began thay to devyde the landis and lordschippis according to thair awin fantaseis; for ane was styleit Monsieur de Ergyle; ane uther, Monsieur le Priour; the thrid, Monsieur de Ruthven; yea, thay war assureit, in thair awin opinioun, to possesse quhatsoever thay list, that sum askit the rentallis and revenewis of dyverse mennis landis, to the end that [thay] mycht chuse the best. And yitt in this menetyme, sche eschame nott to sett out ane Proclamatioun, in this forme:-- [SN: ANE PROCLAMATIOUN SETT OUT BE THE QUENE REGENT, TO BLIND THE VULGAR PEPILL.[915]] "Forsamekle as we understand that certane seditious personis hes inventit and blawin abrod dyvers rumouris and evill brutis, tending thairby to steir up the hartis of the pepill, and swa to stope all reconciliatiounis betuix us and our subjectis, being of the nomber of the Congregatioun, and consequentlie to kyndill and nureise continewall stryfe and devisioun in this realme, to the manifest subvertioun of the haill Estaitis thairof; and amangis uther purpoisses, hes maliciouslie devisit for that effect, and hes perswaidit too many, that we haif violatit the Appointment laitlie tane, in sa far as ony ma Frensche men sensyne ar cumit in: and that we ar myndit to draw in greit forceis of men of weir furth of France, to suppres the libertie of this realme, oppres the inhabitantis thairof, and mak up straingaris with thair landis and goodis: Quhilk reportis ar all (God knawis) maist vayne, fenzeit, and untrew. For it is of treuth, that nathing hes bene done on oure pairt sen the said Appointment, quhairby it may be allegeit, that ony point thairof hes bene contravenit: nor yitt was at that tyme any thing communit or concludit to stope the sending in of Frensche men; as may cleirlie appeir be inspectioun of the said Appointment, quhilk the beirar heirof hes presentlie to schaw. [SN: LETT THE BISCHOP OF AMIANCE AND MONSIEUR DE LA BROCHE LETTERIS WRITTIN TO FRANCE, WITNESS THAT.[916]] Quhat[evir] nomber of men of weir be arryveit, we [have] sick regaird to our honour, and quyetnes of this realme, that in caise in the rowme of everie ane Frensche man that is in Scotland thair war ane hundreth at our command, yitt sould not for that any joyt that is promesit be brokin, or any alteratioun be maid be oure provocatioun; bot the said Appointment[917] treulie and surelie observit in everie point, gif the said Congregatioun will in lyk maner faithfullie keip thair pairt thairof. Nor yitt meane we to truble any man in the peaceabill possessioun of thair guidis and rowmes, nor yitt to enreache[918] the Crowne, and far less any strangear, with your substance; for our derrest sone and dochter, the King and Quene, ar by Godis provisioun placeit in the rowme, quhair all men of jugement may weill considder thay have na neid of any manis guidis. And for our self, we seik na thing bot debtfull obedience unto thame, sick as guid subjectis aucht to gif to thair Soveraneis, without deminutioun of your liberteis and priveleigeis, or alteratioun of your lawis.[919] Thairfoir, we thocht guid to notifie unto yow our guid mynd foirsaid, and desyreis yow not to gif eir nor creddeitt to sic vayne imaginationis, quhairof, befoir God, no pairte ever enterit in our consait; nor suffer your selfis be thairby led frome youre dew obedience; assureing yow, ye sall ever fynd with us trewth in promeisses, and ane moderlie luif towartis all; yow behaifand your selffis our[920] obedient subjectis. [SN: FEW DAYIS EFTER DECLAIRIT THE TREUTH OF THIS] Bot of one thing we gif yow wairning, that quhairas sum Prechearis of the Congregatioun, in thair publict sermonis, speikis irreverentlie and sklanderouslie, alsweill of Princeis in generall, as of our self in particulare, and of the obedience to the hiear poweris; induceing the pepill, be that pairt of thair doctrine, to defectioun frome thair dewatie, quhilk pertenis na thing to religioun, bot rather to seditioun and tumult, thingis direct contrar to religioun: thairfoir we desyre yow to tak ordour in youre toun and boundis, that quhan the Prechearis repairis thair, thay use thame selfis mair modestlie in thay behalfis, and in thair precheing not to mell sa mekle with civill policie and publict governance, nor yit name us, or uther Princeis, bot with honour and reverence, utherwayis it will nocht be sufferrit. [SN: JESABELL WALD BE HONOURIT, BOT HELIAS WALD NOTT.] Attour,[921] sen ye haif presentlie the declaratioun of our intentioun, we desire to knaw lykwayis quhat sall be your pairt to us, that we may understand quhat to lippin for at your handis; quhairof we desire ane playne declaratioun in writt, with this beirar, without excuise or delay. "At Edinburgh, the twentie aucht of August 1559." This proclamatioun sche send be hir messingeris throwch all the cuntrey, and had hir solistaris in all pairtis, quha paynefullie travellit to bring men to hir opinioun; amangis quham thir war the principallis, Sir Johnne Bellenden, Justice Clerk; Maister James Balfour, Officiall of Lowthiane, Maister Thomas and Maister Williame Scottis, sonnis to the Laird of Balwerie,[922] Sir Robert Carnegy, and Maister Gawane Hammiltoun; quha for faynting of the bretheris hairtis, and drawing many to the Queneis factioun against thair natyve cuntrey, have declairit thame selfis ennemeis to God, and traytouris to thair commune wealth. Bot abuiff all utheris Maister James Balfour, Officiall for the tyme, aucht to be abhoirrit; for he, of ane auld professoure, is becum ane new denyare of Christ Jesus, and manifest blasphemar of his eternall veritie, aganis his knawlege and conscience; seiking to betray his brethren and natyve cuntrey in the handis of ane crewell and unfaithfull natioun. The answer to this former proclamatioun was maid in forme as followis:-- "TO THE NOBILITIE, BURGHIS, AND COMMUNITIE OF THIS REALME OF SCOTLAND, THE LORDIS, BARONIS, AND UTHERIS, BRETHERIN OF THE CHRISTIANE CONGREGATIOUN, WISCHIS ENCREASE OF WISDOME, WITH THE ADVANCEMENT OF THE GLORIE OF GOD, AND OF THE COMMUNWEALTH, &C. &C. "The love of oure natyve cuntrey craifis, the defence of oure honouris requyreis, and the synceritie of oure conscienceis compellis us, (derrest Brethren,) to answer sum pairt to the last writtingis and proclamatiounis sett furth be the Queneis Grace Regent, no less to mak us and oure caus odiouse, than to abuse your simplicitie to youre finall destructioun, conspyreit of auld, and now alreaddy put to wark. And first, quhair sche allegeis certane seditious personeis have of malice inventit and blawin abrod diverse rumouris, [tending] thairby (as sche allegeis) to steir up the hartis of the pepill to seditioun, be reassone that the Frensche men ar croppin in of lait in our cuntrey; trew it is, (deir Brethren,) that all sick as beir naturall lufe to thair cuntrey, to yow, thair brethren, inhabitantis thairof, to our housses, wyffis, bairneis, the esperance of your posteratie, and schortlie to your commun-wealth, and the ancient lawis and libertieis thairof, can not bot in hart lament, with mowth and teiris complayne, the maist craftie assaultis devisit and practisit, to the utter rewyne of all thir thyngis foirnameit; and that sua manifestlie is gane to wark, that evin in our eyeis oure derrest brethren, trew memberis of oure commun-welth, ar maist crewellie oppressit by strangearis; in sa far that sum ar baneissit thair awin housses, sum robbit and spuilzeit of thair substance, conqueist by thair just laubouris in the sweit of thair browis; sum crewellie murtherit at the pleasour of thir inhumane souldiouris; and altogidder have thair lyvis in sick feir and dreddour, as gif the ennemy war in the myddis of thame; so that nathing can seme plesand unto thame, quhilk thay possess in the bowellis of thair natyve cuntrey; sa neir jugeis everie man, (and not but just caus,) the practise usit upoun thair brethren to approche nixt unto thame thair selffis, wyffeis, bairneis, housses, and substanceis, quhilk altogidder ar cassin at the feit of straingearis, men of weir, to be by thame thus abusit att thair unbrydillit lustis desyre. Now, if it be seditioun, (deir Brethren,) to complane, lament, and pour furth befoir God the sorrowis [and] sobbis of oure dolorouse hartis, crying to him for redress of thir enormyteis, (quhilk ellis quhair is not to be found;) and thir altogidder dois [proceid] of the unlauchfull halding of strange suldiouris over the heidis of oure brethren; gif this to complayne be sedition, then indeid, (deir Brethren,) can nane of us be purgeit of that cryme; for as in verray hart we dampne sick inhumayne creweltie, with the wickit and craftie pretence thairof, sua can we, nor dar we nott, neather be mouthis speiking, nor yitt by keiping of silence, justifie the same. Neather do we heir aggrege the breking of the Appointmentt maid at Leith, (quhilk alwayis hes manifestlie bene done;) bot quhan we remember quhat aith we have maid to our commun-welth, and how the dewatie we aucht to the same compellis us to cry outt, that hir Grace, be wickit and ungodlie counsall, gais maist craftelie about utterlie to oppress the same, and ancient lawis and libertieis thairof, alsweill aganeis the King of Francis promeise, hir awin dewatie, in respect of the heich promotionis that sche resavit thairby, quhilk justlie sould have caussit hir to have bene indeid that quhilk sche wald be callit, (and is nathing less in veritie,) to wit, ane cairfull mother ovir this commun-wealth; bot quhat motherlie cair sche hes usit towardis yow, ye can not be ignorant. [SN: LETT THE NOBILITIE JUGE HEIROF.] Haif ye nocht bene, evin frome the first entres of hir regne, ever smytit and oppressit with unaccustomit and exhorbitant taxatiounis, [more] than ever war usit within this realme? Yea, and how far was it socht heir to have bene brocht in upoun yow and your posteritie, under cullour to have bene laid up in stoir for the weiris? The inquisitioun tane of all your guidis, movable and immovabill, be way of testament; the seiking of the haill coill and saltt of this realme, to have bene laid up in stoir and gernall, and sche allane to have bene merchant thairof, dois teache yow be experience sum of her motherlie cair. "Agane, Quhat cair ower your commun-wealth dois hir Grace instantlie beir, quhan evin now presentlie, and of ane lang tyme bygane, be the ministerie of sum, (quha better deserve the gallowis, than ever did Cochrane,[923]) sche dois sua corrupt the layit[924] money, and lies brocht it in sick basenes, and sic quantatie of scruiff, that all men that hes thair eyis oppin may persaif ane extreme beggarie to be brocht thairthrow upoun the haill realme, swa that the haill exchange and traffique to be had with forane natiounis, (ane thing maist necessarie in all commun-wealthis,) sall thairby be utterlie extinguissitt; and all the ganeis resavit thairby is, that sche thairwith intertenis strangearis upoun oure heidis. For, Brethren, ye knaw that hir money hes servit for na uther purpoise in our commun-wealth this lang tyme bigane; and the impunitie of thir wickit ministeris, (quhame laitlie we spak of,) hes brocht the mater to sick ane licentious enormitie, and plane contempt of the commun-wealth, that now thay spair not planelie to brek doun and convert the guid and stark money, cunzeit in our Soveraneis less age, into this thair corruptit skruiff and baggage of Hard-heidis and Non Suntis,[925] maist lyik that sche and thay had conspyreit to destroy all the haill gud cunzey of this realme, and consequentlie that pairt of the commun-wealth. [SN: LETT SIR ROBERT RICHARTSOUN, AND UTHERIS,[926] ANSWER TO THIS.] Besydeis all this, thair clyppit and rowngeit soussis,[927] quhilk had no passage thir three yeiris past in the realme of France, ar commandit to have course in this realme, to gratifie thairby hir new cumit suldiouris. And all thir thingis togidder, ar done without the avise or consent of the Nobilitie and Counsall of this realme, and manifestlie thairthrow, against our ancient lawis and liberteis. "Thridlie, Hir last and maist wechty proceiding, mair fullie declairis hir motherlie cair hir Grace beiris to our commun-wealth and us, quhan in tyme of peace, but any occatioun of forane weiris, thowsandis of strangearis ar layd heir and thair upoun the neckis of our pure memberis of this commun-wealth; thair idill bellyis fed upoun the pure substance of the communitie, conqueist by thair just laubouris in the panefull sueit of thair browis. Quhilk to be trew, Dumbar, North-Berwick, Tranent, Prestounpanis, Mussilburgh, Leith, Cannogait, Kingorne, Kirkcaldy, Dysert, with the depauperat saullis that this day dwell thairin, can testifie; quhais oppressioun, as doutless it is enterit in befoir the justice sait of God, sa aucht it justlie to move oure hartis to have reuth and compassioun upoun thir oure pure brethren, and at oure poweris to provide remedy for the same. And albeit hir strangearis had bene garneissit with money, (as ye knaw weill thay war nott,) yitt can thair heir lying be na wayis bot maist hurtfull to our commun-wealth, seing that the fertilitie of this realme hes never bene sa plenteouse, that it was abill of any continewance to sustene the self, and inhabitantis thairof, without support of forane cuntreis; far less abill, besydeis the same, to susteane thowsandis of strangeris quhairwith it is burdenit, to the derthing of all viweris,[928] as the murmour and complaint of Edinburgh this day dois testifie. Bot to quhat effect the commun-wealth is this way burdenit, the end dois declair; for schortlie war thair brocht to the feyldis against our Soveraneis trew liegeis, even us youre Brethren, quha, (God knawis,) socht not ellis bot peace of conscience, under protectioun of oure Soverane, and reformatioune of thir enormiteis, for na uther caus bot that we wald nott renunce the Evangell of Jesus Chryst, and subdew oure neckis under the tyranie of that man of syn, the Romane Antichrist, and his foirsworne schavillingis, quha at all tymeis moist tyrannicalie oppressit oure saullis with hunger of Goddis trew word, and reft oure guidis and substanceis, to waist the same upoun thair foull lustis and stynking harlottis. "Bot, (O deir Brethren,) this was nocht the cheif pretence and finall scope of hir proceidingis, (as thir dayis do weill declair;) for had not God gevin in oure hartis to withstand that oppressioun with weaponis of maist just defence, thow, O Sanct Johnestoun and Dundie, had bene in na better estait nor youre sister of Leyth is this day. For thocht we in verray deid (God is witnes) menit then na thing bot, in the simplicitie of oure hartis, the mentenance of trew religioun, and saiftie of oure brethren professouris of the same, yit lay thair ane uther serpent lurking in the breist of our adversareis, as this day, (prayse to God,) is planelie oppinnit to all that list behald, to witt, to bring yow and us baith under the perpetuall servitude of strangearis; for we being appointit, as ye knaw, tuiching religioun to be reassonit in the Counsall at the day affixt, and na occatioun maid to brek the same on our syde, (as is weill knawin,) yitt come thair furth writtingis and complayntis, that this day and that day we war prepairit to invaid hir Graceis persone, (quhan in verray treuth thair was never sic thing thocht, as the verray deid hes declairit;) bot becaus sche was befoir deliberatt to bryng in Frensche men to bayth oure destructionis, that ye sould nott stur thairwith, sche maid yow to understand, that thay bandis came onlie for the saiftie of hir awin persone. O craft, Brethren! O subtiltie! Bot behald the end. [SN: THE CAUS OF THE FRENCHE MENIS CUMING WITH WYFFIS AND BAIRNEIS.] Thay ar cum, (yitt not sa mony, na, not the saxt pairt that sche desyreit and lukit for,) and how?[929] Not onlie with weaponis to defend hir Graceis persone, bot with wyffis and bairneis, to plant in youre natyve rowmeis,[930] as thay have alreddy begun in the toun of Leith, the principall port and stapill of all this realme, the gernall and furnitour of the Counsall and Sait of Justice: and heir will thay duell, quhill thay may rainforce thame with greitar nomber of thair fallow suldiouris, to subdew than the rest, gif God withstand not. And yitt hir Grace feirit nor eschamit not to write, 'Gif thay war ane hundreth Frensche men for everie ane of thame that is in Scotland, yitt thay sould harme na man.' Tell thow now, Leith! gif that be trew: gif this be not ane crafty entrie to ane manifest conqueist, foirthocht of auld, juge yow, deir Brethren! Thus to forte our tounis, and evin the principall port of our realme, and to lay sa strang garnisouns[931] of straingearis thairin, without any consent of the Nobilitie and Counsall of this realme, bot expres aganeis thair mynd, (as our writtingis send to hir Grace beiris record,) gif this be not to oppres the ancient lawis and libertieis of oure realme, lett all wise men say to it.[932] And farther, to tak the barne-yairdis new gatherrit, the gernallis replenischeit, the houssis garnissit, and to sitt doun thairin, and be force to putt the just possessouris and ancient inhabitantis thairfra, with thair wyffis, bairneis, and servandis, to schyft [for] thame selfis in begging, gif thair be na uthir meaneis, thay being trew Scottis men, memberis of our commun-wealth, and our deir brethren and sisteris, borne, fosterit, and brocht up in the bowellis of oure commune and natyve cuntrey: gif this be not the manifest declaratioun of thair auld pretence and mynd to the haill Scottis natioun, lett your awin conscience, (Brethren,) be juge heirin. Was all Leith of the Congregatioun? Na, I think nott; yitt war all alyk servit. "Let this motherlie cair than be tryit be the fruttis thairof: First, Be the greit and exhorbitant taxatiounis usit upoun yow, and yitt ten tymeis greittar preissit at, as ye knaw. Secundlie, The utter depravatioun of our counzie, to conqueiss tharby money to interteyne strangearis, Frensche suldiouris, upoun yow, to mak thame strong haldis, leist ye sould sumtyme expell thame out of your natyve rowmeis.[933] Thridlie, Be the daylie rainforceing of the said Frensche souldiouris, in strenth and nomber, with wyffis and bairneis, planting in your brethrenis houssis and possessiouns. Indeid, hir Grace is, and lies bene at all tymes cairfull to procure be hir craft of fair wordis, fair promeissis, and sumtyme buddis, to allure your simplicitie to that poynt, to joyne your self to hir suldiouris, to dantoun and oppres us, that ye the remanent, (we being cut of,) may be ane easie pray to hir slychtis, quhilk God, of infinite gudnes, lies now discoveritt to the eyeis of all that list to behald. Bot credeit the warkis, (deir Brethren,) gif ye will not creddeit us; and lay the exampill of forane natiouns, yea, of your awin brethren, befoir your eyis and procure not your awin rewyne willinglie. Yff ye tender trew religioun, ye see how hir Grace beiris hir[self] plane ennemy thairto, and mentenis the tyrannie of thair idill bellies, the Bischopis, aganeis Godis Kirk. Giff religioun be nott perswaidit unto yow, yit cast ye not away the cair ye aucht to have ower your commun-welth, quhilk ye see manifestlie and violentlie rewyneit befoir your eyis. Gif this will nott move yow, remember your deir wyffis, children, and posteratie, your ancient heretageis and houssis; and think weill thir strangearis will regaird na mair your rycht thairunto, than thay have done your brethrenis of Leyth, quhan ever occatioun sall serve. Bot gif ye purpoise, as we dout not bot that all thay that ather haif wit or manheid will declair and prove indeid, to bruik your ancient rowmeis and heretageis, conquerit maist valiantlie, and defendit be your maist nobill progenitouris against all strangearis, invaidaris or the same, as the Frenscheis pretendis planelie this day; gif ye will not he slavis unto thame, and to have your liffis, your wiffis, your bairnes, your substance, and quhatsoever is deir unto yow, cassin at thair feitt, to be usit and abusit at the plesour of strange suldiouris, as ye see your brethrenis at this day befoir your eyeis; gif ye will not have experience sum day heirof in your awin personeis, (as we suppone the least of yow wald not glaidlie have, bot rather wald chuse with honour to die in defence of his awin natyve rowme, than leif and serve sa schamefull ane servitud;) than, Brethren, let us joyne our forceis, and baith with witt and manheid resist thir begynningis, or ellis our libertieis heirefter sall be deirar bocht. [SN: ANE PROVERB.] Lett us surelie[934] be perswaidit, 'Quhan our nychtbouris house be on fyre, that we duell nott without daingear.'[935] Lett na man withdraw himself heirfra: and gif any will be sa unhappy and myschevous, (as we suppone nane to be,) let us altogidder reput, hald, and use him, (as he is indeid,) for ane ennemy to us, and to him self, and to his commun-weill. The eternall and omnipotent God, the trew and onlie revengear of the oppressit, be oure confort and oure protectour against the fury and raige of the tyrantis of this warld; and especiallie frome the insaciabill covetousnes of the Guisianeis[936] generatioun. AMEN." Besydis this, our publict letter, sum men answerit certane heidis of hir proclamatioun on this maner:-- "Gyff it be seditious to speik the treuth in all sobrietie, and to complayne quhan thay ar woundit, or to call for help against unjust tyrannie befoir that thair throttis be cutt, than can we not deny, bot we ar criminall and giltie of tumult and seditioun. For we have said that our commun-wealth is oppressit, that we and our brethren ar hurt be the tyrrannie of strangearis, and that we feir bondage and slaverie, seing that multitudeis of cruell murtheraris ar daylie brocht in our cuntrey, without our counsall, or knawlege and consent. We dispuit not sa mekill quhidder the bringing in of ma Frensche men be violating of the Appointment, (quhilk the Quene nor hir factioun can not deny to be manifestlie brokin be thame, in ma caisses than ane,) as that we wald knaw, gif the heipping of strangearis upoun strangearis above us, without our counsall or consent, be ane thing that may stand with the libertie of our realme, and with the proffitt of our commun wealth. It is not unknawin to all men of jugement, that the fruitis of our cuntrey, in the maist commun yeiris, be na mair than sufficient reassonabill to nureis the borne inhabitantis of the same. Bot now, seing that we have bene vexit with weiris, taikin upoun us at the plesour of France, by the quhilk the maist fruttfull portioun of our cuntrey in corneis hes bene waistit; quhatt man is sa blynd bot that he may see, that sic bandis of ungodlie and idill suldiouris can be na thing ellis bot ane occatioun to fameis our pure brethren? and in this poynt we refuise nott, (quhilk is the cheif,) the jugement of all naturall Scottis men." The Quene Regent allegeit, "That althocht thair war ane hundreith Frensche men for ane in Scotland, yitt sche is not myndit to trubill any in his just possessioun." Quhairto we answer, "That we disput not quhat sche intendis, (quhilk nochttheless, be probabill conjectouris, is to be suspectit;) bot alwayis we affirme, that sick ane multitude of Frensche men is ane burding, not onlie unproffitabill, bot alssua intollerabill to this pure realme, especiallie being intreatit as thay ar be hir and Monsieur Dosell; for gif thair waigeis be payit out of France, than ar thay baith (the Quene, we say, and Monsieur Dosell,) traytouris to the Kyng and Counsall; for the pure communis of this realme have sustenit thame with the sweit of thair browis, sence the contracting of the peace, and sumquhat befoir. "Quhat motherlie effectioun sche hes declairit to this realme, and to the inhabitantis of the same, hir warkis have evidentlie declairit, evin sence the first houre that sche hes borne authoritie; and albeit men will not this day see quhat daingear hyngis over thair heidis, yitt feir we, that or it be long, experience sall teich sum that we feir not without cause. The crewell murthar and oppressioun usit be thame quham now sche fosteris, is till us ane sufficient argument, quhatt is to be luikit for, quhan hir nomber is sa multipleit, that oure force sall not be abill to gainestand thair tyranie. [SN: THE DOCTRINE OF OUR PRECHARIS CONCERNING OBEDIENCE TO BE GEVIN TO MAGISTRATTIS.[937]] "Quhair sche complenis of our Prechearis, affirmyng that irreverentlie thay speik of Princeis in generall, and of hir in particular, induceing the pepill thairby to defectioun frome thair dewatie, &c., and thairfor that sick thing can nott be sufferit: Becaus this occatioun is had aganis[938] Godis trew Ministeris, we can not bot witnes quhat tred and ordour of doctrine thay have keipitt and yitt keip in that poynt. In publict prayeris thay commend to God all Princeis in generall, and the Magistrattis of this our natyve realme in particular. In oppin audience thay declair the auctoratie of Princeis and Magistratis to be of God; and thairfoir thay affirme, that thay aucht to be honourit, feirit, obeyit, evin for conscience saik; providit that thay command nor requyre nathing expreslie repugning to Godis commandiment and plane will, reveillit in his holy worde. Mairover, thay affirme, that gif wickit personeis, abusing the auctoratie estableischet be God, command thingis manifestlie wickit, that sick as may and do brydill thair inordinatt appetyteis of Princeis, can not be accusit as resistaris of the aucthoratie, quhilk is Godis gud ordinance. To brydill the fury and raige of Princeis in free kingdomes and realmeis, thay affirme it appertenis to the Nobilitie, sworne and borne Counsallouris of the same, and allsua to the Barronis and Pepill, quhais voteis and consent ar to be requyreit in all greit and wechty materis of the commun-welth. Quhilk gif thay do not, thay declair thame selffis criminall with thair Princeis, and sa subject to the same vengeance of God, quhilk thay deserve, for that thay pollute the sait of justice, and do, as it war, mak God author of iniquytie. Thay proclame and thay cry, that the same God quha plaigit Pharoo, repulsit Senacherib, struik Herod with wormes, and maid the bellies of dogis the grave and sepulchrie of despytefull Jesabell, will nott spair the crewell Princeis, murtheraris of Chrystis memberis in this our tyme. On this maner thay speik of Princeis in generall, and of youre Grace in particular. [SN: LETT SICK AS THIS DAY LEIF WITNES QUHAT GOD HES WROCHT SINCE THE WRYTTING AND PUBLICATIOUN HEIROF.[939]] This onlie we have hard ane of oure Prechearis say, rebuiking the vane excuise of sick as flatter thame selffis, be reassone of the auctoratie; 'Many now a dayis, (said he,) will have na uther religioun nor faith than the Quene and the authoratie hes.'[940] Bot is it [not] posseble, that the Quene be sa far blyndit that sche will haif na religioun, nor na uther fayth, than may content to the Cardinall of Lorane? and may it nott lykwyise be abill, that the Cardinall be sua corrupt, that he will admitt na religioun quhilk dois nott establische the Paip in his kingdome: Bot plane it is, that the Paip is lievetenent to Sathan, and ennemy to Chryst Jesus, and to his perfyte religioun. Lett men thairfoir considder quhat daingear thay stand in, gif thair salvatioun sall depend upoun the Queneis faith and religioun. Farder we have never hard any of oure Prechearis speik of the Quene Regent, nether publictlie nor privatlie. Quhair hir Grace declairis, 'It will nocht be sufferit that oure prechearis mell with policie, nor speik of hir nor of uther Princeis bot with reverence,' we answer, 'That as we will justifie and defend nathing in oure prechearis, quhilk we fynd not God to have justifeit and allowit in his messingeris befoir thame; sua dar we not forbid thame oppinlie to reprehend that quhilk the Spreit of God, speiking in the Propheitis and [SN: THE PROPHETTIS HAIF MIDDILLIT WITH POLICEY, AND HIS REPROVIT THE CORRUPTIOUN THAIROF.] Apostillis, hes reprehendit befoir thame. Helias did personallie reprove Achab and Jesabell of idolatrie, of avarice, of murther; and sicklik Esaias the Propheit callitt the magistrattis of Jerusalem in his tymeis companzeounis to thevis, princeis of Sodome, brybe-takeris, and murtheraris: He complenit that thair silver was turnit in to dross, that thair wyne was myngleit with watter, and that justice was bocht and sauld. Jeremias said, 'That the baneis of King Jehoiakim sould widder with the sone.' Christ Jesus callit Herod a fox; and Paul callit the Hie Preist ane payntit wall, and prayit unto God that he sould strike him, because that against justice he commandit him to be smyttin. Now gif the lyk or greittar corruptiounis be in the warld this day, quha dar interprise to put silence to the Spreit of God, quhilk [will] not be subject[941] to the appetyteis of wickit Princeis?" [SN: THE CUMING OF THE ERLE OF ARRANE TO SCOTLAND, AND HIS JOYNING WITH THE CONGREGATIOUN.[942]] We have befoir said, that the tent day of September was appointit for ane Conventioun to be haldin at Striveling, to the quhilk repairit the maist pairt of the Lordis of the Congregatioun. At that same tyme arryvitt the Erle of Arrane, quha, efter that he had salutit his Father, came with the Erie of Ergyle and Lord James to Striviling to the said Conventioun. In quhilk diverse godlie men complenit upoun the tyrranie usit against thair brethren, and especiallie that ma Frensche men wer brocht in to oppress thair cuntrey. Efter the consultatioun of certane dayis, the principall Lordis, with my Lord of Arrane and Erie of Ergyle, past to Hammyltoun, for consultatioun to be taikin with my Lord Duikis Grace. And in this menetyme came assureit word that the Frensche men war begun to fortifie Leith; quhilk thing, as it did mair evidentlie discover[943] the Queneis craft, sua did deiplie greiff the hartis of the haill Nobilitie thair, quha, with ane consentt, aggreit to write unto the Quene, in forme as followis:-- [SN: LETTERIS TO THE QUENE REGENT.] "At Hammyltoun, the xix[944] day of September 1559. "Pleise Your Grace, "We ar credibillie informeit, that your army of Frensche men sould instantlie begin to plant in Leith, to fortifie the same, of mynd to expell the ancient inhabitants thairof, our brethren of the Congregatioun; quhairof we marvell not a littill, that your Grace sould sua manifestlie brek the Appointment maid at Leith, but ony provocatioun maid be us and our brethren. And seing the samyn is done without ony maner consent of the Nobilitie and Counsale of this realme, we esteme the same nocht onlie oppressioun of our pure brethren, indwellaris of the said town, bot allsua verray prejudiciall to the commun-wealth, and playne contrair to oure ancient lawis and libertieis: Heirfoir desyreis your Grace to caus the samyn warke interprysit, be stayit; and nott to attempt sua raschlie and manifestlie against your Graceis promeis, against the commun-wealth, the ancient lawis and libertieis thairof, (quhilk thingis, besyde the glorie of God, ar maist deir and tender unto us, and onlie our pretence;) utherwayis, assuring your Grace, we will complayne to the haill Nobilitie and Communitie of this realme, and maist eirnistlie seik for redress thairof. And thus, recommending oure humyll service unto youre Hienes, your Graceis answer maist eirnistlie we desire, quham we committ to the eternall protectioun of God. "At Hammyltoun, day and yeir forsaid. Be youre Graceis humyll and obedient Servitouris." (This letter was subscrivit with the handis of my Lord Duik, the Erie of Arrane, Argyle, Glencairne, and Menteith; be the Lordis Ruthwen, Uchiltre, Boyd, and by utheris diverse, Barronis and Gentilmen.)--To this requeist sche wald nott answer be writt, bot with ane letter of creddeit sche send Sir Robert Carnegy[945] and Maister David Boirthick,[946] tua, quham amangis many utheris, sche abusit, and by quham sche corruptit the hartis of the sempill. They travellit with the Duik, to bring him agane to the Queneis factioun. La Broche and the Bischop of Amiance were schort befoir arryvit; and, as it was brutit, war directit as ambassadouris; bot thay keipitt cloise thair haill commissioun: Thay onlie maid large promeisses to thame that wald be thairis, and leif the Congregatioun. The Quene did grevouslie complayne, that we haid intelligence with Ingland. [SN: THE PETITIOUN OF LABROCHE.] The conclusioun of thair commissioun was to solist my Lord Duike to put all in the Queneis will, and than wald sche be gratious aneuch. [SN: THE ANSWER.] It was answerit, "That na honest men durst committ thame selfis to the mercie of sick thrott-cuttaris[947] as sche had about hir; quham, gif sche wald remove, and joyne to hir ane Counsall of naturall Scottismen, permitting the religioun to have fre passage, than sould nane in Scotland be mair willing to serve hir Grace than sould the Lordis and Brethren of the Congregatioun be." [SN: LETTER TO THE LORD ERSKIN.] At the same tyme, the Duik his Grace and the Lordis wrait to my Lord Erskin, Capitane of Castell of Edinburgh, in forme as followis: "MY LORD AND COUSING, "Efter oure hartlie commendatioun, this present is to adverteise yow, that we ar credibillie informeit, the army of Frensche men instantlie in this realme, but ony avise of the Counsale of Nobilitie, ar fortifieand, of ellis schortlie intendis to fortifie the town of Leith, and expell the ancient inhabitantis thairof; quhairby thay proclame to all that will oppin thair eiris to heir, or ene to se, quhat is thair pretence. And seing the faithfulnes of youre antecessouris, and especiallie of your Father, of honorabill memorie, was sa recommendit and experimentit to the Estaitis and Counsallouris of this realme, throwch affectioun thay persawit in him towartis the commun-wealth thairof, that thay doubtit not to gif in his keiping the key, as it war, of the Counsall, the Justice, and Policey of this realme, the Castellis of Edinburgh and Striveling;[948] we can not bot beleif ye will rather augment the honorabill favoure of your housse, be steidfast favour and lawtie to your commun-wealth, than throuch the subtell persuatioun of sum, (quhilk cair not quhat efter sail cum of yow and your house,) at the present wald abuse yow, to the performance of thair wickit interprysis and pretensis against oure commun-wealth, utterlie to destroy the same. And heirfoir, seing that we haif writtin to the Queneis Grace, to desist fra that interpryse, utherwise that we will complane to the Nobilitie and Communitie of the realme, and seik redress thairof. We lykwise beseik yow, as our tender freynd, brother, and member of the same commun-wealth with us, that ye on na wayis mell or assent to that ungodlie interpryise aganeis the commun-wealth; and lykwyise, that ye wald saif your body, and the jewell of this countrey commitit to yow and your predicessouris lawtie and fidelitie toward youre natyve countrey and commun-wealth, gif ye think to be repute heirefter ane of the samyn, and wald rather be brother to us, nor to strangers; for we do gather by the effectis, the secreitis of menis hartis, utherwayis inserceabill unto us. This we write, nott that we ar in dout of yow, bot rather to wairne yow of the daingear, in caise ye thoill your self to be enchantit with fair promeissis and craftie counsalouris. For lett na man flatter him selff: We desyre all man [to] knaw, that thocht he war our father, (sen God hes oppinnit oure eyes to se his will,) be he ennemy to the commun-wealth, quhilk now is assailzeit, and we with it, and all trew memberis thairof, he sall be knawin (and as he is in deid) ennemy to us, to oure lyvis, housses, babis, heretageis, and quhat sumevir is contenit within the same. For as the schip perischeing, quhat can be saif that is within?[949] Sua the commun-wealth being betrayit, quhat particular member can leif in quyetnes? And thairfoir in sa far as the saidis Castellis ar commitit to your credeitt, we desyre yow to schaw youre faithfulnes and stoutnes, as ye tender us, and quhatsumevir appertenis to us. And seing we ar assureit ye will be assailzeit bayth with craft and force, as now be wairnyng we help yow against the first, sua against the last ye sall not myss in all possibill haist to have oure assistance. Onlie schaw your selff the man. Saiff your persone by wisdome, strenth your selff against force, and the Almychtie God assist yow in baith the ane and the uther, and oppin youre eyis[950] understanding, to see and persaif the craft of Sathan and his suppoistis. "At Hammyltoun, the xix day[951] of September 1559. Be your Brethren, &c." [SN: THE TYRRANNY OF THE FRENSCHE.] The Duike and Lordis understanding that the fortificatioun of Leith proceidit, appointit thair haill forceis to convene at Striviling the xv day of October, that frome thence thai mycht marche fordwart to Edinburgh, for the redress of the greit enormyteis quhilk the Frensche did to the haill cuntrey, quhilk be thame was sua oppressitt that the lyfe of all honest man[952] was bitter unto him. In this meintyme, the Lordis directit thair letteris to diverse pairtis of the cuntrey, makand mentioun quhat dangear did hing ower all men, giff the Frensche sould be sufferit to plant in this cuntrey at thair plesoure. Thay maid mentioun farder, how humblie thay had socht the Queue Regent, that sche wald send away to France hir Frensche men, quha war ane burding unproffitable and grevous to thair commun-wealth; and how that sche nochtwithstanding did daylie augment hir nomber, brynging wyffis and bairneis; a declaratioun of ane plane conqueist, &c. The Quene, than Regent, perseving that hir crafte began to be espiit, be all meaneis possebill travellit to blynd the pepill. And first, sche send furth hir pestilent postis foirnameit in all pairtis of the cuntrey, to perswaid all man that sche offerit all thingis reassonabill to the Congregatioun; and that thay refusing all reassoun, pretendit na religioun, bot ane plane revolt frome the Authoratie. Sche temptit every man in particular, alse weill thay that war of the Congregatioun, as thame that war neutrallis. Sche assaultit everie man, as sche thocht maist easelie he mycht have bene ovircum. To the Lord Ruthven sche send the Justice Clerk and his wiff, quhn, is dochter to the wife[953] of the said Lord. Quhat was thair commissioun and creddeit, is na farther knawin than the said Lord hes confessit, quhilk is, that large promeisses of proffitt was offerrit, gif he wald leiff the Congregatioun and be the Queneis. To Lord James, Priour of Sanctandrois, was send Maister Johnne Spense of Condy, with ane letter and creddeit, as followis:-- "THE MEMORIALL OF MAISTER JOHNNE SPENSE OF CONDY,[954] THE THRETTY DAY OF SEPTEMBER. "1. Ye sall say, that hir[955] greit favour towartis yow movis hir to this. "2. That sche now knawis, that the occatioun of your depairting frome hir was the favoure of the word and of religioun; with the quhilk albeit sche was offendit, yitt knawing your hart and the hartis of the uther Lordis firmelie fixit thairupoun, sche will beir with yow in that behalf, and at youre awin sychtis sche will sett fordwart that caus at hir power, as may stand with Goddis word, the commun policey of this realme, and the Princeis honour. (Note, Gud reiddar, quhat vennoum lurkis heir; for plane it is, that the policey quhilk sche pretendit, and the Princeis honour, will never suffer Christ Jesus to ring in this realme.) "3. To say, that the occasioun of the assembling of thir men of weir, and fortifeing of Leith, is, that it was gevin hir to understand be sum about hir, that it is not the advancement of the word and religioun quhilk is socht at this tyme, bot rather ane pretense to owerthraw, or alter the authoratie of your Sister, of the quhilk sche belevis still that ye ar nott participant; and considdering the tendernes betuix yow and your Sister, sche trestis mair in yow in that behalf than in any leving. [SN: LETT THIS BE NOTIT, O CRAFTIE FLATTERIE![956] (Bot befoir the Erle of Arrane arryvit, and that the Duke depairtit frome hir factioun, sche ceassit not contynewallie to cry, that the Priour socht to mak him self King; and sua not onlie to depryve his sister to mak him selff King, bot alssua to defraude the Lordis Duikeis Grace and his housse: bot foirseing ane storme, sche began to seik ane new wynd.) "Sche farther willit, to offer the way-sending of the men of weir, gif the former suspitioun could be removit. Sche lamentit the trubill that appeirit to follow gif the mater sould lang stand in debait. Sche promeist hir faithfull laubouris for reconciliatioun, and requyreit the samyn of him; requiring farther, faith, favour, and kyndnes, towartis his Sister; and to adverteise for his pairt quhat he desyreit, with promeise that he mycht obtene quhat he plesit to desyre, &c." To this letter and creddeit, the said Lord James answerit as followis:-- "PLEISE YOURE GRACE, "I resavit your Hienes writting, and have hard the creddeit of the beirar; and fynding the busynes of sick importance, that daingerouse it war to gif haistie answer, and alssua your petitionis ar sua, that with my honour I can nott answer thame privatlie be my selff: I have thocht guid to delay the same till that I may have the jugement of the haill Counsall. For this poynt I will not conceill frome youre Grace, that amangis us thair is ane solempnit aith, that nane of us sall trafique with youre Grace secreitlie; nether yitt that any of us sall mak ane [ad]dress for him selff particularlie; quhilk aith, for my pairt, I purpoise to keip inviolatit to the end. Bot quhan the rest of the Nobillmen sall convene, I sall leif nathing that lyis in my power undone that may mak for the quyetnes of this pure realme, providing that the glorie of Christ Jesus be nott hinderit by oure concord. And gif youre Grace sall be found sua tractabill as now ye offer, I doutt nott to obteyne of the rest of my brethren sick favouris towartis youre service, as youre Grace sall have just occatioun to stand content. For God I tak to record, that in this actioun I have nether socht, nether yitt seikis, any uther thing than Godis glorie to encrease, and the libertie of this pure[957] realm to be mentenit. Farther, I have schawin to youre messinger quhat thingis have myslykeit me in youre proceidingis, evin frome sick ane hart as I wald wysche to God ye and all men did knaw. And this with hartlie commendatioun of service to youre Grace, I hartlie commit your Hienes to the eternall protectioun of the Omnipotent. "At Sanctandrois, the first of October. (_Sic subscribitur_,) "Your Graceis humyll and obedient servitour, J. ST."[958] This answer resaivet, sche raigeit as hypocrasie usis, quhan it is prickit; and persaving that sche could nott wirk quhat sche wald at the handis of men particularie, sche sett furth ane Proclamatioun, universallie to be proclameit, in the tennour as followis:-- "Forsamekle as it is understand to the Queneis Grace, that the Duke of Chastellerault hes laitlie directit his missyveis in all pairtis of this realme, makand mentioun that the Frensche men lait arryvit, with thair wyffis and bairneis, ar [begunne][959] to plant in Leith, to the rewyne of the commun-welth, quhilk he and his pairttakeris will not pas ower with patient behalding, desyring to knaw quhat will be everie manis pairt; and that the fortificatioun of Leith is[960] ane purpoise devysit in France, and that thairfoir Monsieur de La Broche and the Bischop of Amiance ar cumit in this cuntrey; ane thing sa vaine and untrew, that the contrarie thairof is notour to all men of free jugement: Thairfoir hir Grace, willing that the occatiouns quhairby hir Grace was movit sa to do be maid patent, and quhat hes bene hir proceidingis sen the Appointment last maid on the Linkis besyde Leith, to the effect that the treuth of all thingis being maid manifest, everie man may understand how injustlie that will to suppres the libertie of this realme is laid to hir charge, hes thocht expedient to mak this discours following:-- "Fyrst, Althocht efter the said Appointment, dyverse of the said Congregatioun, and that not of the meaneast sort, had contravenit violentlie the pointis thairof, and maid sundrie occatiouns of new cummer, the samyn was in ane pairt wynkit att and ower-luikit, in hoip that thay with tyme wald remember thair dewatie, and abstene fra sick evill behaviouris, quhilk conversioun hir Grace ever sochtt, rather than any puneisment, with sick cair and solicitud be all meaneis, quhill, in the menetyme, na thing was providit for hir awin securitie. Bot at last, be thair frequent messageis to and fra Ingland, thair intelligence than was persavit: yit hir Grace trestis the Quene of Ingland (lett thame seik as thay pleise) will do the office of ane Christiane Princes in tyme of ane sworne peax; throw quhilk force was to hir Grace (seand sua greit defectioun of greit personageis,) to have recourse to the law of nature; and lyk as ane small bird, being persewit, will provide sum nest, sua hir Grace could do na less, in caise of persute, nor provide sum sure retrait for hir selff and hir cumpany; and to that effect, chusit the toun of Leith, as place convenient thairfoir; becaus, first, it was hir derrest dochteris propertie, and na uther persone could acclame tytle or enteress thairto, and als becaus in tyme afoir it had bene fortifeit. About the same tyme that the seiking support of Ingland was maid manifest, arryvit the Erle of Arrane, and adjoinit him selff to the Congregatioun, upoun farder promisses nor the[961] pretendit quarrell of religioun that was to be sett up be thame in authoratie, and sua to pervert the haill obedience. [SN: FALSE LEYING TOUNG, GOD HAS CONFOUNDIT THEE!] And as sum of the said Congregatioun at the samyn tyme had putt to thair handis, and takin the Castell of Brochty, put furth the keiparis thairof: immediatlie came fra the said Duike to hir Grace unluikit for, ane writing, beside many uther,[962] compleneand of the fortificatioun of the said toun of Leith, in hurt of the ancient inhabitantis thairof, brether of the said Congregatioun, quhairof he than professit him self ane member; and albeit that the beirar of the said writting was ane unmeitt messinger in ane mater of sick consequence, yitt hir Grace direc[ted] to him twa personeis of guid creddeit and reputatioun with answer, offerrand, gif he wald caus ane mendis be maid for that quhilk was commitit aganeis the lawis of the realme, to do further nor could be cravit of reassone, and to that effect to draw sum conference, quhilk for inlaik of him and his collegis, tuik no end. [SN: GOD HES PURGEIT HIS PEPILL OF THAT FALSE ACCUSATIOUN.] Nochttheles thay continewallie sensyne contynewis in thair doingis, usurping the Authoratie, commanding and chargeing free Borrowis to cheise Provestis and officiaris of thair nameing, and to assyst to thame in the purpoise thay wald be att; and thatt thay will nocht suffer provisioun to be brocht for sustentatioun of hir Graceis housseis; and greit pairt hes sa planelie sett asyde all reverence and humanitie, quhairby everie man may knaw that it is na mater of religioun, bot ane plane usurpatioun of authoratie, and na dout bot sempill men, of gude zeall in tymeis bigane, thairwith falslie hes bene desavit. Bot as to the Queneis Grace pairt, God, quha knawis the secreitis of all hartis, weill kennis, and the warld sall see be experience, that the fortificatioun of Leith was devisit for na uther purpoise bot for recourse to hir Hienes and hir cumpany, in caise thay war persewit. Quhairfoir, all gud subjectis that hes the feir of God in thair hartis, will not suffer thame selffis be sick vaine perswatiouns to be led away from thair dew obedience, bot will assist in defence of thair Soveraneis quarrel aganeis all sick as will persew the same wrangouslie. Thairfoir, hir Grace ordaneis the officiaris of armeis to pas to the Mercat-Croceis of all heid Borrowis of this realme, and thair be oppin proclamatioun command and charge all and sundrie the liegeis thairof, that nane of thame tak upoun hand to put thame selfis in armeis, nor tak pairt with the said Duke or his assistaris, under the pane of treassone." Thir letteris being devulgatt, the hartis of many war steirit; for thay jugeit the narratioun of the Queue Regent to have bene trew: uthiris understanding the samin to be utterlie false. Bot becaus the Lordis desyreit all man [to] juge in thair cause, thay sett out this Declaratioun subsequent:-- [SN: THE DECLARATIOUN OF THE LORDIS AGAINST THE FORMER PROCLAMATIOUN.] "We ar compellit unwillinglie to answer the grevouse accusatiouns maist injustlie laid to our chargeis be the Quene Regent and hir perverst Counsall, quha cease not, by all craft and malice, to mak us odiouse to our darrest brethren, naturall Scotismen; as that we pretendit na uther thing bot the subversioun and owerthraw of all just authoritie, quhan, God knawis, that we thocht na thing bot that sick authoratie as God approvis by his word, be establischeit, honourit, and obeyit amangis us. Trew it is that we have complenit, (and continewallie must complene,) till God send redress, that our commun cuntrey is oppressit with strangearis; that this inbringing of suldiouris, with thair wiffis and children, and planting of men of weir in oure free tounis, appeiris to us ane reddy way to conqueist: And we maist eirnistlie requyre all indifferent personeis to juge betwix us and [the] Quene Regent in this cause,[963] to wit, quhidder that our complaynt be just or nott; for, for quhat uther purpoise sould sche this multiplie strangearis upoun us, bot onlie in respect of conqueist; quhilk is ane thing not of lait devisit be hir and hir avaritiouse House. [SN: THE AVARICE OF THAME OF LORANE AND GWEISE.] We ar not ignorant, that sax yeris past, the questioun was demandit, of ane man of honest reputatioun, quhat nomber of men was abill to dantoun Scotland, and to bring it to the full obedience of France. She allegeis, that to say the fortificatioun of Leith was ane purpoise devisit in France, and that for that purpoise war Monsieur de La Broche, and the Bischop Amiance send to this cuntrey, is ane thing sa vaine and untrew, that the contrarie thairof is notour to all men of fre jugement. Bot evident it is, quhatsoever sche allegeis, that sence thair arryvall, Leith was begun to be fortifeit. Sche allegeis, that sche, seing the defectioun of greit personageis, was compellitt to have recourse to the law of nature, and lyk ane small bird persewit,[964] to provide for sum sure retreitt to hir selff and hir cumpany. Bot quhy dois sche not answer, for quhatt purpoise did sche bring in hir new bandis of men of weir? Was thair any defectioun espyit befoir thair arryvall? Was not the Congregatioun under appointment with hir? quhilk, quhatsoever sche allegeis, sche is not abill to prove that we haid contravenit in any chief poynt, befoir that her new throt-cuttaris arryvit, yea, befoir that thay began to fortifie Leith; ane place, says sche, maist convenient for hir purpoise, as in verray deid it is for the resaving of strangearis at hir plesour: for gif sche haid fearit the persute of hir body, sche haid the Insche, Dumbar, Blaknes, fortis and strenthis alreddy maid. Yea, bot they could not sa weill serve hir turne as Leith, becaus it was hir Dochteris propertie, and na uther could haif tytill to it, and becaus it had bene fortifeit of befoir. That all men may knaw the just tytle hir Dochter and sche hes to the toun of Leith, we sall in few wordis declair the trewth. "It is not unknawin to the maist pairt of this realme, that thair hes bene ane auld haitrent and contentioun betuix Edinburght and Leith;[965] Edinburgh seiking continewallie to possess that libertie, quhilk be donatioun of kyngis thay have lang injoyit; and Leith, be the contrary, aspyring to ane libertie and fredome in prejudice of Edinburgh. [SN: THE TITLE THAT THE QUENE [HAD] OR HES[966] TO LEITH.] The Quene Regent, ane woman that could mak hir proffitt of all handis, was nott ignorant how to compass hir awin mater; and thairfoir secreitlie sche gaif adverteisment to sum of Leith, that sche wald mak thair Toun fre, gif that sche mycht do it with any cullour of justice. [SN: THE LAIRD OF RESTALRIG SUPERIOUR TO LEITH.] Be quhilk promeise, the principall men of them did travell with the Laird of Restalrig,[967] ane man nether prudent nor fortunat, to quhome the superioratie of Leyth appertenit, that he sould sell his haill tytle and rycht to our Soverane, for certane sowmeis of money, quhilk the inhabitantis of Leith payit, with ane large taxatioun mair, to the Quene Regent, in hoip to have bene maid free in dispite and defraud of Edinburgh. Quhilk rycht and superioratie, quhan sche haid gottin, and quhan the money was payit, the first fruittis of thair libertie thay now eitt with bitternes, to wit, that strangearis sall possess thair town. This is hir just tytle quhilk hir Dochter and sche may clame to that Towne. And quhair sche allegeis that it was fortifeit befoir, we ask, gif that [was] done without consent of the Nobilatie and Estaitis of the realme, as sche now, and hir craftie Counsallouris do in dispyte and contempt of us the lauchfull heidis[968] and borne counsallouris of this realme. "How far we have socht support of Ingland, or of ony uther Princes, and how just cause we haid, and haif sa to do, we sall schortlie mak manifest unto the warld, to the prayse of Godis haly name, and to the confusioun of all thame that sclander us for sa doing. For this we feir nott to confess, that as in this oure interpryse against the Devill, idolatrie, and the mentenance of the same, we cheiflie and onlie seik Godis glorie to be notifeit unto man, synne to be puncisit, and vertew to be mentenit; sua quhair power faillis of oure self, we will seik quhair soever God sall offer the same; and yitt in sa doing, we ar assureit, nether till offend God, nether yitt to do any thing repugnant to our dewiteis. We hartlie prayse God, quha movit the hart of the Erle of Arrane to joyne him selff with us, his persecuteit brethren; bot how maliciouse ane ley it is, that we have promesit to sett him up in authoratie, the ischew sall declair. God we tak to record, that na sick thing hes to this day enterit in oure hartis. Nether yitt hes he, the said Erie, nather any to him appertenyng, movit unto us ony sick mater; quhilk, gif thay sould do, yitt ar we not sa sklender in jugement, that inconsidderatlie we wald promeis that quhilk efter we mycht repent. We speik and write to Goddis glorie:[969] The leist of us knawis better quhat obedience is dew to ane lauchfull authoritie, than sche or hir Counsall dois practise the office of sick as worthelie may sitt upoun the sait of justice; for we offer, and we performe, all obedience quhilk God hes commandit; for we nether deny toll, tribute, honour, nor feir till hir, nor till hir officiaris: We onlie brydill hir blynd raige, in the quhilk sche wald erect and mentene idolatrie, and wald murther oure brethren quha refusses the same. Bott sche dois utterlie abuse the authoratie establischeitt by God: sche prophaneis the throne of his Majestie in erth, making the Saitt of justice, quhilk aucht to be the sanctuary and refuge of all godlie and vertuouse personeis, injustlie afflictit, to be ane den and receaptakle to thevis, murtheraris, idolateris, huremongaris, adulteraris, and blasphemaris of God and all godlynes. [SN: THE WICKITNESS OF THE BISCHOPIS.[970]] It is mair than evident, quhat men thay ar, and lang have bene, quham sche by hir power mentenis and defendis; and alssua quhat hes bene our conversatioun sence it hes plesit God to call us to his knawlege, quham now in hir fury sche crewellie persecuteis. We deny nocht the taking of the House of Brouchty;[971] and the cause being considderit, we think that na naturall Scottisman will be offendit at oure fact. Quhan the assureit knawlege came unto us that the fortificatioun of Leith was begun, everie man began to inquyre quhat daingear mycht ensew to the rest of the realme, giff the Frensche sould plant in dyverse placeis, and quhat war the placeis that mycht maist [annoy] us.[972] [SN: THE CAUS THAT BROWCHTY CRAIG WAS TAKIN.[973]] In conclusioun it was found, that the taking of the said housse be Frensche men sould be destructioun to Dundie, and hurtfull to Sanct Johnnstoun, and to the haill cuntrey; and thairfoir it was thocht expedient to prevent the daingear, as that we did for preservatioun of oure brethren and commun cuntrey. It is nocht unknawin quhat ennemyis thir twa Tounis have, and quhow glaidlie wald sum haif all guid ordour and pollecey owerthrawin in thame. The conjectureis that the Frensche war of mynd schortlie to have takin the same, war not obscure. Bot quhatsoever thay pretendit, we can nott repent that we (as said is) have preventit the daingear; and wald God that our power haid bene in the same maner to have foircloissit thair entres to Leith; for quhat trubill the pure realme sall endure befoir thatt thay murtheraris and injust possessouris be removit from the same, the ischew will declair. [SN: LETT ALL MAN JUGE.] Giff hir accusatioun against my Lord Duikis Grace, and that we refusit conference, be trewlie and sempillie spokin, we will nott refuise the jugement of thay verray men, quham sche allegeis to be of sa honest a reputatioun. [SN: THE DUIKEIS ANSWER.] Thay knaw that the Dukeis Grace did answer, that gif the realme mycht be sett at libertie frome the bondage of thay men of weir quhilk presentlie did oppress it, and was sa feirfull to him and his brethren, that thay war compellit to absent thame selfis from the placeis quhair sche and thay maid residence; thatt he and the haill Congregatioun sould cum and gif all debtfull[974] obedience to oure Soverane hir dochter, and unto hir Grace, as Regent for the tyme. Bot to enter in conference, sa lang as sche keipis above him and his brethren that feirfull scourge of crewell strangearis, he thocht na wyise man wald counsall him. And this his answer we approve, adding farther, That sche can mak us no promeis quhilk sche can keip nor we can creddeit, sa lang as sche is forceit with the strenth, and reuillit be the counsall of Frensche.[975] We ar not ignorant that princeis think it guid policey to betray thair subjectis be breking of promeissis, be thay never so solempnitlie maid. We have nott forgett quhat counsall sche and Monsieur Dosell gaif to the Duike against thame that slew the Cardinall, and keip the Castell of Sanctandrois: And it was this, "That quhat promeis thay list to requyre sould be maid unto thame: bot how sone that the Castell was randerit, and thyngis brocht to sick pass as was expedient, that he sould chope the heidis frome everie ane of thame." To the quhilk quhan the Duike answerit, "That he wald never consent to sa treassonabill ane act, bot gif he promesit fidelitie, he wald faithfullie keip it." Monsieur Dosell said, in mockage to the Quene, in Frensche, "That is ane guid sempill nature, bot I knaw na uther prince that wald swa do." Gif this was his jugement in sa small ane mater, quhat have we to suspect in this oure caus: [SN: _NOTA._] For now the question is not of the slauchter of ane Cardinall, bot of the just abolisching of all that tyrannie quhilk that Romane Antechryst hes usurpit above us, of the suppressing of idolatrie, and of the reformatioun of the haill religioun, by that verming of schavelingis utterlie corruptit. [SN: THE QUARRELL BETUIX FRANCE AND THE CONGREGATIOUN OF SCOTLAND.] Now, gif the slauchter of ane Cardinall be ane syn irremissebill,[976] as thay thair selffis affirme, and gif faith aucht not to be keipit to heretykes, as thair awin law speikis, quhat promeise can sche that is reullit be the counsall and commandyment of ane Cardinall, mak to us, that can be sure? "Quhair sche accusis us, that we usurp authoritie, to command and charge free Browchis to cheise Provestis and officiaris of our nameing, &c., we will that the haill Browchis of Scotland testifie in that caise, quhydder that we have usit ony kynd of violence, bot lovinglie exhortit sick as askit support, to cheise sick in office as had the feir of God befoir thair eyis, luffitt equitie and justice, and war nott notit with avarice and brybing. Bot wonder it is, with quhatt face sche can accuse us of thatt quhairof we ar innocent, and sche sua oppinlie criminall, that the haill realme knawis hir iniquities. In that caise, hes sche nott compellit the toun of Edinburgh to reteane ane man to be thair Provest,[977] [SN: THE LORD SEYTOUN UNWORTHY OF REGIMENT.[978]] maist unworthy of ony regiment in ane weill rewlit commun-wealth? Hes sche nott enforceitt thame to tak Baillies of hir appoyntment, and sum of thame sua meitt for thair office, in this trubilsum tyme, as ane sowtar is to saill[979] ane schip in ane stormy day? [SN: _OPTIMA COLLATIO._] Sche compleneis thatt we will nott suffer provisioun to be maid for hir House. In verray deid we unfeinzeitlie repent, that befoir this we tuik nott better ordour that thir murtheraris and oppressouris, quham sche pretendis to nureise, for oure destructioun, had not bene disapointit of that greit provisioun of victuallis quhilk sche and thay have gadderit, to the greit hurt of the haill cuntrey. Bot as God sall assist us in tymeis cuming, we sall do diligence sum-quhatt to frustrat thair devillysche purpoise. [SN: LETT THE PAPISTIS JUGE GIF GOD HES NOT GEVIN JUGEMENT TO THE DISPLESOUR OF THAIR HARTIS.] Quhatt baith sche and we[980] pretend, we dout not bot God, quha can not suffer the abuse of his awin name lang to be unpunischeit, sall one day declair; and unto him we feir nott to committ oure cause. Nether yitt feir we in this presentt to say, that against us sche makis ane maist maliciouse ley. [SN: THE LEY TO THE QUENE REGENT.] Quhair that sche sayis, that it is na religioun that we ga about, bot ane plane usurpatioun of the Authoritie, God forbid that sick impietie sould enter into oure hartis, that we sould mak his holie religioun ane cloik and covertour of oure iniquitie. Frome the begynning of this contraversie, it is evidentlie knawin quhat have bene oure requeistis, quhilk gif the rest of the Nobilitie and communitie of Scotland will caus be peformeit unto us, giff than ony sygne of rebellioun appeir in us, lett us be reputit and punisit as traytouris. Bot quhill strangearis ar brocht in to suppres us, our commun-welth, and posteritie, quhill idolatrie is mentenit, and Christ Jesus his trew religioun dispysit, quhill idill bellies and bludy tyrantis, the Bischopis, ar mentenit, and Christis trew messingeris persecutit; quhill, fynallie, vertew is contemnit, and vice extollit, quhill that we, ane greit pairt of the Nobilitie and communaltie of this realme, ar maist injustlie persecuteit, quhat godlie man can be offendit that we sall seik reformatioun of thir enormiteis, (yea, evin be force of armes, seing that uthirwayis it is denyit unto us;) we ar assureit that nether God, neather nature, neather ony just law, forbiddis us. [SN: THE CAUS THAT MOVIT THE NOBILITIE OF THIS REALME TO OPPONE THAME TO THE QUENE REGENT.] God hes maid us counsallouris be birth of this realme; nature byndis us to luiff our awin cuntrey; and just lawis commandis us to support oure brethren injustlie persecutit. Yea, the aith that we have maid, to be trew to this commune-wealth, compellis us to hasard quhatsoever God hes gevin us, befoir that we see the miserabill rewyne of the same. Gif ony think this is not religioun quhilk now we seik, we answer, That it is nathing ellis, bot the zeall of the trew religioun quhilk movis us to this interpryse: [SN: THE SAME MYND REMANIS TO THIS DAY.] For as the ennemy dois craftelie foirsee that idolatrie can not be universalie mentenit, onless that we be utterlie suppressit, sua do we considder that the trew religioun (the puritie quhairof we onlie requyre) can not be universalie erectit, unless strangearis be removit, and this pure realme purgeit of thir pestilencis quhilk befoir have infectit it. And thairfoir, in the name of the eternall God, and of his Sone Chryst Jesus, quhais caus we sustene, we requyre all oure brethren, naturall Scottis men, prudentlie to considder oure requeistis, and with judgment to decerne betuix us and the Quene Regent and hir factioun, and not to suffer thame selfis to be abused by her craft and deceat, that eather thei shall lift thair weaponis against us thair brethren, who seik nothing butt Godis glorie, eyther yitt that thei extract frome us thare just and detfull[981] supporte, seing that we hasard our lyves for preservatioun of thame and us, and of our posteritie to come: Assuring suche as shall declair thame selves favoraris of her factioun, and ennemeis unto us, that we shall repute thame, whensoever God shall putt the sword of justice in our handis, worthie of such punishment, as is dew for such as studie to betray thair countree in the handis of strangearis." [SN: THIS PROMEISS WAS FORYETT,[982] AND THAIRFOIR HES GOD PLAGUED. WHAT SPREIT COULD HAUE HOPED FOR VICTORIE IN SO DISPERATE DANGEARIS.] This our Answer was formed, and divulgat in some places, but not universallie, be reassone of our day appointit to meitt at Striveling, as befoir is declaired. In this meantyme, the Quene her postes ran with all possible expeditioun to draw men to her devotioun; and in verray deid, sche fand mo favoraris of her iniquitie then we suspected. For a man that of long tyme had bene of our nomber in professioun, offered (as himself did confesse) his service to the Quene Regent, to travaill betuix hir Grace and the Congregatioun for concord. Sche refused nott his offer; bott knowing his simplicitie, sche was glad to employ him for her advantage. The man is Maister Robert Lockart,[983] a man of whome many have had and still have good opinioun, as tweiching his religioun; bott to enter in the dresse of suche affaris, nott so convenient, as godlie and wyise men wold requyre. He travailled nocht the less earnestlie in the Quene Regentis affares, and could nott be perswaded bot that sche ment sincerlie, and that sche wold promote the religioun to the uttermost of her power. He promissed in hir name, that sche wald putt away hir Frensche men, and wald be reulled by the counsall of naturall Scottismen. When it was reassoned in his contrary, "That yf sche war so mynded to do, sche could have found mediatouris a great deall more convenient for that purpose." He feared nott to affirme, "That he knew more of her mynd then all the Frenche or Scottis that war in Scotland, yea more then her awin brethren that war in France." He travailled with the Erle of Glencarne, the Lordis Uchiltrie and Boid, with the Larde of Dun, and with the Preacheouris, to whome he had certane secreat letteris, which he wald not deliver, onless that thei wald maik a faithfull promeise, that thei should never reveill the thing conteaned in the same. To the whiche it was answered, "That in no wyise thei could maik suche a promeise, be reassone that thei war sworne one to another, and altogetther in one body, that thei should have no secreat intelligence nor dress with the Quene Regent, bot that thei should communicat with the Great Counsall whatsoever sche proponed unto thame, or thei did answer unto her." As by this Answer, written by Johne Knox to the Quene Regent, may be understand,[984] the tennour whairof followis:-- "[MADAME,][985] "My dewitie moist humilie premissed: Your Grace's servand, Maister Robert Lockard, maist instantlie hes requyred me and otheris, to whome your Graceis letteris, as he alledged, war directed, to receave the same in secreat maner, and to geve to him answer accordinglie. Bot becaus some of the nomber that he required war and ar upoun the Great Counsall of this realme, and thairfoir ar solempnedlie sworne to have nothing to do in secreate maner, neather with your Grace, neather yitt with any that cumis fra yow, or fra your Counsall; and swa thei could not receave your Grace letteris with sick conditionis as the said Maister Robert required; and thairfoir thocht he good to bring to your Grace agane the said letteris close. And yitt becaus, as he reportis, he hes maid to your Grace some promeise in my name; att his requeist, I am content to testifie by my letter and subscriptioun, the sume of that quhilk I did communicat with him. In Dondie, after many wourdis betuix him and me, I said, that albeit diverse sinister reportis had bene maid of me, yitt did I never declair any evident tockin of haiterent nor inmitie against your Grace. For yf it be the office of a verray freind to geve trew and faythfull counsall to thame whome he seis ryn to destructioun for lack of the same, I could nott be provin ennemye to your Grace, bot rather a freind unfeaned.[986] For what counsall I had gevin to your Grace, my writtingis, alsweall my Letteris and Additioun to the same, now prented,[987] as diverse otheris quhilkis I wrait fra Sanct Johnestoun, may testifie. I farther added, that sick ane ennemye was I unto yow, that my tung did bayth perswaid and obteane, that your authoritie and regiment should be obeyed of us in all thingis lawchfull, till ye declaired your self open ennemye to this commoun-wealth, as now, allace! ye have done. This I willed him moreover to say to your Grace, that yf ye, following the counsall of flatterand men, having no God bot this world and thair bellies, did proceid in your malice against Christ Jesus his religioun, and trew ministeris, that ye should do nothing ellis but accclerat and haste Godis plague and vengeance upoun your self and upoun your posteritie: and that ye, (yf ye did not change your purpose hastelie,) should bring your self in sick extreame danger, that when ye wold seak remeady, it should nott be sa easy to be found, as it had bene befoir. This is the effect and sume of all that I said at that tyme, and willed him, yf he pleased, to communicat the same to your Grace. And the same yitt agane I notifie unto your Grace, by this my letter, writtin and subscryved at Edinburgh, the 26 of October 1559. (_Sic subscribitur_,) "Your Grace's to command in all godlynes. "JOHN KNOX. "_Postscriptum._--God move your harte[988] yitt in tyme to considder, that ye feght nott against man, bot against the eternall God, and against his Sone Jesus Christ, the onlie Prince of the kingis of the earth." * * * * * At whiche answer, the said Maister Robert was so offended, that he wald nott deliver his letteris, saying, "That we wer ungodlie and injuriouse to the Quene Regent yf we suspected any craft in hir." To the whiche it was answered, by one of the preacheouris, "That tyme should declair, whitther he or thei war deceaved. Yff sche should nott declair hir self ennemye to the trew religioun whiche thei professed, yf ever sche had the upper hand, then thei wald be content to confesse that thei had suspected her sinceritie without just cause. Bot and yf sche should declair her malice no less in tymes cuming than sche had done befoir, thei required that he should be more moderat then to dampne thame whose conscience he knew nott." And this was the end of the travaill for that tyme, after that he had trubled the conscience of many godlie and qwiet personis. For he and other who war her hyred postes, ceassed nott to blaw in the earis of all man, that the Quene wes hevelie done to; that sche required nothing bot obedience to her Doghtter; that sche was content that the trew religioun should go fordwarde, and that all abuses should be abolished; and be this meane thei broght a gruge and divisioun amang our selfis. For many (and our brethrene of Lowthiane especiallie) began to murmur, that we soght another thing than religioun, and so ceassed to assist us certane dayis, after that we wer cumed to Edinburgh, whiche we did according to the former diet, the 16 day of October. This grudge and truble amangis our selfis was not reased by the foirsaid Maister Robert[989] onlye, bot by those pestilentis whome befoir we have expressed, and Maister James Balfour especiallie, whose vennemouse tounges against God and his trew religioun, as thei deserve punishement of men, so shall thei not escheap Godis vengeance, onless that spedelie thei reapent. [SN: THE SECOUND ADMONITIOUN TO THE QUENE REGENT.] After our cuming to Edinburgh the day foirnamed, we assembled in counsall, and determined to geve new advertisement to the Quenis Grace Regent, of our Conventioun, and in suche sorte; and so with commoun consent we send unto her our requeast, as followis:-- "[MADAME,][990] "It will pleise your Grace reduce to your remembrance, how at our last Conventioun at Hammyltoun, we required your Hienes, in our maist humbill maner, to desist from the fortifeing of this town of Leyth, then interprysed and begone, quhilk appeared to us (and yitt does) ane entree to ane conqueist, and overthrow to our liberties, and altogidder against the lawis and custumes of this realme,[991] seing it was begune, and yit continewis, without any advise and consent of the Nobilitie and Counsall of this realme. Quhaifoir now, as of befoir, according to our dewitie to our commoun-wealth, we most humelie requyre your Grace to caus your strangearis and soldiouris whatsumever to departe of the said town of Leyth, and maik the same patent, not onlye to the inhabitantis, bot also to all Scottishmen, our Soverane Ladyes liegis. Assureand your Hienes, that yf, refusand the samyn, ye declair thairby your evill mynd toward the commoun-weill and libertie of this realme, we will (as of befoir) mene and declair the caus unto the haill Nobilitie and communaltie of this realme; and according to the oath quhilk we have sworne for the mantenance of the commoun-weall, in all maner of thingis to us possible, we will provid reamedy: thairfoir requyring most humblie your Grace answer in haist with the berar, becaus in our eyis the act continewallie proceadis, declaring ane determinatioun of conquest, quhilk is presumed of all men, and not without caus. And thus, after our humill commendatioun of service, we pray Almychttie God to have your Grace in his eternall tuitioun." * * * * * These our letteris receaved, our messinger was threatned, and withholdin a whole day. Thairefter he was dismissed, without ony other answer bot that sche wald send ane answer when sche thocht expedient. In this meantyme, becaus the rumour ceassed nott, that the Duke his Grace usurped the Authoritie, he was compelled, with the sound of trumpete, at the Mercat Croce of Edinburgh, to maik his purgatioun, in forme as followis, the xix day of October: [SN: THE DUIK LONG BEFOIR FALSLIE ACCUSED OF USURPATIOUN.[992]] THE PURGATIOUN OF THE DUIK. "Forsamekle as my Lord Duik of Chastellerault, understanding the fals reporte maid be the Quene Regent against him, that he and his sone, my Lord of Arrane, should pretend usurpatioun of the Croune and Authoritie of this realme, when in verray deid he nor his said sone never anis mynded sic thingis, bott allanerlie in simplicitie of heart, movit partlie be the violent persute of the religioun and trew professouris thairof, partlie by compassioun of the commoun-wealth and poore communitie of this realme, oppressed with strangearis, he joyned him self with the rest of the Nobilitie, with all hasard, to supporte the commoun caus of that ane and of that uther; hes thoght expedient to purge him self and his said Sone, in presence of yow all, as he had done in presence of the Counsall, of that same cryme, of auld, evin be summondis, laid to his charge the secound year of the regne of our Soverane Lady. Quhilk malice hes continewed ever against him, maist innocent of that cryme, as your experience bearis witness; and planelie protestis, that neather he nor his said Sone suittis and seikis any pre-eminence,[993] eather to the Croune or Authoritie, bot als far as his puissance may extend, is readdy, and ever shalbe, to concur with the rest of the Nobilitie his brethren, and all otheris whais hartis ar tweichet to manteane the commoun caus of religioun and liberty of thair native cuntrey, planelie invaded be the said Regent and hir said soldiouris, wha onlye does forge sick vane reportis to withdraw the heartis of trew Scottisemen from the succour thai aught of bound dewitie to thair commoun-weall opprest. Quharefoir [he] exhortis all men that will manteane the trew religioun of God, or withstand this oppressioun or plane conquest, interprysed be strangearis upoun our native Scottisemen, nott to credyte sick fals and untrew reportis, bot rather concurr with us and the rest of the Nobilitie, to sett your countree at libertie, expelling strangearis thairfra; whiche doing, ye shall schaw your self obedient to the ordinance of God, whiche was establisshed for mantenance of the commoun-weall, and trew members of the same." The xxi day of October, cam fra the Quene then Regent Maister Robert Forman,[994] Lyoun King of Armes, who broght unto us ane writting in this tennour and credit:-- "Eftir commendatioun: We have receavit your letter of Edinburgh the xix of this instant, whiche appeared to us rather to have cumit fra ane Prince to his subjectis, nor fra subjectis to thame that bearis authoritie: For answer whairof, we have presentlie directed unto yow this berar, Lyon Herald King of Armes, sufficientlie instructed with our mynd, to whome ye shall geve credence. "At Leyth, the 21 of October 1559. (_Sic subscribitur_,) "MARIE R." [SN: LETT THIS BE NOTED, AND LEFT ALL MEN JUDGE OF THE PURPOSE OF THE FRENCHE.] His Credit is this:-- "That sche woundered how any durst presume to command her in that realme, whiche neaded not to be conquest by any force, considering that it was allready conqueissed by marriage; that Frenche men could nott be justlie called strangearis, seing that thei war naturalized; and thairfoir that sche wald neather maik that Toun patent, neather yitt send any man away, bot as sche thocht expedient. Sche accused the Duik of violating his promeise: Sche maid long protestatioun of her love towardis the commoun-wealth of Scotland; and in the end commanded, that under pane of treassone, all assistaris to the Duke and unto us, should departe from the toune of Edinburgh."[995] This answer receaved, credite heard, preconceaved malice sufficientlie espyed, consultatioun was tacken what was expedient to be done. And for the first it was concluded, that the Herauld should be stayed till farder determinatioun should be tacken. [SN: THE ORDOUR OF THE SUSPENSIOUN OF THE QUEIN REGENT, FROM AUTHORITIE WITHIN SCOTLAND.] The haill Nobilitie, Baronis, and Broughes, then present, wer commanded to convene in the Tolbuyth of Edinburgh, the same xxj day of October, for deliberatioun of these materis. Whare the hole caus being exponed by the Lord Ruthven, the questioun was proponed, "Whetther sche that so contempteouslie refuissed the most humill requeist of the borne Counsallouris of the realm, being also bott a Regent, whose pretenses threatned the boundage of the hole commoun-wealth, awght to be sufferred so tyrannouslie to impyre above tham?" And because that this questioun had nott bene befoir disputed in open assemblie, it was thoght expedient that the judgement of the Preachearis should be required; who being called and instructed in the caise, Johne Willok, who befoir had susteaned the burthen of the Churche in Edinburgh, commanded[996] to speik, maid discourse, as followeth, affirmyng:-- [SN: THE DISCOURSE OF JOHNE WILLOCK.] "First, That albeit Magistratis be Goddes ordinance, having of him power and authoritie, yitt is not thair power so largelie extended, but that is bounded and limited by God in his word. "And Secundarlie, That as subjectis ar commanded to obey thair magistratis, so ar magistratis commanded to geve some dewitie to the subjectis; so that God by his word, hes prescribed the office of the one and of the other. "Thridlie, That albeit God hath appointed magistratis his lievtennentis on earth, and hes honored thame with his awin title, calling thame goddis, that yitt he did never so establess any, but that for just causses thei mycht have bene depryved. "Fourtlie, That in deposing of Princes, and those that had bene in authoritie, God did nott alwyise use his immediate poware; but sometymes he used other meanis whiche his wisedome thocht good and justice approved, as by Asa he removed Maacha his awin mother from honour and authoritie, whiche befoir sche had brooked; by Jehu he destroyed Joram, and the haill posteritie of Achab; and by diverse otheris he had deposed from authoritie those whome befoir he had establesshed by his awin worde." [SN: The causes.] And heirupoun concluded he, "That since the Quene Regent denyed her cheaf dewitie to the subjectis of this realme, whiche was to minister justice unto thame indifferentlie, to preserve thair liberties from invasioun of strangearis, and to suffer thame have Godis word freelie and openlie preached amanges thame; seing, moreover, that the Quene Regent wes ane open and obstinat idolatress, a vehement manteanare of all superstitioun and idolatrie; and, finallie, that sche utterlie dispysed the counsall and requeistis of the Nobilitie, he could see no reassone why they, the borne Counsallouris, Nobilitie, and Baronis of the realme, mycht nott justlie deprive her from all regiment and authoritie amanges thame." [SN: The judgement of Johne Knox, in the dispositioun of the Quein Regent.] Heirefter was the judgement of Johne Knox required, who, approving the sentence of his Brother, added,-- "First, That the iniquitie of the Quene Regent, and mysordour owght in nowyis to withdraw neather our heartis, neather yitt the heartis of other subjectis, from the obedience dew unto our Soveranis. "Secundarly, That and yf we deposed the said Quene Regent rather of malice and privat invy, than for the preservatioun of the commoun-wealth, and for that her synnes appeared incurable, that we should nott escheap Godis just punishment, howsoever that sche had deserved rejectioun from honouris. "And Thridlie, He required that no suche sentence should be pronunced against her, bott that upoun her knawin and oppen reapentance, and upoun her conversioun to the commoun-wealth, and submissioun to the Nobilitie, place should be granted unto her of regresse to the same honouris from the whiche, for just causses, sche justlie might be deprived." The votes of everie man particularlie by him self required, and everie man commanded to speik, as he wald ansure to God, what his conscience judged in that mater, thair was none found, amonges the hole number, who did nott, by his awin toung consent to her deprivatioun. Thairefter was her process[997] committed to writt, and registrat, as followeth:-- [SN: THE ENORMITIES COMMITTED BY THE QUEIN REGENT.] "At Edinburgh, the twenty one day of October 1559. The Nobilitie, Baronis, and Broughes convenit to advise upoun the affairis of the commoun-weall, and to ayde, supporte, and succour the samyn, perceaving and lamenting the interprysed destructioun of thair said commoun-weall, and overthrow of the libertie of thair native cuntree, be the meanes of the Quene Regent, and certane strangearis her Prevey Counsallouris, plane contrarie oure Soveranes Lord and Ladyis mynd, and direct against the counsall of the Nobilitie, to proceid by litill and litill evin unto the uttermost, sa that the urgent necessitie of the commoun-weall may suffer na langare delay, and earnestlie craves our supporte: Seing heirfoir that the said Quene Regent, (abusing and owir passing our Soveranes Lord and Ladyis commissioun, gevin and granted to her,) hes in all her proceidingis, persewit the Baronis and Broughes within this realme, with weapones and armour of strangearis, butt ony process or ordour of law, thei being oure Soverane Lord and Ladyis trew liegis, and never called nor convict in any cryme be ony judgement lauchfull; as first at Sanct Johnestoun, in the moneyth of Maij, sche assembled her army against the towne and inhabitantis thairof, never called nor convict in any cryme, for that thei professed trew wirschip of God, conforme to his moist sacrat worde; and lyikwyis in the moneyth of Junij last, without any lauchfull ordour or calling going befoir, invaded the persones of syndre Noble men and Baronis with force of armes convenit at Sanctandrois, onlie for caus of religioun, as is notoriouslie knawin, thei never being callit nor convict in ony cryme: Attour layed garnisonis the same moneth upoun the inhabitantis of the said toun of Sanct Johnestoun, oppressing the liberties of the Quenis trew lieges; for feir of whiche her garnisones, ane great parte of the inhabitantis thairof, fled of the towne, and durst nott resorte agane unto thair housses and heretages, whill thei war restored be armes, thei notwithstanding never being called nor convict in any cryme. And farder, that samyn tyme did thrust in upoun the headis of the inhabitantis of the said towne Provest and Baillies, against all ordour of electioun; as laitlie, in this last moneth of September, sche had done in the townes of Edinburgh and Jedburgh, and diverse utheris plaices, in manifest[998] oppressioun of our liberties. Last of all, declairing her evill mynd toward the Nobilitie, commountie,[999] and haill natioun, hes brocht in strangearis, and dalie pretendis to bring in grettar force of the samyn; pretending ane manifest conqueast of our native rowmes and countree, as the deid it self declaires: in sa far as sche heaving brocht in the saidis strangearis, but ony advise of the said Counsall and Nobilitie, and contrair thair expresse mynd send to her Grace in writt, hes plaicet and planted her saidis strangearis in ane of the principall townis and portis of the realme, sending continewallie for grettar forces, willing thairby to suppress the commoun-weall, and libertie of our native countree, to mak us and our posteritie slaves to strangearis for ever: Whiche, as it is intollerable in commoun-wealthis and free cuntreis, sa is it verray prejudiciall to our Soverane Ladye, and her airis quhatsumever, in caise our Soverane Lord deceise butt airis of hir Grace's persone; and to perfurneise hir wicked interpises,[1000] consavit (as appeiris) of inveterat malice against our cuntree and natioun, causes (but any consent or advise of the Counsall and Nobilitie) cunzie layit-money, sa base, and of sick quantitie, that the hole realme shalbe depauperat, and all traffique with forane nationis evertit thairby; And attour, her Grace places and manteanes, contrair the pleasour of the Counsall of this realme, are strangear in ane of the greattest offices of credite within this realme, that is, in keaping of the Great Seall[1001] thairof, quhairintill great parrellis may be ingenerat to the commoun-weall and libertie thairof: [SN: HIR DOUGHTER FOLLOWED THE SAME; FOR TO DAVY WAS DELIVERED THE GREATT SEALL.[1002]] And farder, laitlie send the said Great Seall furth of this realme be the said strangeare, contrair the advise of the said Counsall, to what effect God knawis; and hes ellis be his meanes alterat the auld law and consuetude of our realme, ever observit in the graces and pardonis granted be our Soveranes to all thair liegis being repentand of thair offenses committed against thair Hienes or the liegis of the realme; and hes introducit a new captiouse styill and forme of the saidis pardonis and remissionis, attending to the practise of France, tending thairby to draw the saidis liegis of this realme, be process of tyme, in a deceavable snair; and farder, sall creipe in the haill subversioun and alteratioun of the remanent lawis of this realme, in contrair the contentis of the Appointment of Marriage; and als peace being accordit amanges the Princes, reteanes the great armye of strangearis after command send be the King of France to reteyre the same, maiking excuise that thei war reteaned for suppressing of the attemptatis of the liegis of this realme, albeit the haill subjectis thairof, of all estaitis, is and ever hes bene reddy to give all debtfull obedience to thair Soveranis, and thair lawchfull ministeris, proceiding, be Godis ordinance: And the said armye of strangearis not being payed of waiges, was layed be her Grace upoun the neckis of the poore communitie of our native countree, who was compelled be force to defraude tham selfis, thair wyffis, and barnes, of that poore substance quhilk thei mycht conqueiss with the sweit of thair browis, to satisfie thair hungar and necessiteis, and quyte the samyn to susteane the idill bellies of thir strangearis. Throw the whiche in all partis raise sick havye lamentatioun, and complaint of the communitie, accusing the Nobilitie and Counsall of thair slewth, that as the same oppressioun we dowbt nott hes entered in befoir the justice-seat of God, sa hes it movit our heartis to rewth and compassioun. And for redressing of the samyn, with other great offenses committed against the publict weall of this realme, we have convened hear, as said is; and as oft tymes of befoir, hes maist humblie, and with all reverence, desyred and required the said Quene Regent, to redress the saidis enormities, and especiallie to remove her strangearis from the neckis of the poore communitie, and to desist fra interprysing or fortificatioun of strenthis within this realme, against the express will of the Nobilitie and Counsall of the same: Yitt we being convened the mair stark for feir of her strangearis, whome we saw presume na other thing bot with armes to persew our lyves and possessiounis, besoght hir Grace to remove the feare of the samyn, and mak the Towne patent to all our Soverane Lord and Ladyis liegis; the same on nawyise wald her Grace grant unto; but when some of our cumpany in peciable maner went to view the said towne, thair wes boyth great and small munitioun schot furth at thame. And seing thairfoir that neather access was granted to be used, nor yitt her Grace wald joyne her self to us, to consult upoun the effairis of our commoun-weall, as we that be borne Counsallouris to the same, be the ancient lawis of the realme; but fearing the judgement of the Counsall wald reforme, as necessitie requyred, the foirsaid enormities, sche refuisses all maner of assistance with us, and be force and violence intendis to suppresse the liberties of our commoun-weall, and of us the favoraris of the samyn: WE, thairfoir, sa mony of the Nobilitie, Barones, and Provest of Burrowes, as ar tweichet with the cair of the commoun-weall, (unto the whiche we acknowledge our self nott onlie borne, bot alswa sworne protectouris and defendaris, against all and whatsomever invaidaris of the same,) and moved be the foirsaidis proceidingis notorious, and with the lamentable complaynt of oppressioun of our communitie, our fallow memberis of the samyn: perceaving farder, that the present necessitie of our commoun-weill may suffer na delay, being convenit (as said is) presentlie in Edinburgh, for supporte of our commoun-weall, and ryplie consulted and advisit, taking the fear of God befoir our eyis, for the causses foirsaidis, whiche ar notorious, with one consent and commoun vote, ilk man in ordour his judgement being required, In name and authoritie of our Soverane Lord and Lady, Suspendis the said Commissioun granted be our saidis Soveranis to the said Quene Dowager; dischargeing her of all administratioun or authoritie sche hes or may have thairby, unto the nixt Parliament to be sett be our advise and consent; and that becaus the said Quene, be the foirsaidis faltis notorious, declairis hir self ennemye to our commoun-weall, abusing the power of the said authoritie, to the destructioun of the samyn. And lyikwyise, we discharge all members of her said authoritie fra thinfurth; and that na cunze be cunzeit fra thinfurth without expresse consent of the said Counsall and Nobilitie, conforme to the lawis of this realme, whiche we manteane: And ordanis this to be notifeid and proclamed be Officiaris of Armes, in all head Burghis within the realme of Scotland. In witnes of the whiche, our commoun consent and free vote, we have subscrivit this present Act of Suspensioun with our handis, day, yeare, and place foirsaidis." [(_Sic subscribitur_,) BY US, THE NOBILITY AND COMMOUNS OF THE PROTESTANTS OF THE CHURCHE OF SCOTLAND.][1003] After that this our Act of Suspensioun was by sound of trumpett divulgat at the Mercat Croce of Edinburgh, we dismissed the Herauld with this answer:-- "PLEIS YOUR GRACE, "We resavit your answer, and heard the Credit of Lyoun King of Armes, whairby we gathered sufficientlie your perseverance in evill mynd toward us, the glorie of God, our commoun-weall, and libertie of our native countrey. For savetie of the whiche, according to our dewitie, We have in our Soverane Lord and Ladyeis name suspended your Commissioun, and all administratioun of the policey your Grace may pretend thairby, being maist assuiredlie persuaded, your proceidingis[1004] ar direct contrair our Soveranes Lord and Ladyis will, whiche we ever esteame to be for the weall, and nott for the hurte of this our commoun-wealth. And as your Grace will nott acknawledge us, our Soverane Lord and Ladyis liegis, trew barones and liegis, for your subjectis and Counsall, na mair will we acknawledge yow for any Regent[1005] or lauchfull Magistrat unto us; seing, gif any auctoritie ye have be reassone of our Soveranis commissioun granted unto your Grace, the same, for maist wechtie reassones, is worthelie suspended be us, in the name and authoritie of our Soveranis, whais counsall we ar of in the effares of this our commoun-weall. And for als mekle as we ar determinat, with hasard of our lyves, to sett that towne[1006] at libertie, whairin ye have most wrangouslie planted[1007] your soldiouris and strangearis, for the reverence we aucht to your persone, as Mother to our Soverane Lady, we require your Grace to transporte your persone thairfra, seing we ar constrayned,[1008] for the necessitie of the commoun-weall, to sute the samyn be armes, being denyed of the libertie thairof, be sindree requisitionis maid of befoir. Attour, your Grace wald caus departe with yow out of the said towne, ony persone havand commissioun in ambassadore, yf any sick be, or in lieutennentschip of our Soveranis, together with all Frenchemen, soldiouris, being within the same, (whais bloode we thrust nott, becaus of the auld amitie and freindschip betuix the realme of France, and us, whiche amitie, be occasioun of the mariage of our Soverane Lady to the King of that realme, should rather increase nor decrease;) and this we pray your Grace and thame bayth to do within the space of twenty four houris, for the reverence we awcht unto your persones. And thus recommending our humill service to your Grace, we committ your Hienes to the eternall protectioun of God. "At Edinburgh, the xxiij day[1009] of October 1559. "Your Graces humile Servitouris."[1010] The day following, we summoned the towne of Leyth by the sound of trumpet, in forme as followeth:-- "I require and charge, in name of oure Soverane Lord and Lady, and of the Counsall presentlie in Edinburgh, that all Scottis and Frenche men, of whatsumever estait and degree thai be, that thei departe of this towne of Leyth within the space of twelf houris, and maik the samyn patent to all and sindrie our Soverane Ladyis liegis; for seing we have na sick haitrent at eyther that ane or that other,[1011] that we thrust the bloode of any of the twa, for that ane is our naturall brother, borne, nurished, and broght up within the bowellis of ane commoun countree; and with that other, our natioun hes continewed lang amitie and allya, and hopis that sa shall do sa lang as swa thei list to use us, and nott suite to maik slavis of freindis, whiche this strenthnyng of oure townis pretendis. And thairfoir maist hartlie desyres that ane and that uther, to desist frome fortifeing and manteanyng of this towne, in our Soveranis and thair said Counsallis name, desyres thame to maik the same free within the space of xij houris." [SN: TREASSON AMONGIS THE COUNSALL.] Defiance gevin, thair was skarmissing, without great slawchtter. Preparatioun of scailles[1012] and ledderis was maid for the assault, whiche was concluded by commoun consent of the Nobilitie and Barones. The scailles war appointed to be maid in Sanct Gelis Churche, so that preaching was neglected, whiche did nott a little greve the Preachearis, and many godlie with thame. The Preacharis spared not openlie to say, "That thei feared the successe of that interpryse should nott be prosperous, becaus the begynnyng appeired to bring with it some contempt of God and of his word. Other places, (said thei,) had bene more apt for suche preparationis, then whare the people convenit to commoun prayeris and unto preacheing." In verray deid the audience was wounderfullie trubled all that[1013] tyme, whiche (and other mysordour espyed amanges us) gave occasioun to the Preachearis to efferme, "That God could nott suffer suche contempt of his worde, and abuses of his grace, long to be unpunished." The Quene had amangis us her assured espiallis, who did not onlie signifie unto her what wes our estait, bot also what was our counsall, purposes, and devises. Borne of our awin company war vehementlie suspected to be the verray betrayouris of all our secreattis; for a boy of the Officiallis of Lowthiane, Maister James Balfour,[1014] was tackin carying a writting, whiche did open the maist secreat thing was devised in the Counsall; yea, these verray thingis whiche war thocht[1015] to have bene knawin but to a verray few. [SN: THE DUCK AND HIS FREINDIS FEIRFULL.] By suche domesticall ennemyis war nott onlie our purposes frustrat, bot also our determinationis wer oftyme owerthrowin and changed. The Dukis freindis geve unto him suche terrouris, that he was greatlie trubled; and by his fear war trubled many otheris. [SN: THE UNGODLIE SOLDIOURIS.] The men of warr (for the maist parte wer men without God or honestie) made a mutiney, becaus thai lacked a parte of thair waiges: Thei had done the same in Lynlythqw befoir, quhair thei maid a proclamatioun, "That thei wald serve any man to suppress the Congregatioun, and sett up the Messe agane." Thai maid a fray upoun the Erle of Ergylis Hieland men, and slew one of the principall children of his chalmer; who notwithstanding behaved him self so moderatlie, and so studiouse to pacifie that tumult, that many woundered alsweill of his prudent counsall and stowtness, as of the great obedience of his cumpany. The ungodlie soldiouris notwithstanding maligned, and continewing in thair mysordour, thei boasted the Lard of Tullybarne[1016] and uther Noble men, who cohorted thame to quyetness. [SN: THE QUEIN REGENTIS PRACTISES.] All these trubles war practised by the Quene, and putt in executioun by the tratouris amangis our selff; who, albeit they then lurked, and yitt ar not manifestlie noted, yitt we dowbt not but God shall utter thame to thair confusioun, and to the example of utheris. To pacifie the men of warr, a collectioun was devised. But becaus some wer poore, and some wer nigardis and avaritiouse, thair could no sufficient sowme be obteined. [SN: THE FACT OF THE COUNSALL.] It was thocht expedient that a cunze should be erected, that everie Noble man should cunzie his silver work to supplie the present necessitie; and thairthrow David Forress, Johne Harte,[1017] and utheris who befoir had charge of the Cunzie-house,[1018] did promeise thair faythfull lawbouris. [SN: THE TREASOUN OF JOHNE HEART.] Bot when the mater come to the verray point, the said Johne Heart, and utheris of his factioun, stall away, and tuk with thame the instrumentis apt for thair purpose. Whetther this was done by the falsheid and feablenes of the said Johnne, or the practising of otheris, is yitt uncertane. Rested then no hoip amangis our selfis that any money could be furnessed; and thairfoir it was concluded, by a few of those whom we judged most secreat, that Schir Raiff Saidlair, and Schir James Croftis,[1019] then having charge at Berwik, should be tempted, yf thei wald supporte us with any reassonable soume in that urgent necessitie. And for that purpose, was the Lard of Ormestoun directed unto thame in so secreat maner as we could devise. Bot yit our counsall was disclosed to the Quene, who appointed the Lord Bothwell, (as him selff confessed,) to wait upoun the returnyng of the said Lard, as that he did with all diligence; and so being assuredlie informed by what way he came, the said Erle Bothwell foirsett[1020] his way, and cuming upoun him at unwares, did tack him, after that he was evill wounded in the heid;[1021] for nether could he gett his led horse, nor yitt his steall bonet. With him was tacken the sowme of four thowsand crownis of the sone, whiche the forenammed Schir Raiff and Schir James moist lovinglie had send for our supporte. The bruit heirof cuming to our earis, oure dolour was dowbled; not so muche for the loss of the money, as for the tynsall of the gentilman, whome we suspected to have bene slane, or at the least that he should be delivered to the Quenis handis. And so upoun the suddane, the Erle of Errane, the Lord James, the Maister of Maxwell, with the most parte of the horsemen, took purpose to persew the said Erle Bothwell, yf thei mycht apprehend him in Creychttoun or Morhame, whittherto (as thei war informed) he had reteared him self after his treassonable fact: We call his fact treassonable, becaus that thrie dayis befoir he had send his especiall servand, Maister Michaell Balfour, to us to Edinburgh, to purchese of the Lordis of the Counsall licence to come and speak us; whiche we granted, efter that he had promesed, that in the meantyme he should neather hurte us, neather yitt any till us appertenyng, till that he should writt his answer agane, whitther that he wald joyne with us or not. [SN: THE ERLE BOTHWELL FALS IN PROMEISE, AND HIS TREASONABLE FACT.] He gave us farder to understand, that he wald discharge him self of the Quene, and thairefter wald assist us. And yitt in this meantyme, he crewelly and tratorouslie hurte and spuilzeid the noble man foirsaid. Albeit that the departure and counsall of the Erle of Arrane and Lord James, with thair cumpany foirsaid, wes verray suddane and secreat; yitt was the Erle Bothwell,[1022] then being in Crychttoun, advertissed, and so eschaiped with the money, whiche he took with him self, as the Capitane of his house, John Somervaill, (whiche was tackin without lang persuyte,) confessed and affermed. Becaus the Noble men that soght redress, soght rather his saiftie and reconsiliatioun; then destructioun and haitrent thei committed his house to the custody of a capitane, to witt, Capitane Forbess, to whome, and to all soldiouris thair left, was gevin a schairpe commandiment, that all thingis found within the said hous of Crychttoun,[1023] (which war putt in inventorie in presence of the Lordis,) should be keipt till that the Erle Bothwell should geve answer, whitther he wald maik restitutioun or nott. Tyme of advertisment was granted unto him the hole day subsequent, till going doune of the sone. In absence of the saidis Lordis and horsemen, (we meane the same day that thei departed, whiche wes the last of October,) the Provest and towne of Dundye, togetther with some soldiouris, passed furth of the toune of Edinburgh, and caryed with thame some great ordinance to schuitt at Leyth. The Duck his Grace, the Erle of Glencarne, and the rest of the Noble men, wer gone to the preacheing, whair thei continewed to nye twelf houris. The Frenche being advertissed by ane named[1024] Clerk, (who after was apprehended,) that our horsemen wer absent, and that the hole companye wer at dennar, issched, and with great expeditioun came to the place whair our ordinance wes laid. [SN: THE FIRST DEFAIR[1025] OF THE CONGREGATIOUN.] The towne of Dundye, with a few otheris, resisted a whill, alsweall with thair ordinance as haquebuttis; but being left of our ungodlye and feable soldiouris, who fled without strok offered or gevin, thei war compelled to give back, and so to leave the ordinance to the ennemyis, who did farder persew the fugitives, to witt, to the myddis of the Cannogaite, and to the fute of Leyth Wynd. [SN: THE CRUELTIE OF THE FRENCHE.] Thair crewelty then began to discover the self; for the decrepit, the aiged, the women and childrein, fand no greater favouris in thair furye, then did the strang man, who maid resistance. It was verray appeiring, that amanges our selfis thair wes some treassoun. For when, upoun the first alarm, all man maid haist for releve of thair brethren, whome in verray deid we mycht have saved, and at least we mycht have saved the ordinance, and have keapt the Cannogait from danger; for we wer anis merched fordwarte with bold curage, but then, (we say,) wes a schowt reased amonges our selfis, (God will discloise the traytouris one day,) affermyng "That the hole Frenche cumpanye war entered in at Leyth Wynd upoun our backis." What clamor and misordour did then suddanelie arryise, we list nott to expresse with multiplicatioun of wordis. The horsemen, and some of those that aught to have putt ordour to otheris, over-rod thair poore brethren at the enteress of the Netthir Bow. The crye of discomforte arose in the toun; the wicked and malignant blasphemed; the feable, (amanges whome the Justice Clerk, Schir Johne Bannatyne[1026] was,) fledd without mercye: With great difficultie could thei be keapt in at the Weast Porte. Maister Gavin Hammyltoun[1027] cryed with a lowd voce, "Drynk now as ye have browen." The Frenche perceaving, be the clamour of our fray, followed, as said is, to the myddis of the Cannogait, to no great nomber, bott a twenty or thretty of thair _infantes perdues_.[1028] For in that meantyme the rest reteired thame selves with our ordinance. [SN: THE ERLE OF ERGYLE.] The Erle of Ergyle and his men wer the first that stopped the fleying of our men, and compelled the Porte to be opened efter that it was schoot. [SN: LORD ROBERT STEWART.] Bott in verray deid, Lord Robert Stewarte,[1029] Abbot of Halyrudehouse, was the first that isched out. After him followed many upoun the backis of the Frenche. At last cam my Lord Duck, and then was no man mair frack nor was Maister Gavin Hammyltoun foirsaid. The Frenche brunt a baikhouse, and tooke some spuilzie from the poores of the Cannogait. Thei slew a Papist and dronken preast, named Schir Thomas Sklatter, ane aiged man, a woman gevin sowk and her child, and of oure soldiouris to the nomber of ten. Certane wer tane, amongis whome Capitane Mowat was one, [and] Maister Charles Geddes, servitour to the Maister of Maxwell. [SN: THE CASTELL SCHOT ONE SHOTT.] The Castell[1030] that day schot ane schott at the Frenche, declairing thame thairby freindis to us, and ennemy to thame; bott he suddanelie repented of weall-doing. [SN: THE QUEIN REGENTIS REJOSING, AND UNWOMANLIE BEHAVIOUR.] The Queyn glad of victorye, sat upoun the ramparte to salute and welcome hir victorious suddartis.[1031] One brought a kirtill, one uther ane pettycote, the thrid, a pote or pane; and of invy more then womanlie lawchtter, sche asked, "Whair bocht ye your ware? _Je pense_[1032] _que vous l'aves achete sans argent._"[1033] This was the great and motherlie cayre whiche schee tooke for the truble of the poore subjectis of this realme. [SN: THE COUNSALL OF THE MAISTER OF MAXWELL.] The Erle Bothwell, lifted up in his awin conceat, be reassoun of this our repulse and disconfitour, utterlie refused any restitutioun; and so within two dayis after was his house spulzeid, in whiche war no thingis of ony great importance, his evidentis and certane clothing excepted. Frome that day back, the curage of many was dejected. With great difficultie could men be reteaned in the towne; yea, some of the greatast estimatioun determined with thame selfis to leave the interpryise. Many fled away secreatlie, and those that did abyd, (a verray few excepted,) appeared destitut of counsall and manheid. The Maister of Maxwell,[1034] a man stowt and wittie, foirseing the danger, desyrit moist gravelie eyther to tak suche ordour that thei mycht remane to the terrour of the ennemy, or ellis that thei should reteyre thame selfis with thair ordinance and baneris displeyed in ordour. But the wittis of men being dasched, no counsall could prevaill. Thus we continewed from the Wednisday, the last of October, till Mononday the fyft of November,[1035] never two or thrie abyding ferme in one opinioun the space of twenty-four houris. The pestilent wittis of the Quenis practisaris did then exercise thame selfis, (God sall recompanse thair maliciouse craft in thair awin bosome, we dowbt not;) for thei caused two godlie and fordward young men, the Lardis of Pharnyherst and Cesfurd,[1036] who ones had glaidlie joyned thame selfis with us, to withdraw thame selfis and thair freindis: The same thei did to the Erle Mortoun, who promissed to be oures, but did never planelie joyne. Thei intysed the Capitane of the Castell to deny us supporte, in caise we war persewed; and, finallie, the counsall of some was no less pestiferous against us, then was the counsall of Achitophell against David and his discomforted soldiouris. "Rander, O Lord, to the wicked according to thair malice." [SN: THE LAST DISCOMFITURE UPOUN MONUNDAY.] Upoun Mononday, the fyft[1037] of November, did the Frenche ische out of Leyth betymes, for kepping[1038] of the victuallis whiche should have cumed to us. We being trubled amanges our selfis, and, as said is, devided in opinionis, wer neather circumspect when thei did ische, neather yitt did we follow with suche expeditioun as had bene meitt for men that wald have sought our advantage. Our soldiouris could skarslie be dong furth of the towne. The Erle of Arrane, Lord James, and a certane with thame, maid haist. Many honest man then followed, and maid suche diligence, that thei caused the Frenche ones to retear somewhat effrayedlie. The rest that ware in Leyth, perceaving the danger of thair fallowis, isshed out for thair succurse. The Erle of Arrane and Lord James foirsaid, being more fordward nor prudent and circumspect, did compell the Capitanes, as is allegeit, to bring thare men so ney, that eyther thei must neidis have hasarded battell with the hole Frenche men, (and that under the mercy of thair cannonis also,) or ellis thei must neidis reteyre in a verray narrow cure.[1039] For our men warr approched ney[1040] to Restalrig. The one parte of the Frenche wer upoun the north towardis the sea, the other parte marched frome Leyth to Edinburgh; and yitt thei marched so, that we could have foughten neather cumpany, befoir that thei should have joyned. We took purpoise thairfoir to reteire towardis the towne, and that with expeditioun, least that the formare cumpany of the Frenche should eyther have invaided the towne, befoir that we could have cumed to the reskew thairof, or ellis have cutted us of from the entress, at the Abbay of Halyrudhouse, as appeirandlie thei had done, yf that the Lard of Grange and Alexander Quhytlaw, with a few horsemen, had nott stayed boith thair horsemen and thair footmen. The cumpany whiche was nixt us, perceaving that we reteired with speid, send furth thair skyrmissaris, to the nomber of thre or foure hundreth, who took us att ane disadvantage; befoir us having the myre of Restalrig[1041] betuix us and thame, so that in no wise we could charge thame; and we war inclosed by the park dyke,[1042] so that in nowyse we could avoid thair schott. Thair horsmen followed upoun our taillis, and slew diverse; our awin[1043] horsemen over-rode our futemen; and so be reassoun of the narrowness of the place, thair was no resistance maid. The Erle of Arrane, and Lord James, in great danger, lyghted amanges the footmen, exhorting thame to have some respect to ordour, and to the saiftie of thair brethren, whome, by thair fleying, thei exponed to murther, and so war cryminall of thair deth. Capitane Alexander Halyburtoun, a man that feared God, taryed with certane of his soldiouris behynd, and maid resistance, till that he was first schote and tackin. Bot being knawin, those cruell murtheraris wounded him in diverse partis to the death.[1044] And yit, as it war by the power of God, he was brocht in to the toun, whair in few, but yit most plane wordis, he gave confessioun of his fayth, testifeing, "That he dowbted nothing of Godis mercy, purchassed to him by the bloode of Christ Jesus; neather yit that he repented, that it pleased God to maik him worthie to sched his bloode, and spend his lyif in the defence of so just a cause." [SN: THE DEATH OF ALEXANDER HALYBURTOUN, CAPITANE.] And thus, with the dolour of many, he ended his dolour, and did enter, (we dowt nott,) in that blessed immortalitie within two houris efter that we war defait.[1045] Thare war slane to the nomber of twenty-four or thretty men, the maist parte poore. Thair war tackin the Lard of Pitmyllie, the Lard of Pharny youngar, the Maister of Bowchane, George Luvell of Dundie,[1046] and some otheris of lowar estait; Johnne Dunbar, Lieutennent to Capitane Mowet.[1047] Capitane David Murray had his horse slane, and him self hurte[1048] in the leg. [SN: HOW AND WHY WILLIAM MAITLAND LEFT LEYTH.] Few dayis befoir oure first defait, whiche was upon Alhallow Evin,[1049] Williame Maitland of Lethingtoun younger,[1050] Secreattar to the Quene, perceaving him self not onlye to be suspected as one that favored our parte, bot also to stand in danger of his lyiff, yf he should remane amangis sa ungodlie a cumpany; for quhensoevir materis came in questioun, he spaired not to speik his conscience; whiche libertie of toung, and gravitie of judgement, the Frenche did heyghlie disdane. Whiche perceaved by him, he convoyed him self away in a mornyng, and randered him self to Maister Kirkcaldye, Lard of Grange, who cuming to us, did exhorte us to constancie, assuring us, that in the Quene thair was nothing but craft and deceat. He travailled exceidinglie to have reteaned the Lordis togidder, and maist prudentlie laid befoir thair eyis the dangearis that myeht ensew thair departing of the town. Bot fear and dolour had so seazed[1051] the hartis of all, that thei could admitt no consolatioun. The Erle of Arrane, and Lord James, offered to abyd, yff any reassonable cumpany wald abyd with thame. Bott men did so steall away, that the witt of man could not stay thame. Yea, some of the greatast determined planelie that thei wald not abyd. [SN: THE LORD ERSKYN DECLAIRED HIM SELF ENNEMYE TO THE CONGREGATIOUN.] The Capitane of the Castell, than Lord Ersken, wald promeise unto us no favouris. But said, "He most neidis declair himself freind to those that war able to supporte and defend him." Whiche answer gevin to the Lord James,[1052] discoraged those that befoir had determined to have biddin the uttermost, rather then to have abandoned the towne, so that the Castell wald have stand[1053] thair friend. But the contrarie declaired, everie man took purpose for him self. The complaintis of the brethren within the towne of Edinburgh was lamentable and sore. The wicked then began to spew furth the vennoum whiche befoir lurked in thare cankered hearte. The godly, alsweall those that war departed, as the inhabitants of the towne, wer so trubled, that some of thame wald have preferred death to lyve, at Godis pleasur. For avoiding of danger, it was concludit that thei should departe at mydnycht. The Duik maid provisioun for his ordinance, and caused it to be send befoir; but the rest was left to the cayr of the Capitane of the Castell, who receaved it, alsweall that whiche appertenith to Lord James, as that of Dundy. [SN: THE DISPYTE OF THE PAPISTIS OF EDINBURGH.] The dispytfull toungis of the wicked raylled upoun us, calling us traytouris and heretiques: everie ane provoked other to cast stanes at us. One cryed, "Allace, yf I mycht see;" ane other, "Fye, give advertisment to the Frenche men that thei may come, and we shall help thame now to cutt the throttis of these heretiques." And thus, as the sword of dolour passed throught our heartis, so war the cogitationis and formar determinationis of many heartis then reveilled. [SN: THE WORST IS NOT YIT COME TO OUR ENNEMYES.] For we wald never have belevit that our naturall countrey men and wemen could have wisshed our destructioun so unmercifullie, and have so rejosed in our adversitie: God move thair heartis to repentance! for ellis we fear that He whose caus we susteane sall lett thame feill the weght of the yock of crewell strangearis, in whose handis thei wisshed us to have bene betrayed. We stayed nott till that we came to Striveling, whiche we did the day efter that we departed from Edinburgh; for it was concluded, that thair consultatioun should be tacken, what was the nixt remeady in so desperat a mater. [SN: THE SERMOUN OF JOHNE KNOX, IN STRYVELING, IN THE GREATEST OF OUR TRUBLES.] The nixt Wedinsday, whiche was the 7. of November,[1054] Johnne Knox preached, (Johne Willock was departed to England, as befoir he had appointed,) and entreated the 4, 5, 6, 7, and 8 versicules of the Fourscoir Psalme, whair David, in the persoune of the afflicted people of God, speaketh thus:[1055] The fourt verse: "O thow the Eternall, the God of hostis, how long shall thow be angree against the prayer of thy people. 5. Thow hest fed us with the bread of tearis, and hath gevin to us tearis to drynk in great measure. 6. Thow hest maid us a stryf unto our nychtbouris, and our ennemyis laugh us to scorne amangis thame selfis. 7. O God of hostis, turne us agane: maik thy face to schyne, and we shalbe saved." [8. Thow hes brocht a vine out of Egypte: thow hes cast out the heathen, and planted it.][1056] &c. [SN: THE ARGUMENT OF THE 80. PSALME.] This Psalme had the said Johne begun in Edinburgh, as it war foirseing our calamitie, of whiche in verray deid he did not obscurelie speik, butt planelie did admonishe us, that he was assured of trubles suddanelie to come; and thairfoir exhorted all men to prayeris. He entreated the three first versicles in Edinburgh, to the conforte of many. He declaired the argument of the Psalme, affermeing for his judgment, that it was maid by David him self, who, in the spreitt of prophesye, foirsaw the miserable estait of Godis people, especiallie after that the Ten Tribes wer devided, and departed frome the obedience of Juda; for it was nott, (said he,) without caus that Josephe, Ephraim, Benjamin, and Manasse, war especiallie named, and nott Juda; to witt, becaus that thei came first to calamitie, and war translaited from thair awin inheritance, whill that Juda yitt possessed the kingdome. He confessed that justlie thei war punished for idolatrie committed. But he affirmed, that amanges thame continewalie thair remaned some trew wirschipparis of God, for whose conforte war the Propheittis send, alsweill to call thame to reapentance, as to assure thame of deliverance, and of the promisse of God to be performed unto thame. [SN: THE DIVISIOUN.] He divided the Psalme in three partis, to wit, in a prayer: 2. In the ground whairupoun thair prayer was founded: 3. And in the lamentable complaintis, and the vow whiche thei maik to God. Thare prayer was, "That God should convert and turne thame; that he should maik his face to schyn upoun thame; and that he should restoir thame to thair formar dignitie." The groundis and fundationis of thair prayeris ware, 1. That God him self had becum pastour and governour unto thame: 2. That he had tacken the protectioun of thame in his awin hand: 3. That he had chosin his habitatioun amangis thame: 4. That he had delivered thame frome bondage and thraldome: 5. That he had multiplyed and blessed thame with many notable benedictionis. Upoun those Two partis he gave these notis:-- First, That the felicitie of Godis people may not be measured by any externall appeirance; for oftyn it is, that the same people, to whome God becumis not onlye creator, bot also pastour and protectour, is more seveirlie intreated, then those nationis whair verray ignorance and contempt of God reigneth. Secondlie, That God never maid his acquentance and leigue with any people by his worde, bott that thare he had some of his elect; who, albeit thei suffered for a tyme in the myddis of the wicked, yitt in the end thei fand conforte, and felt in verray experience, that Godis promisses ar nott in vane. Thridlie, That these prayeris wer dyted unto the people by the Holy Ghost, befoir thei came to the uttermost of truble, till assure thame that God, by whose Spreit the prayare was dited, wald nott contempt the same in the myddis of thair calamities. The Thrid parte, conteynyng the lamentable complaynt, he entreated in Stryveling, in presence of my Lord Duik, and of the hole Counsall. In the expositioun whairof, he declaired, Whairfoir God somtymes suffered his chosin flock to be exponed to mockage, to dangearis, and to appeiring destructioun; to witt, that thei may feill the vehemencye of Godis indignatioun; that thei may knaw how litill strenth is in thair selfis; that thei may leave a testimony to the generationis following, alsweill of the malice of the Devill against Goddis people, as of the mervaillouse werk of God, in preserving his litill flock by far other meanes then man can espye. In explanyng these wordis, "How long shall thow be angree, O Lord, against the prayer of thy people?" he declaired, How dolorouse and fearfull it was to feght against that tentatioun, that God turned away his face from our prayaris; for that was nothing ellis then to comprehend and conceave God to be armed to our destructioun: whiche temptatioun no flesche can abyd nor owercome, onless the mychtie Spreit of God interpone the self suddanelie. The example he gave, the impatience of Saule, when God wald nott hear his prayaris. The difference betuix the elect and reprobate in that temptatioun, he planelie declaired to be, that the elect, susteaned by the secreat power of Goddis Spreit, did still call upoun God, albeit that he appeared to contempt thair prayaris; whiche, (said he,) is the sacrifice most acceptable to God, and is in a maner evin to feght with God, and to ovircum him, as Jacob did in warsling with his Angell. Butt the reprobat, (said he,) being denyed of thair requeastis at Godis hand, do eather cease to pray, and altogitther contempt God, who straitlie commandeth us to call upoun him in the day of adversitie; or ellis thei seik at the Devill that whiche thei see thei can nott obteane by God. In the Secound parte he declared, how hard it was to this corrupt nature of ouris not to rejose and putt confidence in the self, when God geveth victorye; and thairfoir how necessare it was that man by afflictioun should be brocht to the knawledge of his awin infirmitie, least that, puffed up with vane confidence, he maik ane idoll of his awin strenth, as did King Nabuchadnezzar. He did gravelie disput upoun the nature of the blynd warld, whiche, in all ages, hath insolentlie rejosed when God did chasten his awin children, whose glory and honour, becaus the reprobat can never see, thairfoir thei dispyise thame, and the wonderouse werk of God in thame. And yit, (said he,) the joy and rejosing of the warld is but meare sorrow, becaus the end of it tendith to suddane destructioun, as the ryatouse banquetting of Balthasar declaireth. Applying these headis to the tyme and personis, (he said,) yf none of Goddis children had suffered befoir us the same injureis that presentlie we susteane, these our trubles wald appear intollerable; suche is our tender delicacie, and self luif of our awin flesche, that those thingis whiche we lychtlie pass over in otheris, we can greatlie complane of, yf thei tweiche our selfis. I dowbt not bot that some of us have ofter then ones redd this Psalme, as also that we have redd and heard the travaill and trubles of our ancient fatheris.[1057] But whiche of us, eather in reading or hearing thair dolouris and temptationis, did so discend in to oure selfis that we felt the bitterness of thair passionis? I think none. And thairfoir hes God brocht us to some experience in our awin personis. [SN: _SPECIALIS APPLICATIO_] But, yit, because the mater may appeir obscure, onless it be more propirlie applyed, I can nott bot of conscience use suche plainnes as God shall grant unto me. Oure faces ar this day confounded, oure ennemyes triumphe, oure heartis have quaiked for fear, and yitt thei remane oppressed with sorrow and schame. But what shall we think to be the verray cause that God hath thus dejected us? Yf I shall say, our synnes and formar unthankfulness to God, I speik the treuth. Butt yitt I spack more generalie then necessitie required: for when the synnes of men ar rebucked in generall, seldome it is that man discendeth within him self, accusing and dampnyng in him self that whiche most displeaseth God. Butt rather he dowttis that to be a cause, whiche befoir God is no cause in deid. For example, the Israelitis, feghting against the tribe of Benjamin, wer twise discomfeitted, with the loss of fourtie thowsand men. Thei lamented and bewailled boyth first and last; but we fynd nott that thei cam to the knawledge of thair offence and synne, whiche wes the cause that thei fell in the edge of the sworde; but rather thei dowted that to have bene a cause of thair mysfortoun, whiche God had commanded: for thei ask, "Shall we go and feght any more against our brethren, the sonnes of Benjamin?" By whiche questioun, it is evident, that thei supposed that the caus of thair overthrow and discomfeit was, becaus thei had lifted the sword against thair brethren and naturall countreymen. And yitt, the expresse commandiment of God that wes gevin unto thame, did deliver thame from all cryme in that caise. And yitt, no dowte but that thare wes some caus in the Israelitis that God gave thame so over in the handis of those wicked men, against whom he send thame, by his awin expressed commandiment, till execut his judgementis. [SN: LETT SCOTLAND YITT TACK HEAD.] Suche as do weall mark the historye and the estait of that people, may easilie see the caus why God wes offended. All the haill people had declyned from God; idolatrie was manteaned by the commoun consent of the multitude; and as the text sayeth, "Everie man did that whiche appeareth good in his awin eyis." In this meantyme, the Levite compleaned of the vilanye that was done unto him self, and unto his wyf, whiche oppressed by the Benjamites of Gibeah, died under thare fylthy lustis. Whiche horrible fact inflammed the heartis of the hole people to taik vengeance upoun that abhominatioun: and thairin thei offended not; but in this thei failled, that thei go to execut judgement against the wicked, without any reapentance or remorse of conscience of thair formare offenses, and defectioun from God. And, farther, becaus thei war a great multitude, and the other war far inferiour unto thame, thei trusted in thair awin strenth, and thought thame selfis able aneuch to do thair purpose, without any invocatioun of the name of God. Bot after that thei had twise provin the vanitie of thair awin strenth, thei fasted and prayed, and being humbled befoir God, thai receaved a more favorable answer, ane assured promeise of the victorye. The lyik may be amangis us, albeit suddanelie we do nott espye it. And to the end that everie man may the bettir examyne him self, I will devide our hole cumpany in two sortes of men: The one ar those that from the begynnyng of this truble have susteaned the commoun danger with thair brethren: The other be those whiche laitlie be joyned to our fallowschip. In the one and in the other, I fear, that just caus shalbe found that God should thus have humiled us. And albeit, that this appear strange at the first hearing, yitt yf everie man shall examyn him self, and speik as that his conscience dites unto him, I dowbt not bot he shall subscrive my sentence. Lett us begyn at our selves, who longast hes continewed in this battell. When we war a few nomber, in comparisoun of our ennemyes, when we had neather Erle nor Lord (a few excepted) to conforte us, we called upoun God; we tooke him for our protectour, defence, and onlie refuge. Amanges us was heard no braggin of multitude, of our strenth, nor pollecey: we did onlye sob to God, to have respect to the equitie of our cause, and to the crewell persute of the tyranefull ennemye. Butt since that our nomber hath bene thus multiplyed, and cheaflie sen my Lord Duik[1058] his Grace with his freindis have bene joyned with us, thair was nothing heard, bot "This Lord will bring these many hundreth spearis: this man hath the credite to perswaid this cuntrey; yf this Erle be ouris, no man in suche a boundis will truble us." And thus the best of us all, that befoir felt Godis potent hand to be our defence, hath of lait dayis putt flesche to be our arme. Butt whairin yit hathe my Lord Duik his Grace and his freindis offended? It may be that, as we haif trusted in thame, so have thei putt too muche confidence in thair awin strenth. But granting so be not,[1059] I see a cause most just, why the Duik and his freindis should thus be confounded amangis the rest of thair brethren. I have nott yit forgottin what was the dolour and anguishe of my awin hearte, when at Sanet Johnestoun, Cowper Mure, and Edinburgh Crages, those crewell murtheraris, that now hath putt us to this dishonour, threatned our present destructioun: my Lord Duik his Grace and his freindis at all the three jornayes, wes to thame a great conforte, and unto us a great discorage; for his name and authoritie did more effray and astonise us, then did the force of the other; yea, without his assistance, thei could not have compelled us to appoint with the Quene upoun so unequall conditionis. I am uncertane yf my Lordis Grace hath unfeanedlie repented of that his assistance to those murtheraris unjustlie persewing us. Yea, I am uncertane yff he hath reapented of that innocent bloode of Chrystes blessed Martyres, whiche was sched in his defalt. But lett it be that so he hath done, (as I hear that he hath confessed his offence befoir the Lordis and Brethren of the Congregatioun,) yit I am assured, that neather he, nether yit his freindis, did feall befoir this tyme the anguishe and greaf of heartis whiche we felt, when in thair blynd furye thei persewed us: And thairfoir hath God justlie permitted both thame and us to fall in this confusioun at ones: us, for that we putt our trust and confidence in man; and thame, becaus that thei should feill in thair awin hearttis how bytter was the coupe which thei maid otheris to drynk befoir thame. [SN: _CONCLUSIO._] Restis that boith thei and we turne to the Eternall oure God, (who beattis doun to death, to the intent that he may raise up agane, to leav the remembrance of his wonderouse deliverance, to the praise of his awin name,) whiche yf we do unfeanedlie, I no more dowbt but that this our dolour, confusioun, and feare, shalbe turned into joy, honour, and boldness, then that I dowt that God gave victorye to the Israelitis over the Benjamites, after that twise with ignominye thei war repulsed and doung back. [SN: LETT THE PAPISTIS AND GREATEST ENNEMYIS WITNESS.] Yea, whatsoever shall become of us and of our mortall carcasses, I dowt not but that this caus, (in dyspite of Sathan,) shall prevaill in the realme of Scotland. For, as it is the eternall trewth of the eternall God, so shall it ones prevaill, howsoever for a time it be impugned. It may be that God shall plague some, for that thei delyte nott in the trewth, albeit for warldlye respectis thei seame to favour it. Yea, God may tak some of his dearest children away befoir that thair eyis see greattar trubles. Bott neather shall the one nor the other so hynder this actioun, but in the end it shall triumphe. * * * * * This Sermoun ended, in the whiche he did vehementlie exhorte all man to amendment of lyffe, to prayaris, and to the warkis of charitie, the myndis of men began wounderouslye to be erected. And immediatlie after dennare, the Lordis passed to Counsall,[1060] unto the whiche the said Johnne Knox was called to mack invocatioun of the name of God, (for other preachearis war nane with us at that tyme.) In the end it was concluded, that Williame Maitland[1061] foirsaid should pas to Londoun to expone our estait and conditioun to the Quein and Counsall, and that the Noble men should departe to thair quyett, to the sextene day of December, whiche tyme was appointed to the nixt Conventioun in Striveling, as in this our Thrid Booke following shalbe more amplie declaired. ENDIS THE SECOUND BOOKE OF THE HISTORYE OF THE PROGRESSE OF RELIGIOUN WITHIN SCOTLAND.[1062] _Look upoun us, O Lorde, in the multitude of thy mercyes; for we ar brought evin to the deape of the dongeoun._ APPENDIX. [Illustration] APPENDIX. No. I. INTERPOLATIONS AND VARIOUS READINGS IN THE EDITIONS OF KNOX'S HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION, BY DAVID BUCHANAN, PRINTED AT LONDON, 1644, FOLIO, AND REPRINTED AT EDINBURGH, 1644, 4TO. (THE PAGES AND LINES AT THE LEFT-HAND SIDE REFER TO THE PRESENT EDITION.) Page 1, line 5. (_This title and Preface are not contained in Buchanan's editions._) 5, l. 20. _Instead of the words_, "In the Scrollis of Glasgw," &c., _it begins_, In the Records of Glasgow is found mention of one whose name was James Resby, an Englishman by birth, scholler to Wickliff: He was accused as an Heretike, by one Lawrence Lindors in Scotland, and burnt for having said, That the Pope was not the Vicar of Christ, and that a man of wicked life was not to be acknowledged for Pope. This fell out Anno 1422. Farther our Chronicles make mention, That _in the dayis_,[1063] &c. 6, l. 23. _injust accusatioun and condemnatioun._ Both these godly men, Resby and Craw, suffered Martyrdom for Christ his truth, by Henry Wardlaw, Bishop of St. Andrewes, whom the Prelates place amongst their Worthies. But that their wicked _practise did not greatly advance_, &c.--l. 25. 7, l. 11. Helene Chalmer, Lady Pokellie, Isabelle Chambers, Lady Stairs. 8, l. 4. _ar not to be had_ in the Kyrk, nor to be worshipped.--9. _That it is not_ lawfull to fight for the faith, nor to defend the faith by the sword, if we be not driven to it by necessity, which is above all law.--12. _gave power to Peter_, as also to the other Apostles, and not to the Pope his pretended successour, _to binde_, &c.--14. _to consecrate_ as they do in the Romish Church these many yeers.--19. _were then called_, to wit, wholly, but a part to the poor, widow, or orphans, and other pious uses. 9, l. 5. _is a preast_, in that sence that they are called by the Apostle Saint John, Apoc. i. 6, v. 10, xx. 6.--7. _coming of Christ_; and truely it was but late since Kings were anointed, namely in Scotland, for Edgar was the first anointed King in Scotland, about the year 1100.--12. _the souls_, who in those dayes were said to be _in Purgatory_.--25. _not to be feared_, if there be no true cause for it.--26. _to swear_, to wit, idly, rashly, and in vain.--27. _Priests_ may have wives, _according to the constitution of the law_, and of the primitive Christian Church.--30. _every day_ by Faith.--31. _be contracted_ and consummate, the Kyrk may make, &c.--32. _bindes not_ if unjust. 10, l. 1. _to miracles_, to such namely as the Romish were then, and are to this day.--3. _to God onely_, since he onely hears us, and can help us.--12. _are murtherars_ of souls.--13. _That they which are called_ Princes and Prelates in the Church, _are theives and robbers_. 16, l. 14. _upon the_ morrow after brought forth to judgment. 19, l. 10. into vulgar language.--11. (_This title and Fryth's Preface are not contained in Buchanan's editions._) 36, l. 18. _was ane called_ Will. Arithe. 37, l. 2. _his_ parasites and jackmen. 38, l. 12. _and cryes_, Anne has lost hir spindle.--13. _flaill stollin_ behinde the barne. 39, l. 9. _he said_--she said.--13. _that look_ over our ditch.--17. _we hold_ the Bishops the cheapest servant. 41, l. 12. _for the_ other Friers fearing. 42, l. 6. _in_ hollow cellars, for the smoke of. 43, l. 2, _He_ leapt up merrily upon the scaffold, and, casting a gambade, said. 49, l. 1. thy Majesties sometime servant.--(_In this Letter of Seaton's_, your Grace is _uniformly changed to_ Majestie.) 51, l. 11. _to put_ out _thy_. 52, l. 15. _could greatly_ availl.--17. _fostered the_ unadvised _Prince in all_ dissolutenesse, by which means they made him obsequious unto them. 53, l. 7, 8. _ten yearis or_ thereabout.--11. _realme_ in these times.--_intestine and_ cruell.--15. _Levenax_--Lenox, who was sisters son to the Earle of Arran. 54, l. 7. _of Rome_; commanded the Bible to be read in English; _suppressed_.--8. _of Idolatrie_, with their idols, which gave great hope.--(_In the margin_,) 1534. 1538. The civil troubles give some rest to God's flock for a time.--20. _craftynes of_ Gardner, Bishop of.--23. _but that_ God potently had assisted him in all his life, _but_. 56, l. 12. _maid_ he _them_. 57, l. 1. _Johnne Stewart_ of Leyth.--3. _Johnestoun_, Advocate. 59, l. 11. _Laird of Dun_, Areskin.--20. _as one_ revived, cast _himself_. 61, l. 8. _whome war_ those of Dundie.--12. _Borthwik_, Provost of Lithcow.--(_In the margin_,) Lesly writes this done 1540. John Borthwick fled into England, from whence Henry sent him into Germanie to the Protestant Princes. 62, l. 4. _Frearis_ and _Monks_, as of _Channons_. 64, l. 1. Alexander _Kennedy_.--2. _excellent_ wit in vulgar _poesy_. 66, l. 17-22. _so far had_ they blinded and corrupted the inconsiderate Prince, that he gave _himself to obey the tyrannie of those bloodie beasts_, and he _made a solemne vow_. 67, l. 6. _suddane_ punishment.--7. _upon him_, if _he did not repent_, and amend his _life_. 68, l. 5. _and deid_, not saying one _worde_, _that same day that_, in _audience_. 70, l. 8. _forgevance_ of the said _Thomas_. 71, l. 1-4. _change or_ alter the heart of the infortunate and misled Prince, but still he did proceed in his accustomed wayes. _For in the midst of these_ evills. 72, l. 2. _eschaping_, (the keepers being asleep, he went out at the window.)--5. _espy_ and detest.--10. Earle of Glevearne. 76, l. 1-5. After _God had given unto that_ mis-informed _Prince sufficient documents_, _that his_ warring _against his blessed_ Gospel _should not prosperously succeed_, _he_ raised up _against him_ warres, as he did of old against divers Princes that would not hear his voice, _in the which he_ lost himself, _as we shall_ here_after heare_. 77, l. 18. _our kingdome_ of Abbots, Monks, &c., _and_. 79, l. 9. _Forresse war runne upon_--Forces were sent up and down to. 80, l. 12. _to skaill_ and sunder.--26. _wounded his_ high stomacke.--29. _had not_ cut the dayes of his life. 81, l. 9. _Preastis_--Prelats. 82, l. 2. _what tyme_--at that time when.--3. _Yles_, in the yeere 1534.--13. _Jefwellis_--Juglers. 83, l. 4. _I shall_ reproove _you by sharpe_ punishments.--16. _honour nor continuance_--honour nor countenance. 84, l. 2. _Thare concurred ... prophettis_, (_omitted._)--4. _closenes and_ fidelity among them.--7. _should be_ theirs.--11. _that Raid_--that device.--23-25. _amonges whome was_ the Erle of Arran, notwithstanding his siding with the current of the Court, and his neernesse in blood to the King. _It was bruited._ 85, l. 15. _The_ foreward _goeth forth_, feare _rises_.--18. _thousand men_; their beacons _on every side_. 86, l. 5, 6. _experte_. _About ten houris_--expert, about ten hours.--8, 9. _baner_; and he upholden by two spears, _lift up_.--18. _and Mearns_. _In this_ mountain _did_.--27. _array_ in order. 87, l. 2. _softlye_--safely. 88, l. 1. _to tack the_ bandis.--7. _Somervaill_ and Oliphant, _and many_.--9. _Worldly men_ say that. 89, l. 21. who waited upon news at Lochmaban.--(_In the margin_,) Others say, at Carlaverock, neere by the place where the defeat was given, called Solway Mosse. 90, l. 25. _ane of his_ mistresses. 91, l. 6. _for a_ scourge.--11. _it will end_ with _a woman_. From Mary, daughter to Robert Bruse, married to Walter Stuart, he feared that his daughter should be married to ane of another name and family; but yow see by God's providence, the Crown remains in one and the same family and name to this day, notwithstanding the many plots of the pretenders to the Crowne both at home and abroad.--15. _ane_ fit _comforter_.--21. _that so_ it _should be_. 92, l. 3. _best_. The Cardinal having hired one Henry Balfour, a priest, to make a false Testament; which was done accordingly, but in vain.--6. (_In the margin_,) Marke the Queenes mourning for the King. (_And a few lines lower down_,) Others stick not to say, That the King was hastned away by a potion. Levit. 12.--Divers characters of the King arise: post funera virtus. 93, l. 4, 5. _disprased him for_ being much given to women. The Prelats and Clergie feared a change in the King's mind, as he had expressed himself some few years before.--10. _cloked_. Yet to speak truth of him, his vices may justly be attributed to the times, and his breedeing, and not any wickednesse in his nature; for he gave many expressions of a good nature, namely, in his sobriety and justice, &c. _The question._--23. _he_ pretended _to succeid_.--26. _oppones thame_, and are against _the governement_. 94, l. 16. _against_ God's _justice_.--17. _And_ so, _in despite_. 95, l. 1. _heirof_ we _will after_ speak.--8. severed.--9. _The_ Erle of Arran thus being _established in_ the _governement_.--11. _exalted him_ to be Governour, _out of what danger he had delivered him_, he being in the bloody scroll, as wee saw before; _and what expectation all men of honesty had of him_, because they saw him a soft man, they conceited goodnesse of him. 97, l. 2. _drouned_--devoured. 98, l. 6. _Scriptures in the_ vulgar _tongue_.--9. _als_, (_omitted_.)--13. _the Kirk_--the Church, he means the Prelats, _first_.--14. _thei three_--but the three, viz., Hebrew, Greek, and Latine. 99, l. 3. _people used not_--people used the Psalmes.--27. _old Boses_--old Bishops. 100, l. 5. _had of the_ Old and New.--12, 13. _thair awin_ vulgar _toung_, _and so war_.--19. _in the_ vulgar _toung_.--22. (_In the margin_,) Note the hypocrisie of worldlings. 101, l. 5. _to maik courte_, and curry favour _thairby_.--25. (_In the margin_,) Nothing could be said against the lawfulnes of Edward's birth. Katharine of Spain and Anne Bullen being dead before his mother was married to his father. 102, l. 5. _ensew to_ this _realme_.--18. _Maister_ Radulph _Saidlair_. 103, l. 5. _contract of marriage_ made _betuix_.--19. _abaide suyre at_--abode fast to. 105, l. 10. _Abbot of Paislay_, called now of late John Hamilton, _bastard brother_, &c.--(_In the margin there is added_,) He was before sometimes called Cunningham, sometimes Colwan, so uncertaine was it who was his father.--18. _one_ or the other would go to _the pulpit_. 107, l. 6. _then_ to have been so used--8. _deprehended_--followed.--14. _his_ counterfeit _godlynes_.--15. _heirefter_--heirof.--22. _any joyt_--one jote.--25. _his rycht_--his pretended right.--26. _For by Goddis word_ could not be good the divorcement of his father from Elizabeth Hume, sister to the Lord Hume, his lawfull wife, and consequently his marriage with Beton, neece to James Beton, Bishop of St. Andrews, (Elizabeth Hume being alive,) must be null, and he declared bastard. _Caiaphas spake_, &c. 109, (_To this marginal note is added_,) Renouncing his religion in the Gray Friers. 110, l. 23. _Governour_; First, because he himselfe was borne by Beton, his father's lawfull wife, Elizabeth Humes being yit alive; Next, because his grandfather was borne by Mary Stuart to James Hammilton, when her lawfull husband Thomas Boyd was yet alive. So the Earle of Lennox did not only pretend to be lawfully next to the Crowne, as the late King James the Fifth did often declare, That if he died without heire male, he would settle the Crowne upon him, but also lawfull heire of the Earledome of Arran, as being descended from Margaret Hamilton, borne to Mary Stuart and James Hammilton after the death of Thomas Boyd, her former husband, (now by this time the inconstant Earle of Arran had given himselfe wholly to the Cardinall.) _The Cardinall_, &c.--(_In the margin_,) All this was then said by the Cardinal. _Penes authorem fides esto._ 111, l. 4. _Ayre_--Ayre, Campbell.--6. _to Leyth_--to light.--18. _the sonare_--in time. 112, l. 15. _that he wold_ take.--16. _wold not_ grant.--17. _communicat_--communed. 113, l. 4, 5. _the Magdelane day_--Saint Magdalen's day.--6. _Gray tacking_--Gray took. 114, l. 2. _had his fortificatioun_--had fortification.--5. _so much attend_--so attend.--7, 8. _play_ the good servant unto him, was reputed his enemy.--17. _thei war_ no more then 300.--(_In the margin_,) As they went to Dundee, they said they were going to burn the readers of the New Testament, and that they would stick to the Old, for Luther, said they, had made the New. 115, l. 7. _to have_ kept.--(8. prevented, _i.e._ anticipated.)--9. _thare_ friend.--13. _was_ sent to the Bischop of Saint Andrews, the Abbot of Paisley.--20. _war_ on the place. 116, l. 1. _ane certane_ number.--7. _whether to_--whereto.--19. _his craft_ perswaded. 119, l. 6. _ower the craig_--over the wall.--8. _broke his craig_--broken his owne neck. 120, l. 7. _thei_--the ships. 121, l. 9. _other then_--after the Castle. 123, l. 9. _feallis war_--Files war charged to be. 124, l. 1, 2. _Hary_, sometime husband to our Queen and Mistresse.--8. _Eme's wyiff_--enemies _wife_.--10. _in propertie_--in povertie. 125, l. 1. _he hes had_ since, and that _in common_. 126, l. 14. _hornyng_--burning.--27. _with him_--with them. 127, l. 8, and 128, l. 4. _In anno_ 1566, (_inserted in the text thus_,) that now liveth in the year of our Lord 1566. 129, l. 24. _Porte_ or gate. 130, l. 6. _intreat_ of.--11. _neyther eak_--neither maid.--18. _thame as_ he could; being _such_.--28. _wold have_ used. 131, l. 3. _whingar_--dagger.--12, 13. _may feare_, in time to come, we will.--19. _another_--another place. 133, l. 3, 4. _sound_ of prayers.--6. _prevented_--came before.--11, 12. _grones; yea, we heard your bitter_--(_omitted_.) 136, l. 7. _awfull_--irefull.--11. _hypocrisie_ within this realme; ye shall. 137, l. 26. _verray countenance_--weary countenance. 138, l. 27. _declared_ fully. The Spirit of Truth. 139, l. 7, 8, and 9. _And so_ the said John Knox, _albeit_, &c., (_the intermediate words being omitted_.) 142, l. 1. _premisses_--promise.--5. _the Larde_--Johan Cockburne, Laird. 144, l. 1. _transported to Edinburgh_, where the Cardinall then had a Convention of Prelats, wherein somewhat was said of redressing the abuses of the Church, and reforming the lives of the Clergie; but it took no effect. M. Wischarde remained but few dayes in Edinburgh: _For that bloody wolfe the Cardinall_, ever thirsting after the blood _of the servand of God_.--8. _to be crucified._ The Cardinall, seeing it was forbidden by the Canon Law to Priests to sit as judges upon life and death, although the crime were heresie, sent to the Governour, desiring him to name some lay-judge to pronounce sentence against M. Wischarde. The Governour had freely condescended to the Cardinall's request, without delay, if David Hamilton of Preston, a godly and wise man, had not remonstrated unto him, That he could expect no better end then Saul, since he persecuted the saints of God, for that truth which he professed once with such a shew of earnestnesse; the profession thereof being the only cause of his advancement to that high degree wherein he was: The Governour, moved at this speech of David Hamilton's, answered the Cardinall, That he would not meddle with the blood of that good man; and told him, That his blood should be on him, for he himselfe would be free of it. At this the Cardinall was angry, and said he would proceed, and that he had sent to the Governour of meere civility, without any need. And so.--28. _penult_,--the seven and twentieth day. 148, l. 19, _have receaved_ from certaine records, which we relate truely, as neere as possibly we can. _Upon the last._ 151, l. 9. _as saith Paule_ to Timothy.--14. _be able_ with wholsome learning, and to impugne.--23. _the Gospell_ he treated of appeareth not to repugne.--30. _Lawder_, a priest. 152, l. 2. _full of_ outrages, threatnings. 156, l. 24. _My Lords_, it is not so by your pleasures. 159, l. 15. _I vanquest him_--I witnessed to him. 160, l. 1. _and spitted_ on the ground.--22. _Layman_--man. 165, l. 3. _our Generall_ or Provinciall Counsells. 168, l. 13. _innocent_ man speak.--19. _two_ feinds, two Gray Friers.--25-28. _came to him with all diligence._ And conferred with him a pretty while, at last, burst forth in tears, but so soon as he was able to speak, he asked him, If he would receive the Communion? Master Wischarde answered, He would most willingly, if he could have it according to Christ's institution, under both kinds. The Sub-Prior went to the Cardinall and his Prelats, he told them, That Master Wischarde was an innocent man; which he said, not to intercede for his life, but to make known the innocency of the man unto all men, as it was known to God. At these words the Cardinall was angry, and said to the Sub-Prior, Long agoe we knew what you were. Then the Sub-Prior demanded, Whether they would suffer M. Wischarde to receive the Communion or not? They answered, No. A while after M. Wischarde had ended with the Sub-Prior, the Captaine of the Castle, with some other friends, came to him, and asked him, If he would break fast with them? He answered, Most willingly, for I know you to be most honest and godly men; so all being ready, he desired them to sit downe, and heare him a while with patience. Then he discoursed to them about halfe an houre concerning the Lord's Supper, his sufferings and death for us. He exhorteth them to love one another, laying aside all rancor, envie, and vengeance, as perfect members of Christ, who intercedes continually for us to God the Father. After this, he gave thanks, and blessing the bread and wine, he took the bread and brake it, and gave to every one of it, bidding each of them, Remember that Christ had died for them, and feed on it spiritually; so taking the cup, he bade them, Remember that Christ's blood was shed for them, &c.; and after, he gave thanks and prayed for them. When he had done, he told them, That he would neither eat nor drink more in this life; and so retired to his chamber. Immediately after came to him (sent from the Cardinall) two executioners; one brought him a coat of linnen died black, and put it upon him; the other brought some bags full of powder, which they tied to severall parts of his body. Then having dressed him, they brought him to an outer roome, neere to the gate of the Castle. Then the fire was made ready, and the stake at the west port of the Castle, neere to the Priory. Over against the place of execution, the Castle windows were hung with rich hangings, and velvet cushions, laid for the Cardinall and Prelats, who from thence did feed their eyes with the torments of this innocent man. _The Cardinal dreading._ 169, l. 6. _and led_--and with sound of trumpet led.--17. _tempt me not_, I intreat you. _After this._--25. _words: I beseik you_--words, having obtained leave to speak a little, I beseech you. 171, l. 3. _Then_ the executioner, _that was his tormentor_.--8. _And then by and by_ the trumpet sounding, he was tyed to the stake, and the fire kindled. The Captaine of the Castle, for the love he bore to M. Wischarde, drew so neer to the fire, that the flame thereof did him harme; he wished M. Wischarde to be of good courage, and to beg from God the forgivenesse of his sins; to whom M. Wischarde answered thus: This fire torments my body, bot no wayes abates my spirit. Then M. Wischarde, looking towards the Cardinall, said, He who in such state, from that high place, feedeth his eyes with my torments, within few dayes shall be hanged out at the same window, to be seen with as much ignominy, as he now leaneth there in pride. Then with this, the executioner drawing the cord, stopt his breath; presently after, the fire being great, he was consumed to powder. The Prelats would not suffer any prayers to be made for him, according to their custome. After the death of Master Wischarde, the Cardinall was cryed up by his flatterers, and all the rabble of the corrupt Clergie, as the onely defender of the Catholike Church, and punisher of Hereticks, neglecting the authority of the sluggish Governour: And it was said by them, That if the great Prelates of latter dayes, both at home and abroad, had been so stout and zealous of the credit of the Catholike Church, they had not onely suppressed all Hereticks, but also kept under the lay-men, who were so forward and stubborne. On the other side, _when that the people beheld the great tormenting of that innocent, they could not withhold from piteous mourning and complaining of the innocent lamb's slaughter_. _After the death_, &c. 172, l. 3. _or_ else it _should cost life for life_; and that in a short time they should be like hogs kept for slaughter, by this vitious Priest, and wicked monster, which neither minded God, nor cared for men. Amongst those that spake against the Cardinall's cruelty, _John Leslie, brother to the Earle of Rothes, was chief_, with his cozen Norman Lesley, who had been a great follower of the Cardinall, and very active for him but a little before, fell so foule with him, that they came to high reproaches one with another. The occasion of their falling out was a private businesse, wherein Norman Lesley said he was wronged by the Cardinall. On the other side, the Cardinall said he was not with respect used by Norman Lesley his inferiour. The said John Lesley, _in all companies, spared not to say_, That that same dagger, (shewing forth his dagger,) and that same hand, should be put in the Cardinall's brest. _These brutes came_, &c.--14. _and promessed amitie with him_, and so he gave his bastard eldest daughter in marriage to the Earle of Crawford his eldest son and heir, and caused the wedding to be celebrate with such state, as if she had been a Princes lawfull daughter. _He only feared_, &c. 173, l. 10. _not only_ say.--12. _fead_--fooles.--17. _Mary that now mischevouslie regnes_--Mary that now, 1566, raignes.--25. _but by his secreat counsall_, (_omitted_.) 175, l. 6. _in no great number_--in great number. 177, (_In the margin_,) The fact and words of James Melvin. 178, l. 3. _fowseis syde_--house side--13, 14. _How miserably lay David Betoun, cairfull Cardinall_, (_these words are omitted_.) 180, l. 15. _The death of this aforesaid tyrant_, as it was pleasing to some, to wit, to those who had received the Reformation of religion, for they were mightily afraid of him, and also to sundry Romanists whom he kept under as slaves; so on the other side, it _was dolorous to the priests_. 181, l. 5. _besieged._ Divers gentlemen of Fife went into the Castle, and abode there with the Leslies during the first siege; and John Rough was preacher to them.--7. _and for his_ riches _he would not_. 184, l. 24. _the hole seige_, having left the Castle, because he could do little good upon those that were with him; so addicted were they to their evil wayes, _begane to preach in_ the city of S. Andrews. 186, l. 22. _any man_, namely, in the time of need, as that was. 190, l. 17. _kynd of doctrine_--wind of doctrine. 196, l. 32. _Whither may we do the same in matters of religion?_ (_omitted_.) 197, l. 18. _that God hes_ ordained. 203, l. 8. _for upoun the_ nine and twentieth _day_.--10. _with a_ great army.--11. _in that_ haven before. 204, l. 14. _The seige by_ sea and land was laid about the Castle of S. Andrews, the three and twentieth day of July.--18. _brunt_; and some upon the street that leads to the Castle.--23. _ground of the_ court of the Castle.--27. _corrupt lyef_, having fallen into all kinde of licentiousnesse, puft up with pride of their successe, and relying upon England for help in case of need, _could not escape_. 205, l. 7. _Upone the_ nine and twentieth of July.--8. _xiiij_--thirteen cannons.--14. _place._ Betwixt ten of the clock and eleven, there fell. 206, l. 17. _men without God_, (omitted.)--20. _gallayis_, among others John Knox was in the galleys all the winter. 212, l. 14. _schooting longis_--shooting amongst.--17. _began to reyll_--begin to faile. 215, l. 12. _forfaulted_--sore assaulted. 217, l. 11. _Ordour of the Cokill_, and a pension of 12,000 lib. Turn. _with a full discharge_. 218, l. 5. _hir finall destruction_--her own ruine.--9. _Lett men patientlie abyd_ God's appointed tyme, and turn unto him with hearty repentance, then God will surely stop the fire that now comes from her, by sudden changing her heart to deal favourably with his people; or else by taking her away, or by stopping her to go on in her course by such meanes as he shall think meet in his wisdom, for he having all in his hand disposeth of all, and doth with all according to his own will, unto which we must not onley yeald, but also be heardily pleased with it, since it is absolutely good, and both by sacred and prophane history we ar taught to do so; for in them we finde that Princes have been raised up by his hands to punish his people; but when they turned unto him with hearty repentance, he either turned the heart of the Prince to deal kindly with his people; or else did take him away; or at least did stop his violent course against his people. Of this the examples are so frequent, that we spare to name them heere. _But to returne to our Historie._ 222, l. 9. _a godly man_, (_omitted_.) 223, l. 24. _in the saidis Chappell_, &c.--in the Sands, Chappell, &c. 227, l. 1. _of a justifeid man: but how it is suppressed, we know nott_--of a man justified, which is extant to this day.--(_In the margin_,) with a smudge?] Note: This booke was printed 1584, at Edinburgh, by Tho. Utrover: (_in the 4to edit_.) Tho. Voutroler. 229, l. 10. _meanes as_ they looked for. 230, l. 18. _discrive_--discover. 233, l. 11. _the Duck_ Hamilton: (_also, at page_ 238, l. 4.) 235, l. 20. _the temporal Lordis that_ maintain such abominations as we see, and flattering Counsellors of State, _blasphemous_. 238, l. 5. _others besydis._ The Bishops and their rable, they _begin_. 239, l. 11. _thei will_ do, or can do. 240, l. 26. _Tack you yon_--Take heed all you. 242, l. 5. _but few_ were made rich. 244, l. 2. _thare patentis_--their parents.--9. _displeasur, that_ idolatrous and mischievous Marie.--24. _cruell persecution, used by_ Queen Marie of England. 247, l. 24. _as in doctrin_--as in preaching. 251, l. 1. _and_ bent themselves. 252, l. 6. _was_ published, which we have caused to be printed at the end of this book, _and is called_.--17 to 20. _And tharefor_, &c., (_the whole of this sentence is omitted_.) 254, l. 16. _both realmes_ were disappointed _who_. 259, l. 15. Instead of, _Thare assembled Preastis_--Their asses, bloody Priests, Friers, &c. 265, l. 1. _thareof to this day_--thareof to his death.--2. _now Erle_--after Earle.--25. _Thei lieved as beastis_--They left me as beasts. 272, l. 32. _to his glorie_--to your eternall glorie. 274, l. 13. _many others_--many other letters. 276, l. 21. _and geve attendance to us, your_--and to have care to use. 279, l. 5. _together ... answer_, (_omitted_.)--27. _hes allanerlie_--has modestlie _absteaned_. 280, l. 8. _this pastor_, or rather impostour.--18. _his Eme's wyff_--his cousin's wife. 283, l. 18. _What that_ man of the law is. 284, l. 2. _nether can_ err.--5. _synceir_, (_omitted_.)--20. _cannon_--common _law_. 287, l. 10. _cummer_--rumour. 289, l. 26. _by_ (_i.e._ beside) _us_--neer us. BOOK SECOND. 292, l. 17. (_In the margin_,) Note. Here is a solecisme in State expression, newly invented by the Court Parasites. 294, l. 20. (_In the margin_,) Note. To call the Crown-Matrimoniall, is an absurd solecisme, newly then invented at Court. 297, l. 4. (_In the margin_,) Note. And now in these latter days it hath pleased God in his goodnesse to grant the pure and primitive Discipline also unto the Church of Scotland.--20. _long_, (_omitted_.) 298, l. 21. _the libertie of_, (_omitted_.) 299, l. 5. _the extreme_, (_omitted_.) 300, l. 2. _to give the_ gift of exhortation by sermon. 302, l. 8. _to convein us_--to make us. 303, l. 10. _our presence_, or counsell, or petitions.--26. _mercifullie_--bountifullie.--28. _The first petition_--Here beginneth the particular demands. 304, l. 11. _of the which_, without explanation, hardly can arise any profit to the hearers. 305, l. 23. _to live_ at their lust. 307, l. 12. _a large purse_, 40,000 l. _Turn._ or _Scots_, gathered, (_livres Tournois?_)--20. _in things_ as we thought _unlawfull_. 309, l. 16. _Lords_, Barons, and Burgesses _of this_. 312, l. 27. _in Parliament_ holden at Edinburgh, Anno 1558. 313, l. 28. _any other_ of the godly that list. 315, l. 22. _And it_ appeared, that after that day that malice took more violent and strong possession in hir then it did before. 318, l. 6. _Quenis_ favour. 319, l. 2. _thare rebellioun_--high rebellion. 321, l. 2. _vehement_--very vehement. 324, l. 11. _to instruct_ the people. 325, l. 7. _Duke_ Hamilton.--9, 10. now cheaf, &c., (_same reading as in Vautrollier's edit., quoted in note 4._)--21. _best for_--best serve for. 327, l. 15. _your Grace's_--your Princely. 328, l. 11. _extreme necessiteis_--most great extremities.--13. _thair and oure lyves_--their owne lives. 329, l. 15. _espyed._ The tenour whereof followeth. _And._--22. _that_ ye _the Nobilitie_. 331, l. 5. _Is it nocht_, &c.--It is not.--16. _judged_ to be _gud treeis_. 332, l. 7. _doth_ contrary to this authority.--8, 9. _he is cled_--it is clothed. 336, l. 28. _war thay that first_--war there, they that first.--30. _platt of ground_--place of ground. 337, l. 6. _war erected_--were set up.--7, 8. _hope_ of _victorie_. 339, l. 4. _that we_ in whom _she_.--24. _ar servandis_--as servants. 340, l. 20. _gart cutt the brigis_--caused the bridges to be cut. 345, l. 5. _Teringland_--Tarmganart. 351, l. 2, 3. _Cowper, ... assisted_--Cowper, ... was assisted.--28. _practised with us_--made shew unto us. 354, l. 1. _truble, or_ disquiet.--7. _Subscrived_, &c.-- Subscribed, JAMES HAMILTON, MENEITS DOSELL. 356, l. 21. _plane_--plainly see. 357, l. 16. _cast up the portis_--open the gates.--25, _beirand_--bearing, namely. 358, l. 20. _departed, as hielie_--departed, and was highly. 359, l. 14. _the_ 26--the six and twentieth.--16. _four_, (_omitted_.) 360, l. 4. _wald vote_--would consent.--21. _Palace and the Kirk_--place, and the place and the Church.--22. _idollis, hid_--hid goods. 361, l. 2. _unto him_, he would _that_.--8. _irruption_--interruption.--15. _stogged_--thrust. 363, l. 4. _in the one_--in one of the Colledges.--13. _was to be done, and that ordour_--was best to be done, and what order.--18. _and yit hir Dochteris is_--by advice of hir Counsell.--30. _hir Grace_--our Mother. 364, l. 1. _to affix_--to appoint.--6. _our Realme_--our religion. 365, l. 6. _to suche_--that such.--15. _Sche_--The Queen Regent.--17. _thame_selves.--19. _advertist_, That. 367, l. 25. _nothing to_ the commission, she proposed. 368, l. 5. _abused_ Duke Hamilton, perswading him.--8. _his_ successors of their pretended title.--16. _crymes_ were ever entred into.--25. _should leaf_--should lose.--33. _the Duke's Grace_--Duke Hamilton. 369, l. 18. _small appointment_--finall appointment.--26. _earthlie_ treasure. 370, l. 7. _outsetting_--upsetting.--11. _no mo_--no man. 371, l. 1. _substantious housholdis_--chief domesticks. 373, l. 3. _bawbie_, or fartheing.--13. _those of_, (_omitted_.) 374, l. 15. _Restalrig_--Lestarrig. 376, l. 17. _Januar_ had decreed. 377, l. 2. _thai war_--they are.--15. _In the first_ Congregation. 378, l. 1. _maner_--matter.--23. _skaithles_--harmless.--34. _thoill_--suffer. 379, l. 1. _other haveand spirituall_--other, either spiritual.--3. _religioun, or_ any other.--13. _in all_ such causes.--24. _to speak_ with. 380, l. 12. _the Lordis_ Protestants.--13. _unto_ the chief heads of the Appointment, _whiche be these_.--30. _this_ our _Proclamatioun_. 382, l. 1. _adversaries_, who trie _all maner_.--19. _and hir_, (_omitted_.) 383, l. 15. _quhat tyme_--at the time that. 384, l. 7. _baith_, (_omitted_.)--_Le Roy_, (_omitted_.) (_Title inserted_,) The King his letter to the Lord James.--15. _bein_, (_omitted_.) 385, l. 1. _father_, from the Queen my wife, and from _me_.--5. _strange_ to me, and so farre _against_.--6. _gudlie_ well.--19, 20. _ye ar declyneit_--ye have declined.--21. _attention_--intention.--28. _thair_--your.--_thay_--ye. 386, l. 7. _Vous senteras_--Vous en sentires.--15. _Schir_, (_omitted_.)--The Lord James his letter to the King.--16. _My_ most humble _dewtie_.--17. _last_, importing.--18. _Majestie_ doth.--24. _hard_--had.--28. _grevis me_ very _heavilie_. 387, l. 8. _sould_ not _have_.--18, 19. _as_ we were perswaded in _our_.--21. _cair_ from. 388, l. 14. _na man_ could. 389, l. 2. _benefit_ which.--9. _libertie_ of.--19. _Tolbuith_--Town. 391, l. 1. _nether_ yet.--19. _For schort_--For that _after_. 392, l. 9. _deambulatour_--deambulation.--18. _falt_ in.--20. _worthelie_--justlie.--21. _done_, (_omitted_.) 394, l. 7. _thair kyn_--your kin.--18. _contravene_--violate.--27. _mak_ first--give first. 395, l. 1. _lippin_--trust.--2. _to have_ good.--16. _taikin_ without.--18. _saidis_, (_omitted_.)--23. _our pairt._ But in case against all reason they should mean any such thing, We _have thocht_.--31. _furnissing_--surmising. 397, l. 3. _put_ fit _remedy_.--10. _could_--would.--17. _list_, so that some asked for.--19. _sche_ was not ashamed _to sett_.--22. _personis_ have of malice.--24. _stope all_ manner of reconciliations.--28. _Estaitis_--State.--31. _ar cumit_--came.--_ar myndit_--do mind. 398, l. 7. _ony_ part thereof _contravenit_.--8. _communit_--commovit.--13. _ane_, (_omitted_.) 399, l. 2. _ever_, (_omitted_.)--10. _obedience_ of _higher_.--13. _direct_ quite.--19. _with_ reverence. 401, l. 2. _simplicitie_, and to _work your finall_.--11. _of_ our _posteritie, and_ to be short, to our _commun-wealth_.--15. _foirnameit._ This is so _manifestly_.--34. _is not to be_--is to be. 403, l. 1. _brocht it_ to such basenesse, and such a deale of strife _that all men_.--14. _guid and_ weighty _money_. 405, l. 9. _that_ wicked _man_.--10. _quha at_ that tyme.--27. _reassonit_ with all _in the_. 406, l. 19. _thairin_, not only _without_.--25. _the houssis garnissit_, (_omitted_.) 407, l. 24. _yea_, even of our brethren. 408, l. 29. _covetousnes of the_ Cardinall of Guyse and the Hamiltons. _Amen._ 409, l. 32. _trubill any_ unjust _possession_. 410, l. 14. _over_ our _heads_.--25. _tred_--course. 411, l. 3. _personis ... be God_, move Princes to _command_.--7. _of_ misled _Princes_.--13. _thair_ misled _Princes_.--20. _crewell_ misled Princes, who authorize the _murtherar_. 412, l. 20. _murther_, and such like: _Esaias_.--32. _appelyteis of_ misled _Princeis_. 413, l. 12. _my Lord Dukis Grace_--the Duke. 414, l. 10-12. _Hienes, quham ... God_, expecting earnestly your answer. 415, l. 29. _experimentit_--dear. 416, l. 3. _lawlie_ to our.--18. _of the_ same: And that ye would _rather_. 417, l. 16. _Onlie_ to shew. 418, l. 6. _to_ this _commun-wealth_.--8. _a_ plain _declaratioun_. 420, l. 20. _Pleis your Grace_--Madame.--29, 30. _sall_ treat or deal _for himself_. 421, l. 14. _ye_ knew fully, and all men else.--20, 21. The Queen's Proclamation. 425, l. 10. _thing not of lait_--thing of lait. 426, l. 1. _as in_ deed _it is_.--3. _haid_ Inche, Colme, _Dumbar_.--4. _maid_; yet all these _could_.--9. _the trewth_, (_omitted_.)--12. _seiking_ constantly _to possesse_ the _libertie_ of Leith, which _be donation of_ ancient _Kingis thay have long_ enjoyed. 427, l. 9. _to wit_--is.--22. _mentenance_--mantainers. 428, l. 3, 4. _to this day_, (_omitted_.)--8. _write to_ the praise of _Goddis_.--13. _honour_, (_omitted_.) 429, l. 13. _our_, (_omitted_.)--20. _be of_ such _reputatioun_. 430, l. 14. _quhan_, (_omitted_.) 431, l. 7. _support_--our _support_. 432, l. 4. _presentt_ day, _that_.--_maist_, (_omitted_.) 433, l. 2. _onlie_--openlie.--10. _deceat, that_ to _lift thair weaponis against thair brethren_.--12. _glorie_, or _yet_. 434, l. 26. _thame_, so they did answer unto her, _as by_. 435, l. 2. _moist_, (_omitted_.) 436, l. 7. _self and_ those that followeth you. _And that._ 437, l. 28. _It will ... remembrance_--Your Majestie may call to minde, _how at_. 438, l. 12. _we will_ (as befoir) move _and declair_.--20. _humbill_, (_omitted_.) 439, l. 3. _maid_ by these about _the Quene_.--6. _never anis_ hath made any shew of any such thing, _bott_ only _in_.--10. _poore_ commonalty.--17. _Lady_: Which accusation hath continued ever against him, as guilty of that crime; he therefore now openly _and plainlie_ protesteth. ---- (_Opposite to line 8, the first marginal note begins_,) Now the Duke seeing the Queen's partie decline, and the Protestant party grow strong, he once more changeth the profession of his religion, and joyneth with the Protestants, as strongest.--(_And at line 24,_) How true this is, the constant course of the family can tell. 440, l. 3. _your_--our.--(_Marginal note_,) _Let this bee noted, and let all men judge of the purpose of the Frenche_, and how good and wise patriots they were, who sold our Soveraign to France for their private profit, and they by name were the Hamiltons. 441, l. 21. _so_ tyranically to domineer over them. 442, l. 3. _called and_, (_omitted_.)--9. _that_ it _is_.--17. _never so_ firmly establish any, but at his pleasure, he seeing just cause, might deprive them.--22. _used_--useth second _means_. 443, l. 3. _idolatrie_, as also she openly declares the countrie to be conquest, and no more free. _And finallie_.--9. (_Marginal note_,) _in the disposition_--in the deposition.--11, 12. _and_ disorder.--14. _our_ Soveraigne.--31. _awin_, (_omitted_.) 444, l. 10. _uttermost_ ruine, _so that_.--22. _for that_--only because.--24. _lauchfull_, (_omitted_.)--30. _of Sanct Johnestoun_, (_omitted_.) 445, l. 4. _in this_ last _moneth_.--5. _in_ other _townes_.--21. _Soverane Lord_ deceased without heirs of her _persone_.--24. _our_ whole _cuntree_.--_causes_--caused ... to coine lead-_money_. 445, l. 28. _And attour, her Grace places_--Again, she so placeth. 446, l. 5. _be his_--by this.--11. _remissionis_, conform _to the practise_. 448, l. 2. _fearing_ lest _the_. 449, l. 9. _Pleise your Grace_--Madame. 450, l. 2. _Lord and_ Lady their _true_.--7. _for_ worthy _reasons_.--16. _sute_--follow.--17, 18. _maid_ oft before. Again we desire you _cause_. 451, l. 1. _xxiii of October_--24 of October.--10. _that thei_, (_omitted_.)--18. _sa lang as_ they use us as friends, and not strive _to make_. 453, l. 2. _name_, requiring thame.--15. _The ungodlie soldiouris_, in hatred of goodnesse and good men, continuing in their disorder, mocke _the Laird_.--22. _shall_ make them know me. 458, l. 9. _without_ delay. 459, l. 6. The Captain of _the Castle_.--27. _desyred_, (_omitted_.)--21. _back, the_ carriage of money _was dejected_. 460, l. 21. _betimes_ in the morning for keeping. 461, l. 24, 462, l. 1. _so that in no wise we could charge thame_, (_omitted_.) 463, l. 7. _after_ our departure. 464, l. 28. _before lurked_--there lurked. 465, l. 9. _Alas if I might see_ another defie given: _Give advertisement_. 466, l. 22. _continewalie_, (_omitted_.) 468, l. 18. _altogitther_, (_omitted_.) 469, l. 23. _I_ speak _more generallie then_ the present _necessity_ requireth: _for_. 470, l. 25. _thair_ own _formar offences_. 471, l. 9. _himself_, I _speik_. 472, l. 10 and 12. _uncertane_--certaine.--19. _when_ their blinde fury _pursued us_.--l. 16. (_In the margin_,) Let the House of Hamilton remember this. 473, l. 20. _thair_ home and _quiet_.--23. With this we end _the Second Book of the History_, &c. THE END OF THE SECOND BOOK. No. II. THE LOLLARDS IN SCOTLAND DURING THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY. In tracing the History of the Reformation, we must always revert to a much earlier period than that of Luther. The chief witnesses against the corrupt ceremonies and discipline of the Church of Rome belonged to two distinct sects, but entertaining nearly the same sentiments--the Albigenses, who were chiefly settled about Toulouse and Albigeois, in Languedoc; and the Valdenses, who inhabited the mountainous tract of country, (known as the Cottian Alps,) in the provinces of Dauphine and Provence, in the south of France, and in Piedmont, in the north of Italy. Both sects may be considered as descendants of the primitive Christians, and the long series of persecutions which they endured, may have conduced to spread their opinions in other lands, and to keep alive a spirit of religious inquiry and freedom. The great English Reformer John Wykliffe, died in the year 1380. The persecutions which arose after his death, drove many of his adherents into exile, and brought some of them to the western parts of Scotland, who, having settled in Ayrshire, obtained the name of the Lollards of Kyle. Any notices respecting them that have been preserved are unfortunately very scanty, but should not be overlooked in a work like the present. Andrew of Wyntoun, Prior of Lochlevin, the author of a Metrical Chronicle, written about the year 1420, when recording the appointment of Robert Duke of Albany as Governor of Scotland, in the year 1405, commends him for his opposition to Lollards and Heretics:-- "He was a constant Catholike, All Lollard he hatyt, and Hereticke."--(vol. ii. p. 419.) It was during his administration, that the first Martyr of the Reformed religion was committed to the flames at Perth, for alleged heresy, in the year 1406 or 1407. This was eight or nine years previously to the death of John Huss, that "generous and intrepid Martyr and confessor of Christ," as Luther justly calls him. Walter Bower, the continuator of Fordun, is probably the only original historian who has preserved an account of Resby, of which the following is an extract:-- "LIB. XV. CAP. XX. DE COMBUSTIONE JACOBI RESBY HÆRETICI APUD PERTH. "Eodem anno [MCCCCVI] die combustus est JACOBUS RESBY, Presbyter Anglicus de schola Johannis Wykliff, hæreticus condemnatus in concilio cleri sub magistro Laurentio de Lundoris, inquisitore hæreticæ pravitatis, solidissimo clerico et famoso theologo, vitæ sanctitate quamplurimum collaudato. Qui quidem Jacobus, quamvis interdum celeberrimus reputabatur simplicibus prædicatione, periculosissimas tamen conclusiones intersperserat in sua dogmatizatione. Quarum prima fuit, quod Papa de facto non est Christi vicarius. Secunda, Nullus est Papa, nec Christi vicarius, nisi sit sanctus. De consimilibus, vel pejoribus, tenuit quadraginta conclusiones. Cujus tam Scripta quam auctorem Inquisitor confutavit, et ad ignem applicavit et incineravit. Hujusmodi errores excerpti sunt de hæresibus dicti Johannis Wykliff hæresiarchæ, damnati Londoniis in Anglia, anno Domini MCCCLXXX, per primatem Angliæ, et tredecim episcopos, ae magistros in sacra theologia triginta, ex dialogo, trialogo, et aliis suis libris. Conclusiones et libelli istius hæretici adhuc a nonnullis Lolardis habentur in Scotia, et curiose servantur, ex instinctu Diaboli, per tales quibus aquæ furtivæ dulciores sunt, et panis absconditus suavior."--(Vol. i. p. 441.) The several abbreviates of the Scotichronicon notice Resby's fate. Law's MS. places it in 1406; but the larger "Extracta ex Cronicis Scocie," gives the year 1407, nor omits the circumstance "De talibus et pejoribus xl. Conclusiuncs; _cujus liber adhuc restant curiose servantur per Lolardos in Scocie_." Among later writers who mention Resby, Spotiswood says, "John Wickliffe in England, John Hus and Jerome of Prague in Bohemia, did openly preach against the tyranny of the Pope, and the abuses introduced in the Church; and in this countrey, one called Joannes [James] Resby an Englishman, and _de schola_ Wickliffi, as the story speaketh, was brought in question for some points of doctrine which he taught, and condemned to the fire. He was charged by Master Laurence Lendores with 40 heretical opinions; whereof we have two only mentioned; one, That the Pope was not Christ's Vicar; the other, That he was not to be esteemed Pope, if he was a man of wicked life. For maintaining these two points, he suffered in the year 1407."--(History of the Church, p. 56.) This date is also given in the Breve Cronicon, (apud Registrum Glasguense, p. 316.) "Combustio Jacobi Henrici [Resby] apud Perth, A.D. 1407." The prevalence of such opinions is still more evident from the oath which Masters of Arts were required to take, in the newly founded University of St. Andrews; it being enacted at a Congregation, held on the 10th of June 1416, that all who commenced Masters of Arts should swear, among other things, that they would resist all adherents of the sect of LOLLARDS. "Item, Jurabitis quod ecclesiam defendetis contra insultum Lollardorum, et quibuscunque eorum secte adherentibus pro posse vestro resistetis."--(MS. Records of the University, quoted by Dr. M'Crie, Life of Melville, vol. i. p. 419.) Knox commences his History with referring to some person whose name did not appear in the Scrollis or Registers of Glasgow, who suffered in that city in the year 1422. David Buchanan and Petrie have rather hastily concluded that Resby was the person referred to, overlooking both the difference of time and the place of his execution. Another proof of the increase of the Lollards in Scotland, is furnished by an Act in the Parliament of King James the First, held at Perth, on the 12th March 1424-5, soon after his return from his long captivity in England:-- "OF HERETICKIS AND LOLLARDIS. "Item, Anentis Heretikis and Lollardis, that ilk Bischop sall ger inquyr be the Inquisicione of Heresy, quhar ony sik beis fundyne, ande at thai be punyst as Lawe of Haly Kirk requiris: Ande, gif it misteris, that Secular power be callyt tharto in suppowale and helping of Haly Kirk."--(Acta Parl. Scotiæ, vol. ii. p. 7.) The prevalence of reformed opinions is also clear from the appointment of a dignified Churchman as Heretical Inquisitor. Such an office would obviously never have been contemplated, unless for the wide spread of what was deemed to be heresy. Laurence of Lindores, Abbot of Scone, in 1411, was the first Professor of Law in the newly erected University of St. Andrews, and he is described as "solidissimus clericus et famosus theologus, vitæ sanctitate quamplurimum collaudatus." But the title of HAERETICÆ PRAVITATIS INQUISITOR, formed his highest distinction; and he is said to have given no peace or rest to heretics or Lollards. Whether Laurence of Lindores resigned his situation as Abbot on obtaining other preferment, is uncertain. In July 1432, when elected Dean of the Faculty of Arts, at St. Andrews, he is styled Rector of Creich, Master of Arts, Licentiate in Theology, Inquisitor for the Kingdom of Scotland, &c. This office of Dean he held till his death, when (post mortem felicis memoriæ Magistri Laurencii de Lundoris,) Mr. George Newton, Provost of the Collegiate Church of Bothwell, was elected his successor, 16th September 1437.--(Registers of the University.) Lindores is said to have written "Examen Hæreticorum Lolardorum, quos toto regno exegit." The next Martyr was Paul Craw or Crawar, a native of Bohemia, by old Scotish writers called Beum. As Knox seems to have had before him the brief notice contained in the first edition of Foxe's "Actes and Monuments," the passage from that edition may here be quoted:-- "¶ PAULE CRAWS A BOHEMIAN. "The same yere [1431] also was Paul Craws a Bohemian taken at s. Andrews by the Bishop Henry, and delivered over to the seculer power to be burnt, for holdyng contrary opinions vnto the church of Rome, touching the sacrament of the Lords supper, the worshipping of sainctes, auriculer confessyon, with other of Wycleffes opinions."--(Foxe, p. 360, first edit., 1564, folio.) The earlier notices given of this Martyr by Bower the Continuator of Fordun, and Hector Boece, may also be quoted, the latter in the words of his translator John Bellenden, Archdean of Murray, in the reign of James the Fifth. It will be observed that Bower mentions Laurence of Lindores as Inquisitor, whereas Boece says it was John Fogo, his successor in that office, who acted on this occasion, which some authorities place in 1431, others in 1432, or in the following year. "DE COMBUSTIONE PAULI CRAWAR ARCH-HÆRETICI, ET DE LOLARDIS. "Anno sequenti [MCCCCXXXIII] accusatus est Paulus Crawar Teutonicus, xxiij. die mensis Julij, apud Sanctum Andream, et hæreticus obstinatus repertus, convictus est et condemnatus, et ad ignem applicatus et incineratus. Hic, ut dicitur, missus fuit ab hæreticis Pragensibus de Bohemia, qui tune in maleficiis nimium prævalebant, ad inficiendum regnum Scotorum, recommissus per ipsorum literas, tanquam præcellens arte medicine. Hic in sacris literis et in allegatione Bibliæ promptus et exercitatus inveniebatur; sed ad insipientiam sibi, omnes quasi illos articulos erroneos Pragenses et Wiklivienses pertinaciter tenebat: sed per venerabilem virum magistrum Laurentium de Londoris, inquisitorem hæreticæ pravitatis, qui nusquam infra regnum requiem dedit hæreticis, vel Lolardis, confutatus est."--(Scotichronicon, vol. ii. p. 495.) Bower, after this extract, in the remainder of the chapter, and the two following ones, has given some account of the rise and opinions of these Heretics, and the mode of confuting them; which are too long for quotation. Bellenden's briefer notice is as follows:-- "Nocht lang efter was tane in Sanct Androis ane man of Beum namit Paule Craw, precheand new and vane superstitionis to the pepyl, specially aganis the sacrament of the alter, veneration of sanctis, and confession to be maid to Priestis. At last he was brocht afore the Theologis, and al his opinionis condampnit. And because he perseuerit obstinatly to the end of his pley, he was condampnit and brint. He confessit afore his death that he was send out of Beum to preiche to Scottis the heresyis of Hus and Wiccleif. The King commendit mekyl this punition, and gaif the Abbacy of Melros to Johne Fogo, for he was principall convikar of this Paule."--(Bellenden's Cronyklis of Scotland, fol. ccxlvij of orig. edition.) It is a mistake, however, to say that Fogo was thus rewarded for the zeal he displayed in convicting Paul Crawar of heresy in 1432. Dr. John Fogo was Abbot of Melrose in the year 1425, when he was sent to Rome on an embassy from King James the First. He was the King's Confessor, and was present at the Council of Basil in 1433.--(Morton's Monastic Annals, pp. 236, 237.) Sir James Balfour treats him with very little ceremony:--"This zeire 1433, (he says,) the King, at the earnist sollicitatione of the clergey, bot especially of Henrey Wardlaw, Bishope of St. Andrewes, bestowed the Abbey of Melrosse upone a luberdly mounke of the Cisteauxe order, quho had wretten a blasphemous pamphlet against Paull Crau's heresy, named Johne Fogo."--(Annals, vol. i. p. 161.) But it was not obscure men or strangers who were occasionally subjected to the charge of heresy. In the reign of James the Third, the case of the Primate of Scotland is worthy of special notice. In 1466, Patrick Graham, son of Lord Graham, and nephew of James the First, was translated from the See of Brechin to St. Andrews. Graham proceeded to Rome to obtain his confirmation, but the enmity of the Boyds during their power at Court occasioned him to delay for some years his return to Scotland. During this period, the Archbishop of York having renewed an old contested claim as Metropolitan of the Scotish Church, Graham succeeded in obtaining from Pope Sixtus the Fourth a sentence, whereby it was declared "a thing unfitting that an English Prelate should be the Primate of Scotland, by reason of the warres that might break forth betwixt the two kingdoms."--The King, in 1470, calls him "Consanguineo nostro carissimo;" and in the same year is styled as "Conservator Privilegiorum Ecclesiæ Scoticanæ." He is said to have returned in the year 1472; and both Buchanan and Spottiswood have given a minute and interesting account of the troubles in which he was involved. In 1471, Pope. Sixtus the Fourth erected the See of St. Andrews into an Archbishoprick, and thus Graham became Primate, Pope's Nuncio, and Legatus a latere. But his zeal and innovations in reforming abuses, excited the envy and opposition both of the clergy and persons in civil authority; and darkened the latter days of his life to such a degree, that he was brought to trial, and by the Pope's Legate, named Huseman, who came to Scotland for that purpose, he was degraded from his dignities, and condemned to perpetual imprisonment, as a HERETIC, schismatic, &c.; and was put under the custody of William Schevez, Archdean of St. Andrews, who was appointed his coadjutor and successor. Bishop Lesley (p. 318,) places Graham's trial in 1477, and says, he was first imprisoned in Inchcolm, then removed to Dunfermling, and soon after to the Castle of Lochleven, where he died in 1478. See also Sir James Balfour's Annals, vol. i. p. 200. "This end (says Spottiswood) had that worthy man, in virtue and learning inferior to none of his time, oppressed by the malice and calumny of his enemies, chiefly for that they feared reformation of their wicked abuses by his means." * * * * * Of the LOLLARDS mentioned by Knox as summoned for trial before James the Fourth in 1491, no additional information has been obtained. Alexander Alesius, in 1534, takes notice of John Campbell of Cesnock having also been summoned and acquitted: see Rev. Chr. Anderson's Annals, vol. ii. p. 400; John Davidson's Memoriall of Two Worthie Christians, &c., p. 10, Edinb. 1595, 8vo; and Calderwood's History, vol. i. p. 54. In "The Praise of Aige," a poem, written about that time by Walter Kennedy, a younger son of Gilbert Lord Kennedy, the progenitor of the Earls of Cassilis, we find these lines:-- "This warld is sett for to dissaive us evin, Pryde is the nett, and cuvatece is the trane; For na reward, except the joy of hevin, Wald I be yung in to this warld agane. _The Schip of Faith, tempestuous wind and rane Dryvis in the see of Lollerdry that blawis_; My yowth is gane, and I am glaid and fane, Honour with aige to every vertew drawis." The same author, in his Flyting or poetical contest with William Dunbar, among other terms of reproach, styles his antagonist "Lamp Lollardorum;" and also, "Judas Jow, Juglour, LOLLARD Lawreat."--(Dunbar's Poems, vol. ii. pp. 85, 90, 440.) No. III. PATRICK HAMILTON, ABBOT OF FERNE. In collecting some notices of this memorable person, it may be remarked, that Knox has passed over his history much more briefly than likely he would have done, had he himself been at St. Andrews at the time of his execution. It has been customary to give a rather exaggerated account of Hamilton's birth and family connexions. Bishop Burnet says, "The first who suffered in this age (in Scotland) was Patrick Hamilton, a person of very noble blood: his father was brother to the Earl of Arran, and his mother sister to the Duke of Albany: so nearly was he on both sides related to the King. He was provided of the Abbey of Fern in his youth; and being designed for greater preferments, he was sent to travel," &c.--(Hist. of the Reform., vol. i. p. 291.) Similar terms are employed by later writers. This notion to Hamilton's high descent and parentage requires to be somewhat modified. His father, Sir Patrick Hamilton of Kincavel, was an illegitimate son of James first Lord Hamilton, by a daughter of Witherspoon of Brighouse, and died in 1479. Sir Patrick afterwards obtained a letter of legitimation under the Great Seal, 20th January 1512-13; and in a charter of the settlement of the Hamilton estates about the same time, by the Earl of Arran, he was called next in succession, (failing the Earl's lawful issue,) after Sir James Hamilton of Fynnart, who was the natural son of James second Lord Hamilton, created Earl of Arran in 1503, and who was legitimated on the same day with Sir Patrick. The latter was slain in a conflict on the streets of Edinburgh, 30th April 1520. His wife was Catharine Stewart, daughter of Alexander Duke of Albany, the second son of King James the Second. She is also described as a natural daughter; the marriage of her parents having been dissolved on alleged propinquity of blood, by a sentence of divorce, pronounced 2d March 1477-8. It is proper however to observe, that illegitimation caused by the dissolution of such marriages, in conformity with the complicated rules of the Canon Law, was not considered to entail disgrace on the children, nor did it always interrupt the succession either in regard to titles or property. Their children were,-- 1. James Hamilton of Kincavel, Sheriff of Linlithgowshire, and Captain of Blackness in 1525. He was summoned on a charge of heresy in 1534, but escaped to England. (See note 139.) He obtained permission to return in 1540, and was the means of accomplishing the downfall of his cousin, Sir James Hamilton of Fynnart, (ib. p. 66.) The sentence given against him by the Popish Clergy at Holyrood House, 26th August 1534, was reversed and annulled by the General Assembly in June 1563. 2. Patrick Hamilton the Martyr. 3. Katharine Hamilton, who is mentioned in a letter, 29th March 1539, (ib. p. 66, note,) as wife of the late Captain of Dunbar Castle. The reference in that letter may have been not to her brother Patrick, who was _brent_ in 1528, but to James, who was condemned for heresy in 1534. The word _brent_ therefore might be read _banished_. PATRICK HAMILTON was born about the year 1503. Being intended for the Church, he no doubt received a liberal education, and the influence of his family connexions was sure to obtain for him high preferment. The time when he was promoted to the Abbacy of Ferne, in the county of Ross, is nowhere stated, except in the vague, general terms, "in his youth." It is however quite certain that Ferne was held, along with the Abbacy of Kelso _in commendam_, by Andrew Stewart, Bishop of Caithness, who died in 1517. Sir Robert Gordon, in his Genealogy of the Earls of Sutherland, (p. 93,) says, that on "The 17th day of June 1518 yeirs, Andrew Stuart, Bishop of Catheneys, commendator of the Abbayes of Kelso and Ferne, died at his Castle of Skibo," &c. (p. 93.) A manuscript Calendar of Ferne, which may be held as the best authority, places the Bishop's death in 1517. But although this benefice was conferred on Patrick Hamilton, there is no evidence to show that he was ever in Priest's orders, as he necessarily, at the time of this condemnation, would have been degraded, or deprived of such orders. He appears however to have prosecuted his studies at St. Andrews, and to have taken his Master's degree, according to the following entry in the Registers of that University:-- "Congreg. tenta, 3 Oct. 1524. Mag^r. Patricius Hamilton Abbas de Ferne Rossen. Dioc. in facultatem est receptus." It was probably in the following year that Hamilton went abroad, in the farther prosecution of his studies, visiting Wittenberg and Marburg, and becoming acquainted with Luther, Melancthon, and Francis Lambert. From the sentence pronounced by the Archbishop and his assistants, it is evident that before Hamilton's visit to the Continent he had been suspected of cherishing heretical opinions. At the University of Marburg, he publicly set forth certain Conclusions or Theses for disputation, on the subject of Faith and Good Works. His Theses may have been printed at the time: they have been preserved, in the English translation, by John Fryth, of which there are several editions, sometimes under the title of 'Patrick's Places,' and are also inserted in Knox's History, and in Foxe's Book of Martyrs. Hamilton returned to Scotland in 1527, impelled by a zeal to impart to his countrymen the knowledge of the truth which he had acquired: the result of which is well known; having been apprehended and taken prisoner to the Castle of St. Andrews, tried by Archbishop Beaton, and condemned for heresy, and suffering at the stake on the last of February 1527-8. * * * * * Some extracts from contemporary writers, relating to Patrick Hamilton, may here be quoted. The first extract is taken from the dedication of Lambert's work, which has been oftener mentioned than examined in recent times. It was first published in the year 1528; but the following extract is from an edition bearing the following title, "EXEGESEOS FRANCISCI LAMBERTI Avenionensis, in sanctam divi Ioannis Apocalypsim, Libri VII. Basileae per Nicolaum Brylingerum. Anno M.D.XXXIX." 8vo. It occurs in the dedication to "the illustrious Prince Philip, Landgrave of Hesse." Unfortunately it does not give the date.-- "Habuisti anno supeiriore in tua nova Academia Marpurgensi ex Scotia unum, qui vere suam in Dei Ecclesiam attulit gloriam, PATRICIUS HAMMILTON, ex illustrissima Hammiltonum familia, quæ ex summis Regni Scotiæ; ae Regi, sanguine proximius junctis, est. ls cum esset annorum circiter trium et viginti, eruditionisque non vulgaris, et in Dei sermonibus, iudicij, et certissimi et solidissimi, ab illo mundi angulo, nempe Scotia, venit ad tuam Academiam, ut abundantius in Dei veritate confirmaretur, de quo veruntamen testor, me vix alium repperisse, qui de eloquiis Dei, spiritualius, ac syncerius loqueretur. Sæpe enim mecum de cisdem contulit. Præterea et is primus fuit, qui post erectam a tua sublimitate Academiam, in eadem Christianissima aliquot axiomata palam et doctissime, me hoc illi consulente, asseruit. Ubi autem robustior in pietatis doctrina factus est, assumpto uno ex tribus quos secum huc veniens duxerat, rediit in Scotiam, et palam Christum docuit, factus Scotorum primus et idem inclytus, +apostolos+. Mox principes Sacerdotum cum Satrapis suis, apud Sancti Andreæ urbem convenerunt in unum, adversus dominum, et Christum, illiusque Apostolum Patritium, et ilium quantumvis sanguine clarum, et (ut puto) Rege adhue puero, ab eis seducto (neque enim metu cognatorum eius quidquam alioqui ausi fuissent in cum) vocarunt in concilium suum, in Calen. Martias, huins anni. At ille in Christi confessione ardens totus tempus ipsum prævenit, et pridie cal[=e]. Martij mane, illis pinguibus Samariæ vaccis adfuit, et ab illis velut a Judæis Christus, damnatus mox, et morti adjudicatus est, atque a prandio ipsiusmet dici combustus, et factus Deo in hostiam sanctam, et vivam. Is vere allulit in Dei Ecclesiam non solum gloriam suam, sed et vitam. Hune veluti suavissimum florem, maturumque fructum, ab ipso initio protulit, noua et foelix illa Academia tua. Non es fraudatus desiderio tuo. Idcirco enim maxime illam erexisti, quod cuperes ut intrepidi Christi confessores, et constantes veritatis assertores ex ea prodirent. Ecce jam unum habes, et eundem quidem inclytum multis nominibus, alij, cum domino visum fuerit, sequentur." In a work still less known, and indeed of which only one solitary copy is known to be preserved, we find an interesting allusion to Hamilton. The author, John Gau or Gaw, will afterwards be noticed among the Protestant Exiles, Appendix, No. VI. The volume has this title within an ornamented border:-- "The richt bay to the kingdome of hevine is techit heir in the x commandis of God / And in the Creid / and Pater noster / In the quhilk al chrissine man sal find al thing yat is neidful and requirit to onderstand to the saluation of the saul." (Colophon,) "Prentit in Malmw / Be me Jhone Rochstraten the xvi day of October / Anno M.D.XXXiii." The allusion to Hamilton's fate occurs in "Ane Epistil to the nobil Lordis and Baronis of Scotland," in which the Author complains of "the blynd giders and pastors quhilk sekis bot the mylk and wow of the scheip, quhilk alsua thinkkis na scheyme to cal thayme selff vicars of Christ and successours of the Apostlis," and says, "The thrid and principal causs (viz. of the want of religious instruction) is the sekkis N. and N. quhilk ar rissine laitlie in the Kirk and prechis dremis and fablis and the tradicions of men, and notht the Vangel, and giff ony amangis thayme wald prech it and notht thair tradicions thay ar haldine for heritikis, as ye knaw be experience of PATRIK HAMMILTONE QUHOM THAY PAT CREWELLIE TO THE DEID BOT NOW HE LIFFIS WITH CHRIST QUHOM HE CONFESSIT BEFOR THE PRINCIS OF THIS VARDIL, BOT THE VOCE OF HIS BLWID CRYIS YEIT WITH THE BLUID OF ABEL TO THE HEWINE." * * * * * The next extracts are from Foxe's Martyrology; and it may be proper to be more particular in describing the early editions of that well known work, as Knox's reference to it, at one period, was held to be a proof that the History of the Reformation was not composed by him. During Foxe's exile, he published at Strasburgh a small Latin work, entitled "Commentarii Rerum in Ecclesia Gestarum, maxi-marumque, per totam Europam persecutionum, a Vuicleui temporibus ad hanc vsque ætat[=e] descriptio. Liber primus. Autore Ioanne Foxo Anglo. Argentorati, exc. Vuendelinus Rihelius, Anno M.D.LIIII." Small 8vo. Dedicated to Christopher Duke of Wurtemberg. Five years later, at Basil, he published a large folio, also under the title of "Rerum in Ecclesia Gestarum, &c., Commentarii," dedicated to Thomas Duke of Norfolk, from Basil, 1st Sept. 1559. In this work, at pages 121-123, is a short account of Patrick Hamilton, with a reference to Francis Lambert's work on the Apocalypse. But it is to Foxe's great English work, in 1564, that Knox refers, and as the First Book of his History was not written until 1566, no anachronism can be discovered in such a reference. The succession of Queen Elizabeth to the English Throne, evidently suggested the propriety of putting upon record a detailed history of the fearful sufferings and persecutions which had been endured. The first edition bears the following title:-- "ACTES AND MONUMENTS of these latter and perillous dayes, touching matters of the Church, wherein ar comprehended and described the great persecutions & horrible troubles, that have bene wrought and practised by the Romishe Prelates, speciallye in this Realme of England and Scotlande, from the yeare of our Lorde a thousande, unto the tyme nowe present. Gathered and collected according to the _true copies & wrytinges certificatorie, as wel of the parties themselves that suffered, as also out of the Bishops Registers, which wer the doers thereof, by_ IOHN FOXE. ¶ Imprinted at London by Iohn Day, _dwellyng ouer Aldersgate_. Cum priuilegio Regiæ Maiestatis." This edition has no date; but the "Kalender" and "Almanacke for 31 yeares," commencing in 1563, shows that it was printed in that year, although not actually published till 1564. The following is a literal copy of the account of Hamilton's trial and execution contained in this rare edition:-- "[Illustration: Hand pointing right] PATRIKE HAMELTON A SKOT. "Like as there was no place, neyther of Germanye, Italye, or Fraunce, wherin there was not some impes or braunches spr[=o]ge out of that mooste frutefull rote and foundation of Luther. So likewise was not this Ile of Brittaine without his frute and braunches: amongst whom Patricke Hamelton a skottishman borne, being a yong man of an excellent nature and towardnes, but muche more commendable and praise worthye, for that he was of the kynges bloud and family, being the most ancient and noble stocke and name in all Scotlande. The tender florishing age of this noble yonge man made his deathe so muche the more horrible, which of it selfe was but to muche cruell and detestable, for that skarse xxiii. yeres old, wh[=e] he was burned by Dauid Beton Cardinall of Saint Andrewes, and his fellow Byshoppes. Which yong manne if he had chosen to leade his life, after the manner of other Courtiers in all kinde of licentious riotousnes, he should peradventure haue found praise without pearill or punishment in that his florishinge age: but for so much as he joyned godlinesse wyth his stock, and vertue with his age, he coulde by no meanes escape the hands of the wicked. So that in all thinges and in al ages, the saying of S. Paule is verified. Whosoeuer dooth desire and studye to liue godlye in Christe, he shall suffer persecution as a companion of his godlinesse. "For there is nothinge safe or sure in thys world, but wickednesse and synne. Who euer sawe the Cardinals or bishoppes rage wyth their cruell inquisitions, againste aduoutrye, riot, ambition, unlawfull gaming, dronkennesse, rapines, and wilfulnesse to doo all kinde of mischeues. Anye man that list for all them, maye exercise vsurye, make tumultes, haunt whores, sweare and forsweare, and deceiue at his owne will and pleasure. "But if any man were truely addict to the desire and study of godlines, confessing Christ to be his only patrone and aduocate, excludynge the merites of saintes, acknowledginge fre iustification by faith in Christ, denying purgatory (for these articles Hamelton was burned) in these poyntes they nether spare age or kinred, nether is there any so great power in y^e world that may withstand their maiesty or autority. How great an ornament might so noble, learned and excellent a yong man haue bene vnto that realme, being endued with so great godlines, and such a singular wit and disposition, if the Skots had not enuied their owne commodity? What and how great commendation there was of that yong man, what hope of his disposition, his singuler learning and doctrine, and what a maturitye and ripenese of iudgemente was in him, did appeare amongste the Germains whereas he might declare him self. For in the vniuersity of Marpurge, which was then newlye erect by Phillip prince of Hessia, he openlye proceding: handled him selfe so, intreating and iudging matters of the Church, with such praise and commendation, passynge al expectation for his age, that he made not only the common people, but also the learned to haue him in great admiration. Beat[=o] whych n[=o]ber, when as many delighted in his princely wit, amongest all other, it appeared firste in Fraunces Lambert, who in the preface dedicatory, of his work vpon the Apocalips, maketh euident mention of this Patricke. "At the last wh[=e] as by the vse and familiarity of learned men, he daily profited more and more, his minde being enflamed with godlinesse, he began to consider with him selfe, touching his returne into his countrye, thinkinge (as hys mind greatly desired) that it wold come to pas that like a godly marchaunt he would delyuer some frute and light of that learning, whyche he had received and gotten abrode. In this his thought and purpose, taking vnto him a companion, he returned home without any l[=o]ger delay, vpon a godly and holy purpose and entent, but not with like successe. For this ingenious yong manne beinge lightened bothe in spirite and doctrine, not susteining or suffring the filthinesse and blindnes of his co[=u]try, was first accused of heresy, and afterward constantly and stoutly disputing with the cardinal and his band, at the last he was oppressed by the c[=o]spiracy of his enemies, and efter sentence of cond[=e]nation geuen against him, the same daye after dinner he was caried to the fire & burned, the King being yet but a child; wheras by y^e most grave testimony of his bloud, he left the verity & truth of God, fixed and confirmed in y^e harts and mindes of manye." (Page 460.) Foxe survived till April 1587, and published four successive editions of his "Actes and Monuments." The second edition appeared in the year 1570, and the third in 1576. In the passages relating to the Scotish Martyrs, he has furnished ample details, which are not to be found in the first edition; and for these he gives as his authority "Ex Scripto testimonio Scotorum." His enlarged account of Hamilton, from the 1576 edition, may therefore be quoted; although it contains a few repetitions. THE STORY OF M. PATRICKE HAMELTON. 1527. Persecutors. Iames Beton, Archb. of S. Andrew. M. Hew Spens, deane of diuinitie in the vniuersitie of S. Andrew. M. Iohn Weddell, Rector of the Vniuersitie. Iames Symson, Officiall. Tho. Ramsay, Chan[=o], and Deane of the Abbey of S. Andrewes. Allane Meldrum, Chanon. Iolm Greson, Principall of the Blacke Friers. Iohn Dillidaffe, Warden of the Gray Friers. Martin Balbur, Lawyer. Iohn Spens, Lawyer. Alexander Young, baccheler of Diuinitie, Chanon. Frier Alex. Chambell, Priour of the Blacke Friers, &c. Martyrs. Patricke Hamelton. At St. Andrewes in Scotland. An. 1527. The Causes. Patrike Hamelton a Scottish man borne, of an high and noble stock, and of the kynges bloud, yong and of flourishing age, and excellent towardnes, of 23. yeares called Abbot of Ferme first commyng out of his country with thre companions, to seeke godly learning, went to the uniuersitie of Marpurge in Germanye, which university was then newly erected by Phillip Lantgraue of Hesse: where he vsing conference and familiaritie with learned men, namely M. Franciscus Lambertus, so profited in knowledge, and mature iudgement in matters of religion, that he through the incitation of the sayd Lambert, was the first in al the Vniuersitie of Marpurge, which publickely dyd set vp conclusions there to be disputed of, concernyng fayth and workes: arguyng also no lesse learnedly then feruently vppon the same, what these propositions and conclusions were, partly in his treatise hereafter followyng, called Patrike Places, may appeare. Thus the ingenious wyt of this learned Patrike increasing haply more and more in knowledge, and inflamed with godlynes, at length began to reuolue with himselffe, touchyng his returne into his countrey, beyng desirous to importe vnto hys countrye men, some fruite of the understandyng, which he had receaued abroad. Wherupon persisting in his godly purpose, he toke one of the iij. whom he brought out of Scotland, and so returned home without any longer delay.[1064] Where he, not susteinyng the miserable ignoraunce and blyndnes of that people, after he had valiauntly taught and preached the truth, and refelled their abuses, was first accused of heresie, and afterward, constantly and stoutly susteinyng the quarell of Gods Gospell, against the high priest, and Archbyshop of S. Andrew, named James Beton, was cited to appeare before him and his Colledge of Priests, the first day of March 1527. But he beyng not onely forward in knowledge, but also ardent in spirite, not tarying for the houre appoynted, prenented the time, and came very early in the mornyng, before he was looked for, and there mightely disputyng against them, when he could not by the Scriptures be conuicted, by force he was oppressed: and so, the sentence of condemnation beyng giuen agaynst him, the same day after dyner, in all the hoate hast, he was had away to the fire, and there burned, the kyng beyng yet but a child, which made the Byshops more bold. And thus was this noble Hamelton, the blessed seruaunt of God, without all iust cause, made away by cruell aduersaries, yet not without great fruite to the Church of Christ, for the graue testimony of his bloud, left the verity and truth of God, more fixed and confirmed in the hartes of many, then euer could after be pluckt away: in so much that diuers afterward standing in his quarel, susteined also the lyke Martyrdome, as hereafter (Christ willyng) shall appeare, as place and tyme shall require. In the meane season we thinke good to expresse here his Articles, and order of his processe as we receaued them from Scotland, out of the registers. ¶ THE ARTICLES AND OPINIONS OBIECTED AGAYNST M. PATRIKE HAMELTON, BY IAMES BETON, ARCHBYSHOP OF S. ANDREWES.[1065] That man hath no free will. That there is no Purgatory. That the holy Patriarkes were in heauen, before Christes passion. That the Pope hath no power to loose and bynde: neither any Pope had that power, after S. Peter. That the Pope is Antichrist, and that euery Priest hath the power that the Pope hath. That M. Patrike Hamelton was a Byshop. That it is not necessary to obteine any Bulles from any Byshop. That the vow of the Popes religion, is a vow of wickednes. That the Popes lawes be of no strength. That all Christians worthy to be called Christians, do know that they be in the state of grace. That none be saued, but they are before predestinate. Whosoeuer is in deadly sinne, is vnfaythfull. That God is the cause of sinne, in this sence, that is, that he withdraweth hys grace from men, whereby they sinne. That it is deuilishe doctrine, to enioyne to any sinner, actuall penaunce for sinne. That the sayd M. Patrike himself doubteth whether all children departing incontinent after their Baptisme, are saued or condemned. That auricular confession is not necessary to saluation. These Articles aboue written, were geuen in, and layd agaynst M. Hamelton, and inserted in their registers, for the which also he was condemned, by them which hated him, to death. But other learned men, which commoned and reasoned with hym, do testifie, that these Articles folowyng were the very Articles for the which he suffered.[1066] 1. Man hath no free will. 2. A man is onely iustified by fayth in Christ. 3. A man, so long as he liueth, is not without sinne. 4. He is not worthy to be called a Christian, which beleueth not that he is in grace. 5. A good man doth good workes: good workes do not make a good man. 6. An euill man bringeth forth euil workes: euil workes, being faithfully repented, do not make an euill man. 7. Fayth, hope, and charitie be so lynked together, that one of them can not be without an other, in one man, in this life. ¶ And as touching the other Articles, whereupon the Doctours gaue their iugementes, as diuers do report, he was not accused of them before the Byshop. Albeit in priuate disputation, he affirmed and defended the most of them. HERE FOLOWETH THE SENTENCE PRONOUNCED AGAYNST HYM. Christi nomine Inuocato: We Iames, by the mercy of God, Archbishop of Saint Andrew, Primate of Scotland, wyth the counsaile, decree, and authoritie of the most reuerend fathers in God, and Lordes, Abbottes, Doctoures of Theologie, professors of the holy Scripture, and maisters of the Uniuersitie, assisting us for the tyme, sitting in iudgement within our Metropolitane Church of S. Andrew, in the cause of hereticall prauitie, agaynst M. Patrike Hamelton, Abbot or pensionarie of Ferne, being summoned to appeare before vs, to aunswere to certeine Articles affirmed, taught, and preached by hym, and so appearyng before vs, and accused, the merites of the cause beyng ripely weyde, discussed, and understanded by faythful inquisition made in Lent last passed: we haue fonnde the same M. Patrike, many wayes infamed wyth heresie, disputing, holding, and maintaynyng diuers heresies of Martin Luther, and hys folowers, repugnant to our fayth, and which is already[1067] condemned by generall Councels, and most famous Vniuersities. And he being vnder the same infamie, we decernyng before, hym to be summoned and accused vpon the premisses, he of euill mynde (as may be presumed) passed to other partes, forth of the Realme, suspected and noted of heresie. And beyng lately returned, not beyng admitted, but of his owne head, without licence or priuiledge, hath presumed to preach wicked heresie. We have found also, that, he hath affirmed, published, and taught diuers opinions of Luther, and wicked heresies, after that he was summoned to appeare before vs and our councell:[1068] That man hath no free wyll: That man is in sinne so long as he lyueth: That children incontinent after their baptisme, are sinners: All Christians that be worthy to be called Christians, do know that they are in grace: No man is iustified by workes, but by fayth onley: Good workes make not a good man, but a good man doth make good workes: That fayth, hope, and charitie, are so knit, that he that hath the one, hath the rest, and he that wanteth the one of them, wanteth the rest, &c., wyth diuers other heresies and detestable opinions: and hath persisted so obstinate in the same, that by no counsaile nor perswasion, he may be drawen therefrom, to the way of our right fayth. All these premisses being considered, we hauing God and the integritie of our fayth before our eyes, and followyng the counsaile and aduise of the professours of the holy Scripture, men of law, and others assistyng vs, for the tyme:[1069] do pronounce, determine, and declare, the sayd M. Patrike Hamelton, for his affirmyng, confessing, and maintayning of the foresayd heresies, and his pertinacitie (they beyng condemned already by the Church, general Councels, and most famous Vniuersities) to be an hereticke, and to haue an euil opinion of the fayth, and therefore to be condemned and punished, like as we condemne, and define hym to be punished, by this our sentence definitiue, depriuyng and sentencyng him, to be depriued of all dignities, honours, orders, offices, and benefices of the Church: and therfore do iudge and pronounce him to be deliuered ouer to the secular power,[1070] to be punished, and his goodes to be confiscate. This our sentence definitiue, was geuen and read at our Metropolitan Churche of S. Andrewes, the last day of the moneth of February, an. 1527, beyng present, the most reuerend fathers in Christ, and Lordes, Gawand Bishop of Glasgow, George Byshop of Dunkelden. Iohn, Byshop of Brecham. William, Byshop of Dunblane. Patrike, Prior of Saint Andrew. Dauid, Abbot of Abirbrothok. George, Abbot of Dunfermelyng. Alexander, Abbot of Caunbuskyneth. Henry, Abbot of Lendors. Iohn, Prior of Pittynweme. The Deane, and Subdeane of Glasgow. M. Hew Spens. Thomas Ramsay. Allane Meldrum, &c. In the presence of the Clergy and the people. After the condemnation and Martyrdome of this true Saint of God was dispatched, by the Bishops and Doctours of Scotland, the rulers and Doctours of the Uniuersitie of Louane hearyng therof, receaued such ioyc and consolation, at the shedyng of that innocent bloud, that for the aboundance of hart, they could not stay their penne, to vtter condigne thankes, applaudyng and triumphyng in their letters, sent to the forcsayd Byshop of S. Andrewes, and Doetours of Scotland, at the worthy and famous descruynges of their atchieued enterprise, in that behalfe: as by the tenour of their sayd letter may appeare, which here foloweth. ¶ THE COPY OF A LETTER CONGRATULATORIE, SENT FROM THE DOCTOURS OF LOUANE, TO THE ARCHBYSHOP OF S. ANDREWES AND DOCTOURS OF SCOTLAND, COMMENDYNG THEM FOR THE DEATH OF M. PATRIKE HAMELTON. Your excellent vertue (most honourable Bishop) hath so deserued, that albeit we be farre distant, both by sea and land, without coniunction of familiaritie, yet we desire with all our hartes, to thanke you for your worthy deede, by whose workes, that true faith which, not long ago, was tainted with heresie, not onely remaineth vnhurt, but also is more confirmed. For as our deare frend M. Alexander Galoway, Chanon of Aberdon, hath shewed vs, the presumption of the wicked hereticke Patrike Hamelton, which is expressed in this your example, in that you haue cut him of, when there was no hope of amendement, &c. The which thyng, as it is thought commendable to vs, so the manor of the procedyng was no lesse pleasant, that the matter was performed by so great consent of so many estates, as of the Clergy, nobility, and vulgare people, not rashely, but most prudently, the order of law beyng in all poynts obserued. We haue sene the sentence which ye pronounced, and alway do approue the same, not doubtyng but that the Articles which be inserted, are erroneous: so that whosoeuer wil defend for a truth, any one of the same, with pertinacitie, should be esteemed an enemy to the fayth, and an aduersary to the holy[1071] Scripture. And albeit one or two of them appeare to be without errour, to them that will consider onely the bare wordes: as (for example) good workes make not a good man, but a good man worketh good workes, yet there is no doubt, but they conteine a Lutheran sense, which, in a maner, they signifie: to witte, that workes done after fayth, and justification, make not a man the better, nor are worthy of any reward before God. Beleue not, that this example shall haue place onely among you, for there shalbe among externe nations, which shall imitate the same, &c. Certainly, ye haue geuen vs great courage, so that now we acknowledge your Vniuersitie,[1072] which was founded accordyng to the example of our Vniuersitie of Louane, to be equall to ours, or els aboue: and would God occasion were offered of testifying our myndes toward you. In the meane tyme, let vs labour with one consent, that the rauenyng Wolues may be expelled from the shepefold of Christ, while we haue tyme. Let vs study to preach to the people more learnedly hereafter, and more wisely. Let vs have Inquisitours, and espyers of bookes, containyng that doctrine, especially that is brought in from farre countreys, whether by apostatiue Monkes, or by Marchauntes, the most suspected kynde of men in these dayes. It is sayd, that since Scotland first embraced the Christian fayth, it was neuer defiled with any heresie. Perseuer therfore, beyng moued thereunto by the example of England, your next neighbour, which in this most troublous tyme, is not chaunged, partly by the workyng of the Byshops, among the which[1073] Roffensis hath shewed hymselfe an Euangelicall Phoenix, and partly of the Kyng, declaryng hymselfe to be an other Mathias of the new law: pretermittyng nothyng that may defend the law of his realme. The which, if your most renowned Kyng of Scotland will follow, he shall purchase to himselfe eternal glory. Further, as touchyng the condigne commendation, due for your part (most Reuerend Byshop) in this behalfe, it shal not be the least part of your prayse, that these heresies haue bene extinct sometymes in Scotland, you beyng Primate of Scotland and principal authour therof: Albeit that they also which haue assisted you, are not to be defrauded of their deserued prayse, as the Reuerend Byshop of Glasgow, of whose erudition, we haue here geuen vs partly to understand, and also the Reuerend Byshop of Aberden, a stoute defender of the fayth, together with the rest of the Prelates, Abbots, Priours, and professours of holy Scripture. Let your reuerend fatherhode take this litle testificate of our duety toward you, in good part, whom we wish long and happely well to fare in Christ. From Louane, an. 1528, Aprill 21. BY THE MAISTERS AND PROFESSOURS OF THEOLOGIE IN THE VNIUERSITIE OF LOUANE, YOURS TO COMMAUNDE. ¶ In this Epistle of the Louaniane Doctours, I shall not neede (gentle Reader) to note vnto thee, what a pernitious thyng in a common wealth, is blynd ignoraunce, when it falleth into cruell hartes. Which may well be compared to a sword put in the handes of one, that is both blynd and mad. For as the blynd man, hauyng no sense to see and iudge knoweth not whom he striketh: so the madde man, beyng cruell and furious, hath no compassion in sparyng any. Wherupon it happeneth many tymes with these men, as it dyd with the blynd furious Phariseis, that as they hauyng the sword of authoritie in their handes, in stede of malefactours and false Prophetes, slue the true Prophetes of God, and at last crucified the kyng of glory: so these Catholicke Louanians and folowers of their Messias of Rome, take in their handes the sworde of iurisdiction, who neither seyng what to spare, nor caryng whom they smite, vnder the stile and pretense of heretiques, murther and blaspheme without mercy, the true preachers of the Gospell, and the holy annoynted of the Lord. * * * * * "But to returne to the matter agayne of M. Hamelton, here is moreouer to be observed, as a note worthy of memory, that in the yeare of the Lord 1564, in the which yeare this present history was collected in Scotland, there were certaine faythfull men of credite then alyue, who beyng present the same tyme, when M. Patrike Hamelton was in the fire, heard him to cite and appeale the blacke Frier called Campbel, that accused him, to appeare before the hygh God, as generall iudge of all men, to aunswere to the innocency of his death, and whether his accusation was iust or not, betwene that and a certaine day of the next moneth, which he there named. Moreouer by the same witnes it is testified, that the sayd Frier dyed immediatly before the sayd day came, without remorse of conscience, that he had persecuted the Innocent. By the example wherof diuers of the people the same tyme, much mused, and firmely beleued the doctrine of the foresayd M. Hamelton, to be good and iust. "Hereunto I thought good to adioyne a certaine godly and profitable Treatise of the sayd M. Patrike Hamelton, written first by him in Latine, and afterward translated by John Frith into English, which he names Patrikes Places; not vnprofitable in my mynde, to be sene and read of all men, for the pure and comfortable doctrine conteined in the same, as not onely by the treatise it selfe may appeare, but also by the preface of the sayd John Frith, prefixed before; which also I thought not inconuenient to insert with the same, as here foloweth." * * * * * The "brief Treatise," translated by John Fryth, which immediately follows the above extracts from Foxe, has already been included in the present volume: see pages 19 to 35. It appears from some payments in the Treasurer's Accounts, in 1543, that Patrick Hamilton had left an illegitimate daughter named Isobell. Some readers perchance may think that such a fact should have remained unnoticed, as casting a blemish on his hitherto pure and immaculate character; but a regard to what may be called historical justice, will not allow such a circumstance to be concealed, while the habitual licentious conduct of the highest dignitaries of the Church at that time are, in the course of the present work, so frequently alluded to. "Item, the x day of Aprile deliuerit to be ane gowne to Issobell Hammiltoun, _dochter to umquhill Patrik Abbot of Fern_, four elnis Frenche blak, price of the eln xxxiiij s.... Summa, vj lib. xvj s. "Item, deliuerit to be hir are kirtill, thre elnis Frenehe brown, price of the eln xxx s.... Summa, iiij lib. x s. "Item, deliuerit to hir to walt the samin, and to be hir pertlettis, ane eln blak veluet, price thairof, ... lvj s." In the following month of May 1543, another gown was furnished to Isobell Hamilton. No. IV. ON THE ROYAL PILGRIMAGES TO THE SHRINE OF ST. DUTHACK, AT TAIN, IN ROSS-SHIRE. In a note to page 16, I expressed some doubt as to the accuracy of the statement that King James the Fifth was sent in pilgrimage to the Shrine of St. Duthack, immediately previous to the trial and condemnation of Patrick Hamilton. Had the Treasurer's Accounts for 1528, or the Household Book between July 1526 and August 1528, been preserved, they might have enabled us to trace the King's movements. But the statement is highly improbable in itself. Mr. Tytler has shown that James only escaped from the thraldom of the Douglasses at the end of May 1528, or nearly three months after Hamilton's sentence; and it was most unlikely from the vigilant restraint under which the King was kept that he would have been allowed to traverse a great part of the country upon such an errand. It may also be kept in view, that if an application had been made to James, before he assumed the reins of government, it is scarcely probable his interference would have had any effect in preventing the sentence of the Ecclesiastical Courts from being carried into execution. * * * * * Want of space prevents me from inserting here, as I intended, a series of extracts from the Treasurer's Accounts during the reign of James the Fourth, in connexion with his visits to that celebrated shrine. I shall therefore merely notice, that the public registers furnish some evidence to shew that he made an annual pilgrimage to St. Duthack's chapel, in Ross-shire. On more than one occasion the King rode unattended from Stirling across the mountain pass of the Grampians, leading from Fettercairn to the north side of the Dee, and from thence to Elgin, Inverness, and Tain. These repeated visits to a distant shrine may have been performed as an act of penance, the chapel having been founded by his father, James the Third. Such a journey, with a few attendants, he appears to have made in August 1513, or only one month previously to his setting out on his calamitous expedition, when he was slain at Floddon. No. V. FOXE'S ACCOUNT OF HENRY FORREST, AND OTHER MARTYRS IN SCOTLAND, DURING THE REIGN OF KING JAMES THE FIFTH. The fate of Henry Forress or Forrest seems to have excited much less attention than might have been expected. In the note to page 52, I suggested that the probable time of his martyrdom may be placed in 1532; and he may thus be regarded as the second victim in the cause of the Reformed faith in Scotland. The strict inquisition which took place, and caused a number of persons to forsake their native country, whilst others met with a similar fate as his own in the course of a few years, may have contributed to this comparative silence. Even Foxe, to whom we are chiefly indebted for preserving an account of his fate, seems to have been ignorant of it in 1564; as in the following short paragraph, from the first edition of his work, he refers to those who suffered in Edinburgh in 1534, as the next in succession to the Abbot of Ferne:-- "¶ FIVE BURNT IN SKOTLAND. "Seuen yeres after Patrik Hamelton, whose history is before passed, there were v. burnte in Skotland, in the city of Edenborow, being the Metropolitike citye of al Skotlande, of the which fiue two were dominicane Friers, one Priest, one Gentleman, and the fifthe was a channon: whose iudges and inquisitors were these: Jhon Maior, Archbishop of S. Androwes, Petrus Chappellanus, and the Franciscane friers, whose labor and diligence is never wanting in such matters." (Page 525.) * * * * * At the same time I suggested that Henry Forrest was the son of Thomas Forrest of Linlithgow, who was in the employment of King James the Fourth. Since that sheet was printed, I find the name of "HENIRICUS FORRUS" in the list of students who were incorporated, that is, became Bachelors of Arts, at the University of Glasgow, in the year 1518. If this was the martyr, we may presume that at the time of his martyrdom he must have been upwards of thirty years of age. This however may have been another person of the same name, as we find "HENRICUS FORREST," as a Determinant in St. Leonard's College, St. Andrews, in 1526, which leaves no doubt of his having, two years later, witnessed the fate of Patrick Hamilton. The following is Foxe's account from his enlarged edition of his "Actes and Monuments," in 1576:-- "HENRY FOREST, MARTYR. Persecutors. Iames Beton, Archbishop of S. Andrewes. Frier Walter Laitig, bewrayer of the confession of this Henry Forest. Martyrs Henry Forest. At. S. Andrewes in Scotland. The Causes Within few years after martydome of M. Patrike Hamelton, one Henry Forest, a yong man borne in Lithquow, who a little before, hand receyued the orders of Benet and Colet (as they terme them) affirmed and sayd, that M. Patrike Hamelton died a martyr, and that his articles were true: for the which he was apprehended, and put in prison by James Beton, Archbishop of Saint Andrewes. Who shortly after, caused a certaine Frier named Walter Laing, to heare his confession. To whom when Henry Forest in secret confession had declared his conscience how he thought M. Patrike to bee a good man and wrongfully to be put to death, and that his articles were true and not hereticall: the Frier came and vttered to the Bishop the confession that he had hearde, which before was not thoroughly known. Whereupon it followed that his confession beyng brought as sufficient probation agaynst him, he was therfore conuented before the councell of the clergy and doctors, and there concluded to bee an hereticke, equall in iniquity with M. Patricke Hamelton, and there decreed to be geuen to the secular indges to suffer death. "When the day came of hys death, and that he should first be degraded, and was brought before the cleargy in a grene place, beyng betwene the castle of S. Andrews, and another place called Monymaill, as sone as he entred in at the dore, and saw the face of the Clergy, perceiuing wherunto they tended, he cryed with a loude voyce, saying: Fie, on falshoode: Fye on false friers, reuealers of confession: after this day, let no man euer trust any false Friers, contemners of God's word and deceiuers of men. And so they proceding to degrade him of hys small orders of Benet and Collet, he sayd with a loud voyce, take from me not onely your owne orders, but also your owne baptisme, meaning thereby, whatsoeuer is besides that which Christ hymselfe instituted, whereof there is a great rablement in Baptisme. Then after hys degradation, they condemned hym as an heretike equal with M. Patrike aforesaide: and so he suffred death for his faythfull testimony of the truth of Christ, and of hys Gospell, at the Northchurch stile of the Abbey church of S. Andrew, to the entent that all the people of Anguishe [Angus] might see the fire, and so might be the more feared from falling into the like doctrine, whiche they terme by the name of heresie. _Ex Scripto testimonio Scotorum_." * * * * * Foxe next proceeds to narrate the persecution of James Hamilton, brother of Patrick, of Katherine Hamilton, their sister, and of a woman at Leith. This must have occurred in 1534, as Hamilton was in England early in 1535. See note 157; and the Rev. Christopher Anderson's Annals of the English Bible, vol. ii. p. 471. Foxe joins with this an account of the martyrdom of David Straton and Norman Gourlay, as follows:-- "JAMES HAMELTON. KATHERINE HAMELTON HIS SISTER. A WIFE OF LYETH, PERSECUTED. DAUID STRATON, NORMAN GURLEY, MARTYRS. Persecutors. Iames Hay, bishop of Rose and commissioner of Iames Beton, Archbishop of S. Andrewes. M. Iohn Spens, Lawyer. Martyrs. Iames Hamelton, brother to M. Patrike. Katherine Hamelton, A wyfe of Lieth. Dauid Straton. M. Norman Gurlay. The Causes. Within a yere after the martirdom of Henry Forest, or there about, was called James Hamelton of Kyntlitgow, hys sister Katherine Hamelton the spouse of the captain of Dunbar, also an other honest woman of Leith, Dauid Straton of the house of Lawristonne, and M. Norman Gurlay. These were called the Abbey Church of Halyrowdhouse in Edenburgh by James Hay, B. of Rose, commissioner to James Beton Archbishop, in presence of K. James the V. of that name: who upon the day of theyr accusation was altogether clad in red apparel. James Hamelton accused as one that mainteaned the opinions of M. Patricke, hys brother. To whome the Kyng gaue counsaile to departe, and not to appeare: for in case he appeared he could not help him, because the Byshops had persuaded him, that the cause of heresie did in no wise appertayne vnto him, and so James fled and was condemned as an heretike, and all his goods and landes confiscat, and disposed vnto others. Catherine Hamilton hys Sister, appeared vpon the schaffold, and beyng accused of an horrible heresie, to witte, that her owne workes could not saue her, she graunted the same, and after longe reasoning betwene her and M. John Spens the Lawyer, she concluded in this maner: Work here, worke there: what kinde of workyng is al this? I know perfectly that no kynde of workes can saue mee, but onely the workes of Christ my Lord and Sauiour. The kyng hearing these wordes, turned hym about and laught, and called her vnto hym and caused her to recant, because she was hys aunt, and she escaped. The woman of Leith was detected hereof, that when the mydwife in tyme of her labour, bad her say our Ladye helpe mee: She cryed, Christe helpe me, Christ helpe me, in whose helpe I trust. Shee also was caused to recant, and so escaped, without confiscation of her goodes, because she was maryed. Maister Norman Gurlay, for that he sayd, there was no such thyng as Purgatory, and that the Pope was not a Byshop, but Antichrist, and had no Jurisdiction in Scotland. Also Dauid Straton, for that he sayd, there was no Purgatorie, but the Passion of Christe, and the tribulations of this world, and because that, when M. Robert Lowson Vicare of Eglesgrig asked his tieth fishe of hym, he dyd cast them to him out of the boate, so that some of them fell into the Sea: therefore he accused him, as one that shoulde haue sayd, that no tithes should be payed. These two, because after great solicitation made by the kyng, they refused to abiure and recant, were therefore condemned by thee Byshop of Rose as heretickes, and were burned vpon the grene side, betwene Leith and Edenburgh, to the entent that the inhabitaunts of Fiffe, seyng the fyre, might be stricken with terrour and feare, not to fall into the lyke. _Ex eodem Scripto._ ¶ And thus much touchyng those Martyrs of Scotland, whiche suffered vnder James Beton, Archbishop of S. Andrewes. After whom succeded Dauid Beton in the same Archbyshopprike, vnder whom diuers other were also martyred, as hereafter (God willyng) in their order shall appeare." "¶ THE HISTORIE TOUCHING THE PERSECUTION IN SCOTLANDE, WITH THE NAMES AND CAUSES OF SUCHE BLESSED MARTYRS, WHICHE IN THE SAME COUNTREY SUFFERED FOR THE TRUTH, AFTER THE TYME OF PATRICKE HAMELTON. "Thus hauyng finished the tyme and rase of kyng Henry the Eight, it remayneth nowe according to my promise made before, here to place and adjoine so much as hath come to our handes, touchyng the persecution of Scotland, and of the blessed Martyrs of Christ, whiche in that countrey likewise suffred for the true religion of Christ, and testimony of their fayth. To proccede therefore in the history of these Scotlandc matters, next after the mention of Dauid Straton and M. Nicholas Gurlay, with whom we ended before, pag. 956, the order of tyme woulde require nexte to inferre the memorye of Sir John Borthwike Knight, commonly called Captayne Borthwyke. Who beyng accused of heresie (as the Papistes call it) and cited therfore, an. 1540, and not appearyng, and escaping out into other countreys, was condemned for the same, being absent, by the sentence of Dauid Beaton Archbishop of Saint Andrewes, and other prelates of Scotland, and all his goodes confiscate, and his picture at last burned in the open market place, &c. But for so muche as the storye of hym, with his articles obiected against hym, and his confutation of the same, is already expressed sufficiently in the Firste edition of Actes and Monuments, and because he being hapily deliuered out of their handes, had no more but onely his picture burned, referring the reader to the booke aboue mentioned, we wyll now (the Lord willing) prosecute suche other as followed, begynnyng firste in order with Thom. Forret and his felowes. Their story is this. Persecutors. Dauid Beton, Bishop and Cardinal of Saint Andrewes. George Creichton, Bishop of Dunkelden. Martyrs. Tho. Forret, priest. Fryer Iohn Kelowe. Fryer Benarage. Duncan Sympson, priest. Rob. Foster, a gentleman, with three or foure other men of Striuelyng, Martyrs. The Causes. Not long after the burnyng of Dauid Strutton, and M. Gurlay aboue mentioned, in the dayes of Dauid Beaton Bishop and Cardinall of S. Andrewes, and George Creichton Bishop of Dunkelden, a Canon of S. Colmes Inche, and vicar of Dolone, called Deane Thomas Forret, preached euery Sonday to his parishners, the Epistle or Gospel, as it fell for the tyme: whiche then was a great noueltie in Scotlande, to see anye man preach, except a Blacke fryer, or a gray frier: and therefore the Fryers enuyed hym, and accused hym to the Bishop of Dunkelden (in whose Dioces he remayned) as an heretike and one that shewed the mysteries of the scriptures to the vulgare people in Englishe, to make the Clergie detestable in the sight of the people. The Bishop of Dunkelden moued by the Fryers instigation, called the sayde Deane Thomas, and saide to hym: My joye Deane Thomas, I loue you well, and therefore I must geue you my counsayle, how you shal rule and guide your selfe. To whom Thomas sayd, I thanke your Lordship hartily. Then the Bishop begun his counsaile on this manner. My joy Deane Thomas, 1 am enfourmed that you preache the Epistle or Gospell euery Sonday to your Parishners, and that you take not the kowe, nor the vpmoste cloth from your Parishners, whiche thyng is very preiudiciall to the Churche men: and therefore my joye Deane Thomas, I would you tooke your kowe and your vpmost cloth, as other church men do, or els it is too much to preach euery Sonday, for in so doyng you may make the people think that we shoulde preache likewise. But it is enough for you, when you finde any good Epistle, or any good Gospel, that setteth foorth the libertie of the holy church, to preache that, and let the rest be. Thomas answeared: My Lorde, I thinke that none of my parishners wyl complaine that I take not the kow nor the vpermost cloth, but wyll gladly geue me the same together with any other thing that they haue, and I wyll geue and communicate with them any thyng that I haue, and so my Lord we agree right wel, and there is no discord among vs. And where your Lordship sayth, it is too muche to preache euery Sonday: in deede I thinke it is too litle, and also woulde wishe that your Lordshyp dyd the like. Nay, nay, Deane Thomas (sayth my Lord) let that bee, for we are not ordeyned to preache. Then said Thomas, when your Lordship byddeth me preach, when I finde any good Epistle, or a good Gospell, truely my Lorde, I haue readde the Newe Testament and the Olde, and all the Epistles and the Gospels, and among them all I coulde neuer finde any euyl Epistle, or any euyl Gospel: but if your Lordship wil shewe me the good Epistle and the good Gospell, and the euyll Epistle and the euyll Gospel, then I shall preache the good, and omyt the euyl. Then spake my Lord stoutly, and said, I thanke God that I neuer knewe what the Olde and Newe Testament was, (and of these wordes rose a Prouerbe which is common in Scotland: Ye are like the Bishop of Dunkelden, that knewe neither newe nor olde lawe:) therefore Deane Thomas, I wyll know nothyng but my Portous and my Pontifical. Go your way, and let be al these fantasies: for if you perseuer in these erroneous opinions, ye wyl repent it when you may not mende it. Thomas said, I trust my cause be iust in the presence of God, and therefore I passe not muche what doo folowo thereupon, and so my Lorde and he departed at that tyme. And soone after a Summons was directed from the Cardinall of Saint Andrewes and the said Bishop of Dunkelden vpon the said Deane Thomas Forret, vpon two blacke Fryers called fryer John Kelow, and an other called Benarage, and vpon one priest of Striueling called Duncane Sympson, and one Gentleman called Robert Foster in Striuelyng, with other three or foure, with them of the towne of Striuelyng: who at the day of their appearaunce after their summonyng, were condemned to the death without any place of recantation, because (as was alleged) they were heresiarkes or chiefe heretikes and teachers of heresies, and especially because many of them were at the bridal and marriage of a Priest, who was vicar of Twybodye beside Striuelyng, and dyd eate fleshe in Lent at the said brydal, and so they were altogether burnt vpon the castle hyll of Edenbrough, where they that were first bounde to the stake, godly and marueylously dyd comfort them that came behynde. HERE FOLOWETH THE MANER OF PERSECUTION VSED BY THE CARDINALL OF SCOTLAND, AGAINST CERTAINE PERSONS IN PERTH. Persecutors. Dauid Beton, Bishop and Cardinall of St. Andrewes. Martyrs. Robert Lambe. William Anderson. Iames Hunter. Iames Raueleson. Iames Founleson. Hellen Stirke, his wyfe. The Causes. First there was a certayne Acte of Parlamente made in the gouernment of the Lorde Hamleton Earle of Arran, and Gouernour of Scotlande, geuyng priuilege to all men of the Realme of Scotlande, to reade the scriptures in their mother tongue, and language, secluding neuerthelesse all reasonyng, conference, conuocation of people to heare the scriptures readde or expounded. Which liberty of priuate reading being graunted by publike proclamation, lacked not his own fruit, so that in sundry partes of Scotlande thereby were opened the eyes of the elect of God to see the truth, and abhorre the papistical abominations. Amongst the which were certane persons in Saint Johnston, as after is declared. At this tyme there was a Sermon made by Fryer Spense, in Saint Johnston, _alias_ called Perth, affirmyng prayer made to saintes to be so necessarye, that without it there coulde be no hope of saluation to man. Whiche blasphemous doctrine a Burges of the saide towne called Robert Lambe, could not abide, but accused hym in open audience, of erroneous doctrine, and adiured hym in Gods name to vtter the truth. The which the Fryer beyng striken with feare, promised to do, but the trouble, tumult, and sturre of the people encreased so, that the fryer could haue no audience, and yet the saide Robert with great daunger of his life escaped the handes of the multitude, namely of the women, who contrary to nature, addressed them to extreme cruelty agaynst hym. At this tyme in the yeare of our Lord, 1543, the enemies of the truth procured John Chartuous, who fauoured the truth, and was Prouost of the saide citie and towne of Perth, to be deposed from his office by the sayd Gouernours authoritie, and a Papist called Master Alexander Marbecke to be chosen in his roum, that they might bring the more easily their wicked enterprise to an ende. After the deposing of the former Prouost, and election of the other, in the moneth of January the yeare aforesaid, on Saint Paules day, came to Saint Johnston, the Gouernour, the Cardinall, the Earle of Argile Justice, Sir John Campbel of Lunde knight, and Justice Depute, the Lord Borthwyke, the bishop of Dunblane, and Orkney, with certeyne others of the Nobilitie. And although there were many accused for the crime of heresie (as they terme it) yet these persons were only apprehended vpon the said Saint Paules day, Rob. Lambe, Wil. Anderson, James Hunter, James Raueleson, James Founleson, and Hellen Stirke his wife, and cast that night in the Spay tower of the said citie, the morowe to abide judgement. Upon the morow, when they appeared and wer brought forth to judgement in the towne, was laid in general to all their charge, the violatyng of the act of parlament before expressed, and their conference and assemblies in hearing and expoundyng of scripture against the tenour of the saide acte. Robert Lambe was accused in speciall for interruptyng of the fryer in the pulpit: which he not only confessed, but also affirmed constantly, that it was the dutie of no man, which vnderstood and knew the truth, to heare the same impugned without contradiction, and therfore sundry which there wer present in judgement, who hyd the knowledge of the truth, should beare their burden in Gods presence for consenting to the same. The said Robert also with William Anderson, and James Raueleson, were accused for hanging vp the image of Saint Fraunces in a corde, nailyng of Rammes hornes to his head, and a Cowes rumpe to his taile, and for eating of a Goose on Alhalow euen. James Hunter being a simple man, and without learnyng, and a Fletcher by occupation, so that he coulde be charged with no greate knowledge in Doctrine, yet because he often vsed the suspect companye of the rest, he was accused. The woman Hellen Stirke was accused, for that in her chyldbed shee was not accustomed to cal vpon the name of the virgine Mary, beyng exhorted thereto by her neighbours, but onely vpon God, for Jesus Christes sake, and because shee saide in like maner, that if shee her selfe had ben in the tyme of the virgin Mary, God might haue loked to her humilitie and base estate, as he dyd to the virgins, in making her the mother of Christe, thereby meaning, that ther was no merites in the virgin, which procured her that honor, to be made the mother of Christ, and to be preferred before other women, but Gods only free mercy exalted her to that estate. Which wordes were counted most execrable in the face of the Clergie and whole multitude. James Raueleson aforesaid building a house, set vpon the round of his fourth stayre, the three crowned Diademe of Peter carued of tree, which the Cardinal tooke as done in mockage of his Cardinals hat, and this procured no fauor to the said James at their handes. These forenamed persons vpon the morow after Saint Paules' day were condemned and iudged to death, and that by an assise, for violatyng (as was alleged) the act of parlament, in reasoning and conferring vpon scriptures, for eatyng flesh vpon dayes forbidden, for interruptyng the holy fryer in the pulpit, for dishonoring of Images, and blasphemyng of the virgin Mary, as they alleged. After sentence geuen, their hands were bound, and the men cruelly entreated. Which thyng the woman beholding desired likwise to be bound by the sergeantes with her husband for Christes sake. There was great intercession made by the towne in the meane season for the lyfe of these persons aforenamed, to the Gouernour, who of him self was wyllyng so to haue done, that they might haue bene deliuered. But the Gouernour was so subiect to the appetite of the cruel priestes, that he could not do that which he would. Yea, they manaced to assist his enemyes, and to depose hym, except he assisted their cruelty. There were certaine priestes in the citie, who dyd eate and drinke before in these honest mens houses, to whom the priestes were much bounden. These priestes were earnestly desired to entreate for their hostesse, at the Cardinalles handes: but they altogether refused, desiryng rather their death then preseruation. So cruell are these beastes from the lowest to the highest. Then after, they were caryed by a great band of armed men (for they feared rebellion in the towne, except they had their men of warre) to the place of execution, whiche was common to al theeues, and that to make their cause appeare more odious to the people. Robert Lambe at the gallowes foote made his exhortation to the people, desiryng them to feare God, and leaue the leauen of papistical abominations, and manifestly there prophesied of the ruine and plague whiche came vppon the Cardinall thereafter. So euery one comfortyng an other, and assuring them selues to sup together in the kingdome of heauen, that nyght commended them selues to God, and dyed constantly in the Lord. The woman desired earnestly to dye with her husband, but shee was not suffered: yet folowyng hym to the place of execution, shee gaue hym comfort, exhortyng hym to perseuerance and pacience for Christes sake, and partyng from hym with a kysse, sayd on this maner: Husband, reioyce, for we haue lyued together many ioyful dayes: but this day, in which we must dye, ought to be most ioyful to vs both, because we must haue ioy for euer. Therfore I wyll not byd you good night, for we shall sodaynely meete with ioy in the kyngdome of heauen. The woman after was taken to a place to be drowned, and albeit shee had a chyld sucking on her breast, yet this moued nothyng the vnmerciful hartes of the enemies. So after she had commended her children to the neighbors of the towne for Gods sake, and the suckyng barne was geuen to the nurse, shee sealed vp the truth by her death. _Ex Registris et instrumentis a Scotia missis._" No. VI. NOTICES OF THE PROTESTANT EXILES FROM SCOTLAND DURING THE REIGN OF KING JAMES THE FIFTH. Dr. M'Crie, in his Life of Knox, Appendix, vol. i., and the Rev. Christopher Anderson, in his Annals of the English Bible, vol. ii., have collected nearly all the information that can be gleaned respecting the chief persons who became Exiles on account of their religious sentiments at this early period. I shall, therefore, content myself with giving little more than a simple enumeration of their names. * * * * * ALEXANDER ALESSE, (in Latin, ALESIUS,) as mentioned in a note to page 55, was a native of Edinburgh, born in the year 1500, and educated at St. Andrews. The Rev. Christopher Anderson in his Annals of the English Bible, has introduced a variety of interesting notices of Alexander Alesse, with extracts from some of his earlier publications. According to a statement in one of his works, he fled from Scotland in the year 1529, and his conversion was owing to his interviews with Patrick Hamilton when under confinement. A collection of his writings, if carefully translated, and accompanied with a detailed Memoir of his life, would form a very suitable and valuable addition to the series of the Wodrow publications. He became Professor of Divinity in the University of Leipzig, where he died on the 17th of March 1565. JOHN ELDER, according to his own information, was a native of Caithness, and had spent twelve years as a student at the Universities of Aberdeen, St. Andrews, and Glasgow. He fled to England probably in 1541 or 1542; and about two years later, he addressed a letter to Henry the Eighth, with a Plan or Description of Scotland, containing a project for the Union of the two Kingdoms. The letter written in 1543 or 1544, contains a bitter invective against Beaton and "the proud papisticall bishops" in Scotland. It was printed in the Bannatyne Miscellany, vol. i., from the original MS. preserved in the British Museum. Elder was patronized by the Earl of Lennox, and became tutor to Henry Lord Darnley. In 1555, he published a "Letter sent into Scotland, &c.," on occasion of the marriage of Philip and Mary. This very curious tract, which is now of great rarity, he dedicated to Robert Stuard, Bishop of Caithness. In 1561, he was in France, as we learn from a letter respecting him, inserted in Stevenson's Illustrations of Scotish History, (printed for the Maitland Club,) p. 101; and which mentions that he had shewn to Queen Mary the hand-writing of Darnley, when eight years of age. It ends with remarking of Elder, what was probably true enough: "he hath wit to play the aspye (spy) where he listeth." JOHN FYFE: see page 55, where it is noticed that he prosecuted his studies under Gawin Logye, at St. Andrews. He may no doubt be identified with the person styled JOANNES FIDELIS, a native of Scotland, who obtained considerable academical distinction abroad. Bishop Burnet, and other writers, state that Fyfe accompanied Alesse to Leipzig, where he was professor; but, in reference to this statement, a passage in the Acta Eruditorum, p. 386, Lipsiæ 1684, asserts, that the Registers of that University having been carefully examined, no mention of his name could be discovered. If we substitute Francfort instead of Leipzig, the notice would be substantially correct, as Alesius had for a short time been Professor there before his removal to Leipzig; and while there he published amongst other tracts an Academical Oration, "De Restituendis Scholis Oratio, habita in celebri Academiæ Francofordiana ad Oderam, An. 1540, Mense Iunio." The name of John Fidelis Scotus, as Professor of Philosophy and Divinity, was inscribed in the Registers of the University of Francfort, in 1547. He was created Doctor, and chosen Rector in 1551; and he died on the 28th of March 1562, in the 72d year of his age. (Notitia Universitatis Francofurtanæ, pp. 49, 56, folio.) This notice does not confirm the report mentioned by Calderwood, that Fyfe had returned to Scotland, and died at St. Leonard's, soon after the Reformation, in 1560. JOHN GAW has already been mentioned at page 504, as author of a rare work entitled "The Richt Way to Hevin," which bears to have been printed at Malmoe, (in Sweden,) in the year 1533. Many years ago, in passing through that town, the seat of a University, I had the curiosity to inquire in their Library if any copy of that volume was preserved--but it was altogether unknown. The author appears to have attended the University of St. Andrews; as we find the name of Johannes Gall, (_Scotice_ Gaw,) among the Determinants, in the year 1510; but of his subsequent history no information has been obtained. JAMES HARRYSON, a native of the south of Scotland. The work mentioned under a Latin title by Dr. M'Crie, (Life of Knox, vol. i. p. 374,) as described by Bale, was written in English, and printed at the time under this title--"An Exhortation to the Scottes to conform themselves to the honorable, expedient, and godly Union betweene the two Realmes of Englande and Scotlande. Lond. in aedibus Ric. Grafton, 1547," small 8vo. The preface, dedicated to Edward Duke of Somerset, is signed "James Harryson Scottyshman." HENRY HENRYSON: see page 57, note 3. WILLIAM JOHNSTONE, Advocate: see page 57, note 2. Dr. Patrick Anderson, in his MS. History mentions Neill Johnstone, a brother of William Johnstone, among the persons who were accused of heresy, 1536. Whether the Advocate continued in his adherence to the Catholic faith may be held doubtful; as after his death, we find, in the proceedings of the General Assembly, 29th December 1563, that Mr. Andrew Johnstone, brother-german _to umquhill Mr. William Johnstone_, required process for reduction of the sentence pronounced by umquhill James [Beaton] Archbishop of St. Andrews, against him and his brother for alleged heresies. This request was referred to the Superintendent of Lothian and the Session of Edinburgh to follow the same process as had been led in previous cases. On the 27th December 1564, this matter was again brought before the Assembly, when it was declared that the articles referred to were not heretical, and the judges formerly appointed were ordained to proceed to a final decision of the said action. (Booke of the Kirk, vol i. pp. 41, 56.) GAWIN LOGYE, Principal of St. Leonard's College, St. Andrews, from 1523 to 1534, has been noticed at page 36; of his subsequent history no particulars have been discovered. DR. JOHN MACALPYNE, who is best known by his Latin name MACHABAEUS, was born before the close of the 15th century. It is unnecessary to repeat the notices given by Dr. M'Crie, (Life of Knox, vol. i. p. 372.) He took his Master's degree at one of the Universities, but I have not observed his name either in the Registers of St. Andrews, or Glasgow. John Macalpyne was Prior of the Dominican Convent at Perth, from 1532 to 1534. (Rev. James Scott's MS. Extracts, and Mr. Parker Lawson's Book of Perth, p. 33.) His flight therefore to England may be placed in 1535 rather than in 1532. Spottiswood, (Hist. p. 661,) and Burnet, (Hist, of Reform, vol. i. p. 294,) say he was liberally entertained by Nicholas Shaxton, Bishop of Salisbury; and Myles Coverdale, some time Bishop of Exeter, was his brother-in-law. After visiting Wittenberg, he received an invitation to settle in Denmark, in the year 1542, and became Professor in the University of Copenhagen, and one of the chaplains of Christian the Second, King of Denmark. He assisted in translating the Bible into that language, which was published in the year 1550. Some of his writings are indicated in Nyerup's Dansk-Norsk Litteratur Lexicon, vol. ii. p. 367. The Earl of Rothes having been sent as ambassador to Denmark, in the spring of 1550; in the Treasurer's Accounts, among other payments connected with this embassy, we find 7s. was paid on the 9th of March that year, to "ane boy sent to Sanctandrois to my Lord of Rothes thair, with writingis of my Lord Gouernouris, _to be given at his arriving in Denmark to Maister Johne Makcalpyne_ and Alexander Lyell there." Dr. Machabaeus, or Macalpyne, died at Copenhagen, 5th December 1557. JOHN MACKBRAIR is mentioned by Spottiswood as "a gentleman of Galloway, who forsaking the country for religion, became a preacher in the English Church; in the time of Queen Marie's persecution he fled to Francford, and served the English Congregation as Minister. Afterwards called by some occasion to the charge of a church in the Lower Germany, he continued there the rest of his days."--(History, p. 97.) It is very certain, however, that Mackbriar was in Priest's orders before retiring to the Continent. He was incorporated in St. Salvator's College, St. Andrews, in 1530, and became a Determinant in 1531. On the 16th July 1550, John Lokart of Bar, and two others were denounced rebels, &c., for assistance rendered, in May last, to Mr., _alias_ Sir John M'Brair, formerly Canon of Glenluce, in breaking ward of the Lord Governor's Castle of Hammiltoune, where he was imprisoned, being charged for sundry great and odious crimes, Heresies, &c., and conducting him to the House of Bar.--(Pitcairn's Criminal Trials, vol. i. p. 352*.) This addition to his name signifies an uncertainty whether he had taken his degree as Master or only that of Bachelor of Arts. Archbishop Hamilton, in a letter, without date, but probably in 1551, refers to his having expelled from the house of Ochiltree the apostate Macbraire, and inflicted heavy fines on his followers. The name of John Makebray is included in the list of the principal persons who escaped from England to the Continent, in 1553, after the accession of Queen Mary. In 1554, he appears from the "Discourse of the Troubles begun at Frankfort," to have taken an active share in the proceedings of the English Congregation there. He afterwards became Pastor of a Congregation in Lower Germany, and according to Bale, he wrote an account of the formation and progress of that Church. On the accession of Queen Elizabeth, Mackbrair returned to England and officiated as a preacher; and on the 13th of November 1568, he was inducted to the vicarage of St. Nicholas, in Newcastle. He survived for many years, and was buried on the 16th of November 1584.--(See M'Crie's Life of Knox, vol. i. p. 374, and the authorities there quoted.) JAMES MACKDOWELL: see page 55, note 4. ROBERT RICHARDSON studied in St. Leonard's College, St. Andrews, where he became, in 1520, a Canon Regular and Sacrist of the Holy Cross; and in 1530, a Canon of the Abbey of Cambuskenneth. In that year he published at Paris a Latin work, an Exegesis on the Rule of St. Augustine. There is no reason to doubt that he was the same person as the Sir Robert Richardson, a priest, mentioned in 1543 by Sadler, (Letters, vol. i. p. 217.) Sadler, in a letter to Henry VIII, dated 16 November 1543, again commends Richardson who had been forced to flee from Scotland for fear of persecution, having "done very honestly and diligently in his calling," "in the setting furth and true preaching of the word of God."--(State Papers, vol. i. p. 344.) But this Priest must be distinguished from his namesake, the Prior of St. Mary's Isle, who has been noticed at page 372; and who took his degree as Master of Arts at St. Andrews, in 1533. JAMES WEDDERBURN, the eldest son of James Wedderburn, a merchant in Dundee, was one of a family distinguished by their poetical genius. He was educated at St. Andrews, being incorporated in that University in 1514. In Calderwood's History, vol. i. p. 141, will be found an interesting account of his life, and notices of his writings, of which unfortunately there are none preserved. JOHN WEDDERBURN, a younger brother, was also educated at St. Andrews, being a Determinant, in 1526, and a Licentiate in 1528. He was appointed Vicar of Dundee. At a later period, having been licensed of heresy, the escheat of the goods belonging to Mr. John Wedderburn, "convict. de certis criminibus heresieos," was granted to his brother Henry Wedderburn, for a composition of 40s. in 1538 or 1539, (M'Crie's Life of Knox, vol. i. p. 358.) In March 1538-9, a pursuivant was directed to pass to Dundee and search James Rollokkis gudes, and Maister John Wedderburn, (ib. p. 359.) John Wedderburn is said to have gone to Germany, where he became acquainted with Luther and Melanethon. While residing abroad he translated some of their works or "dytements" into Scotish verse; and the metrical version of various Psalms, included in the volume of "Gude and Godly Ballates:" see page 139. It is also stated, that after the death of James the Fifth, he returned to Scotland, but was again compelled to expatriate himself; and that he died in England, in 1556.--(Calderwood's Hist. vol. i. p. 14.) No. VII. ALEXANDER SEYTON. In mentioning Alexander Seyton, Calderwood says, "He was of a quicke ingyne, and tall stature;" and adds, "I find in Mr. John Davidson's scrolles, that he was brother to Ninian Seton Laird of Tough."--(Hist. vol. i. p. 93.) In this case he must have been the youngest son of Sir Alexander Seyton of Touch and Tillybody in Stirlingshire; and the pedigree of that family may in part be thus exhibited:-- I. Sir Alexander Seyton of Touch and Tillybody in Stirlingshire. Married Lady Elizabeth Erskine, daughter of Thomas second Earl of Mar. II. Sir Alexander, his son and successor, had a charter of the barony of Tulchfrasere on the forfeiture of Murdoch Earl of Fyfe, in 1510. He was killed at Floddon in 1513. He married Elizabeth, daughter of Alexander Lord Home. III. Sir Ninian Seyton, his son and successor, on the 26th of August 1516, obtained a divorce from his wife Matilda Grahame. (Liber Ofliciulis S. Andreæ, p. 8.) He was alive in 1534: David Seyton was probably another son, as well as Alexander. They prosecuted their studies at the same time at St. Andrews. IV. Walter Seyton, son and heir of Sir Ninian Seyton of Tullibody, had a charter of the barony of Touchfraser and Tullibody, 14th January 1535-6; and another, 4th May 1546. Among Wodrow's Biographical Collections at Glasgow, are "Collections upon the Life of Alexander Seaton, Dominican Frier, Confessor to King James the Fifth, and afterwards Chaplain to the Duke of Suffolk in England;" which are printed in the Appendix to "The History of the House of Seytoun," pp. 113-118, Glasgow 1829, 4to. But Wodrow's account consists of little else than mere extracts from Knox, Foxe, and Calderwood. Alexander Seyton, as already stated, was educated at St. Andrews. A person of the same name became a Licentiate in 1501; but the Confessor may more probably be identified with Alexander Seyton, who, with David Seyton, appear among the Determinants in 1516, and the Intrants in 1518, as _potentes_, who paid the highest fees. At page 48 I have suggested that the year of Seyton's flight to England, when he addressed his Letter to King James the Fifth, may have been 1535 or 1536. According to Knox, Seyton remained in England, and taught the Gospel in all sincerity; which drew upon him the power of Gardyner Bishop of Winchester, and led to his making a recantation or final declaration at Paul's Cross, in opposition to his former true doctrine. This was published at the time in a small tract, of which a copy is preserved in the Archiepiscopal Library at Lambeth. It is entitled, "The Declaracion made at Paules Crosse in the Cytye of London, the fourth Sonday of Advent, by Alexander Seyton, and Mayster Willyam Tolwyn, persone of S. Anthonyes in the sayd Cytye of London, the year of our Lord God M.D.XLI., newly corrected and amended." (The colophon,) "Imprinted at London in Saynt Sepulchre's parysshe, in the Olde Bayly, by Rychard Lant. Ad imprimendum solum." 12mo. eight leaves. An account is given by Foxe of Seyton's examination, or "Certaine places or articles gathered out of Seyton's sermons by his adversaries;" which, he says, he "exhibits to the reader, to the intent that men may see, not only what true doctrine Seyton then preached consonant to the Scriptures, but also what wrangling cauillers can do, in depraining that is right, or in wrastyng that is well ment, &c."--1177, edit. 1576. Bale informs us that Seyton died in the year 1542, in the house of Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk, to whose household he officiated as Chaplain.--(Script. Bryt. Cent. xiv. p. 224.) No. VIII. SIR JOHN BORTHWICK. Sir John Borthwick was a younger son of William third Lord Borthwick, who was slain at Floddon in 1513. Sir Ralph Sadler mentions "Captain Borthwick, Lieutenant of the French King's guard," as one of the persons who were appointed by James the Fifth, to accompany the English Ambassador when presented at Court in February 1539-40.--(State Papers, vol. i. p. 19.) On the 28th of May 1539-40, or immediately after the baptism of Prince James, and after James the Fifth had purposed setting out on his voyage round the Western Isles, Borthwick had been cited to appear before Cardinal Beaton and other prelates at St. Andrews, on a charge of heresy. In the Cardinal's absence, who accompained the King in this expedition, Gawin Archbishop of Glasgow, and Lord Chancellor of Scotland, presided; but Borthwick having escaped to England, he was condemned, and excommunicated, and his effigy burnt at the market-cross of St. Andrews. Soon after this Borthwick wrote a defence of himself, in the form of answers to the several articles of his accusation. It has been preserved by Foxe, in his Latin Commentaries printed at Basil, in 1559, folio, pp. 166-179, with the title of "Actio, Processus, seu Articuli contra D. Joan. Borthuicum, Equitem Auratum in Scotia, &c.," [1540,] to which is prefixed an address "D. Borthuichus ad Lectorem." In the first edition of Foxe's English "Actes and Monuments," 1564, pp. 574-586, and in 8vo. edit. 1838, vol. v. pp. 607-621, it occurs under this title, "The Act or Processe, or certain Articles agaynst Syr Jhon Borthuike knight, in Scotland; with the answer and confution of the said Borthuicke; whose Preface to the Reader here followeth, &c." But Foxe, when republishing his work, says, "For as muche as the storye of hym, with his Articles objected against hym, and his confutation of the same is already expressed sufficiently in the Firste edition of Actes and Monuments, and because he being happily deliuered out of their handes had no more but onely his picture burned, referring the reader to the booke above mentioned, we wyll now, (the Lord willing,) prosecute such other as followed, &c."--(3d edition, 1576, p. 1230.) After the Reformation, Borthwick brought an action of Declarator before John Wynram, Superintendent of Fife, (who, as Sub-prior of St. Andrews, had sat, in 1540, as one of his judges,) 20th of August 1561, and on the 5th of September following, the Articles and Sentence were reversed. The Process of Declarator, embodying the original Sentence and Articles extracted from the Register of Cardinal Beaton, is printed in the Bannatyne Miscellany, vol. i. pp. 251-263. See also Calderwood's Hist. vol. i. pp. 114-123; Keith's Hist. vol. i. p. 20; Lyon's St. Andrews, vol. i. pp. 288-290.--"This worthie knight, (says Calderwood,) ended his aige with fulnesse of daies at St. Andrewes." This took place before 1570, when William Borthwick is mentioned as son and heir of the late Sir John Borthwick of Cinery. No. IX. GEORGE WISHART THE MARTYR. Calderwood states, that "Mr. George Wishart was a gentleman of the house of Pittarrow."--(Hist. vol. i. p. 185.) And in the Wodrow Miscellany, in an introductory notice, I have said, "He was born in the early part of the 16th century, and is believed to have been a younger son of James Wishart of Pittaro, who was admitted Justice Clerk, in December 1513, and continued till between 1520 and 1521."--(vol. i. p. 5.) Further inquiries have failed in ascertaining this point; and it must have been through some collateral branch if any such relationship existed. A note of various early charters relating to the Wisharts of Pittaro, was most obligingly communicated by Patrick Chalmers of Auldbar, Esq.; and several others are contained in the Register of the Great Seal; but the want of space, and their not serving to throw any light upon the Martyr's parentage, causes me to omit such notices. There is a fine old portrait, not unworthy of Holbein, said to be of George Wishart, in the possession of Archibald Wishart, Esq., W.S., Edinburgh, which bears the date, M.D.XLIII. Ætat. 30. If this portrait can be identified, the date would fix his birth to the year 1513. But his early history and education are quite unknown. The facts discovered relating to his history may briefly be stated. * * * * * 1538. Wishart had been employed as master of a school in Montrose; but being summoned by John Hepburn, Bishop of Brechin, on a charge of heresy, for teaching his scholars the Greek New Testament, he fled to England. See Petrie's History of the Catholick Church, part 2, p. 182. Hague 1662, folio. 1539. He was at Bristol, preaching against the worship and mediation of the Virgin Mary; but he was led to make a public recantation, and burnt his faggot in the Church of St. Nicholas in that city, in token of his abjuration. It was probably immediately after this humiliating act that he went abroad. 1542. He appears to have remained in Germany and Switzerland till after the death of James the Fifth. He mentions in his Examination, (see supra, page 159,) a conversation he had with a Jew, while sailing on the Rhine. About the same time he translated "The Confession of Faith of the Churches of Switzerland," which was printed a year or two after his death, and which has been reprinted in the Wodrow Miscellany, vol. i. pp. 1-23. 1543. This year he was residing us a member of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, according to the interesting account of his habits and acquirements by his pupil Emery Tylney, which is preserved in Foxe's Martyrology. 1544, or in the following year, he returned to Scotland; and he continued to preach in different parts of the country; at Montrose, Dundee, and in Ayrshire, and subsequently at Leith, and in East-Lothian. 1546. On the 16th of January he was apprehended at Ormiston, carried prisoner first to Edinburgh, and then to St. Andrews. His trial was on the 28th of February, and his execution on the 1st of March: (see supra, page 144.) Three months later Cardinal Beaton was assassinated. * * * * * In a work like the present, it is desirable to avoid all controversial remarks; but I hope to be excused in offering a few words in regard to what has been considered a serious charge against George Wishart. The precise date of Wishart's return to Scotland is very doubtful. Knox, (supra, page 125,) places it in 1544, but joins this with an explanation which might carry it back to July 1543, and with the defeat of the Governor, which belongs to a later period. Mr. Tytler, (Hist. vol. v. p. 343,) says, "From the time of his arrival in the summer of 1543, _for more than two years_ Wishart appears to have remained in Scotland, protected by the barons who were then in the interest of Henry, and who favoured the doctrines of the Reformation." Yet nevertheless, according to Mr. Tytler, and later authorities, he was employed as a messenger in May 1544, conveying letters from Crichton of Brunstone to the Earl of Hertford at Newcastle, and from thence, with other letters, to Henry the Eighth, in relation to a projected scheme devised by the Laird of Brunstone for the assassination of Cardinal Beaton; and after having had an interview with the King at Greenwich, returning first to Newcastle, and then to Scotland. This employment--which has been held up as a notable discovery--proceeds upon the fact of "a Scotishman, _called Wyshart_," being mentioned as the bearer of the letters referred to; and the Laird of Brunstone having been Wishart's "great friend and protector," in 1546, hence it is concluded that the person employed was George Wishart the Martyr. Among the Wisharts of that time the name of _George_ was not peculiar to him. _George Wischart_ was one of the bailies of Dundee, 3d May 1560, and for several years previously; and in the Protocol book of Thomas Ireland, notary public in Dundee, belonging to that borough, I observed the copy of a deed, in which "_Georgius Wischart_, frater-germanus Joannis Wischart de Pettarrow," was one of the procurators in a matter concerning "_Georgius Wischart_, armiger Crucis regis Galliæ," 14th June 1565. Now, in reply to the above argument, I beg to remark, that there is no certain evidence of George Wishart having returned to Scotland earlier than 1544 or 1545; that if the name of _George Wishart_ had been specified in the letters, there were other persons of that name who might equally have been employed in such services; and that if it had been ascertained beyond all doubt that he possessed a full knowledge of the plots against Beaton devised by Crichton of Brunstone, even then, according to the terms of the Earl of Hertford's letter, and confirmed by the letter in reply from the English Council, the attempt was to be confined to the _arrestment of the Cardinal_, while passing through Fife--the proposal of _sleeing him_, having been suggested only as an alternative, in case of necessity. But to say nothing of the uncongenial nature of the employment, to a man such as described by his devoted pupil Emery Tylney, who had been under his tuition at Cambridge, for twelve months, in 1543, it may further be urged,-- 1. That Wishart had no occasion to entertain a personal animosity to the Cardinal; and that being denounced, or put to the horn, and liable to summary arrestment and execution, he could not have undertaken the task at such a time, of carrying letters and messages between the conspirators. 2. That the plots against Beaton being well known, even to the Cardinal himself, if Wishart had in any way been concerned in them, it would unquestionably have formed a leading accusation against him in his trial,--but no allusion to such a charge was ever whispered. And lastly,--That the actual enterprise, by which the Castle of St. Andrews was taken, and the Cardinal murdered, on the 29th of May, was in a great measure a scheme hastily arranged and executed, mainly in revenge of the Martyr's own fate, and ALTOGETHER UNCONNECTED AND UNINFLUENCED by any former plots devised by Crichton of Brunstone, but which have been employed to implicate the irreproachable character of GEORGE WISHART. No. X. JOHN ROUGH. A brief notice of this very zealous preacher is given at page 187. I regret that only a portion can be added in this place of the interesting account of his examination and death in December 1558, as preserved in Foxe's "Actes and Monuments." Calderwood's account of Rough's martyrdom, (Hist. vol. i. p. 251,) is abridged from the same authority. "THE DEATH AND MARTYRDOME OF JOHN ROWGH, MINISTER, AND MARGARET MEARYNG, BURNED AT LONDON THE XXII. OF DECEMBER. In this furious time of persecution, were also burned these twoo constaunt and faithfull Martyrs of Christe, John Rough a Minister, and Margarette Mearyng. This Rough was borne in Scotland, who (as him selfe confesseth in his aunsweres to Boners Articles) because some of his kinsfolke woulde haue kept him from his right of inheritaunce which he had to certaine landes, did at the age of xvij. yeares, in despite (and the rather to displease his frendes) professe hym selfe into the order of the blacke Friers at Sterlyng in Scotland: where he remained the space of xvi. yeares, vntill suche tyme as the Lorde Hamulton, Earle of Arren, and Gouernour of the Realme of Scotlande aforesaid (castyng a fauour vnto hym) did sue vnto the Archbishop of S. Andrewes, to haue him out of his professed order, that as a secular Priest he might serue hym for his Chaplaine. At whiche request the Archbishop caused the Prouinciall of that house, hauyng thereto authoritie, to dispence with hym for his habite and order. This sute beeyng thus by the Earle obtained, the said Rough remained in his seruice one whole yeare: during which time it pleased God to open his eyes, and to geue hym some knowledge of his truthe, and thereupon was by the said Gouernour sent to preache in the freedome of Ayre, where he continued four yeares, and then after the death of the Cardinall of Scotland, hee was appointed to abide at S. Andrewes, & there had assigned vnto hym a yearely pension of XX. pound from kyng Henry the eight, kyng of England. Howbeit, at last waiyng with him selfe his owne daunger, and also abhorryng the Idolatrie and superstition of his countrey, and hearyng of the freedome of the Gospell within this Realme of England, hee determined with hym selfe not to tary any longer there: And therefore soone after the battaile of Musclebourough, he came first vnto Carliell, and from thence vnto the Duke of Somerset, then Lord Protectour of England, and by his assignement had appointed vnto him out of the kinges treasury XX. poundes of yearely stipend, and was sent (as a preacher) to serue at Carliell, Barwicke, and Newcastell. From whence (after he had there, according to the lawes of God, and also of this Realme, taken a countrey woman of his to wife) he was called by the Archbishop of Yorke that then was, vnto a benefice nigh in the towne of Hull: where hee continued vntill the death of that blessed and good king, Edward VI. But in the beginnyng of the reigne of Queene Mary (perceauyng the alteration of Religion, and the persecution that would thereupon arise, and feelyng hys owne weakenes) he fled with his wife into Friseland, and dwelt there at a place culled Morden, labouryng truely for his liuyng, in knittyng of Cappes, hose, and suche like thinges, till about the ende of the moneth of October last before his death. At whiche tyme, lackyng yearne and other such necessary prouision for the mainteinaunce of his occupation, he came ouer againe into England, here to prouide for the same, and the x. day of Nouember arriued at London. Where hearyng of the secrete societie, and holy congregation of Gods children there assembled, he ioyned himselfe vnto them, and afterwardes beyng elected their Minister and Preacher, did continue moste vertuously exercised in that Godly fellowship, teaching and confirmyng them in the truth and Gospell of Christe. But in the ende such was the prouidence of God, who disposeth all thinges to the best, the xij. daye of December, he with Cutbert Simson and others, through the crafty and traiterous suggestion of a false hipocrite and dissembling brother called Roger Sargeaunt, a taylor, were apprehended by the Vicechamberlaine of the Queenes house, at the Saracens heade in Islington: where the Congregation had then purposed to assemble themselues to their godly and accustomable exercises of prayer, and hearyng the word of God: which pretence, for the safegard of all the rest, they yet at their examinations, couered and excused by hearing of a play that was then appointed to be at that place. The Vice Chamberlaine after he had apprehended them, caried Rough and Simson vnto the Counsell, who charged them to haue assembled together to celebrate the communion or supper of the Lord, and therefore after sundry examinations and aunsweres, they sent the saide Rough vnto Newgate: but his examinations they sent vnto the Bishop of London, with a Letter signed with their handes, the copy whereof followeth. ¶ A LETTER SENT FROM THE QUEENES COUNCELL VNTO BONER BISHOP OF LONDON, TOUCHING THE EXAMINATION OF IOHN ROUGH MINISTER. After our hartye commendations to your good Lordship, we sende you here inclosed the examination of a Scotish man, named Iohn Rough, who by the Queenes Maiesties commaundement is presently sent to Newgate, beeyng of the chief of them that vpon Sondaie laste, vnder the colour of commyng to see a Play at the Saracen's head in Islington, had prepared a Communion to be celebrated and received there among certaine other seditious and hereticall persons. And forasmuche as by the sayd Roughes examination, contayning the storie and progresse of his former life, it well appeareth of what sort he is: the Queenes highnes hath willed vs to remit him vnto your Lordship, to the end that beyng called before you out of prison, as oft as your Lordship shall thinke good, ye maie proceede, both to his further examination, and otherwise orderyng of him, accordyng to the lawes, as the case shall require. And thus we bid your Lordship hartely wel to fare. From S. James the XV. of December, 1557. Your Lordships louyng frendes. NICHOLAS EBOR. F. SHREWSBERY. EDWARD HASTINGES. ANTONY MOUNTAGUE. IOHN BOURNE. HENRY IERNEGAM. Boner now minding to make quicke dispatch, did within three dayes after the receite of the letter (the xviij. day of December) send for thys Rough out of Newgate, and in his palace at London ministered vnto him xij. Articles: Many whereof because they containe onely questions of the profession and religion of that age, wherein both he and his parentes were christened (which in sundry places are already mentioned) I do here for breuitie omit: minding to touch such onely, as pertayne to matters of faith now in controuersie, and then chiefely obiected agaynst the Martyrs and Saintes of God, which in effect are these." * * * * * For these Articles against John Rough, and his Answers, and also a Letter written by him in prison, with a further notice of his appearance before Bishop Bonner, the reader must be referred to Foxe's own work. His fellow-sufferer Margaret Mearyng, was one of his flock: after being condemned and degraded, both of them were "led vnto Smithfield the xxij. daye of December 1558, and there most joyfully gave up their lives for the profession of Christes Gospell." No. XI. NORMAN LESLEY. Norman Lesley, the eldest son of George Earl of Rothes, (see page 176,) is first named in the Parliamentary proceedings against the murderers of Cardinal Beaton; and a dagger, the sheath of silver richly chased, and the handle of ivory, preserved at Leslie House, according to tradition, was made use of by him on that occasion. Although he may be considered as the leader in that enterprise, there is no evidence to shew that he was actually one of the perpetrators. The cause of his hostility is said to have thus originated. The lands of Easter Wemyss in Fife, became annexed to the Crown by the forfeiture of Sir James Colville, (then deceased,) 18th March 1541; and were given by James the Fifth to the Rothes family. After the King's death, the forfeiture was reduced in Parliament on the 12th December 1543, under the direction of Cardinal Beaton; which so offended the Master of Rothes, that it is said to have been the proximate cause of the Cardinal's murder.--(Senators of the College of Justice, p. 25.) After Lesley's forfeiture and imprisonment in France, he visited various countries, and also returned to Scotland. On the 10th of May 1553, the Lairds of Phillorth, Fyvie, Meldrum, and others, were summoned "to underly the law for the resset of Normond Leslie."--(Treasurer's Accounts.) His subsequent history is thus related by Spottiswood:-- "After his release from captivity he returned into Scotland, but fearing the Governour he went into Denmark, where not finding that kind reception he expected, he betook himself to England, and had an honourable pension allowed him; which was thankfully answered during the reign of Edward the Sixt. Queen Mary succeeding, he found not the like favour, and thereupon went to France, where he had a company of men of Armes given him, with which he served the French King in his warres against the Emperour Charles the Fifth, and in pursuing the enemy whom he had in chase, was wounded with the shot of a pistoll, whereof he died the day after, at Montreul. He was a man of noble qualities, and full of courage, but falling unfortunately in the slaughter of the Cardinal, which he is said at his dying to have sore repented, he lost himself and the expectation which was generally held of his worth."--(History, p. 90.) It appears that Norman Lesley at the time he entered the service of the King of France, had obtained absolution from the Court of Rome for his share in the Cardinal's murder. A particular account of his death is preserved by Sir James Melville, and may here be quoted:-- "Bot the King drew langis the frontiers toward a gret strenth callit Renty, wher he planted his camp and beseigit the said strenth, quhilk I hard the Constable promyse to delyuer vnto the K. before the end of aucht dayes. Quhilk promyse was not keped, for themperour cam in persone with his armye for the releif therof.... At quhilk tym Normond Lesly maister of Rothes wan gret reputation. For with a thretty Scotis men he raid up the bray vpon a faire grey gelding; he had aboue his corsellet of blak veluet, his cot of armour with tua braid whyt croises, the ane before and thother behind, with sleues of mailze, and a red knappisk bonet vpon his head, wherby he was kend and sean a far aff be the Constable, Duc of Augien and Prince of Conde. Wher with his thretty he chargit vpon threscore of ther horsmen with culuerins, not folowed with seuen of his nomber; wha in our sicht straik v of them fra ther horse with his speir, before it brak; then he drew his swerd and ran in amang them, not caring ther continuell schutting, to the admiration of the behalders. He slew dyuers of them; at lenth when he saw a company of speirmen comming doun against him, he gaif his horse the spurris, wha carried him to the Constable and fell doun dead, for he had many schotis: and worthy Normond was also schot in dyuers partis, wherof he died xv dayes efter. He was first caried to the Kingis awin tent, wher the Duc of Augyen and Prince of Conde told his Maiestie that Hector of Troy was not mair vailzeand them the said Normond: whom the K. wald so dressit with his awen serurgiens, and maid gret mean for him; sa did the Constable and all the rest of the Princes. Bot na man maid mair dule nor the Lard of Grange, wha cam to the camp the nyxt day efter, fra a quyet raid wher he had been directed."--(Memoirs, p. 25, Bannatyne Club edition, Edinb. 1827, 4to.) * * * * * Norman Lesley, Master of Rothes, married Issobel Lindesay, daughter of John fifth Lord Lindesay of the Byres, but left no issue; and, as stated in note 588, the title, on his father's death, in 1558, devolved on Andrew, the son of a second marriage. No. XII. ADAM WALLACE. John Hamilton, Abbot of Paisley and Bishop-Elect of Dunkeld, was nominated by his brother the Governor to the See of St. Andrews, as Beaton's successor, in 1546; and after a considerable period, his appointment was confirmed at the Court of Rome. On the 19th March 1546-7, in the name of the Bishops and Kirkmen, he presented a Supplication to the Governor and Council, for "help and remeid against the Sacramentaris and those infected with the pestilential hersie of Luther;" while others, it is added, "abjurit and relapsit, baneist of auld, now comes pertlie [openly] without any dreidour, nocht allenarly in the far parts of the Realme, but als to the Court and presens of your Lordships, and sometimes preaches opinlie, and instructs utheris in the said dampnable heresies."--(Keith's History, vol. i. p. 147.) During his negociations with the Court of Rome, Hamilton transmitted an Information, urging his claims as Primate and _Legatus Natus_. He refers in it to the increasing number of heretics in the diocese of Glasgow, both in the time of the late Archbishop, (Gawin Dunbar, who died in 1547,) and during the vacancy in that See, and assumes credit to himself for having visited that diocese and purged it of many obnoxious heretics; and in particular, for having expelled that apostate Macbraire, from the house of Ochiltree, and inflicted heavy fines on his adherents, and for having caused (Vallasius) Wallace, a native of that diocese, after he had been convicted and condemned for heresy, before a convention of the nobility and clergy, to be delivered over to the secular power, to the flames. (Mackeson's MS. as quoted in M'Crie's Life of Knox, vol. ii. p. 292.) In addition to note 3 at page 237, it may be mentioned, that Wallace had been employed in the family of Cockburn of Ormiston, in teaching his children after they had been deprived of Knox's instructions, and while Cockburn himself was forfeited and in exile. The following account of Wallace's trial and condemnation is copied from Foxe's Actes and Monuments, and may be compared with that given by Knox, at pages 237-241. In reference to the formidable array of prelates and the nobility assembled in the Church of the Blackfriars' Monastery, to the trial of this "simple man," whom Knox celebrates as "zealous in godliness, and of an upright life," I find in the Treasurer's Accounts, that between July and September 1550, the sum of £2, 17s. 4d. was paid to James Dalyell, (who was "one of the Masters of Work,") "quhilk he debursit in preparing of ane scaffald the tyme of the accusatioun of Wallace." "THE STORY AND MARTYRDOME OF ADAM WALLACE IN SCOTLAND. "There was set vpon a scaffold made hard to the Chauncellary wall of the blacke Friers Church in Edinbrough on seates made thereupon, the Lord Gouernour. Aboue him at his backe sat M. Gawin Hamelton Deane of Glasgue, representing the Metropolitane Pastor thereof. Upon a seat on his right hand sat the Archbishop of S. Andrewes. At his backe, and aside somewhat stoode the Officiall [of] Lowthaine. Next to the Byshop of S. Andrewes, the bishop of Dumblane, the byshop of Murray, the Abbot of Dunfermling, the Abbot of Glenluce, wyth other Churchmen of lower estimation, as the Official of S. Andrewes and other Doctours of that nest and Citie. And at the other end of the seat sat Maister [of] Uchiltrie. On his left hand sat the Earle of Argyle Justice, with his deputye Syr John Campbell of Lundy vnder his feete. Next hym the Earle of Huntly. Then the Earle of Anguish, the Byshop of Gallaway, the Prior of S. Andrewes, the Bishop of Orknay, the Lord Forbes, Dane John Wynrime Suppriour of S. Andrewes, and behinde the seates stoode the whole senate, the Clarke of the Register, &c. At the further end of the Chauncelary wall in the pulpit was placed M. John Lauder Parson of Marbottle, Accuser, clad in a surplice, and a red hood, and a great Congregation of the whole people in the body of the Church, standing on the ground. After that, Syr John Ker Prebendary of S. Gyles Church was accused, conuicted, and condemned, for the false making and geuing forth of a sentence of diuorce, and thereby falsly diuorced and parted a man and hys lawfull wyfe, in the name of the Deane of Roscalrige [Restalrig], and certayne other Judges appointed by the holy Father the Pope. He graunted the falshood, and that neuer any such thing was done in deede, nor yet ment nor moued by the foresayd Judges; and was agreed to be banished the realmes of Scotland and England for hys lyfe tyme, and to lose his right hand if he were found or apprehended therin hereafter, and in the meane time to leaue his benefices for euer, and they to be vacant. After that was brought in Adam Wallace, a simple poore man in appearance, conueyed by John of Cunnoke seruant to the Bishop of S. Andrewes, and set in the middest of the scaffold, who was commaunded to looke to the accuser: who asked him what was hys name. He aunswered, Adam Wallace. The accuser said he had an other name, which he graunted, and sayd he was commonly called Feane. Then asked he where he was borne; Within two myle of Fayle (sayd he) in Kyle. Then sayd the accuser, I repent that euer such a poore man as you should put these noble Lordes to so great encumbrance thys day by your vayne speakyng. And I must speake (sayd he) as God geueth me grace, and I beleue I haue sayd no euill to hurt any body. Would God (sayd the Accuser) ye had neuer spoken, but you are brought forth for so horrible crimes of heresie, as neuer was imagined in thys countrey of before, and shall be sufficiently proued, that ye cannot deny it: and I forethinke that it should be heard, for hurting of weak consciences. Now I wyll ye thee no more, and thou shalt heare the pointes that thou art accused of. Adam Wallace, alias Feane, thou art openly delated and accused for preaching, saying, and teaching of the blasphemies and abominable heresies vnderwritten. In the first, thou hast sayd and taught, that the bread and wyne on the altar, after the wordes of consecration, are not the body and bloud of Jesu Christ. He turned to the Lord Gouernour, and Lords aforesayd, saying: I sayd neuer nor taught nothyng, but that I found in this booke and writte (hauyng there a Bible at his belte, in French, Dutch, and English) which is the worde of God, and if you will be content that the Lord God and his worde be Judge to me and this his holy writ, here it is, and where I haue sayd wrong, I shall take what punishment you will put to me: for I neuer said nothyng concerning this that I am accused of, but that which I found in this writte. What diddest thou say, sayd the Accuser? I sayd (quoth he) that after our Lord Jesus Christ had eaten the Pascall Lambe in hys latter Supper wyth his Apostles, and fulfilled the ceremonies of the olde law, he instituted a new Sacrament in remembrance of his death then to come. He tooke bread, he blessed, and brake it, and gaue it to hys Disciples, and sayde: "Take ye, eate ye, thys is my bodye, which shall be broken and geuen for you: And lykewise the cuppe, blessed, and badde them drinke all therof, for that was the cup of the new testament, which shoulde be shedde for the forgeuing of many. How oft ye do thys, do it in my remembraunce." (Matth. 26.) Then sayd the Bishop of S. Andrewes, and the Officiall of Lowthaine, with the Deane of Glasgue, and many other Prelates: We know this well enough. The earle of Huntly sayd: Thou aunswerest not to that which is laide to thee: say either yea or nay therto. He aunswered, If ye wyll admitte God and his word spoken by the mouth of hys blessed sonne Jesus Christ our Lord and Sauiour, ye wyll admit that I haue sayd: for I haue sayd or taught nothing, but that the word, which is the triall and touchstone, sayth, whiche ought to be Judge to me, and to all the world. Why (quoth the Earle of Huntly) hast thou not a Judge good enough; and trowest thou that we know not God and his worde; Aunswere to that is spoken to thee: and then they made the accuser speake the same thyng ouer agayne. Thou saydest (quoth the accuser) and hast taught, that the bread and wyne in the Sacrament of the aultar, after the wordes of the consecration, are not ye body and bloud of our Sauiour Jesus Christ. He aunswered: I sayd neuer more then the write sayth, nor yet more then I haue sayd before. For I know well by S. Paule when he sayth: Whosoeuer eateth this bread, and drinketh of this cup vnworthely, receaueth to himselfe damnation. (1 Cor. xi.) And therfore when I taught (which was but seldome, and to them onely which required and desired me) I sayd, that if the Sacrament of the aultar were truly ministred, and vsed as the sonne of the liuyng God did institute it, where that was done, there was God himselfe by his divine power, by the which he is ouer all. The Byshop of Orkney asked him: Beleuest thou not (sayd he) that the bread and wyne in the Sacrament of the aultar, after the wordes of the consecration, is the very body of God, flesh, bloud, and bone? He aunswered: I wot not what that word consecration meaneth. I haue not much Latin, but I beleue that the sonne of God was conceaued of the holy Ghost, and borne of the virgine Mary, and hath a naturall body with handes, feete, and other members, and in the same body hee walked vp and downe in the world, preached, and taught, he suffered death vnder Pontius Pilate, was crucified, dead, and buried, and that by his godly power hee raysed that same body agayne the thyrd day: and the same body ascended into heauen, and sitteth on the right hand of the Father, whiche shall come agayne to iudge both the quicke and the dead. And that this body is a naturall body with handes and feete, and can not be in two places at once, hee sheweth well him selfe: For the whiche euerlastyng thankes be to hym that maketh this matter cleare. When the woman brake the oyntment on hym, aunsweryng to some of his Disciples whiche grudged thereat, hee sayd: The poore shall you haue alwayes with you, but me shall you not haue alwayes, (Math. 26.) meanyng of his naturall body. And likewise at his Ascension sayd he to the same Disciples that were fleshly, and would euer haue had him remainyng with them corporally: It is needefull for you that I passe away, for if I passe not away, the comforter the holy Ghost shall not come to you (John 16.) (meanyng that his naturall body behoued to be taken away from them): But be stoute and of good cheare, for I am with you vnto the worldes end. (Math. 28. John 16.) And that the eatyng of his very flesh profiteth not, may well be knowen by his wordes whiche he spake in the vj. of John, where after that he had sayd: Except ye eate my flesh and drinke my bloud, ye shal not haue life in you: they murmuryng thereat, he reproued them for their grosse & fleshly takyng of his wordes, and sayd: What will ye thinke when ye see the sonne of man ascend to the place that it came fro? It is the spirite that quickneth, the flesh profiteth nothyng, (John. 6,) to be eaten as they tooke it, and euen so take ye it. It is an horrible heresie, sayd the Byshop of Orknay. When he began to speake agayne, and the Lord Gouernour iudge if hee had right by the write, the Accuser cryed: Ad Secundam. Nunc ad Secundam, aunswered the Archbyshop of S. Andrewes. Then was he bidden to heare the Accuser, who propounded the second Article, and sayd: Thou saydedst lykewise, and openly byddest teach, that the Masse is very Idolatry, and abhominable in the sight of God. He aunswered and sayd: I haue read the Bible and word of God in three tounges, and haue vnderstand them so farre as God gaue me grace, and yet read I neuer that word Masse in it all: but I found (sayd he) that the thyng that was hyghest and most in estimation amongest men, and not in the word of God, was Idolatry, and abhominable in the sight of God. And I say the Masse is holden greatly in estimation, and hygh amongest men, and is not founded in the word, therefore I sayd it was Idolatry and abhominable in the sight of God. But if any man will finde it in the Scripture, and proue it by Gods word, I will graunt myne errour, and that I haue fayled: otherwise not, and in that case I will submit me to all lawfull correction and punishment. Ad Tertiam, sayd the Archbyshop. Then sayd the Accuser: Thou hast sayd and openly taught that the GOD which we worshyp, is but bread, sowen of corne, growyng of the earth, baked of mens handes, and nothyng els. He aunswered, I worshyp the Father, the Sonne, and the Holy Ghost, three persons in one Godhead, whiche made and fashioned the heauen and earth, and all that is therein of naught, but I know not which God you worship: and if you will shewe me whom you worship, I shall shewe you, what he is, as I can by my iudgemene. Beleuest thou not (sayd the Accuser) that the sacrament of the alter, after the wordes of the consecration betwixt the Priestes handes, is the very body and bloud of the sonne of God, & God hymself? What the body of God is, sayd he, & what kynde of body he hath, I haue shewed you, so farre as I haue found in scripture. Then sayd the Accuser: Thou hast preached, sayd, and openly taught diuers and sundry other great errours and abhominable heresies agaynst all the vij. sacraments, which for shortnes of tyme I pretermit and ouer pass. Whether doest thou graunt thy foresayd Articles that thou art accused of, or no, and thou shalt heare them shortly? and then repeted the accuser the iij. Articles aforesayde shortly ouer, and asked him whether he graunted or denied them. He aunswered that before he had said of his aunsweres, and that he sayd nothyng, but agreeing to the holy word as he vnderstoode, so God iudge him, and his owne conscience accuse hym, and thereby woulde he abide vnto the tyme he were better instructed by scripture, and the contrary proued, euen to the death: and said to the Lord Gouernour and other Lordes: if you condemne me for holding by Gods word, my innocent bloud shalbe required at your handes, when ye shalbe brought before the iudgement seat of Christ, who is mightie to defend my innocent cause, before whome ye shall not denye it, nor yet be able to resiste hys wrath: to whom I referre the vengeaunce, as it is written: "Vengeaunce is myne, and I will rewarde." (Heb. 10.) Then gaue they forth sentence, and condemned him by the lawes, and so left him to the secular power, in the handes of Syr John Campbell Justice deputie, who deliuered hym to the Prouost of Edenbrough to be burnt on the Castlehill; who incontinent made hym to be put in the vppermost house in the towne wyth irons about his legges and necke, and gaue charge to Syr Hew Terrye to keepe the key of the sayde house, an ignoraunt minister and impe of Sathan, and of the Byshops; who by direction, sent to the poore man two Gray Friers to instructe hym, wyth whom he woulde enter into no commoning. Soone after that was sent in two blacke Friers, an Englishe Frier & an other subtile sophister called Arbircromy, with the which Englishe Frier he would haue reasoned and declared hys fayth by the scriptures. Who aunswered, he had no commission to enter in disputation with hym, and so departed and left him. Then was sent to hym a worldly wise man, and not vngodly in the vnderstanding of the truth, the Deane of Roscalrige,[1074] who gaue hym Christian consolation, amongest the which he exhorted him to beleue the realtie of the sacrament after the consecration. But he would consent to nothing that had not euidence in the holy scripture, and so passed ouer that night in singing, and lauding God to the eares of diuers hearers, hauing learned the Psalter of Dauid without booke, to his consolation: For before they had spoyled hym of hys Bible, which alwaies til after he was condemned, was with him where euer he went. After that, Syr Hew knew that he had certaine bookes to read and comfort his spirit, who came in a rage & tooke the same from him, leauing him desolate (to his power) of all consolation, and gaue diuers vngodly & injurious prouocations by his deuilishe venome, to haue peruerted him a poore innocent, from the patience & hope he had in Christ hys Sauiour: but God suffered him not to be moued therewith, as plainely appeared to the hearers and seers for the tyme. So all the next morning abode this poore man in yrons, and prouision was commaunded to be made for his burnyng agaynst the next day. Which day the Lord Gouernour, and all the principall both spirituall and temporall Lords departed from Edenbrough to their other busines. After they were departed, came the Deane of Roscalrige to him againe & reasoned with him after his wit. Who aunswered as before, he would say nothing concerning his faith, but as the scripture testifieth, yea though an Aungell came from heauen to perswade him to the same: sauing that he confessed himselfe to haue receaued good consolation of the said Deane in other behalfes, as becommeth a Christian. Then after came in the said Terry again & examined him after his old maner, and said he would garre deuils to come forth of him ere euen. To whom he aunswered: you should be a godly man to geue me rather consolation in my case. When I knewe you were come, I prayed God I myght resiste your temptations, which I thanke him, he hath made me able to doe: therefore I pray you let me alone in peace. Then he asked of one of the Officers that stoode by, Is your fire makyng ready? Who tolde hym it was. He aunswered, as it pleaseth God: I am ready soone or late, as it shall please him: and then he spake to one faythfull in that company, & bad him commend him to all the faythfull, beyng sure to meete together with them in heauen. From that tyme to his forth commyng to the fire, spake no man with him. At his forth commyng, the Prouost with great manasing wordes forbad him to speake to any man or any to him, as belyke he had commaundement of his superiours. Commyng from the towne to the Castle hill, the common people sayd, God haue mercy vpon him. And on you to (sayd he). Beyng beside the fire he lifted vp his eyn to heauen twise or thrise, and sayd to the people: Let it not offend you, that I suffer the death this day, for the truthes sake, for the Disciple is not aboue his Master. Then was the Prouost angry that he spake. Then looked he to heauen agayne, and sayd: They will not let me speake. The corde beyng about hys necke, the fire was lighted, and so departed he to God constauntly, and with good countenaunce to our sightes. _Ex testimonijs & literis e petitis, an. 1550._" No. XIII. WALTER MYLN. The trial and condemnation of this venerable priest has been noticed by all our ecclesiastical historians--including George Buchanan, and Lindesay of Pitscottie. See Knox, supra, p. 308; Calderwood, vol. i. p. 337; Spottiswood, p. 95; Howie's Scots Worthies, &c. The account preserved by Foxe, is however the most minute and interesting. In his earlier years Myln had travelled in Germany, and afterwards became priest of the church of Lunan, in Angus. Information having been laid against him for refusing to say Mass in the time of Cardinal Beaton, he abandoned his cure; but after many years had elapsed, he was taken in the town of Dysart, in Fife, and carried to St. Andrews, where after the trial, as recorded in the following extracts, he was condemned to the flames, on the 28th April 1558. Buchanan, who calls him "a priest of no great learning," erroneously places his death in April 1559. All the authorities concur in describing him as a decrepit old man of eighty-two years of age; but no notice is taken of the circumstance that during the later period of his life, probably while in retirement, he had married; and that his widow survived him many years. This appears from a payment in the Accounts of the Collector General of Thirds of Benefices, 1573, when there was paid "To the relict of umquhile Walter Myln, according to the allowance of the old comptis, £6, 13s. 4d." "THE MARTYRDOME OF THE BLESSED SERUAUNT OF GOD, WALTER MILLE. "Among the rest of the Martyrs of Scotland, the marueilous constancie of Walter Mille is not to be passed ouer with silence. Out of whose ashes sprang thousandes of his opinion and religion in Scotland, who altogether chose rather to dye, then to be any longer ouertroden by the tyranny of the foresayd, cruell, ignoraunt, and beastly Byshops, Abbots, Monkes, and Friers, and so began the congregation of Scotland to debate the True Religion of Christ agaynst the Frenchmen and Papistes, who sought alwayes to depresse and keepe downe the same: for it began soon after the Martyrdome of Walter Mille, of the which the forme hereafter followeth. In the yeare of our Lord, 1558, in the tyme of Mary Duches of Longawayll Queene Regent of Scotland, and the sayd John Hamelton beyng Byshop of S. Andrewes, and Primate of Scotland, this Walter Mille (who in his youth had bene a papist) after that he had bene in Almaine, & had heard the doctrine of the Gospell, he returned agayne into Scotland, and setting aside all Papistry and compelled chastitie, maryed a wife, whiche thyng made him vnto the Byshops of Scotland to be suspected of heresie: and after long watchyng of hym hee was taken by two Popishe Priestes, one called sir George Straqwhen, and the other sir Hew Turry,[1075] seruauntes to the sayd Byshop for the tyme, within the town of Dysart in Fiffe, and brought to S. Andrewes and imprisoned in the Castle thereof. He beyng in prison, the Papistes earnestly trauailed and laboured to haue seduced him, and threatned him with death and corporall tormentes, to the entent they would cause him to recant and forsake the truth. But seyng they could profit nothyng thereby, and that he remained still firme and constaunt, they laboured to perswade him by fayre promises, and offere vnto hym a Monkes portion for all the dayes of his lyfe, in the Abbaye of Dunfermelyng, so that hee would denye the thynges he had taught, and graunt that they were heresie: but he continuyng in the truth euen vnto the end, despised their threatnynges and fayre promises. Then assembled together the byshops of S. Andrewes, Murray, Brechin, Caitnes, and Atheins, the Abbots of Dunfermelyng, Landors, Balindrinot, and Cowper, with Doctours of Theologie of S. Andrewes, as John Greson Blacke Frier, and Dane John Uynrame Suppriour of S. Andrewes, William Cranston Provost of the old Colledge, with diuers others, as sondry Friers black & gray. These being assembled and hauyng consulted together, he was taken out of prison and brought to the Metropolitane church where he was put in a Pulpit before the Bishops to be accused, the 20. day of Aprill. Beyng brought vnto the church and climyng vp to the Pulpit, they seyng him so weake and feeble of person, partly by age and trauaile, & partly by euill intreatment, that without helpe he could not clime vp, they were in dispayre not to haue heard him for weakenesse of voyce. But when he began to speake, he made the Churche to ryng and sounde agayne, with so great courage & stoutnes, that the Christians which were present, were no lesse rejoyced, then the aduersaries were confounded and ashamed. He beyng in the Pulpit, and on his knees at Prayer, sir Andrew Oliphant one of the Byshops Priestes, commanded hym to arise and to aunswere to his Articles, saying on this manner: sir Walter Mille, arise and aunswere to the Articles, for you hold my Lord here ouer long. To whom Walter after he had finished his prayer, aunswered saying: we ought to obey God more then men, I serue one more mighty, euen the omnipotent Lord: and where you call me Sir Walter, they call me Walter, and not Sir Walter, I haue bene ouer long one of the Pope's Knightes. Now say what thou hast to say. THESE WERE THE ARTICLES WHEREOF HE WAS ACCUSED, WITH HIS AUNSWERS VNTO THE SAME. OLIPHANT. What thincke you of Priestes mariage. MILLE. I hold it a blessed band, for Christ himselfe maintained it, and approued the same, and also made it free to all men: but ye thinke it not free to you: ye abhorre it, and in the meane tyme take other mens wiues and daughters, & will not keepe the bande that God hath made. Ye vow chastitie, & breake the same. S. Paule had rather marry than burne: the whiche I haue done, for God forbad neuer mariage to any man, of what state or degree so euer he were. OLIPH. Thou sayest there is not vij. sacramentes. MILLE. Geue me the Lordes supper and Baptisme, and take you the rest, & part them among you: For if there be vij. why haue you omitted one of them, to wit, mariage, & geue your selues to sclaunderous and ungodly whoredome. OLIPH. Thou art agaynst the blessed sacrament of the aultar, and sayest, that the Masse is wrong, and is Idolatry. MILLE. A Lord or a Kyng sendeth & calleth many to a dyner, and when the dyner is in readynesse, he causeth to ryng a bell, and the men come to the hall, and sit downe to be partakers of the dyner, but the Lord turnyng his backe vnto them eateth all himselfe, and mocked them: so do ye. OLIPH. Thou denyest the sacrament of the aultar to be the very body of Christ really in flesh and bloud. MILLE. The very scripture of God is not to be taken carnally but spiritually, and standeth in fayth onely: & as for the Masse, it is wrong, for Christ was once offered on the Crosse for mans trespasse, and will neuer be offered agayne, for then he ended all sacrifice. OLIPH. Thou denyest the office of a Byshop. MILLE. I affirme that they whom ye call Byshops, do no Byshops workes, nor vse the offices of bishops, (as Paul byddeth writyng to Timothy,) but lyue after their owne sensuall pleasure and take no care of the flocke, nor yet regarde they the word of God, but desire to be honored and called, my Lordes. OLIPH. Thou speakest agaynst pilgrimage, and callest it a pilgrimage to whoredome. MILLE. I affirm that, and say that it is not commanded in the scripture, and that there is no greater whoredome in no places, then at your pilgrimages, except it be in common brothells. OLIPH. Thou preachest quietly and priuatly in houses and openly in the fieldes. MILLE. Yea man, and on the sea also sailyng in shyp. OLIPH. Wilt thou not recant thyne erroneous opinions, and if thou wilt not, I will pronounce sentence agaynst thee. MILLE. I am accused of my lyfe: I know I must dye once, & therfore as Christ said to Judas: _Quod facis, fac citíus_. Ye shall know that I wil not recant the truth, for I am corne, I am no chaffe, I wil not be blowen away with the winde nor burst with the flaile, but I will abyde both. * * * * * These thynges rehearsed they of purpose, with other light trifles, to augment their finall accusation, and then Sir Andrew Oliphant pronounced sentence agaynst him that he should be deliuered to the temporall judge, and punished as an hereticke, which was to be burnt. Notwithstandyng his boldnes and constauncie moued so the hartes of many, that the Byshop's Stuard of his regalitie, Prouest of the towne called Patrike Learmond, refused to be his temporall judge: to whom it appertained if the cause had been just. Also the Byshop's Chamberlaine beyng therewith charged, would in no wise take vppon hym so vngodly an office. Yea the whole Towne was so offended with his unjust condemnation, that the Byshop's seruauntes could not get for their money so much as one cord to tye him to the stake, or a tarre barrell to burne him, but were constrained to cut the cordes of their maistors owne pauillon to serue their turne. Neuerthelesse one seruaunt of the Byshop's more ignoraunt and cruell then the rest, called Alexander Symmerwyll, enterprising the office of a temporall judge in that part, conueyed him to the fire, where agaynst all naturall reason of man, his boldnes and hardynes did more & more increase: so that the spirite of GOD workyng miraculously in hym, made it manifest to the people that his cause and Articles were just and he innocently put downe. Now when all thynges were ready for his death and he conueyed with armed men to the fire, Oliphant bad hym passe to the stake: and he sayd, nay, but wilt thou put me vp with thy hand and take part of my death, thou shalt see me passe vp gladly, for by the law of God I am forbydden to put handes vpon my selfe. Then Oliphant put him vp with his hand, and he ascended gladly, saying; _Introibo ad altare Dei_, and desired that he might haue place to speake to the people, the which Oliphant and other of the burners denyed, saying that he had spoken ouer much, for the Bishops were altogether offended that the matter was so long continued. Then some of the young men committed both the burners, & the Byshops their maisters to the deuill, saying that they beleued that they should lament that day, and desired the sayd Walter to speake what he pleased. And so after he had made his humble supplication to God on his knees, he arose, and standyng vpon the coales sayd on this wise. Deare frendes, the cause why I suffer this day is not for any crime layed to my charge (albeit I be a miserable sinner before God) but onely for the defence of the fayth of Jesus Christ, set forth in the new and old Testament vnto vs, for which the as the faythful Martyrs haue offered them selues gladly before, beyng assured after the death of their bodyes of eternall felicitie, so this day I prayse God that he hath called me of his mercy among the rest of his seruaunts, to seale vp his truth with my life: which as I haue receaued it of hym, so willingly I offer it to his glory. Therfore as you will escape the eternall death, be no more seduced with the lyes of Priestes, Monkes, Friers, Priours, Abbots, Byshops, and the rest of the sect of Antichrist, but depend onely vpon Jesus Christ and his mercy, that ye may be deliuered from condemnation. All that while there was great mournyng and lamentation of the multitude, for they perceiuyng his patience, stoutnes, and boldnes, constancie, and hardynes, were not onely moued and styrred vp, but their hartes also were so inflamed, that hee was the last Martyr that dyed in Scotland for the Religion. After his prayer, he was hoysed vp on the stake, and beyng in the fire, he sayd: Lord haue mercy on me: Pray people while there is tyme, and so constauntly departed. EPITAPHIUM. Non nostra impietas aut actæ crimina vitæ Armarunt hostes in mea fata truces. Sola fides Christi sacris signata libellis, Quæ vitæ causa est, est mihi causa necis. After this, by the just judgement of God, in the same place where Walter Mille was burnt, the Images of the great Church of the Abbey, which passed both in number and costlynes, were burnt in tyme of reformation. _Ex fideli testimonio è Scotia misso._ And thus much concerning such matters as happened, and such Martyrs as suffered in the Realme of Scotland for the faith of Christ Jesus, and testimony of his truth." The Epitaph, quoted in the above extracts from Foxe, was written by Patrick Adamson, who became Archbishop of St. Andrews. No. XIV. ON THE TITLE OF SIR, APPLIED TO PRIESTS. At this period, in England as well as in Scotland, the title of SIR was usually applied to Priests, obviously derived from the Latin _Dominus_. But the origin of this application, or rather the peculiar class of the Priesthood to whom it was applicable, has not been well defined. It was to distinguish them from persons of civil or military knighthood that they were popularly called Pope's Knights, and not as some writers have supposed, because the title was conferred on the secular clergy by the Bishop of Rome. In the account of the trial of Walter Myln, who was burnt for heresy in 1558, (see this Appendix, No. XIII.) it is related, that when his accusers addressed him as "Sir Walter Myln," he answered, "And where you call me Sir Walter, they call me Walter, and not Sir Walter: _I have been ouer long one of the Pope's Knightes._" Sir David Lyndesay says,-- "The pure Priest thinkis he gets na richt Be he nocht stylit like ane Knicht, And callit _Schir_ befoir his name, As Schir Thomas and Schir Williame." Dr. Jamieson, in his Dictionary, (v. _Pope's Knights_,) has collected much curious information on this head, but says, he could assign no reason why this designation, "is more frequently given to one called a Chapellan than to any other; sometimes to the exclusion of a parson or parish priest, who is mentioned at the same time as Maister." The reason for this, perhaps, may be accounted for without much difficulty, if the suggestion should be correct, (as I apprehend it is,) that it denoted the academical rank or degree which had been taken; and was not intended to designate an inferior order of the priesthood. This title of Sir was never applied to laymen, and appears to have been given both to the regular and secular clergy, or persons in Priests orders who had taken their Bachelor's degree; but it was not an academical title in itself. Those priests who received the appointment of chaplains, were chiefly persons who, either from want of means or influence, had not been able to prosecute their studies the full time at a University, to obtain the higher rank as Master of Arts; and therefore the title of Sir was given them, but simply to mark the absence of that academical rank, which was long held in great respect, and led to the practice, both among the clergy and laity, until the close of the 17th century, of signing Master before their names. Thus, in the present volume, we have _Sir_ George Clapperton, who was Sub-Dean of the Chapel Royal, (p. 45,) _Sir_ Duncan Symsoun, (p. 62,) and _Sir_ William Layng, as Chaplains, (p. 75,) and many others, besides _Sir_ John Knox, (p. xiv.); and I believe it cannot be shown that any of the persons alluded to had taken the degree of Master of Arts. On the other hand, ecclesiastics of all ranks, from Archbishops and Abbots, to Friars and Vicars, who are known to have done so, are never styled _Sir_, but have always _Master_ prefixed to their baptismal names, in addition to the titles of their respective offices. For instance, we have Maister James Beton, who became Primate, (p. 13,) Maister Patrick Hepburn, Prior of St. Andrews, (p. 38,) Maister James Beton, Archbishop of Glasgow, (p. 252,) Maister David Panter, Secretary and Bishop of Ross, (p. 262,) and a hundred others, who held different ecclesiastical appointments. In one instance, (see page 549,) we find "Sir _alias_ Mr. John Macbrair," from an uncertainty as to his proper designation. On the institution of the College of Justice, one half of the Judges belonged to the spiritual side; and at the first Sederunt, 27th May 1532, when their names and titles are specified, the churchmen have, with one exception, _Magister_ prefixed to their names,--the exception being _Dominus_ Joannes Dingwell, Provost of Trinity College, near Edinburgh. It cannot be said he was so styled from holding any situation in the Church inferior to the Rectors of Eskirk, and Finevin, or the Provost of Dunglass, three of his brethren who then took their seats on the bench as Judges. (See note 86.) The Sederunt of the Provincial Council held at Edinburgh, 27th November 1549, as published by Wilkins, vol. iv. p. 46, exhibits the usual designations and the order of precedency among the dignitaries of the church. They are, after giving Archbishop Hamilton his titles, ranked under the following heads:--"Episcopi.--Vicarii Generales sedium vacantium.--Abbates, Priores, et Commendatarii.--Doctores in Theologia, Licentiati et Bacalaurei.--Ordines Praedicatorum.--Ordines Conventualium: Ordines S. Augustini: Ordines Sanctissimae Trinitatis de redemptione captivorum: Ordines Carmeletarum." In this list the higher clergy are styled simply William Bishop of, &c., Quintin Abbot of, &c., Alexander Prior of, &c., William Commendator of, &c. Among those who had taken degrees in Theology, as Doctors, Licentiates, or Bachelors, there are seven with the title of Master, and three with F. or _Frater_ prefixed to their names. Of the Preaching Friars, there were four, all designed F. or _Frater_. The Conventual and other Orders, included Provosts of Collegiate churches, Deans, Archdeacons, Subdeacons, Rectors, Canons, and Subpriors; of whom there are fifteen with the title of M. or _Magister_, and only six with D. or _Dominus_, so usual was it to find that a regular academical course of study was requisite for obtaining promotion in the Church, even when the weight of family interest might have been supposed sufficient otherwise to have secured it. * * * * * This opportunity may be taken to add a few explanatory words on the Academical designations which so frequently occur in the footnotes to this volume. There is likewise considerable difficulty in defining such titles; and the following explanations may require to be modified. The three Universities in Scotland founded during the course of the 15th century, were formed on the model of those of Paris and Bologna. The general name applied to students of all ranks was _Supposita_, or _Supposts_; implying that they wore subject to the Provost and Masters in the University. The _Incorporati_ were persons who upon entering the College had taken the oaths, and were matriculated in the registers; but this was not confined to students who first entered upon their studies at College, as it might include persons of advanced life, who had been educated and obtained their degrees at some other University. The usual course extended over four years, and was devoted to the study of philosophy, including rhetoric, dialectics, ethics, and physics. In the middle of the third year, students were allowed to propose themselves as candidates for the degree of Bachelor of Arts; and for this purpose, those who had completed or _determined_ their course of study, during the _trivium_ or period of three years, obtained the name of _Determinantes_; and such as acquitted themselves were confirmed _Bachelors_ by the Dean of Faculty. The _Intrantes_ or Licentiates were a class farther advanced, and denoted that they were prepared to enter or take their _Master's_ degree. For obtaining this a more extended examination took place before they were _laureated_, or received the title of Master of Arts, which qualified them to lecture or teach the seven liberal arts.--See article Universities, in the last edit, of the Encyclopædia Britannica, vol. xxi.; Statuta Universitatis Oxoniensis; M'Crie's Life of Melville, 2d edit. vol. ii. p. 336, _et seq._; and Principal Lee's Introduction to the Edinburgh Academic Annual for 1840. No. XV. ON THE TUMULT IN EDINBURGH, AT THE PROCESSION ON ST. GILES'S DAY, 1558. It has not been ascertained in what way ST. ÆGIDIUS or ST. GILES became the tutelar Saint of our Metropolis. Regarding the Saint himself, as there prevails less diversity of opinion than usual, we may assume that St. Giles flourished about the end of the Seventh Century. According to Butler, and other authorities,--"This Saint, whose name has been held in great veneration for several ages in France and England, is said to have been an Athenian by birth, and of noble extraction. His extraordinary piety and learning, (it is added,) drew the admiration of the world upon him in such a manner, that it was impossible for him to enjoy, in his own country, that obscurity and retirement which was the chief object of his desires on earth." Having sailed for France, he spent many years in the wild deserts near the mouth of the Rhone, and afterwards in a forest in the diocese of Nismes. The Bollandists have shewn that this district belonged to the French, towards the beginning of the Eighth Century when St. Giles died; and that his body remained there till the 13th Century: "when, (as we are informed by the anonymous author of 'Lives of Saints,' printed at London 1739, 4 vols. 4to.,) "the Albigenses being very troublesome in that country, it was thought proper to remove it to Toulouse, where it is still kept in St. Saturnin's Church.... His name occurs on the first of September in the Calendars of the English Church before the Reformation; that, and two antient churches in London, are a sufficient proof of his being known and honoured by our devout ancestors."--(Lives, &c. vol. iv. p. 314.) Maitland, the historian of Edinburgh, has collected much curious matter connected with the Metropolitan Church of St. Giles; and observes, it is beyond dispute that St. Giles's was the first Parish Church in the city, although he was unable to determine at what time or by whom it was founded. Notices of _a Parish Church_, distinct from the more ancient Church of St. Cuthbert's, may be traced back to the 11th or 12th Century; and there exists a Charter of David II., under the Great Seal, 15th December 1359, granting the Lands of Upper Merchiston to the Chaplain officiating at the Altar of St. Katherine's chapel in _the Parish Church_ of St. Giles, Edinburgh. It is so designed in subsequent deeds, in the years 1380 and 1387; the latter being an Indenture for building some additional chapels and vaults in the Church. In the following Century a great many separate altarages were endowed; and in the year 1466, it was erected by James the Third, into a Collegiate Church, consisting of a provost, a curate, sixteen prebendaries, a sacristan, a minister of the choir, and four choristers. (Maitland's Hist. p. 272.) We may easily suppose that the possession of an undoubted relic of the Patron Saint, would, in those days, be regarded as an inestimable treasure. An obligation granted by the Provost and Council of Edinburgh, to William Preston of Gortoun, on the 11th June 1454, is still preserved, and records the fact, that "the Arme bane of Saint Gele, the quhilk bane he left to our Mother Kirk of Saint Gele of Edinburgh," had been obtained, after long entreaty and considerable expense, through the assistance of the King of France. Another historian of our city in referring to this donation, says--"The Magistrates of the City, in gratitude for the donation made to their Church, granted a charter in favour of the heirs of Preston of Gortoun, (whose descendants, he adds, are to this hour proprietors of that estate in the county of Edinburgh,) entitling the nearest heir of the donor, being of the name of Preston, to carry this sacred relique in all processions. The Magistrates at the same time, obliged themselves to found in this church an altar, and to appoint a chaplain for celebrating an annual mass of requiem for the soul of the donor; and that a tablet, displaying his arms, and describing his pious donation, should be put up in the chapel. The relique, embossed in silver, was kept among the treasure of the Church till the Reformation."--(Arnot's Hist. of Edinb. p. 268.) It was customary on the 1st of September, the festival day of the Patron Saint, to have a solemn procession through the streets of Edinburgh. A figure of St. Giles, carved in wood, the size of life, had hitherto formed a conspicuous object in this procession. In the year 1558, notwithstanding the progress which the Reformed opinions had made, it was resolved to celebrate this festival with more than ordinary solemnity; and several persons accused of heresy, instead of being sent to the flames on the Castlehill, were reserved to form part of the procession, and to abjure their opinions, while the Queen Regent was to countenance it with her presence. On such occasions it had been customary to deck the image of the Saint. Thus in September 1554, the Dean of Guild paid 10s. "for paynting of Sanct Geill;" in 1555, the charge paid to Walter Bynning for doing this was 6s. In the accounts of 1556, 6s. was paid by the Dean of Guild "for paynting of Sanct Geill;" and 6d. for "beiring of him to the painter, and fra;" and, at the same time, "for mending and polishing Sanct Gelis arme, 12d.;" and also a sum "to Alexander Robesoun tailzeour, for mending of Sanct Gelis capis." But previously to the day of procession in 1558, Knox states, that "the images were stollen away in all parts of the countrey; and _in Edinburgh was that great idoll called Sanct Geyle_, first drowned in the North Loch, after burnt, which raised _no small trouble_ in the Town." Sir James Balfour in his Annals, says, this image "was a grate log of wood or idoll, which the priests called Sant Geilles." The trouble referred to was no doubt the injunction of the Archbishop of St. Andrews, to have this image replaced; and various payments by the City Treasurer, in 1557-8, refer to the appellation by the Town of Edinburgh against the sentence of Archbishop Hamilton, obliging the Town to have the image of St. Giles replaced. From this we may infer that the image had been stolen in the year 1557. Knox's account of the tumult that ensued is by far the most minute and amusing: see pages 258-261. Bishop Lesley is much more concise. After mentioning the circumstance that several persons had been accused of heresy at a Convocation or Provincial Council of the whole Prelates and Clergy assembled at Edinburgh, at the end of July, he adds--"bot nane was executed or punished in thair bodeis, bot ordanit to abjure thair errouris at the Mercatt Croce of Edinburgh, apoun Sainct Gelis day, the first of September; bot thair was so gret a tumult rased that day on the Hie Street of Edinburgh, that thay quha was appointed to do open pennance war suddantlie careid away, and the haill processioun of the Clergie disperced; the image of Sanct Geill being borne in processione, was taikin perforce fra the beraris thairof, brokin and distroyed; quhairwith the Quene Regent was heichlie offendit; and for stanchinge of the lyk trouble in tyme cuming, she appointed the Lorde Setoun to be provest of the Toun of Edinburgh, quha keped the same in resonable guid ordour quhill the nixt symmer thaireftir."--(History, p. 266.) Saint Geill, however, never recovered from his degradation on that day: and in June 1562, the Magistrates directed the portraiture of the Saint, which had served as their emblem, to be cut out of the city standard, _as an idol_, and a Thistle to be inserted, "emblematical (as a recent writer remarks) of rude reform, but leaving the Hind which accompanied St. Giles, as one of the heraldic supporters of the city arms."--(Caledonia, vol. ii. p. 773.) The jewels, silver-work, vestments, and other articles belonging to the Church of St. Giles, were sold by authority of the Magistrates, in 1562, as will be taken notice of in a subsequent volume. No. XVI. PROVINCIAL COUNCILS IN SCOTLAND, IN 1549-1559. Respecting the Meetings of the Provincial Councils in Scotland before the Reformation, it may be sufficient in this place to refer to the well known tract by Sir David Dalrymple, Lord Hailes, entitled "Historical Memorials concerning the Provincial Councils of the Scottish Clergy, from the earliest accounts to the area of the Reformation." Edinb. 1769, 4to. It is reprinted in the 3d edition of his Annals of Scotland, vol. iii. pp. 221-271, Edinb. 1819, 3 vols. 8vo. The reader may also consult with advantage, Dr. M'Crie's Life of Knox, vol. i. pp. 163, 166, 416, &c.; and Bishop Keith's History, vol. i. p. 149, &c. No. XVII. LETTER OF MARY QUEEN OF SCOTS TO LORD JAMES PRIOR OF THE MONASTERY OF ST. ANDREWS. JULY 1559. Calderwood, when noticing the arrival of the Sieur de Bethancourt in Scotland, speaks of his bringing "forged letters" to Lord James Stewart; but the whole of his account (vol. i. p. 498,) was evidently derived from Knox, but whose words are, "with letteris, as was allegit:" see supra, page 384. Spottiswood, on the other hand, throws no doubt on their genuineness, but says the bearer was Monsieur Crock; and he inserts (Hist. p. 130,) a different version of that of Francis the Second, from the one which Knox has given, and also the following letter, of which Knox, at page 386, only makes mention to quote the concluding phrase. "The letter (says Spottiswood) sent by the Queen, was of the tenor following:-- "MARY, QUEEN OF SCOTLAND AND FRANCE, TO JAMES PRIOR OF THE MONASTERIE OF S. ANDREWES. "I cannot, my Cousin, wonder enough, how you that are nighest us in bloud, and greatly benefitted by our liberality, as yourself knoweth, should be so presumptuous and wickedly disposed, as by one and the same fact to violate the Majesty of God and the authority belonging to me and my husband; for to me it is a wonder that you, who being with me did complain of the Duke of Chattellerault, and divers others for dismissing my authority, should now be the leader of a faction in matters of greatest weight, wherein not only the honour of God is touched, but my authority all utterly taken away: which I would have more easily believed of any other of my subjects than of you, for I had a speciall hope of your fidelity, and am not a little grieved that you should have deceived me; Though yet I can scarse be perswaded, that you are gone so far from truth and reason, as to be carried away with such blinde errours which I wish were not, as any in the world else, beseeching God to illuminate you with his light, that returning into the right way you may shew your self (by doing things contrary to that you have already performed) a good man, and obedient to our lawes; whereof by these letters I thought good to admonish you, and withall earnestly to intreat you to amend your by-gone faults, with better deeds in time coming; that the anger which I and my husband have conceived against you, may by that means be mitigated. Otherwise I would have you understand, that we will take such punishment of you, that you shall ever remember us, which shall be to me a most grievous thing. God I beseech to keep you from all danger. _Paris the 24. of July, 1559._" No. XVIII. DAVID FORREST, GENERAL OF THE MINT. David Forrest, General of the Mint, was probably a native of East-Lothian. His name first occurs in 1546, as entertaining George Wishart, in his house in the town of Haddington. Knox speaks of him, when mentioning this circumstance, as "ane man that long hes professed the truth," (p. 137.) He had retired to England soon afterwards, as Sir Ralph Sadler, when noticing that Forrest had come to England, along with William Maitland of Lethington, and Mr. Henry Balnaves, in November 1559, he adds,--"who departed out of England in the beginning of the reign of Queen Mary for cause of religion, and now retuurneth agayn because of these troubles in Scotland, as he sayeth."--(Letters, vol. i. p. 585.) After the Reformation, when the want of qualified persons for the ministry was deeply felt, Forrest was one of several laymen, who, from having previously given proofs of their sincere zeal and piety, were nominated at the first General Assembly, in December 1560, as "thought apt and able to minister." On the 3d July 1562, David Forrest was specially requested by the Assembly "to tak on the ministerie." On the next day, his answer to that request "was referred to the Superintendent of Lothian and Kirk of Edinburgh." Again, on the 29th December 1562, "David Forrest, notwithstanding he objected his owne inabilitie, was charged by the whole Assemblie, as he would avoide disobedience to their voices, without farther delay, to addresse himself to enter in the ministerie, where he salbe appointed, seeing it was knowen sufficientlie that he was able for that function."--(Booke of the Universall Kirk, vol. i. pp. 4, 18, 28.) Although Forrest did not comply with this injunction, he continued to be a member of Assembly for several years, and was named on committees "for the decision of questions," and for other matters. His promotion as General of the Mint may possibly have had its influence in his refusing to take upon himself the office of the ministry. He appears to have long been connected with the Mint. In the Treasurer's Accounts, 15 June 1554-5, David Forres is styled "Magister Cone;" but he must have been superseded, as the office of "Maister Cunzeour," was filled by John Achesoun, from at least 1559 to 1563. But Forrest again appears in 1564-5; and for several years, (between 1565 and 1572,) we find monthly payments in the Treasurer's Accounts to the principal Officers of the Mint, viz., to David Forrest, General of the Cunzie-house, £12, 10s. Andrew Henderson, Wardane, £4, 3s. 4d. Maister John Balfour, Comptar Wardane, £3, 6s. 8d., (who, in October 1570, was succeeded by David Adamesoun, with the same monthly fee or salary of £3, 6s. 8d.) James Mosman, Assayer, (succeeded in April 1572, by Thomas Achesoun,) £3, 6s. 8d. And James Gray, Sinckar of the Irnis, £5, with an additional sum, "for brisseling, grynding, neilling, and tempering the Irnis," of £3, 6s. 8d. In the Treasurer's Accounts 1572, we also find that different sums were allowed us "feis extraordinar" to most of these officials, for services rendered "in the tyme of troubill." FOOTNOTES [1] That Lord Torphichen's picture at Calder House is a portrait of Knox, cannot be doubted, and it may have been copied from an older painting; but at best it is a harsh and disagreeable likeness, painted at least a century after Knox's death. It was engraved for Dr. M'Crie's work; and, on a large scale, there is a most careful engraving of it, by a very ingenious and modest artist, Mr. William Penny of Mid-Calder. [2] The ornamented border in the original is very rudely cut: here it is given only in outline. A French translation of Beza's volume appeared in 1581, with several additional portraits; but it is somewhat remarkable that a totally different portrait should have been substituted in place of that of Knox. This, I think, may be explained, from the circumstance of the original cut having been either injured or lost; and not from the other exhibiting a more correct likeness of the Scotish Reformer. From its marked resemblance, I am convinced, that the portrait substituted was intended for William Tyndale.--When the engraved pseudo-portraits of Knox are brought together, it is quite ludicrous to compare the diversity of character which they exhibit. Besides the ordinary likeness, with the long flowing beard, copied from bad engravings to worse, we have the Holyrood one, not unworthy of Holbein, of a mathematician, with a pair of compasses; the head at Hamilton Palace, which might serve for the Hermit of Copmanhurst; and others that would be no unsuitable illustrations to any account of the fools and jesters entertained at the Scotish Court. [3] I state this from having lent him Verheiden's work, for the purpose of his copying Knox's portrait. Perhaps the fine arts sustained by the death of this eminent Painter, no greater loss than in his leaving unfinished the most exquisite design of "Knox dispensing the Sacrament," which, in its half-finished state, has fortunately been secured by the Royal Scotish Academy. His previous painting of "Knox preaching to the Lords of the Congregation," is sadly disfigured by the extravagant action and expression of the Reformer. [4] This MS. when rebound, at some early time, was unfortunately too much cut in the edges. Its present ragged state suggested a minute examination, which shows that the volume consists of seventeen sets or quires, each of them, with two exceptions, having twenty-two or twenty-four leaves. Six of those quires, judging from the hand-writing and the colour of the ink, were apparently written somewhat later than the rest:--viz., the 7th set, fol. 137-158; the 9th and 10th, fol. 181-228; the 12th, fol. 253-272; the 14th, fol. 295-309; and the last set, fol. 359 to the end. What renders this the more evident is, that while the first page of each set runs on continuously from the previous page, as if there was no interruption, the catchword on the last page of these rewritten sets or quires, often stops in the middle of the page, or the beginning of a line, leaving the rest blank, owing to the style of writing, or the matter contained in these sets having varied from those which they had replaced. [5] The following is the title of a work on the Harmony of the Gospels, with a fac-simile of the signature referred to: "In nomine dnj. Nostrj Jesu Chrj Anno Salutis humanæ 1581. Contextus historiæ Euangelicæ Secundum tres Euangelistas Mat. Mar. et Lucam.--Septembris 4." [6] App. No. VI. pp. 358-363. Lond. 1702, 8vo. Nicolson, in giving some account of the History, considers the question of the Authorship, which was then reckoned doubtful, and referring particularly to the Glasgow Manuscript, he says, it "was lately presented to the College by Mr. Robert Fleming, a late preacher at Rotterdam, now at London, Mr. Knox's great-grandchild; who having several of his said ancestor's papers in his hand, pretends to assure them, that this very Book is penn'd by the person whose name it commonly bears. For the better proof of this matter he sends them the preface of another book, written in the same hand, wherein are these words:--'_In nomine Domini Nostri Jesu Christi, &c., Septembris_ 4^o, M. Jo. Knox, _August_ 18, _A_^o 1581.' There might indeed have been some strength in this evidence, were we not assur'd that the famed Knox dy'd in 1572; so that nothing could be written by him in 1581. There was one Mr. John Knox, who was Moderator of the Synod of Merse in 1586; who perhaps is Mr. Fleming's true ancestor, as well as the transcriber of this book, and might be one of the assistants in the revising of it."--(Ib. p. 192.) These remarks gave considerable offence to Fleming, who answers them, at some length, but without throwing any new light on the subject, in the preface to his "Practical Discourse on the Death of King William III. &c.," p. xii; Lond. 1702, 8vo. Fleming was not a descendant of Knox. It is indeed true that his grandfather married Knox's daughter; but his father was the issue of a subsequent marriage. These facts are plainly stated in a letter from R. Fleming to Wodrow, dated at London, on the 6th of June 1702. [7] In the footnotes, the errors and mistakes in Vautrollier's edition are occasionally pointed out. A sample of them may here be brought together:-- P. 40. Aue hes tuit aue spurtill. 41. priests of whordome--trystis of whoredome. 44. Andrewe Balsone--Balfour. 52. Baltlewich, Lyniltquilk, Lemax--Balcleueh, Lynlithgow, Levenax. 54. the time thereof--the teind thereof. 55. paying such losses--paying such teinds. 62. Earle of gleuearne--Earle of Glencarne. 78. appoints--oppones. 97. the Cardinal skipped--the Cardinal scripped. 113. taken from--given to. 116. inversion--intercession. 122. entracted--entreated. 142. enduer him--cummer him. 143. receiving of limes and staues--receiving of lime and stanes. _ib._ in great number--in no great number. 144. cryed I am Leslie a priest--cryed, I am a priest. 146. the Queen's daughter--the Queen Dowager. 149. Langundrie--Langnidrie. 166. the Gouernoures--the Gunnar's. 169. should be--should not be. 170. Scotish preachers--Scotish prikers. 177. scarcenesse--scarmishing. 180. some drunken beare, which laye in the saudes chappell and church--some drynkin bear, which lay in the syidis Chappell and Kirk. 182. were pressed--were not pressed. 186. Silbard--Sibbald. 187. and for his other William--and for his other villany. 192. Lordes Maxwell flying--Lords Maxwell, Fleming. 195. Wilbock--Willock. 199. Meruses--Mernes. 200. hearie--Harie. 226. according to comely and common lawes--according to the civile and cannon lawes. 249. auow your graces hart--move your Graces heart. 280. Ancheddirdour--Auchterarder. 281. should be--should not be. 301. estates of our religion--estates of our realme. [8] See "Areopagitica; a Speech of Mr. JOHN MILTON for the Liberty of Unlicens'd Printing," addressed to the Parliament of England, London, 1644, 4to. In arguing against the abuses committed by licensers of the Press, he says, "Nay, which is more lamentable, if the work of any deceased Author, though never so famous in his lifetime, and even to this day, come to their hands for license to be printed or reprinted, if there be found in his book one sentence of a venturous edge, uttered in the height of zeal, (and who knows whether it might not be the dictate of a divine Spirit,) yet, not suiting with every low decrepit humour of their own, THOUGH IT WERE KNOX HIMSELF, THE REFORMER OF A KINGDOM, that spake it, they will not pardon him their dash: the sense of that great man shall to all posterity be lost for the fearfulness, or the presumptuous rashnesse of a prefunctory licenser. And to what an Author this violence hath bin lately done, and in what book of greatest consequence to be faithfully publisht, I could now instance, but shall forbear till a more convenient season."--(page 22.) [9] In following the MS. of 1566, I have discarded all contractions, and generally avoided the old form of using _u_ and _w_ for _v_, or _v_ for _u_; _i_ for _j_. In order to avoid distracting the attention of an ordinary reader, such words in the MS. as _hie_ for _he_, _on_ for _one_, _cane_ for _can_, _don_ for _done_, are printed in the usual form; but indeed the orthography of the MS. is very irregular, and might have justified much greater innovations. [10] This Preface is not contained in either of the editions by David Buchanan of the History printed in 1644. [11] In MS. G, "cloude." [12] In MS. I, "whairby idolatrie." [13] In MS. G, "eyis." [14] Ib. [15] In the MS. "trawalled." [16] That is, the year 1558. [17] Mary Queen of Scots arrived from France on the 19th of August 1561. [18] The author's original intention, as here stated, was, that the History should merely embrace the limited period from 1558 to 1561. That portion was probably revised and enlarged, to form Books Second and Third, when this introductory Book was added in 1566. [19] This phrase was not uncommon: see page 10. But MS. I. makes it, "some faythfull brethrene, concerning that which was thought." [20] That is, the Civil Policy. [21] In the MS. "wane." [22] This title occurs as a marginal note in the MS. [23] In the MS. it was originally written "mentioun of one N.," the words, "whais name is not expressed," being afterwards added on the margin. The letter N., it may be observed, was an abbreviation of _Non nemo_, i.e. _aliquis_, or Somebody, a mode adopted from the Canon Law, when the name of a person was not ascertained. [24] From the collation of David Buchanan's text, it will be seen that he has here inserted the words "One whose name was James Resby, an Englishman by birth, schollar to Wickliff: he was accused as a hereticke, by one Laurence Lindores," &c. Buchanan overlooks the circumstance that Resby suffered martyrdom at Perth, fifteen years before the person referred to by Knox. See Appendix, No. I., "Interpolations in Knox's History by David Buchanan."--In the Appendix, No. II., some notices will be given of Resby and other Lollards in Scotland, during the 15th century. [25] Bower, the continuator of Fordun, calls him Paul Crawar, and fixes the date of his execution on the 23d of July 1433. (See Appendix No. II.) [26] In MSS. G, A, &c., "a Bohemian." [27] In the MS. "wach." [28] Robert Blackader, on the 5th of June 1480, was styled Prebendary of Cardross, in the Cathedral Church of Glasgow, (Registrum Episcopatus Glasguenis, p. 443.) On the 23d of that month, he sat among the Lords of Council, as Bishop elect of Aberdeen, which seems to discredit the statement of Keith and other writers, of his having been consecrated at Rome by Pope Sixtus IV., upon the death of Bishop Spens. (Registrum Episcopatus Aberdonensis, Mr. Innes's Preface, page xlii. note.) Blackader, however, was much employed in public negotiations with England and other countries. He was translated to the See of Glasgow, previously to February 1484; and during his Episcopate, that See was erected into an Archbishopric. As stated in a following page, Blackader died on the 28th of July 1508. See page 12. [29] The shire of Ayr in former times was locally divided into the three districts of Carrick, Kyle, and Cunningham; and those districts are still retained, but without any political or judicial distinction. Kyle was the central district, between the rivers Doon and Irvine; and was subdivided into two sections, by the river Ayr, King's-Kyle lying on the south, and Kyle-Stewart on the north of the river.--(Chalmers's Caledonia, vol. iii. p. 446.) [30] In the MS., a blank space had been left for these names, which were apparently added at a somewhat later period.--The escape of John Campbell of Cesnock at this time is taken notice of by Alexander Alesius in his Letter to James Fifth, see Appendix No. II. [31] Mure of Polkellie, the title of _Lady_ being given by courtesy.--From a detailed genealogical account of the family of Chalmers of Gadgirth in Ayrshire, inserted in the Appendix to Nisbet's Heraldry, vol. i., we find that John Chalmers, in a charter dated 1491, was styled son and heir of Sir John Chalmers of Galdgirth; and that one of his daughters, Margaret, was married to George Campbell of Cesnock; and another, Helen, to Robert Mure of Polkellie. A third daughter is mentioned in the following note. [32] The baptismal name of Lady Stair is left blank in the MS., and Calderwood, who copied from Knox, inserted the letter N., to indicate this; while David Buchanan supplied the name of Isabella. On the supposition that Knox himself had so written it, Professor Forbes, in noticing the Lord President Stair's descent from one of the Lollards of Kyle, says, "The Historian hath mistaken the Lady's name; for, by writings in the Earl of Stair's hand, it appears she was called Marion Chalmers, daughter to Mr. John Chalmers of Gadgirth, whose good family was very steady in the matters of religion."--(Journal of Decisions, &c., p. 29, Edinb. 1714, folio.)--On the other hand, in the pedigree of the Gadgirth family, in Nisbet, William Dalrymple of Stair is said to have married Isabella Chalmers. [33] This "Register," and "the Scrollis" referred to in the former page, were probably the Court-books of the Official of Glasgow, an office usually held by one of the Canons of the diocese. But no registers of the kind are known to be preserved. [34] The additions to Articles 4, 8, 9, 19, and 31, included within a parenthesis, are evidently comments by Knox. [35] In MSS. G, A, &c., "bread." [36] That is, to judge in matters of divine worship. [37] Vautroullier's suppressed edition of the History commences, on sign. B., page 17, with those three words. The previous sheet, or 16 pages, containing the title and preface, had no doubt been set up, but the sheet may have been either delayed at press till the volume was completed, or all the copies carried off and destroyed when the book was prohibited. [38] In Vautr. edit., and MSS. G, A, &c., "doubtfully spoken." [39] In this place, the MS. has "Basqueming," and Vautroullier's edition makes it "Adam reade of blaspheming."--Adam Reid of Stair-White, or Barskyming, the representative of an ancient family in Ayrshire, probably accompanied James the Fourth, in his first voyage to the Western Isles, in July 1494. He obtained two charters, under the Great Seal, of the King's fortress of Ardcardane, and some lands near Tarbert, in North Kintyre, dated 15th September 1498, and 27th August 1499, in which he is designated "Adam Rede de Sterquhite." The service annexed to the first grant included the maintenance of six archers sufficiently provided with bows and arrows, upon occasion of the King's curbing the inhabitants of the Isles, who had long set the royal authority at defiance: "Neenon sustentando sex homines defensivos architenentes, cum arcubus et sagittis bene suffultos, ad serviendum Regi, et successoribus suis, in guerris si quas Reges in Insulis contra inhabitantes carundem habere contigerit, cum dictus Adam vel hæredes sui ad hoc requisitus fuerit." [40] For "shut up;" in Vautr. edit., and MSS. G, A, &c., "set up." [41] The erroneous date of 1500 occurs in the MS. and in all the subsequent copies; it is also repeated by Spotiswood. The actual time of his decease is thus recorded,--"Obitus Roberti Blacader primi Archiepiscopi Glasguensis, vigesimo octavo die Julij A.D. 1508."--(Regist. Episcop. Glasg., vol. ii. p. 616.) The place where Blackader died is not ascertained; but Bishop Lesley confirms Knox's statement, that he had set out on a pilgrimage to the Holy Land. "Scotia discedit, paucis post diebus, Episcopus Glasgoensis, Robertus Blacaderus pio studio illa loca (quæ Christi vestigiis trita, aliisque humilitatis, virtutisque monumentis illustrata erant) invisendi flagrans Hierosolymitana profectione suscepta; sed mortis impetu præclusa, ad coelites in itinere migravit."--(De Rebus Gestis, &c., p. 349, Romæ, 1578, 4to.) In his English History, Lesley mentions this more briefly, "About this time, [5th of July 1508,] the Bishop of Glasgow, quha wes passit to Jerusalem, or he com to the end of his journay, deceissit the xxix [28th] day of July. He was ane noble, wyse, and godlie man."--(Hist. p. 78, Edinb. 1830, 4to.) [42] The truth of this remark is very evident, as Beaton, along with his high civil and ecclesiastical appointments, held several great Church benefices. He was the youngest son of John Beaton of Balfour, and was educated at St. Andrew's. In 1487, the name "Ja. Betone" occurs among the _Intrantes_; in 1491, among the _Determinantes_; and in 1493, as a Licentiate, he took the degree of Master of Arts. In October 1497, Maister James Betoun was presented to the Chantry of Cathness, vacant by the decease of Mr. James Auchinleck.--(Bannatyne Miscellany, vol. ii. p. 162.) In 1503, he was Provost of the collegiate church of Bothwell, and Prior of Whithorn. In 1504, he was Abbot of Dunfermline, and a Lord of the Session. In the following year he succeeded his brother as Lord Treasurer. In 1508, he was raised to the See of Galloway; and within twelve months having been translated to Glasgow, as successor to Blackader, he resigned the office of Treasurer. In the Rolls of Parliament, 26th November 1513, the Archbishop of Glasgow appears as Chancellor of the kingdom; and he secured to himself the rich Abbacies of Arbroath and Kilwinning. On succeeding to the Primacy of S. Andrew's, in 1522, he resigned the commendatory of Arbroath in favour of his nephew David Beaton, with the reservation to himself of half its revenues during his life. In a letter to Cardinal Wolsey, Dr. Magnus the English Ambassador, on the 9th of January 1524-5, after referring to the Archbishop of St. Andrews, as "the gretteste man booth of landes and experience withyne this realme," speaks of Beaton as "nooted to be veraye subtill and dissymuling."--(State Papers, vol. iv. p. 286.) But with all his dignities and wealth, he experienced occasional reverses of fortune; and in 1526, upon a change in public affairs, he was deprived of the office of Lord Chancellor. He died in 1539. [43] On the 9th of September 1513. [44] In the preface to Lambert's "Exegeseos in sanctam diui Ioannis Apocalypsim, Libri vii." The passage will be given in the Appendix, No. III. [45] This reference to the well known "Actes and Monumentes" of John Foxe, the English Martyrologist, has more than once been pointed out as an anachronism. Thus, Spottiswood asserts, that Foxe's work "came not to light [till] some ten or twelve years after Mr. Knox his death," (p. 267,) and concludes, that "the History given forth in his name was not of his inditing." But Knox's phrase, "laitlie sett furth," is quite applicable to the first publication of Foxe's Martyrology; as there is no reason to doubt that Knox wrote this portion of his History in 1566, and it is certain that Foxe's "Actes and Monumentes," &c., printed at London by John Daye, was completed in the beginning of 1564, in large folio. In this edition there is an account of Patrick Hamilton, which (with some other notices) will be given verbatim in the Appendix, No. III. Foxe's Martyrology was again printed by Daye, "newly recognized by the author," in 1570, 2 vols. folio; a third time in 1576; and a fourth (being probably the earliest edition of which Spottiswood had any knowledge) in 1583. [46] Hamilton was merely titular Abbot of Ferne, and was not in holy orders. His predecessor, Andrew Stewart, was Bishop of Caithness, and Commendator of the two Abbeys of Kelso and Ferne. He died 17th June 1517; and the latter benefice was probably then conferred on Hamilton. Ferne is a parish in the eastern part of the shire of Ross. The Abbey was founded by Farquhard first Earl of Ross, in the reign of Alexander the Third. The Church, built or completed by William Earl of Ross, who died in 1371, was a handsome structure of about 120 feet in length, with chapels on the north and on the south sides. It continued to be used as the parish Church till Sunday the 10th of October 1742, when, during public service, the flagstone roof, and part of the side walls fell in, and killed 40 persons, besides others who died in consequence of the injuries they sustained.--(Scots Magazine, 1742, p. 485.) At a later period (1772), the centre part of the Church of Ferne, but reduced in its length, was repaired, with a new roof, and still serves as the parish Church. Unless for some ruined portions of the side chapels attached to the eastern end of the Church, which were suffered to remain, all marks of its venerable antiquity have now disappeared. [47] It was at Marburg, the capital of Upper Hesse, and not at Wittemberg, where Lambert was professor. [48] In the MS. "trawailled." The letters _w_ and _v_ are used indiscriminately by Knox's amanuensis. [49] This statement, we presume, is incorrect, as there is no evidence to show that James the Fifth visited the Shrine of St. Duthac at this time. Lesley speaks of the King dealing with Hamilton, which implies at least a knowledge of his accusation, "adhortante Rege ipso."--(De Rebus Gestis, &c., p. 427.) The chapel of St. Duthac, Bishop of Ross, now in ruins, is situated about half a mile to the north-east of the town of Tain. In the Appendix No. IV. will be given various extracts from the Treasurer's Accounts relating to the frequent pilgrimages which James the Fourth made to this Shrine, as illustrative of a superstitious custom of that period. [50] In the MS. "lief." [51] See page 19. [52] Gilbert Kennedy third Earl of Cassilis. He was probably only at St. Andrews for one session; as his name does not occur in the Registers of the University. In 1532, he was at Paris, pursuing his studies under George Buchanan, who dedicated to him his first edition of Linacre's Latin Grammar. Lord Cassilis was one of the prisoners taken at Solway Moss in 1542. As Knox afterwards mentions, he died at Dieppe in 1558. [53] The University of St. Andrews, founded by Bishop Wardlaw in the year 1410, was confirmed by Papal authority in 1413. Its endowments, however, continued to be very limited, until St. Salvator's College was erected and endowed in 1456 by James Kennedy, his successor in the See. At this time it received the name of the Old College, to distinguish it from that of St. Leonard's College, created in 1512, and St. Mary's, in 1537. [54] In Vautr. edit., and MSS. G, A, &c., "scorched." [55] Lindesay of Pitscottie, (_circa_ 1575,) in his detailed account of Hamilton's condemnation, after narrating the Martyr's last speeches, and his solemn appeal to Campbell, proceeds,--"Then they laid to the fire to him; but it would no ways burn nor kindle a long while. Then a baxtar, called Myrtoun, ran and brought his arms full of straw, and cast it in to kindle the fire: but there came such a blast of wind from the East forth of the sea, and raised the fire so vehemently, that it blew upon the Frier that accused him, that it dang him to the earth, and brunt all the fore part of his coul; and put him in such a fray, that he never came to his right spirits again, but wandered about the space of forty days, and then departed."--(Edit. 1728, p. 134; edit. 1776, p. 209.) Pitscottie gives the false date of September 1525. This writer indeed is often very inaccurate in names and dates; but his details were evidently derived from some contemporary authority. [56] Foxe, and other authorities, state that Campbell was Prior of the Dominican or Blackfriars Monastery, St. Andrews. [57] According to modern computation, the year 1528. [58] Foxe, in republishing his "Actes and Monumentes," among other additions, has the following paragraph:--"But to return to the matter of Master Hamelton; here is, moreover, to be observed, as a note worthy of memory, that in the year of our Lord 1564, in which year this present History was collected in Scotland, there were certain faithful men of credit then alive, who being present the same time when Master Patrick Hamelton was in the fire, heard him to cite and appeal the Black Friar called Campbell, that accused him, to appear before the high God, as general Judge of all men, to answer to the innocency of his death, and whether his accusation was just or not, between that and a certain day of the next month, which he then named. Moreover, by the same witness it is testified, that the said Friar had immediately before the said day come, without remorse of conscience, that he had persecuted the innocent; by the example whereof divers of the people, the same time much mused, and firmly believed the doctrine of the aforesaid Master Hamelton to be good and just."--(Third edit. p. 650, Lond. 1576, folio.) [59] In Vautr. edit. "true fruites;" in MSS. G, &c., "trow fruittis." [60] The above title, and Fryth's preface are not contained in Knox's MS., but are inserted from Foxe's Martyrology, p. 949, 3d edit., Lond. 1576. [61] This evidently refers to Archbishop Beaton; but he had previously been deprived of the Chancellorship: see note, page 13. [62] Hamilton's treatise was probably printed as an academical dissertation, whilst he was at Marburg, in 1526. It in uncertain whether Fryth's translation was published during his own life. There are at least three early editions, with this title, "Dyvers frutefull gatherynges of Scripture: And declaryng of fayth and workes." One was printed at London by Thomas Godfray, and two others by William Copland, each of them without a date, but probably before 1540.--(Dibdin's Typogr. Antiq., vol. iii. pp. 71, 161, 162.) In 1562-3, Michael Lobley, a printer in St. Paul's Churchyard, had license to print "The Sermonde in the Wall, thereunto annexed, The Common Place of Patryk Hamylton."--(ib., p. 540.) Foxe's copy of this Treatise differs from the present in a number of minute particulars, which would occupy too much space to point out. [63] John Fryth, as the reward of his zeal in the cause of religion, was confined to the Tower, in 1532, and was brought to the stake, at Smithfield, on the 4th of July 1533.--(See the Rev. Chr. Anderson's Annals of the English Bible, vol. i. pp. 339-377.) [64] This title, with the numbers of the Propositions, and the words included within brackets, are supplied from Foxe. Also a few trifling corrections in the orthography. [65] These Propositions are put in a syllogistic form; but the terms _Major_, _Minor_, and _Conclusion_, marked on the margin of Foxe's copy, except in one or two instances at the beginning, are not contained in Knox's MS. Such as are marked, being incorrectly given by his transcriber, as well as in Vautr. edit., are here omitted. [66] In Vautr. edit. and MSS. E, A, and I, is this marginal note--"This is to be understood of circumstance of worldlie men, and not of them of God; for the neirer that men draw to God, we ar bound the more to love them." Also a similar note to page 24, Prop. IV., "Christ is the ende and fulfillinge of the lawe to everie one that beleveth." [67] Foxe has given this sentence more correctly:--"Now, seying he hath payed thy dette, thou needest, neither canst thou pay it, but shouldest bee damned, if hys bloud were not." [68] In republishing his "Actes and Monumentes," Foxe, along with Fryth's translation of "Patrick Hamilton's Places," has subjoined "Certaine brief Notes or Declarations upon the foresayd Places of M. Patrike." He says, "This little treatise of M. Patrike's Places, albeit in quantitie it be but short, yet in effect it comprehendeth matter able to fill large volumes, declaryng to us the true doctrine of the Law, of the Gospell, of Fayth, and of Workes, with the nature and properties, and also the difference of the same." But Foxe's Notes are too long to be here inserted, and they have several times been reprinted. [69] Gawin Logye, under whom so many of the early Reformers had prosecuted their studies, was educated at St. Andrews, and took his degree of Master of Arts in 1512. In 1518, "Gavinus Logye" was "Regens Coll. Sancti Leonardi de novo fundati." In the "Acta Fac. Art.," his name occurs as Principal of that College in 1523. Calderwood says, that in the year 1533, Logye "was forced to flee out of the countrie," (vol. i. p. 104.) This date is certainly erroneous. At the election of Martin Balfour, as Dean of Faculty, "Mag^r. Gavinus Logye," Principal of St. Leonard's College, was appointed one of his assessors, on the 3d of November 1534. He probably fled before the close of the year 1535; but of his subsequent history no particulars have been discovered. Logye's immediate successor was "Dominus Thomas Cunnynghame," whose name first occurs as Principal Regent, on the 3d of November 1537. [70] In MS. G, "novittis;" in other MSS., and in Vautr. edit., "novices." [71] Probably John Wynrame, see note 395. [72] In Vautr. edit., "William Archbishop," and also in MSS. A, I, and W. In MS. E, "William Arth." In MS. G, "William Arithe." [73] John Hepburn, Bishop of Brechin, was descended of the Hepburns of Bothwell. He held this See from 1517, for upwards of forty years, till his death in August 1558.--(Keith's Catal.) [74] Best known by his Latin name Major. He was a native of Haddington, and spent many years on the Continent, where he acquired great reputation by his numerous works, and became a Doctor of the Sorbonne. After his return to Scotland, he was for a short time (1518-1522) Principal Regent in the College of Glasgow, where Knox himself was his pupil. He was at this time Vicar of Dunlop; and Treasurer of the Chapel Royal at Stirling. In 1533, he was incorporated in the University of St. Andrews; and became Provost of St. Salvator's College; an office which he held till his death in 1550. See M'Crie's Life of Knox, vol. i. pp. 7, 339; and Irving's Life of Buchanan, pp. 8, 373. [75] George Lockhart, Provost of the Collegiate Church of Crichton, in Mid-Lothian, was Rector of the University of St. Andrews, from 1521 to 1525. He was the author of more than one work, printed at Paris, on Dialectic Philosophy. He afterwards was Dean of Glasgow, where he died on the 22d of June 1547.--(Obituary in the Registrum Episcopatus Glasguensis, vol. ii. p. 614.) [76] The Abbot of Cambuskenneth, Alexander Myln, was appointed first President of the College of Justice in 1532. In 1494, Alexander Myl, was a Determinant at St. Andrews. In 1515, he was Official of Dunkeld, and in that year he wrote a Latin work, Lives of the Bishops of Dunkeld, first printed in 1823, for the Bannatyne Club. In Brunton and Haig's Historical Account of the Senators, a very accurate notice is given of his several preferments in the Church. Myln, who died about the close of the year 1548, is acknowledged to have been a man of great accomplishments, and to have displayed a most commendable zeal for religion and learning. [77] In the year 1522, on the death of his Uncle, John Hepburn, Prior of the Metropolitan Church of St. Andrews, Patrick Hepburn succeeded; and held the Priorate till 1535, when advanced to the See of Moray. See note 82. [78] The Scotish Parliament passed an Act on the subject, on the 12th of June 1535, in which the cause of this disregard of the censures of the Church is mainly attributed to "the dampnable persuasions of heretikis, and thair perversit doctrine," which, it is added, "gevis occasioun to lichtly (or despise) the process of cursing, and uther censures of Haly Kirk."--(Acta Parl. vol. ii. p. 342; Keith's Hist., vol. i. p. 28.) There is a singular production by one of the early Scotish Poets, a priest named Sir John Rowll, called his Cursing, which exemplifies the abuses to which this process was perverted. It was written between 1492 and 1502, and is directed chiefly against the stealers, among other articles, Of fyve fat geiss of Sir Johne Rowllis, With caponis, hennis, and uther fowlis; but it also contains a general invective against persons who defraud the clergy of their tythes or dues. The following entries in the Treasurer's Books, shew that ecclesiastical persons were not exempted from such censures:-- "Item, the thrid day of November [1533], to Sir Johne Smyth, notare, to pass to execut the Process upon the Abbot of Melross, and Prioress of Eccles, for non payment of thair taxt,. xl. s. "Item, the first day of Junij [1534], to ane cheplane to pass to Curss the Prioress of North Berwick and Eccles, for non payment of thair taxtis,. xx. s." [79] In MS. A, &c., "canon law." [80] In MS. G, "Kirkmen."--The Church of Rome, however, always performed the ceremony of depriving a Priest of his holy orders, before being handed over to the secular authorities for punishment; "because (in the words of a modern writer) she was too watchful over the immunities of the privileged order of Priests, to deliver them up to temporal jurisdiction, till stripped of the sacerdotal character, and _degraded_ to the situation of laymen." (Dowling's History of Romanism, p. 551, New York, 1845, 8vo.) [81] The Abbot of Unreason in Scotland, was a similar character to the Lord of Misrule in England. "This pageant potentate," as Stowe calls him, "was annually elected, and his rule extended through the greater part of the holydays conected with the festival days of Christmas." But these "fine and subtle disguisings, masks, and mummeries," too often degenerated into abuse, as indeed was to be expected, when such pastimes had for their object to turn all lawful authority into ridicule, and more particularly to burlesque the services of the Church. On such occasions, "the rude vulgar occupied the Churches, profaned the holy places by a mock imitation of the sacred rites, and sung indecent parodies of the hymns of the Church;" and the lively representation of a scene of this kind is familiar to most readers, in a well known work of fiction, "The Abbot." Part of Sir Walter Scott's comment on his own description may be here quoted:--"The indifference of the clergy, even when their power was greatest, to the indecent exhibitions, which they always tolerated, and sometimes encouraged, forms a strong contrast to the sensitiveness with which they regarded any serious attempt, by preaching or writing, to impeach any of the doctrines of the Church."--(Waverley Novels.) [82] Patrick Hepburn, son to Patrick first Earl of Bothwell, was educated at St. Andrews, under his uncle, John Hepburn, Prior of St. Andrews, whom he succeeded in 1522. He was Secretary from 1524 to 1527. In 1535, he was advanced to the See of Moray, and was likewise Commendator of Scone. He retained his bishopric after the Reformation; and died at his Palace and Castle of Spynic on the 20th of June 1573. [83] Knox has been blamed for recording this "merry bourd" or jest; but Bishop Hepburn had rendered himself notorious by his profligacy. This indeed appears on the face of the public records. Under the Great Seal there passed the following letters of Legitimation;--(1.) "Johanni et Patricio Hepburn, bastardis filiis naturalibus Patricii Prioris Sancti Andreæ." 18 Dec. 1533.--Also, (2.) "Legitimatio Adami, Patricii, Georgii, Johannis, et Patricii Hepburn, bastardorum filiorum naturalium Patricii Episcopi Moraviensis." 4 Oct. 1545. And, (3.) "Legitimatio Jonetæ et Agnetis Hepburn, bastardarum filiorum naturalium Patricii Moraviensis Episcopi." 14 Maij 1550. Here are no less than nine illegitimate children, evidently by different mothers. (4.) Agnes Hepburn, another daughter of the late Patrick Bishop of Murray, was also legitimated on 8th Feb. 1587. [84] In MS. G, "he was imprisonit." [85] According to Spotiswood, (Hist. p. 65,) these words were spoken at the time when Henry Forrest was to be burnt for heresy. See note 113. [86] In Vautr. edit., "Dungwaill." In MS. G, "Dungwell."--Sir John Dingwall was a priest, and evidently a person of some note. On the 18th of August 1516, his name occurs in the Treasurer's Accounts, when 3s. 8d. was paid to "ane child to bring the auld (Service?) bookis out of Edinburgh fra Sir Johne Dingwall to Dundie." John Dingwall, Archdeacon of Caithness, was one of the Auditors who signs the Treasurer's Accounts, in October 1516. In two charters under the Great Seal, 15th September, and 19th November 1524, he is designed Archdeacon of Caithness, and Rector of Strabrok, in Linlithgowshire. In another charter, 7th April 1529, he is styled "Dominus Johannes Dingwall Præpositus Ecclesim Collegiatæ Sanctre Trinitatis prope Burgum de Edinburgh." Having been nominated one of the Spiritual Lords at the Institution of the College of Justice, on the 27th of May 1532, at the first meeting of the Court, he took his seat under the title of Provost of Trinity College. But he did not long enjoy his judicial office, as he died before the 9th of July 1533.--(Brunton and Haig's Senators of the College of Justice, p. 11.) Buchanan wrote an epigram on Dingwall, founded upon some verses of Sir Adam Otterburn of Redhall, King's Advocate, ("argumento sumpto ex Adami Otterburni Equitis clarissimi hexametris,") from which it may be inferred that Dingwall's father had been a priest, and left him no patrimony; that he himself had acquired great wealth, accompanied with pride and luxury, whilst employed at the Court of Rome; and that a monument had been erected to his memory, containing his titles in high sounding terms. [87] In MS. G, "Kirkmen." See some notes on the use of the title "Sir," as applied to priests, in Appendix, No. IV. [88] In MS. G, "delaittit." [89] Some notice of Oliphant will be given in a subsequent page. [90] Gawin Dunbar was the son of Sir Alexander Dunbar of Westfield, and Dame Elizabeth Sutherland; (see note to Poems of William Dunbar, vol. ii. p. 433, Edinb. 1832, 2 vols. 8vo.) and not son of Sir James Dunbar of Cumnock, as Keith states. He had been a student at St. Audrews, where he took his Master's degree in 1475. On the 7th of October 1488, his name occurs as Dean of his native diocese of Moray. He also held the office of Clerk-Register from 1500 to 1513. In 1503, Dunbar received a presentation to the Archdeaconry of St. Andrews. (Regist. Secr. Sigil.) On the death of Bishop Gordon, 30th June 1518, being promoted to the See of Aberdeen, he resigned his Archdeaconry. He died at a very advanced age on the 9th or 10th of March 1531-2.--(Preface by the Editor, Mr. Cosmo Innes, to the Registrum Episcopatus Aberdonensis, p. lv.) [91] In Vautr. edit. and MS. A, &c., "Andro Balsone." He was probably related to Martin Balfour, "Official Principal" of St. Andrews, Rector of Dunyno, and a Canon of St. Salvator's Church, St. Andrews. The name of Andrew Balfour occurs among the licentiates of St. Leonard's College in 1524; but we cannot say whether or not he was the person who is here mentioned. [92] In MS. "hell." [93] Richard Carmichael, _yet living in Fife_; that is, in the year 1566; but these words are literally copied by Dr. Patrick Anderson in his MS. History of Scotland, (vol. i. p. 187.) This seems sufficiently absurd in a work which was written as late as 1636, or nearly 100 years subsequent to Carmichael's accusation. "Ane letter maid to Richard Carmichaell, remittand to him his eschete gudis pertenying to our Soverane, throw being of the said Richard abjurit of heresy," &c., was passed under the Privy Seal, on the 25th of March 1539. [94] Clapperton was only Sub-Dean of the Chapel Royal of Stirling. The Deanery, which was first conjoined with the Provostry of Kirkheugh, St. Andrews, was afterwards annexed to the Bishopric of Galloway. Henry Weemys, Bishop of Galloway, was accordingly Dean of the Chapel Royal, during his incumbency, from 1526 to 1541.--In MS. G, Clapperton is erroneonsly called Sir John.--From the Treasurer's Accounts we learn, that Schir George Clappertoun was "Maister Elimosinar to the Kingis Grace," during the latter years of James the Fifth (1538 to 1542.) "Dominus Georgius Clappertoun," on the 28th of July 1540, obtained a presentation to the Provostship of Trinity College near Edinburgh.--(Reg. Mag. Sig., vol. xiv.) He sat in the Provincial Council at Edinburgh in 1549 under this title.--(Wilkins, Concilia, vol. iv. p. 46, where his name is erroneously given as George Cryghton.) He probably resigned this office on being appointed Sub-Dean of the Chapel Royal. After the Reformation, he still retained the designation of Sub-Dean, and received his two-thirds of the benefice, although John Duncanson was Minister. Sir George Clapperton, Sub-Dean of the Chapel Royal of Stirling, and Vicar of Kirkinner, granted a life-rent of the teinds of Kirkinner, 14th September 1562. (Analecta Scotica, vol. i. p. 2.) "Sir George Clappertoun, Sub Dene of the Kingis Majesties Chapell Royall of Striveling, deceissit in the moneth of Apryle 1574." In his testament, written at Striviling in his "awin dwelling house," on the 5th of that month, as he nominates Mr. Robert Pont, Provost of Trinity College, to act as oversman, and one of his assignees, we may infer, that Clapperton had embraced the reformed doctrines.--(Reg. of Confirmed Testaments, 21st Sept. 1574.) [95] In MS. G, "Seytoun." [96] In Vautr. edit. and MSS. G, A, &c., "a whole Lent." [97] In MS. G, "Lent." [98] In Vautr. edit. and MS. G, "condemned the holie doctrine." [99] In Vautr. edit. and MS. A, &c., "the whole Lent past." In MS. G, "whatsoever he had taught in all his sermons before, the hole Lent-tyde preceiding." [100] James Beaton, Archbishop of St. Andrews. [101] In Vautr. edit. and MSS. G, A, &c., "ye may heir." [102] In Vautr. edit. "skoffe." [103] In MS. G, the words "and more easely beleved," are omitted. In Vautr. edit. and MS. A, &c., the passage reads, "This accusation was easely beleeved of," &c. [104] In the habit of the Dominican Order to which he belonged. [105] The exact time of Seaton's flight from Scotland, and the date of his Letter to the King, have not been ascertained. The probable date is 1535 or 1536. Some particulars of his history will be given in the Appendix, No. VII. [106] In MS. G, "thy Grace's." [107] In MS. G, "thy Grace's." [108] In MS. G, "bairdit mulls;" in Vautr. edit, and MS. L 2, "barbed mules;" MS. I, has "barbed mooles;" MSS. A, W, and E, "bardit" or "barded mules"--the meaning of the phrase is, mules with trappings, or richly caparisoned. [109] In MS. G, "conceat." [110] The custom of choosing the King of the Bean on the Vigil of the Epiphany (5th of January), was not peculiar to this country. The payments in the Treasurer's Accounts show, that a "Queen of the Bene" was frequently chosen. For the custom itself, see Strutt's Sports and Pastimes; Brand's Popular Antiquities, by Sir Henry Ellis; and Jamieson's Dictionary, _v._ Bane. Sir Thomas Urquhart of Cromarty, amongst other remarks, says, the Presbyterians made use of Kings "as we do of card-kings, in playing at the hundred," &c., "or, as the French on the Epiphany-day use their _Roy de la febre_, or King of the Bean; whom, after they have, honoured with drinking of his health, and shouting aloud _Le Roy boit, le Roy boit_, they make pay for all the reckoning; not leaving him sometimes one peny, rather then that the exorbitancie of their debosh should not be satisfied to the full."--(Most Exquisite Jewell, Lond. 1652, p. 238.) [111] In MS. L 2, after the words, "of many read," there is added, "for every gentleman at Court was curious to gett the coppie of the same, as was thocht weill of by the most part; but what," &c. On the other hand, the transcriber of that MS., in the next paragraph, omits two or three passages, concerning "the bloodie beasts," and "bands," in referring to the persecutions at this time, by "Beaton and his Doctors." [112] In MS. G, "greitlie." [113] The time of Forresse, or Forrest's imprisonment and martyrdom has not been well ascertained; and Knox's subsequent remark, "after whose death, the flame of persecution ceased, till the death of Norman Gourlay, the space of ten years or neirby," is not intelligible, according to the dates usually assigned. Foxe gives no precise date, but says, that _within few years after_ Hamilton's martyrdom, "ane Henry Forrest, a young man born in Linlithgow, who a little before had received the orders of Benet and Collet, &c., suffered death at the North Church stile of the Abbey Church of St. Andrews," (edit. 1576, p. 955.)--Caldorwood has copied from Foxe, and supposes it might have been in 1529, or the year following. (Hist, vol. i. p. 97.) Keith conjectures it was about 1533. (Hist, vol. i. p. 15;) and M'Crie, in 1530. (Life of Knox, vol. i. p. 354.)--As Knox speaks of Forresse's "long imprisonment," we may conjecture it was in 1532. From the Treasurer's Accounts, 17th of May 1532, we find that some persons were then under accusation of heresy, letters having been sent on that day "to the Bishop of St. Andrews, to advertize him of the changing of the dirt of the accusation of the Lutherans."--Forrest was a Benedictine Monk; and from mention of the town where he was born, we may conjecture he was the son of "Thomas Forrest of Linlithgow," to whom various sums were paid by the Treasurer "to the bigging of the dyke about the Paliss of Linlithgow," between April and July 1505. [114] Vautr. edit, and all the later MSS. have erroneously "the _said_ tower." The Castle of St. Andrews, originally built in the year 1200, by Bishop Roger, as an Episcopal residence, stands close to the sea-shore, and one of the towers projecting into the sea, no doubt obtained for it this name. "A _nuik_ in the bottom of the Sea tower, a place where many of God's children had been imprisoned before," is again mentioned by Knox in 1547. [115] See note 113 above: all the MSS. read "ten years." [116] The events here mentioned were all connected with the sway of the Douglasses in the minority of James the Fifth. The first was the attempt by Sir Walter Scott of Buccleuch, at the head of 1000 horse, at Melrose, to rescue the King from the Earl of Angus, on the 25th of January 1526. The second was an equally unsuccessful attempt, for the same end, by the Earl of Lennox, at Kirkliston, on the 4th of September that year, where Lennox was cruelly slain by Sir James Hamilton of Finnart. But the King at length made his escape from Falkland in July 1528, (or, as Mr. Tytler conjectures, on the 22d or 23d of May.) On the 5th of September that year, an act of forfeiture was passed against Archibald Earl of Angus, his uncle, and his brother Sir George Douglas. They had retired to England, and continued in exile till the death of James in 1542. [117] Wyncester, that is Stephen Gardyner, Bishop of Winchester. He became Lord Chancellor of England in the reign of Mary, and died in November 1555. See Lord Campbell's Lives of the Chancellors, vol. ii. pp. 40-71. [118] Both Foxe and Calderwood have preserved a detailed account of Seaton's accusation in 1541, in which year his "Declaration made at Poules Crosse," was printed at London. A notice of this rare tract, and some further particulars of his history will be added in the Appendix, No. VII. [119] "Duch land," _Deutschland_--means Germany, not Holland. [120] See Appendix, No. VI.--Protestant Exiles from Scotland. [121] In MS. G, "providence." [122] Steidis, _Stadts_--probably one of the States in North Holland. Calderwood has strangely confounded Macdowall and Macchabeus, as one person. Macdowall's Christian name is not given by any of our writers; but there is, I think, little doubt that he was James Mackdowell, one of the Determinants in St. Leonard's College, St. Andrews, in the year 1515. [123] Alexander Alesius, or Alesse, was a native of Edinburgh, born in 1500, and educated at St. Andrews. Calderwood, Bayle, the Biographia Britannica, Dr. M'Crie, and, in particular, the Rev. Christopher Anderson, (Annals of the English Bible, vol. ii. pp. 427-468,) have given detailed accounts of his subsequent life and writings. He was imprisoned, and narrowly escaped the persecuting violence of his Superior, Patrick Hepburn, Prior of St. Andrews, in the year 1529. Alesse has the merit of being among the first who contended for the translation of the Scriptures into the vernacular tongue. He died at Leipzig on the 17th of March 1565. [124] John Fyfe prosecuted his studies in St. Leonard's College, St. Andrews, under Gawin Logye. His name occurs as a Determinant, in 1522, and a Licentiate in 1524. Dr. M'Crie says, that Fyfe having fled from St. Andrews, accompanied Alesse to Germany, and shared in his honours at Leipzig.--(Life of Knox, vol. i. p. 371.) He is said to have returned to Scotland, and died in St. Leonard's, about the beginning of the Reformation, or soon after.--(Calderwood's Hist. vol. i. p. 96.) He seems however to have been a Professor at Frankfort. See Appendix, No. VI. [125] Dr. M'Crie has brought together a number of particulars respecting Dr. John Macchabeus.--(Life of Knox, vol. i. p. 372.) Some additional notices will be given in the Appendix, No. VI. But it may here be noticed, in connexion with the following footnote, that Macchabeus was brought from Wittemburg to Copenhagen, in the year 1542; that he was one of the translators of the Bible into Danish, first printed at Kiobenhaffn, in 1550, folio; and that he died on the 5th of December 1557. [126] In Vautr. edit., and MSS. G, W, &c., "Cawpmanhowen;" in MS. G, "Capmanhoven." This name joined with the words "and famous men," might suggest that an individual was meant. It is however Copenhagen, (in Danish, Kiobenhaven, _i.e._ the Merchant's haven,) the city in which Macchabeus attained great distinction. Sir David Lyndesay of the Mount, in his official character as Lyon-King at Arms, visited Denmark in 1550; and his acquaintance with Macchabeus might have led to the first publication of his Dialog, or Four Books of the Monarchie, under a fictitious designation, although actually printed by John Scot, either at St. Andrews or Edinburgh in 1554: it bears on the title, "Imprintit at the command and expensis of DOCTOR MACHABEVS in Capmanhovin." There is a later edition, apparently in 1558 and 1559, with a similar imprint, but the name is rendered "Nachabeus." [127] The 26th of August 1534, is the date assigned for the trial, "befoir the Bishop of Ross, be ane commission of the Bischope of Sanctandrois," of Kirk and others. (Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 18.) Of these persons, Calderwood informs us, that Sir William Kirk, as his name denotes, was a priest; but "whether he compeared and abjured, or fled, we can find no certaintie;" that Adam Dayes, or Dease, was "a ship-wright that dwelt on the north side of the bridge of Leith;" that Henry Cairnes, "skipper in Leith, fled out of the countrie to the Easter seas;" and that "John Stewart, indweller in Leith, died in exile." (Hist. vol. i. p. 108.)--"Henricus Cairnys, incola de Leith," was denounced as a fugitive, and condemned for heresy, in 1538-9; and on the 8th of April 1539, the names of seven sons and five daughters of Henry Carnis in Leith, are specified in a letter under the Privy Seal, granting them the escheat of the various goods and property which belonged to their father.--(M'Crie's Life of Knox, vol. i. pp. 358-366.) [128] In Vautr. edit., MS. A. &c., is added, "our advocate."--Johnstone studied at St. Andrews, and his name appears among the Determinants, in St. Leonard's College, in 1525. Mr. William Johnstone was the last of nine Advocates who were admitted at the insitution of the Court of Session, 27th May 1532. The time when he fled appears to have been two years later. But after the death of James V, he returned to Scotland, probably with the Governor, and apostatized from the Reformed faith. This we learn from a letter, written to the Pope, in the Queen's name, which states, "that the bearer, Mr. William Johnstone, a layman, had ten years previously imbibed the new doctrines; that after much distress of mind, he earnestly longed to be reunited to the mystical body of Christ, but no opportunity had hitherto presented itself. Wherefore James Earl of Arran, Governor of our kingdom, supplicates that his Holiness the Pope might receive the said William into the bosom of the Church." This letter is dated the 18th of April 1544.--(Epistolæ Regum Scotorum, vol. ii. p. 200.) [129] Henryson, or Henderson, appears in the list of Licentiates in St. Salvator's College, St. Andrews, in 1524. He had previously been employed as an assistant to Mr. David Vocat, principal Master and Tutour of the Grammar School of the burgh of Edinburgh, who having chosen "his kind freend and discipill, Master Henry Henrison, to be con-master;" this nomination was approved of by George Bishop of Dunkeld and Abbot of Holyroodhouse; and (apparently on the death of Vocat,) it was further confirmed by a royal charter, dated 21st of March 1529, enjoyning that "the said Master Henry Henrysoun be at hie solempne festivale tymes with ws, the said Abbot and our successouris, at Hie Mass and Ewin sang, with his surples upoun him, to do ws service the time that we sall doe devyne service within our said Abbey, as efferis." (Reg. Mag. Sigilli, lib. xxiii. No. 157.--See M'Crie's Life of Melville, vol. ii. p. 479,) Calderwood, in mentioning that Henryson had fled, and been condemned as a heretic, adds, that he died in England.--(Hist. vol. i. p. 108.) The escheat of his goods was granted to James Bannatyne, according to an entry in the Treasurer's Accounts, 1539, 1540, "Compositio bonorum eschætorum Magistri Henrici Henderson convict. de crimine heresieos, _ab antiquo concess_. Jacobo Bannatyne," &c. (M'Crie's Life of Knox, vol. i. p. 359.) [130] To burn one's bill, was a sign of recantation. "The form of burning one's bill, (says Keith,) or recanting, was this--The person accused was to bring a faggot of dry sticks and burn it publicly, by which ceremony he signified that he destroyed that which should have been the instrument of his death." (Hist. vol. i. p. 15.) [131] David Stratoun is described by Calderwood and other writers, as a brother of the Laird of Lauriston. (See note to next page.) On the 10th of March 1538-9, for the sum of £20, the composition of a tenement in Dundee, falling to the King, "per decessum Davidis Straitoun in Quhitstoun, justificati ad mortem pro certis criminibus heresieos," was granted to David Gardyne and Mariote Erskyn. Pitscottie erroneously places the execution of Stratoun and Gourlay under the year 1530. Their trial took place in Holyroodhouse, in the King's presence; James Hay, Bishop of Ross, (from 1525 to 1538,) acting as Commissioner for Archbishop Beaton.--(See Foxe's Martyrs; Cald. Hist. vol. i. p. 106; Keith's Hist. vol. i., p. 16.) [132] Norman Gourlay was in priest's orders, and had been a student at St. Andrews. His name occurs in the list of Determinants, in 1513, and of Licentiates, in 1515. [133] These words are added in the margin of the MS., probably in Knox's own hand. [134] See note 77.--The Rev. C. Anderson shows, from Foxe, that it was the Vicar of Ecclesgreig, and not Prior Hepburn, with whom Stratoun had a dispute about tythes. (Annals, vol. ii. p. 470.) [135] From the Register of the Great Seal, it is evident that the Stratouns of Stratoun and the Stratouns of Lauriston in Kincardineshire, were one and the same family. Thus we find that charters were granted to (1.) Alexander Stratoun de eodem, and Agnes Ogilvy his spouse, in 1507; and to Alexander Stratoun de Lauranstoun, (of the barony of Stratoun,) in 1509. (2.) Andrew Stratoun de eodem, and Isobel Lindsay his spouse, in 1541. (3.) George Stratoun, son and heir of Andrew Stratoun de eodem, in 1539; and George Stratoun de Lauriston, in 1547. (The last will of George Stratoun of that ilk, is recorded 5th April 1576, in the Register of Confirmed Testaments.) (4.) Alexander Stratoun, son and heir of George Stratoun de eodem, in 1553. This Alexander Stratoun de eodem was served heir of George Stratoun de eodem, his father, 3d June 1580. David Stratoun, who suffered martyrdom, was probably a younger son of the first Alexander Stratoun above mentioned. [136] In MS. G, "cast himself." [137] The Rood or cross of Greenside. The actual site of the gibbet, where criminals were executed, is somewhat doubtful; (Maitland's Edinburgh, p. 215;) but it was near the road leading from the Calton towards Leith. James the Second, in 1456, had granted a piece, on the eastern side of this road, in the place which still retains the name of the Greenside, for holding public sports and tournaments. [138] In MS. G, "Church." [139] Among the persons who fled at this time to England, was James Hamilton, Sheriff of Linlithgow, and brother of Patrick Hamilton; also his sister Katherine. In August 1535, Cranmer introduces him to Crumwell as a gentleman who had left his country for no cause, but "that he favoured the truth of God's word;" and on the 24th of April 1536, he sent to Crumwell a copy of the sentence given against him by the Bishops at Holyrood, praying that Henry would write to his nephew on his behalf. See the Rev. Chr. Anderson's Annals of the English Bible, vol. ii. pp. 471, 472. Hamilton obtained permission to return in 1540. [140] The exact dates of the several persons accused of heresy, or who suffered martyrdom in Scotland during the reign of James the Fifth, in many instances cannot be ascertained; but it is evident that while many persons were accused between 1534 and 1537, the flames of persecution were rekindled with greater fury, at the time that David Beaton became Coadjutor of St. Andrews, and was raised to the dignity of a Cardinal, at the close of the year 1538. [141] Knox has here mistaken the time when Sir John Borthwick, being accused, but having made his escape to England, was burned in effigy. The date was the 28th of May 1540, or two days after the baptism of Prince James. See Appendix, No. VIII. [142] Mary of Lorraine, daughter of the Duke of Guyse, and widow of the Duke of Longueville, became James the Fifth's second Queen. On her arrival from France, she landed at Balcomie, near Crail, in Fife, on the 14th of June 1538. She was conveyed to St. Andrews with great pomp; and Pitscottie has furnished an interesting account of the pageants, &c., represented on that festive occasion. See also Lyon's Hist, of St. Andrews, vol. i. p. 273. [143] In Vautr. edit., "Killor." Unfortunately his play, which probably was represented in 1535 or 1536, has not been preserved. Neither has any information respecting Friar Kyllour himself been discovered. [144] The property of persons convicted of heresy and other penal crimes, became escheated to the Crown; and the escheat was usually bestowed by a special grant from the King under the Privy Seal, upon payment of a composition to the High Treasurer. On the 1st of March 1538-9, such a grant was made to James Menteith, "of all gudis quhilkis pertenit to uniquhile Sir Duncane Symsoun, Chaplane, and pertenyis to our Soverane Lord be reason of eschete, through justifying of the said Sir Duncane to the deid for certane crymes of heresy imput to him."--(M'Crie's Knox, vol. i. p. 363.) [145] In Vautr. edit. and the later MSS. "Forrester." Robert Forrester was "brother to Thomas Forrestare of Arngibbonne." Along with "William Forrestare, son to John Forrestare, burgess of Stirling," and three other persons, he found surety to underly the law, on the ground of "haifing and using of sic bukis as ar suspect of heresy," &c. 10th January 1538-9.--(Pitcairn's Criminal Trials, vol. i. p. 216.) It appears from Knox and other authorities, that he was condemned, and suffered on the 1st of March that year; and after their death, the goods of Robert Forrester, and of William Forrester, were confiscated 23d March 1538-9. [146] Of Thomas Forret, Canon-regular in the Monastery of St. Colm's Inch, and Vicar of Dollar, who finished his education at Cologne, an interesting account is preserved in Foxe's Martyrs, and has been copied into "The Scots Worthies." His father is said to have been Master of the King's Stables, in the reign of James the Fourth. In the Treasurer's Accounts, in February 1501, we find the name of Thomas Forret, as one of the persons at Court to whom dresses were furnished at the King's expense. In like manner,-- "1507, July 9. Item, to Thome Foret, in bredil-silver of ane hors send furth of Sanct Johnstoun to the King, ix s. "1512, July 10. Item, to Thome Foret, to pas to Fast Castle, to see the Inglis schippis, xiiij s." [147] In MS. G, is added, "Upoun the Castell Hill." [148] That is 1538-9, the year then being reckoned to commence on the 25th of March. But the actual date of their martyrdom, instead of the last day of February, seems to have been the 1st of March, according to an incidental notice in the Household Books of James the Fifth; as, in order to render the example more striking, the King himself was present:-- "1 Mar. 1539. Accusatio Hæreticorum et eorum Combustio, apud Edinburgh, REGE PRESENTE."--(Archæologia, vol. xxii. p. 7.) The next day the King returned to Linlithgow. A corresponding notice is furnished by the Treasurer's Accounts, 1st of March 1539. "Item, deliverit to Archibald Heriot messinger, to pas and search their goods who were abjured and declared heretics in Edinburgh and Stirling, xij s." [149] That is, the Cardinal Beaton; Gawin Dunbar, Archbishop of Glasgow and Lord Chancellor; and George Crichton, Bishop of Dunkeld. [150] In a letter from Sir Thomas Wharton, at Carlisle, 7th November 1538, to Lord Crumwell, it is said, "There was at Dumfreis laitlie one Frere Jerom, callid a well lernid man, taken by the Lorde Maxvell upon commandment from the Bishopis, and lyith in sore yerons, like to suffre for the Inglish menes opynyons, as thai saie, anenpst the lawis of Gode. Hit passeth abrode daylie, thankes be to God, there, all that same notwithstandinge."--(State Papers, vol. v. p. 141.) [151] Petrie the Church Historian, says, "The summer following (1539,) Jerome Russell, a Gray friar, and Thomas Kennedy, a young man of Aire, not above 18 years of age, were at Glascow, accused of heresy."--(Hist. p. 179.) Whether he had any authority for calling him Thomas, can only be conjectured. Calderwood names him N. Kennedy; hence he has been called Ninian; but see note 23. [152] Of Mr. John Lauder mention will afterwards be made, in connexion with Knox's account of George Wishart's trial. [153] Oliphant was educated at St. Andrews, his name occurring among the Determinants, in 1525. Having taken his Master's degree, he obtained preferment in the Church, as Vicar of Foulis and Innertig; and was employed by Cardinal Beaton as his confidential agent at Rome. In Sadler's State Papers is an intercepted letter from Beaton to him, dated 11th November 1539, (vol. i. p. 13.) In May 1540, in the proceedings against Sir John Borthwick, he is styled Notary Public, and Secretary to Cardinal Beaton. Oliphant, (misnamed Eliphant,) in the Provincial Council, held at Edinburgh in 1549, is styled "Secretarius et Notarius in Concilio."--(Wilkins, Conc. vol. i. p. 46.) In 1553 and 1554, he was again employed at Rome, in the affairs of the Governor and of Archbishop Hamilton; and in 1558, he appeared as the accuser of Walter Myll, when tried for heresy. See next note. The name of Mr. Andro Oliphant, Notary Public, also occurs in November 1559, in the Acts of Parliament, (vol. ii. p. 508.) [154] In MS. G, "servantis." In Vautr. edit. "servantes;" and Vautr. edit., MSS. A, E, &c., read "Meitman." Of this Friar, who with Lauder and Oliphant, are emphatically styled "servants of Satan," not much is known. According to Pitscottie, whilst Schir Andrew Oliphant stood forth as the public accuser of Walter Myln, in April 1558, Friar Maltman preached a sermon on the same occasion, previously to his trial in the Abbey Kirk of St. Andrews. [155] Petrie, in his notice of their trial, says, "because Bishop Gawin Dunbar was thought cold in the business, Messrs. John Lauder, and Andro Oliphant, and Frier Maltman, were sent from Edinburgh to assist him."--(Hist. Part ii, p. 179.) We may indeed conclude, that unless for the zeal of these Inquisitors, Russell and Kennedy might have escaped martyrdom. [156] In MS. G, "trod:" in Vautr. edit. "taken." [157] Thomas Duke of Norfolk, in a letter to Lord Crumwell from Berwick, 29th of March 1639, says, "Dayly commeth unto me, some gentlemen and some clerkes, wich do flee owte of Scotland, as they saie, for redyng of Scripture in Inglishe; saying that, if they were taken, they sholde be put to execution. I geve them gentle wordes; and to some, money." In the same letter, he adds, "Here is nowe in this toune, and hath be[ne] a good season, she that was wife to the late capitaigne of Donbar, and dare not retorne, for holding our waies, as she saithe. She was in Englande, and sawe Quene Jane. She was Sir Patricke Hamelton's doughter, and her brother was brent in Scotlande 3 or 4 yeres past."--(State Papers, vol. v. p. 155.) This last reference as to date is an obvious mistake. See extract from Foxe's Martyrs, in Appendix, No. V., respecting Katherine Hamilton, and her brother, James Hamilton of Kincavel, who returned in 1540, and is mentioned in the following note. [158] Sir James Hamilton of Finnart was a bastard son of James first Earl of Arran; but he obtained letters of legitimation, 20 Jan. 1512-13. His slaughter of the Earl of Lennox in 1526, (see note 116,) was rewarded by the Captaincy of Linlithgow Palace. In Buchanan's Admonition, written in 1570, after the Regent Earl of Murray's death, to expose "the practises of the Hamiltons," there is a detailed account of the several conspiracies against James the Fifth, in which Sir James was concerned. But Hamilton latterly became a favourite of the King, and acquired large possessions. In 1533, he was appointed an Extraordinary Lord of Session; and, as Master of Works, he superintended the building or additions made to the Palace of Linlithgow, Blackness Castle, and other royal edifices.--(Treasurer's Accounts, Sept. 1538, and April 1539.) On the 9th of October 1539, is this entry,-- "Item, gevin to Schir James Hammiltoun, Master of Wark, to compleit the Kingis wark in Striveling, as the appointment and contract maid betuix the Compt and him thairupon beris, iiij^m. lib." (£4000.) "Item, (in April 1540,) gevin to Schir James Hammyltoun, in parte payment of the rest of his comptis for the warkis of Lynlythqw and Blakness, at the Kingis command, be ane precept, iij^c. lib." (£300.) But his fate was not less sudden than it must have been unexpected. In the same record, we find that on the 16th of August 1540, a messenger was employed "for summonyng of ane assiss to Schir James Hammiltoun, and for wyne brocht into the Lordis, being upoun his inqueist, xv s. x d."--His accuser was James Hamilton of Kincavel, Sheriff of Linlithgow, and being convicted of treason, which had been long concealed, his sentenco was carried into immediate execution. [159] Pitscottie has given a more detailed narrative of Sir James Hamilton's condemnation and of the King's vision. [160] The birth of a Prince, named James after his father, on 22d of May 1540, is mentioned at page 82, note 1. The younger son, named Arthur, Duke of Rothesay, &c., was born at Stirling, in April 1541, where he died, according to Lesley, eight days after his baptism.--(Hist. p. 188.) In the Treasurer's Accounts, about the end of April 1541, there was paid "to Andre Zare in Striviling, for ane cap of leid that my Lord Duke was buried in." Prince James died within six hours of Arthur. Mr. Tytler falls into a strange mistake in placing their death subsequently to that of Queen Margaret, widow of James the Fourth. In a letter to her brother Henry the Eighth, written from Stirling, on the 12th of May 1541, she mentions the great distress "for the death of the Prynce and hys brothar, both with the Kyng my derrest son, and the Quene hys wyffe."--(State Papers, vol. v. p. 188.) The Queen Dowager died, however, within a few months; the "Diurnal of Occurrents" says on the 24th of November. This date is evidently incorrect, as on the 1st of that month, messengers were despatched with letters "to divers Lordis and gentilmen to cum to the Quenis tyrement." (Treasurer's Accounts.) A letter, describing her last illness, is preserved among the State Papers, vol. v. p. 193, written in December, by Ray the pursuevant, who had been sent by the Privy Council to Scotland specially to report on the subject. [161] His death may be referred to the end of the year 1541, or early in 1542; as the Treasurer paid "to David Hardy, be ane tykket of George Steilis, for hinging of the tapescherie in Halyrudhouse, and doun taking of the samin, vij s." on the 16 Oct. 1541.--The name of George Steill is occasionally met with in the Treasurer's Accounts, during the reign of James the Fifth. We may conjecture that he was the son of John Steill, one of the servitors to James the Fourth, (apparently King's tailor,) from 1495 to 1502. George, who was a burgess of Edinburgh, had acquired the lands of Houston, and other property. He had a charter under the Great Seal, of the office of Coquet Clerk of the borough: "Officii Clericatus Coketæ Burgi de Edinburgo," 3 Sept. 1523. The charters of the lands of Houston, in Linlithgowshire, were granted to himself and Christian Wilson his spouse, 31 July 1530, and 22 Sept. 1532. He had also a charter of "the Common-myre near Duddingston Loch," in the County of Edinburgh, 24 July 1540. In the year 1672, the Common-myre is described as extending to 52 acres, in the barony of Preistfield, now Prestonfield, (Retours, Edin. No. 1196.) [162] Thomas Scott of Pitgorno, in Fife, was the second son of Sir William Scott of Balweary, (Douglas's Baronage, p. 304.) A person of the same name was a Licentiate at St. Andrews in 1501. He seems to have held some situation at Court, as, among other persons of the Royal Household, he received £40, at Christmas 1530, for their "fealis and pensionis." In 1533, the Treasurer also paid "Thomas Scot for his fee, be the Kingis precept," the sum of £133, 2s. 8d. On the 19th of October 1532, Scott was admitted an Ordinary Lord of Session, in the room of his father, who was then deceased--(Senators of the College of Justice, p. 40.) As a further mark of Royal favour, he was appointed Justice Clerk in 1535. A letter, signed by him, "Thomas Scott of Pitgorno," on the 1st of December 1537, addressed to Crumwell, complains of the resetting of traitors who had escaped to England, (some of them, we may suppose, were persons accused of heresy;) and he concludes with suggesting that Henry the Eighth would make an acceptable "propyne" to his nephew, by sending James a young lion, brought from Flanders.--(State Papers, vol. v. p. 125.) [163] Scott's death must have taken place about the close of 1539, the office of Justice-Clerk having been conferred on Thomas Bellenden of Auchinoul, 26th December that year. In a letter written by Mr. Alexander Colvile, Justice-Depute, 20th December 1622, the above confession of Scott is thus mentioned in connection with the appointment of suitable persons to the office of Justice-Clerk, "If he, I say, be not a sound, conscientious man, and free of baise bribrie, he may prove a pernitious instrument, and to the cawse that iniquitie may be committed; as we have yit in memorie of one Thomas Scot of Abotishall, quho was Justice Clerk to James the Fift, of happie memorie, quho being strukin with a terror of conscience, at the hour of his death, for his evill cariage in that place, dyed in desperation, crying, 'I am damned! I am damned!'"--(Pitcairn's Criminal Trials, vol. iii. p. 596.) A proof of Scott's iniquitous proceedings is embodied in the Act of Parliament rescinding the forfeiture of John Lord Glammys, on the 15th of March 1542-3, upon a pretended Confession, being "fraudfullie indusit be umquhile Thomas Scot, Justice-Clerk, and utheris familiaris to our said umquhile Soverane Lord, to mak the said pretendit Confessioune, sayand to him, that his life, landis, gudis, movabill and ummovabill, suld be saif to him; and that na process nor sentence of forfaultor sould be led aganis him."--(Acta Parl. Scot. vol. ii. p. 422.) [164] Mr. Thomas Marjoribanks of Ratho, was one of the ten Advocates admitted at the institution of the College of Justice, 7th of May 1532. He acquired the lands of Ratho in 1540; and in that year, he was Provost of Edinburgh, and sat in the Parliaments 1540 and 1546. He was admitted a Lord of Session, and Clerk-Register, on the 8th of February 1548-9, as successor to Sir James Foulis. "Maister Thomas Marjoribankis, now Clerk of oure Soverane Ladyes Register, for his feyes in the yeris of God 1549 and 1550," received "for ilk year 20 merkis, _Summa_ £26, 13s. 4d." He was deprived of the office of Clerk-Register in 1554, and died before 1560.--(Senators of the College of Justice, p. 98.) [165] Mr. Hugh Rigg was admitted an Advocate, on the 16th of November 1537. He obtained a Charter of Confirmation to himself and Janet Hopper his spouse, of the lands of Carberry, in the shire of Edinbuigh, 21st July 1543. The old baronial mansion-house of Carberry stands in the eastern part of the parish of Inveresk.--(New Statistical Account.) Hugh Rigg is again mentioned by Knox, and also by Pitscottie, as one of the four persons to whom the Governor of Scotland communicated the overtures of the Duke of Somerset, immediately previous to the battle of Pinkie. He was succeeded by his son James Rig of Carberry, whose name occurs, in 1577 and 1580, in lists of Assize (Pitcairn's Crim. Trials); and "Mag^r. Quintigernus Rig," was served heir to his father, James Rig of Carbarry, 29 Jan. 1600.--(Retours, Edinb. No. 30.) [166] Mr. Thomas Bellenden, or Bannatyne, of Auchinoul, was the son of Patrick Bellenden. He was admitted an Ordinary Judge on the 22d of June 1535. He was appointed Director of Chancery, 10th of September 1538; and on the 26th of December 1539, he succeeded Scott of Pitgorno, as Justice-Clerk. He was one of the Commissioners who met for redress, on the Border; and Sir William Eure informs Crumwell, on the 26th of January 1540, that he had "hade diverse commynyages with Mr. Thomas Bellendyn, one of the said Counsellours for Scotlande, a man by estymatioun apperaunte to be of th'age of fiftye zeres or above, and of gentle and sage conversatioun, specially touching the staye of the spiritualitie of Scotland."--(State Papers, vol. v. p. 169.) He died in 1546, and was succeeded in his offices of Justice-Clerk and Director of Chancery, by his eldest son, Sir John Bellenden. [167] Buchanan was born in the year 1506. Having taken his Bachelor's degree at St. Andrews, 3d Oct. 1525, he completed his academical course at Paris. It is usually stated that he returned to Scotland, along with Gilbert Earle of Cassilis, in 1537. The following notices from the Treasurer's Accounts, prove that date to be incorrect. "Item, the xvj day of Februar [1535-6,] be the Kingis gracis precept and speciale command to Maister George Balquhannan and Andro Myln, servandis to Lord James, to be thame twa gounis," &c., and various other "leverays," viz., "hoiss, bonettis, hugtonis, and doublettis." "Item, [the xxj day of August 1537,] to Master George Balquhannan, at the Kingis command, xx lib." In July 1538, upon occasion of "the Quenis (Magdalene's) saull mess and dirige, quham God assolze," Maister George Balquhanan received a goun of Paryse blak, lyned with blak satyne, &c. Also £20, at the King's command. [168] Lord James Stewart, to whom Buchanan acted as tutor, was the King's natural son, by Elizabeth Shaw, of the family of Sauchie.--(Dr. Irving's Life of Buchanan, p. 17.) He had the Abbacies of Kelso and Melrose conferred on him; but he died at an early age, in the year 1548. [169] On the title of the first edition of Buchanan's Paraphrase of the Psalms, he is characterized as _Poetarum nostri sæculi facile princeps_. It was printed at Paris, by Henry Stephanus, in 8vo, without date; but apparently in 1564. A second edition has the date 1566. But the same printer had published a selection of 18 Psalms by Buchanan, with corresponding versions by other Poets, at Paris in 1556, 4to. [170] The date of Buchanan's escape from Scotland is fixed by his own statement to the beginning of the year 1539, when he says five persons (Symson, Forrester, &c., see note 145) were condemned to the flames, whilst nine others made a formal recantation of their Lutheran errors, and many more were driven into exile; among whom was George Buchanan, who escaped by the window of his bed-chamber, while his keepers were asleep: "In his fuit Georgius Buchananus qui, sopitis custodibus, per cubiculi fenestram evaserat."--(Hist. lib. xiv.) [171] These words seem to belong to the last paragraph; but all the copies place them as here printed. [172] In MS. G, "espy and detest." [173] Alexander Lord Kilmauris, third son of the fourth Earl of Glencairn. In 1543, he was in England as a hostage for his father's sincerity; and Sir Ralph Sadler says, in a letter to Henry the Eighth, "Furthermore, he hath written to your Majesty to have his son home, entring other pledges for him. He is called the Lord of Kilmaurs, and the Master of Glencairn; and in my poor opinion, they be few such Scots in Scotland, both for his wisdom and learning, and well dedicate to the truth of Christ's word and doctrine."--(Sadler's Papers, vol. i. p. 83.) "The acute Sadler," as Sir Walter Scott remarks, "discerned the germ of those qualities which afterwards made this nobleman the great promoter of the Reformation, and in consequence a steady adherent of the English interest." (ib.) Both the Earl of Glencairn, and his son Lord Kilmaurs, received pensions from Henry the Eighth. Owing to the death of his brothers, he succeeded to the Earldom in 1547, and survived till 1574. [174] Thomas Douchtie, Hermit of Alareit, or Loretto, near Musselburgh--see note 186. [175] In MS. G, "Francis Ordour dos." [176] In MS. G, "gud." [177] In MS. L 2, "stayed." [178] In Vautr. edit. "Such lasie scamleris." [179] In MS. G, "Christis glorie." [180] In MS. G, "to." [181] In MS. G, "fra treuth." [182] To _turse_, or carry. In MS. G, and all the other copies, it is "to curse," which has no sense. [183] In MS. G, "on craftie." [184] Friar _Walter_ is apparently a mistake for Friar William Laing. (See the following note.) Foxe has stated it was through this Friar William Laing, "bewrayer of the confession to Archbishop James Beaton," that Henry Forrest, whose fate is mentioned at page 52, was condemned and given over to the secular judges to suffer death. See the extract from Foxe's Martyrs, in Appendix, No. V. [185] Calderwood says, "Frier Laing had been confessor to the King," (Hist. vol. i. p. 142;) and the Treasurer's Accounts in 1540, show that "Schir William Layng, Chaplane," was then attached to the Court. On the 6th of February 1539-40, he received various articles of dress, viz., a gown of French black, a hugtoun of Parise black, a doublet of black sattin, and a black bonnet. On the 22d Dec. 1540, "abbis, towellis," &c., were furnished "to his chapell." In 1511, "Schir William Layng," is described as "Maister Elymosinar in the Princes house;" £13, 6s. 8d. having been previously paid "for his liveray clathis, be ane precept, above the ordinar, admittit to him in my Lord Prince house;" and in July that year, £20 was "gevin to Schir William Layng, Chaplane, enterit this zere (in the Household)."--"Willelmus Laynge, studens," was incorporated in the University of Glasgow, in 1493; and another "Willelmus Layng, clericus Parochialis Glasguensis," in 1501. [186] According to a contemporary chronicler, the Chapel of our Lady of Loretto was founded so late as 1533, by Thomas Douchtie, here styled the Hermit of Alareit. "In this mene tyme (1533,) thair come ane heremeit callit Thomas Douchtie, in Scotland, quha had bein lang Capitane [captive?] befoir the Turk, as was allegit, and brocht ane ymage of our Lady with him, and foundit the Cheppil of Laureit besyid Musselburgh."--(Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 17, Edinb. 1833, 4to.) In like manner Buchanan says, this impostor Douchtye, having returned from Italy, built a church to the Virgin Mary, and made great gain by his fictitious miracles.--(Hist. lib. xiv. p. 41.) The Chapel dedicated to our Lady of Loretto, (sometimes called Alareit,) stood beyond the eastern gate of Musselburgh, near the Links; and the name for the locality is still retained. It was connected with the Nunnery of the Sciennes, and became one of the most noted shrines in Scotland, during the reign of James the Fifth. Lesley says, that the King, previously to his marriage, having sailed for France, (24th July 1536,) the vessel in which he had embarked, after sailing by the north of Scotland, and the west, was driven by a storm, and that he landed at St. Ninians, in Galloway, "and sua returnit to Strivilinge, _and thairfra passit on his feet in pilgrimage to the Chapell of Lorrett_, besid Mussilburgh."--(Hist. p. 150.) Queen Margaret, in a letter to Henry the Eighth, printed in the State Papers, vol. v. p. 181, (where it is placed under the year 1540, instead of 1536,) thus mentions her son's voyage, saying that his nephew had been "in grete dangere of seyis, be contrare wyndis, quhilk agane his mynd, be extreme stormis, compellit to mak course furth of this Est sey northward, compassing the maist parte of this realme throuch the occeane seyis, and be the grace of God arryvit in the port of St. Ninianis callit Quhithorne." James, after his pilgrimage on foot from Stirling, sailed from Leith, with a squadron of seven vessels, and had a more fortunate voyage. On the 7th of September 1536, the Treasurer paid £13, 6s. 8d. to Sir Henry Balfour, in part of £40, "to be gevin to puir houshuldarris to pray for his Hienes prosperous returnyng." [187] Proposals for such a meeting had been made in 1534, and again in 1536. The above meeting was to have taken place on the 15th of January 1541-2, according to Articles agreed upon the previous month.--(State Papers, vol. v. p. 199; Tytler's Hist. vol. v. p. 242.) [188] Henry the Eighth, says Sir Walter Scott, "insulted James by the threat, that he had still the name rod in in keeping which had chastized his father. By that rod, the Duke of Norfolk was intimated, who, while yet Earl of Surrey, commanded at Flodden, where James IV. fell."--(Hist. of Scotland, vol. ii. p. 31.) See note 193. [189] Pitscottie says, that the Bishops, in apprehension that James might follow his uncle's example, in casting down the Abbeys, "budded (bribed) the King to bide at home, and gave him three thousand pounds by year to sustain his house, off their benefices." At a later date, the Clergy, we are told, offered to contribute and assign to him of yearly rent of their benefices, the sum of thirty thousand pounds; or to enlarge the sum to £100,000, provided the King gave them a secular judge to their mind, to execute justice on the wicked heretics whom they had delated to the King, in the list or scroll elsewhere referred to.--(Hist. pp. 230, 255, 256, edit. 1778.) It was but proper that the Clergy, to whom the King had sacrificed so much, should thus manifest their liberality; but indeed such contributions were not unusual, on the part of the beneficed clergy and dignitaries of the Church. In August 1513, previously to the calamitous expedition which had such a fatal catastrophe at Floddon, the Clergy contributed the sum of £10,275, 10s. 9d. (Treasurer's Accounts.) [190] The 24th of August 1542. [191] In MS. G, "Malberie." The name should be Mowbray. [192] Halden Rig, or Hawden Rig, in Roxburghshire, a few miles to the east of Kelso. In the MS. it was originally written "Maxwell heucht," but this is corrected to Haldane Rig. In the later MSS. "Reade," is written more intelligibly "raid." [193] Thomas Howard, second Duke of Norfolk, when Earl of Surrey, convoyed the Princess Margaret from England, to her marriage with James the Fourth, at Holyrood, in 1503; and he commanded the English army at Floddon, in 1513, when the rashness of that gallant but unfortunate Monarch proved fatal to himself, and so disastrous to his country. He died in 1524; and was succeeded by his eldest son, Thomas third Duke of Norfolk, who was Lieutenant-General in the North, and had also been at Floddon. He commanded the English troops which invaded the southern parts of Scotland, in August 1542 and died in 1554, upwards of eighty years of age. [194] Now Smailholm. [195] Fala Muir, a plain near the western termination of the Lammermuir hills. [196] In Vautr. edit. "Hallow-evin." The Eve of Hallowmass; in Scotland, Halloween, the 31st of October; Hallowmass, or All Saints, of course, being the 1st of November. [197] This alludes to the summary execution by the Scotish nobles of Cochrane and other favourites of James the Third, in hanging them over the bridge of Lauder, in the year 1479, as related by all our Historians. [198] In Vautr. edit. "had he runne." [199] See note 210, respecting this Scroll. [200] In the later copies, "once." [201] The date of the King's voyage round the Isles has been mistaken by most of the older writers, such as Buchanan, Lesley, and others. This may have partly arisen from confounding it with his previous voyage in 1536. (See note 186.) James purposed to have sailed on the 14th of May 1540, but he deferred setting out till after the birth of his son, who was born at St. Andrews on the 22d of May. This happy event James communicated in a letter to his uncle, the King of England, on the same day: "It hes liket God of his great gudnes to have send unto us, this 22 day of May instant, ane sone and Prince, fair and lillik to succeid to ws and this our Realme. We think it accordis ws weill to mak you participant with ws of sic joyus gud novellis," &c.--(State Papers, vol. v. p. 177.) The baptism of the Prince took place on the 28th of May, and the King is said to have sailed on the day following. The Treasurer's Accounts for 1540 and 1541, which furnish a number of interesting notices connected with the expense of this voyage, show that the arrangements for sailing were not compleated before the 11th or 12th of June, which may be held as the actual date of the expedition. In the collection of State Papers referred to, are two letters, conveying reports of the preparations for the voyage, furnished by some of "the espiallis," or English spies; and also another letter from James himself to Henry the Eighth, on his return, dated at Edinburgh the 29th of July 1540, in which he says, that "all thingis standyng at gude poynt and ordour, we addressit us, as we thought expedient, to visie our Ilis, North and Southt, for ordouring of thame in justice and good policy," &c. (ib. p. 182.) [202] James Kirkcaldy of Grange held the office of High Treasurer from the 20th March 1537, till the death of James in 1542; but his Accounts during the latter months of the King's reign are not preserved. Having accompanied James to France, the Laird of Grange had also acted as Treasurer Extraordinary from 11th September 1536, until the King's return in May 1537. [203] In the MS. "propheit." [204] In MS. G, "josrellis;" MS. A, "jesuits;" MS. L2, "jeffells." [205] In Vautr. edit., MS. L 2, &c., "I shall reprove you by sharpe punishmentes."--From an interesting letter of Sir William Eure to Crumwell, dated from Berwick, 26th January 1539-40, it seems, that this answer or reprimand was uttered at Linlithgow, rather than Holyrood; and was occasioned by his witnessing the representation of Sir David Lyndesay's play, called, "Ane Satire on the Three Estates," which evidently produced a strong, but unfortunately no lasting impression on the King's mind. After describing "the Enterlude," Eure proceeds, "My Lorde, the same Maister Bellenden shewed me, that after the said Enterluyd fynished, the King of Scottes did call upon the Bischope of Glasgow [Gawin Dunbar], being Chauncelour, and diverse other Buschopes, exorting thaym to reforme thair facions and maners of lyving, saying, that oneles thay soe did, He wolde send sex of the proudeste of thayme unto his Uncle of England, and, as those were ordoured, soe He wold ordour all the reste that wolde not amende: And therunto the Chauncelour should [did] aunsuer, and say unto the King, that one worde of his Graces mouthe should suffice thayme to be at commaundement: And the King haistely and angrely answered, that he wold gladely bestowe any wordes of his mouthe that could amend thaym."--(State Papers, vol. v. p. 170.) [206] John Ross of Craigie, near Perth, was one of the prisoners taken at Solway Moss, in 1542.--(State Papers, vol. v. p. 233.) [207] In the later copies, "once." [208] Oliver Sinclair, see note 224. [209] In Vautr. edit. "minion." [210] Knox has previously alluded to this scroll or list of names. See pages 81 and 82. Sir Ralph Sadler, in a letter to Henry the Eighth, dated 27th of March 1543, details a conversation he had with the Governor, who told him, "That a number of noblemen and gentlemen the late King had gotten written in a Roll, _which were all accused of Heresy_; of the which, (he said,) he was the first, and the Earl of Cassilis, the Earl of Glencairn and his son, the Earl Marishal, and a great many gentlemen, to the number of eighteen score, because they were all well minded to God's Word, which then they durst not avow; but now, (quoth he,) I shall do mine endeavour to set forth the glory of God with the assistance of the King's Majesty."--(Sadler's Papers, vol. i. p. 94.) [211] Herbert Lord Maxwell, Warden of the West Marches, was taken prisoner at the battle of Solway. Sir Ralph Sadler, in a letter dated 4th April 1543, reports a detailed conversation he had with him on the state of Scotland.--(State Papers, vol. i. p. 117.) He died in 1546. [212] Lochmaben--see note 225. [213] That is, the foray. In Vautr. edit. this sentence, reads, "The forward goeth forth, feare ryses, daunger might have bin scene on every side." The later MSS. are equally unintelligible. [214] The words, "cornes and houses," connecting the foot of p. 71, and the top of p. 72, in Vautr. edit, have been omitted; and this omission occurs also in MSS. I, and L 2. [215] In Vautr. edit. "fentes." [216] In Vautr. edit. "slaked." [217] In Vautr. edit., and MS. G, &c., "the regiment of things." [218] In MS. G, "gritter." [219] In Vautr. edit. "were mired, and lost their horses." [220] In MS. G, "proik;" MS. A, "pricke." [221] In MS. G, "of futemen soldeors." [222] In Vautr. edit. "his own sluggard;" in MSS. G, I, and L 2, "slughorne." [223] In MS. A, "Solloway Mosse;" in Vautr. edit. "the slimy mosse." Solway Moss derives its name from the Solway Frith, a well known arm of the sea, which forms the boundary between England and Scotland for upwards of fifty miles. The Moss lies on the Cumberland side of the small river Sark, in the tract of land formerly known as the Debateable Ground. [224] Oliver Sinclair of Pitcairns was the third son of Sir Oliver Sinclair of Roslin. He was a favourite of James the Fifth; and Pitscottie says the King placed him as Governor of Temptallon or Tautallon Castle, when the powerful family of the Douglasses were driven into exile.--(Hist. p. 224.) It is more probable it was some years later that he received the command of this stronghold, which is on a cliff overhanging the sea, about two miles to the east of North Berwick. In the Treasurer's Accounts, June 1537, we find £120 "was delivered to Olivere Sinclare, in Cowper, to pay the Kingis gentillmen with." In the following month, £20 was paid "to Olivere inclare, in compleat payment of his lyveray clathis." And on the 6th Oct. 1540, there was "gevin to Olipher Sinclar at the Kingis command, to the warkis of Tamtalloun," £66, 13s. 4d. In November 1541, when the Queen Dowager died at Methven, he and John Tennant, two of the gentlemen of the King's Privy Chamber, were sent to take and lock up all her goods.--(State Papers, vol. v. p. 194.) He was taken prisoner after his shameful defeat at Solway; but obtained his liberty in 1543. Sadler mentions, that when he was about to repair to Tantallon Castle, at the end of that year, as a place of security, under the protection of Sir George Douglas, Sinclair was lying in wait, in a small village near hand, in the hope of seizing him and his retinue.--(Sadler's Papers, vol. i. pp. 220, 329, 333.) [225] Lochmaben, in the parish of that name in Annandale. Lesley, however, says, "During the tyme of this Raid, the King of Scotland remanit in Carlaverock upoun the Bordour, not far from Soloway Moss."--(Hist. p. 165.) The distance of either place from the scene of this disgraceful defeat was not considerable. Lochmaben was a Royal Castle; and Pitscottie, like Knox, says, that the King "was in the Castle of Lochmaben."--(Hist. p. 174.) But Pinkerton and Tytler follow Lesley. [226] _Hand_, or hold: in MS. G, "hald." [227] In Vautr. edit., MS. G, &c., "and so went." [228] 25th of November.--James was still at Edinburgh on the 30th of November, when he wrote a letter to Henry the Eighth.--(State Papers, vol. v. p. 228.) [229] See note 245. [230] Hallyards, in the parish of Auchtertool. [231] In Vautr. edit., MS. G, &c., "the Lady of Grange." This was Janet Melville, daughter of Sir John Melville of Raith, and Helen Napier. She married James Kirkcaldy of Grange, High Treasurer, from 1537 to 1542. See page 82, note 3. [232] Yule, or Christmas; as in Vautr. edit., MSS. E, I, and L 2. [233] In Vautr. edit. "Christmas daye." [234] Castle of Carny, in the parish of Moonzie, in the shire of Fife. [235] These words are omitted in MS. G. [236] Lesley and later writers say that Mary was born on the 7th of December. Prince Labanoff, however, proves that it was the 8th, "C'est la véritable date.--J'ai trouvé dans le _State Paper Office_ de Londres, une lettre autographe de Marie Stuart de 1584, dans laquello elle dit: _le viij Décembre, xlij^e de ma naissance_."--(Lettres de Marie Stuart, vol. i. p. 1.) [237] This story of Cardinal Beaton having forged, or caused the King, in his last moments, to subscribe his name to a paper, which he afterwards filled up as a Will, constituting Beaton Regent during the minority of Mary, has been discredited; (see note in Keith's Hist. vol. i. p. 63;) but it undoubtedly obtained credence at the time, as Sadler reports a conversation he had with the Governor on the 12th April 1543, who said, "We have other matters to charge the Cardinal with; for _he did counterfeit_, (quoth he,) _the late King's Testament_; and when the King was even almost dead, (quoth he,) he took his hand in his, and so caused him to subscribe a blank paper."--(Sadler's Papers, vol. i. p. 138.) Lesley also says the Cardinal made some impediment to Arran's appointment as Governor, "alleging that the King be his Testament nominat four Regentis: _bot the same on no wise could be verefeit nor provin_."--(Hist. p. 169.) Buchanan further confirms this by asserting, that Beaton "having bribed Henry Balfour, a mercenary priest, he, with his assistance, forged a false Will for the King," &c.--(Hist. lib. xv. 1.) This Henry Balfour is the Priest or Chaplain who is mentioned at the end of note 186. [238] In MS. G, this sentence occurs on the margin, having been omitted in the text by the transcriber. [239] James the Fifth died at Falkland, and was buried in the Chapel of the Palace of Holyroodhouse. The day of his death is variously stated. Some writers, as Knox, calling it the 13th, others the 14th of December; but in the Treasurer's Accounts, there are various payments connected with his obsequies, under this head,-- "The Expensis debursit be the Compter fra the tyme of the Kingis Grace decess quhoine God assolze, _quhilk ves the xxj day of December_, anno etc. xlij^e" &c. [240] See note 237. [241] Buchanan states, that the three persons who were joined with Beaton, when the King's pretended Will was proclaimed, were the Earls of Huntly, Argyle, and Arran. Knox and Spottiswood, instead of Arran, name the Earl of Murray, who was bastard brother of James the Fifth.--(Keith's Hist. vol. i. p. 64.) [242] James Hamilton, Earl of Arran, failing Mary Queen of Scots, then an infant, was next heir to the Crown. [243] In MS. G, "successors." [244] In Vautr. edit. "appoints;" the same blunder is copied in MSS. I, and L 2. [245] On the last of February 1542-3, the Treasurer's Accounts exhibits this "Item, gevin to Henry Wardlaw, for the writing of the Inventour Buke of all the Kingis clething, jowellis, and uther gere, for his laubouris, xl s." [246] The infant Queen remained in the Palace of Linlithgow, under the nominal charge of the Queen Dowager. Parliament, in March 1543, nominated the Earls Marishal and Montrose, Lords Erskine, Ruthven, Livingstone, Lindesay of Byres, and Seton, and Sir James Sandilands of Calder, "as keepers of the Quenis Grace," or any two of them quarterly.--(Acta Parl. Scot. vol. ii. p. 414.) [247] On the 22d of December 1542, after the death of James the Fifth, James Hamilton, 2d Earl of Arran, was chosen Regent or Governor of Scotland during the minority of the infant Princess. At the first meeting of the Estates of Parliament, on the 12th of March 1543, his appointment was confirmed, with a declaration of his being second person of the realm, and nearest to succeed to the Crown, "failing our Sovereign Lady, and the children lawfully to be gotten of hir body."--(Acta Parl. Scot, vol. ii. p. 411.) [248] Friar Thomas Guilliam, (or Williams,) is described as a native of Athelstaneford in East Lothian; and is said to have attained considerable distinction in his Order of Dominican or Black Friars in Scotland. The Governor entertained him as his Chaplain, until the return of his brother the Abbot of Paisley from France, had the effect of withdrawing him from the English interest, and disowning the new doctrines. The Friar's name occurs in the Treasurer's Accounts:-- 1542-3, On the 23d of February, there was furnished "to be ryding gownis, with hudis, to Freir Thomas Gilzame, and Freir Alexander Lindsay, of Scottis black," &c. Also, "cottis, ryding sokkis," &c. 1543, 21st April, "Gevin to Freir Thomas Gilzem, at his Grace command, at his passing to Hamilton, v lib. x s." On the following day, the 22d of April, Sir Ralph Sadler communicates to Henry the Eighth the information, "that the Governor was clearly altered from your Majesty, and will surely revolt to the Cardinal, the Earls of Lennox, Huntley, Argyle, and Murray, and the clergy, to his own utter confusion.... In so much as the said Governor hath not only _put away his Friers preachers_, which he hath all this while defended, and kept about him to preach the Word of God, but also hath secretly sent to the said Cardinal and Earls," &c. (vol. i. p. 158.) [249] In Vautr. edit., MSS. G, &c., the words "in the dayis of Marie of curssed memorie," are omitted. [250] Calderwood, under the year 1531, says, "A landed man, named Johne Scot, after he had travelled through Italie, France, and the Holie Land, returneth home. He brought with him from Jerusalem some date-tree leaves, and a pocke full of stones, which he fained were taken out of the pillar to which Christ was bound, when he was scourged." He then records some instances of Scot's extraordinary fasting, first in Scotland, and afterwards at Rome, Venice, and London; and also of his deceptions.--(Hist. vol. i. p. 102.) In April 1532, John Scot "was wardit in the Castle of Edinburgh, for not obeying a decreit against him be James Lawson of Hieriggs; the quhilk Johne Scot fastit without meat or drink of veritie xxxij dayes, exceptand ane drink of water." And on the 6th of October, "he was brocht nakit to the Croce of Edinburgh, quhair he preichit publictlie, the samyne quhilk fasting was be helpe of the Virgin Marye."--(Diurnal of Occurrents, pp. 14,16.) In 1541, on the 11th of July, there was paid "to Johne Scot, callit the Santt, at the Kingis command, xxij s."--(Treasurer's Accounts.) In George Makeson's MS., among his "Recollectionis of my Lordis G[racis] missives," &c., is this note, "To let Freir Johne Scott vant [want] na thing for his bukis and pensioun: at command quhairof I gaif him xxiij lib. 3 Septembris 1553." [251] Edward Hope, in 1560, was one of the Bailies of Edinburgh. [252] This Patrick Lyndesay was probably the same person whose name appears in the Treasurer's Accounts, as follows:-- 1543, April 21. "Item, gevin to Patrick Lindsay, goldsmyth, for making of the Quenis Grace selis, and graving thairof, and for service and laubouris done he him to our Soverane Lord, quham God assolze, as the precept direct thairupoun beris, xxxj lib." [253] In Vautr. edit., &c., "at length by notice given." [254] Sir Richard Maitland of Lethington, near Haddington, whose name is honourably associated with the early poetical literature of Scotland, was born in 1496, and studied at St. Andrews. He then went to France to study the laws. He was admitted as a Judge in 1551, and was often employed in public commissions. He died at the advanced age of 90, on the 20th of March 1586.--(Brunton and Haig's Senators of the College of Justice, p. 97.) [255] Cardinal Beaton was arrested in the end of January 1542-43, and imprisoned by the Governor first in the Castle of Dalkeith, from whence he was transferred to Blackness. He at last obtained permission to go to his own Castle of St. Andrews, under the guard of George fifth Lord Seaton, (who died in 1545.) Sir Ralph Sadler confirms the above statement by Knox, of Seaton having been bribed by the Cardinal. In a letter to Henry the Eighth, 12th April 1543, he says the Governor told him of the proposal to have the Castle of St. Andrews delivered to the Lord Seaton, and all the Cardinal's retainers put out, "Nevertheless, (quoth he,) the Lord Seton being corrupt by the Cardinal with great sums of money and other gifts, brought the Cardinal into his own strength, in the said Castle of St. Andrews. And whereas the Lord Seton, (quoth he,) hath not twelve or sixteen men within the Castle, the Cardinal hath three hundred; so that he is plainly at his own liberty," &c. Sadler adds, "I told him he had been very evil served, and that the Lord Seton had a great matter to answer unto. Whereunto he said, That he should answer to it," &c.--(Sadler's Papers, vol. i. pp. 70, 107, 131, 136, and 137.) [256] Pasche, or Easter: the Parliament met on the 12th of March 1542-43. [257] Knox apparently refers to various Acts passed in the Parliament held at Edinburgh, 14th of March 1540-41, at which the King was present. These Acts prohibited all discussion on matters of religion; and persons from arguing against the Pope's authority, under the pain of death and confiscation of their goods; suspected heretics were declared to be incapable of exercising any office; and such as had fled to avoid the censures of the Church, were held to be condemned.--(Acta Parl. Scot. vol. ii. p. 370.) There were still earlier Acts against Heresy, and the importation of Heretical books. The Act 17th July 1525, contains some additions in the original record, on the 5th September 1527, (see fac-simile plate, vol. ii. p. 295;) and the Act so enlarged was renewed, 12th June 1535, (ib. p. 341.) There is also preserved a letter written by James the Fifth, addressed to the Lords of Council and Session, dated at Aberdeen, 3d May 1534, in reference to "diverse tractatis and bukes translatit out of Latin in our Scottis toung be Heretikis, favouraris and of the secte of Luther," which were sent to various parts of the realm; and the Lords, on the 8th of May, passed some stringent rules, for destroying all such books, and for punishing trespassers and suspected persons.--(Acts of Sederunt, p. 21, Edinb. 1811, folio.) But the Acts alluded to were in part nullified by the additions made to them on the 15th March 1542-43, (Acta Parl. Scot. vol. ii. p. 415.) On the same day, Parliament sanctioned the "haifing the Haly Write, in the vulgar toung," as mentioned in note 265. [258] These words, "Now, yf" &c., are omitted in MSS. A and W. [259] The words, "and to hear it preached," are omitted in MS. G. [260] In MS. G. "[Greek: agapê.]" [261] David Rizzio. [262] Henry, Lord Darnley. [263] It may be remarked, that either Hay's name, or Dean of Restalrig, appear to be a mistake; and the marginal note may have had reference to this.--In 1540, Thomas Gibson, Dean of Restalrig, was conjoined with Cardinal Beaton as his suffragan; and it was proposed, that whilst acting in that capacity, Gibson should retain the benefices which he then held. At the Provincial Council in 1549, Mr. John Sinclair, afterwards Bishop of Brechin, and Lord President, sat as Dean of Restalrig.--(Wilkins, Concilia, vol. iv. p. 46.) [264] In MS. G, "lesoun," (lesum.) In Vautr. edit. "lawfull." [265] The Act of Parliament, 15th March 1542-3, allowing the translation of the Scriptures "in the vulgar tongue, in the English or Scotish, of a good translation," was proclaimed on the 19th of that month. It has been doubted whether, during the short interval which this Act was allowed to remain in force, any edition was printed in Scotland; most probably there was. But we know that Parliamentary enactments of a previous date were insufficient to prevent the importation of copies of Tyndale's translation of the New Testament, so early as 1526, as well as in subsequent years: See the Rev. C. Anderson's Annals of the English Bible, vol. ii. [266] Sir Ralph Sadler was born in the year 1507. Having gained a situation in the family of Thomas Lord Crumwell, he was brought under the notice of Henry the Eighth, and after various other engagements, he commenced his diplomatic career in 1537, by an embassy to Scotland. He was again in this country as ambassador on seveval subsequent occasions. His "State Papers and Letters," edited by Arthur Clifford, with a Memoir by Sir Walter Scott, Edinb. 1809, 2 vols. 4to, is a work of great importance for illustrating the history of the period to which they relate. [267] Lady Jane Seymour. [268] In Vautr. edit., and in MS. G, Hamilton's name is omitted. [269] The Commissioners sent to England in March 1542-43, were Sir James Learmonth of Balcomie, Treasurer; Sir William Hamilton of Sanquhar; and Henry Balnaves of Halhill, Secretary. Their names frequently occur in the political transactions of the period. They returned to Edinburgh sometime between the 10th and 31st of July 1543. In the course of their negotiation, (in May,) the Earl of Glencairn and Sir George Douglas wore joined with them. See Sadler's State Papers, vol. i. pp. 59-63, 83, 90. [270] Alluding to the pensions granted by the English Monarch, as an effectual mode of securing such persons to his interest. [271] In Vautr. edit. "Solon mosse." The rout of the Scotch forces at Solway took place on the 26th of November 1542. Among the State Papers (vol. v. p. 232) recently published, is a document intitled, "The yerely value of the lands, and also the value and substance in goodis, of the Scottish prisoners lately taken at Salone Mosse." The principal persons were the Earls of Cassilis and Glencairne, Lords Somerville, Maxwell, Gray, Oliphant, and Flemyng, Oliver Sinclair, George Hume of Eyton, Robert Erskine son of Lord Erskine, Walter Seton of Tough, Patrick Hepburn of Waughton, and John Ross of Craigie. [272] In Vautr. edit. "immediately." [273] The treaty of pacification between the two kingdoms, and the projected alliance of Edward the Sixth with Queen Mary, when she had attained the age of ten years, sanctioned by the Parliament of Scotland, 8th of June, was concluded at Greenwich on the 1st of July 1543. But this proceeding, as stated in the text, was opposed by Cardinal Beaton and the French faction. (See next note.) The Commissioners, however, as mentioned in the preceding note, having returned, this treaty, on the 25th of August, was solemnly ratified by the Governor, "at the High Mass, solemnly sung with shalms and sack-buts, in the Abbey Church of the Holyroodhouse," and the Great Seal of Scotland appended to the treaty.--(Rymer's Foedera, vol. xiv. pp. 786-791; Acta Parl. Scot. vol. ii. pp. 425, 426; Sadler's State Papers, vol. i. p. 270.) [274] In Vautr. edit. the words, "and they made a brag to depose the Governour," are omitted.--Sadler, on the 16th of July 1543, writes to the English Monarch, that the Governor had informed him of the intention of the Cardinal and his party "to come to Linlithgow to surprize the young Queen, _and afterwards_, (if they can,) _to depose and put him downe_."--(Sadler's Papers, vol. i. p. 233.) And in another letter from Edinburgh, dated the 23d of July, he says, "_I thinke they woll not fight, for all their bragges._ The Cardynall and his complices do lye at Lythcoo, with the nomber of 5 or 6000; and the Governour and his frendes and adherentes, with 7 or 8000, do lye here in this toune, not 12 myle a sonder; and ambassadours go bytwen them to treate the matiers, so that, by treatie, it is thought they shall agree, and no hurte done."--(State Papers, vol. v. p. 326.) [275] This sentence, on to the words "confouud all," is written on the margin of the MS. with this addition, "as after follows;" which, I presume, has reference to the concluding part of the sentence, although it is partially deleted. The statement is not only correct in itself, but is required for the context. In MS. G, Vautr. edit., and all the other copies, while the marginal addition, "The Papists raged," &c., and also the words, "as after follows," are incorporated with the text, the clause, "And without delay," &c., is wholly omitted. [276] Sir James Foulis of Colinton was appointed Clerk-Register in 1531, and was also admitted a Lord of Session, at the first meeting of the Court, on the 27th of May 1532. He held the office of Clerk-Register till 1548, the year before his death. The Treasurer paid "to Maister Henry Foullis, for his umquhill fatheris feyes, in the yeris of God 1547 and 1548, £26, 13s. 4d." [277] In Vautr. edit. "preparation." [278] John Hamilton, Abbot of Paisley. He arrived in Scotland between the 2d and 18th of April 1543. [279] George Crichton, a son of Crichton of Naughton, (Keith's Bishops, p. 94,) must have been far advanced in life at this time. He was a fellow-student with Dunbar the poet at St. Andrews, having taken his Master's degree in the year 1479. He was Abbot of Holyroodhouse, which he probably resigned on obtaining possession of the See of Dunkeld, previously to November 1520. In 1533, he was nominated an Extraordinary Lord of Session, (Senators of the College of Justice, p. 45;) and died on the 24th of January 1545. [280] See note 30. [281] Or, Bellenden, Justice-Clerk. see note 166. [282] It is surprising that Sir David Lyndesay, among the various persons who were accused of heresy, should have escaped all persecution. For a time, the personal attachment of James the Fifth may explain this exemption, having been in his service since the King's infancy; but the effects of Lyndesay's satirical writings must have rendered him peculiarly obnoxious to the clergy. Yet we find him officially employed in foreign missions, as Lyon-King at Arms, till within a short time of his death, which took place about the year 1555. [283] Michael Durham appears among the Determinants in St. Leonard's College, St. Andrews, in 1527, and the Licentiates in 1529. It is probable he then went abroad, and took a degree in medicine at some foreign University. From the Treasurer's Accounts, we learn that for a short period before the death of James the Fifth, he was King's physician:-- 1542, July or August, "Item, to Maister Michaell Durehame, doctour in medecyne, (enterit before the last feist of Whitsunday,) for his half yearis fee, £50." 1543, Jan., "Item, gevin to Maister Michael Durehame, doctour in medecyne, be one precept in recompensatioun of service done be him to our Sovernne Lord, quhome God assolze, and for the rest of his feis, as his said precept beris, £200." [284] The name of David Borthwick occurs among the Determinants in the Pedagogy of St. Andrews, in 1515. He became King's Advocate, and will be afterwards noticed. [285] In MS. G, "to the uter point of ruyne." [286] James second Earl of Arran was the grandson of Sir James Hamilton of Cadzow, created Lord Hamilton in 1445, and the Princess Mary, daughter of James the Second, and relict of Thomas Boyd, Earl of Arran. His father was thrice married. His first wife was Beatrix Drummond, by whom he had one daughter, married to Andrew Stewart Lord Evandale and Ochiltree. His second wife was Lady Elizabeth Home, sister of Alexander Earl of Home, from whom he obtained a divorce in 1511. Janet, daughter of Sir David Beaton of Creich, Comptroller of Scotland, was his third wife, by whom he had his son James, second Earl of Arran; but who being born during the life of his father's divorced wife, his legitimacy depended on the validity of his divorce. Had he, in such a case, been set aside, Matthew Earl of Lennox would have been next in succession. [287] The infant Queen, who had hitherto been kept in the Palace of Linlithgow, (note 246,) was brought to Stirling on the 23d of July 1543, (note 274.) After the Governor's very inconsistent proceedings in the month of August, and his reconciliation with the Cardinal, Queen Mary was crowned with great ceremony, on the 9th of September 1543. The following entries are from the Treasurer's Accounts:-- 1543. "Item, the fourth day of August, be my Lord Governoris precept and speciall command, deliverrit to Mathew Hammiltoun, capitane and kepar of the Palice of Linlithqw, for furnesyng of the said Palice, the sowme of £55. "Item, to the Lord Levingstoun, for keping of the Princes[s] in Linlithqw, quhilk was awin him the sum of £93, 6s. 8d. October. "Item, to the Lord Levingstoun, for keping of the Princes[s] in Striveling, fra the xxiij day of Julij in anno Domini etc. xliij^o to the last day of this moneth of October inclusive, £180." [288] In MS. G, "with him than in." [289] All this took place about the 3d of September, or within nine days of the Governor's ratification of the English alliance, mentioned in note 273, and six days of his having issued a proclamation against the Cardinal.--(Sadler's Papers, vol. i. pp. 277, 278, 282.) [290] On the 9th of September 1543: see note 287. [291] Sadler, in this embassy, arrived in Edinburgh in March 1543. Notwithstanding the treaty referred to in a previous note, he did not succeed in the great object of his mission at this time, that of gaining the Governor to a steady adherence to his original policy of favouring the Reformed doctrines, and adhering to the English in opposition to the French interest. Sadler was recalled in December 1543; and the country was speedily invaded and devastated by the English troops. [292] Matthew Earl of Lennox returned to Scotland, by the advice of Cardinal Beaton, and landed at Dumbarton on the last day of March 1543. [293] A blank in the MS. and in all the copies. The name of Somerville is supplied on the authority of letters from Sir Ralph Sadler to Henry the Eighth, and from the Privy Council of England to Sadler.--(Sadler, vol. i. p. 161; State Papers, vol. v. p. 280.) [294] Sir Hugh Campbell of Loudon. [295] In MS. G, "was efter tane in the Lenterne, at the siege of Glasgw." [296] John Charteris of Couthilgourdy had been elected Provost of Perth, 1st October 1543, but was discharged, by appointment of the Governor, 26th January 1543-44, when Mr. Alexander M'Breck was chosen. Patrick Lord Ruthven, who was chosen Provost on the 7th October 1544, was attempted to be discharged on the 26th January 1544-45, and to be replaced by John Charteris; but the Ruthven party prevailing, Charteris was not admitted. The skirmish of which Knox here gives a minute and accurate description, took place on the 22d of July 1544, when Lord Gray's partizans were repulsed with a loss of upwards of sixty men.--(Adamson's Muses Threnodie, by Cant, pp. 70, 71, 112.) Lord Gray, in October that year, received from the Cardinal a grant of part of the lands of Rescobie in Forfarshire, for his "ready and faithful help and assistance in these dangerous times of the Church." [297] Patrick Master of Ruthven was the oldest son of Patrick third Lord Ruthven, the principal actor in Rizzio's murder, on the 9th March 1566, and who fled into England, where he died on the 13th June that year. Having predeceased his father, and leaving no issue, Patrick was succeeded by his next brother, William, who is styled Master of Ruthven, in a charter, 9th April 1565. This son, who was afterwards created Earl of Gowrye, was also concerned with his father in the murder of Rizzio. [298] Moncrieffe of Moncrieffe, in the parish of Dunbarny, Perthshire. [299] Mary Magdalene's day, the 22d of July. But the year was 1544, and not 1543: see note 296; and the Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 84, where forty persons are said to have been slain. [300] In MS. G, "a pretty spaice fra the Fische-Yet." [301] Sadler, on the 13th of November 1543, states that "the Governor and Cardinal are now gone over the water of Forth, into Fife and Angus," to gain the Earl of Rothes, the Lords Gray, Ogilvy, and Glammis, to their party, "either by force or policy."--(Sadler's Papers, vol. i. p. 340.) [302] Castle Huntley, in the parish of Longforgan, built by the second Lord Gray of Foulis. He had extensive possessions in the Carse of Gowrye, and according to tradition, he named the Castle after his Lady, a daughter of the Earl of Huntley. [303] In MS. G, "Balgawy." The place referred to is Balgavie, near Innergowrye, two or three miles from Dundee, on the road to Perth. [304] The old name of the city of Perth. [305] The Provost of St. Andrews in 1544, was Sir James Learmonth of Balcomie, or Dairsye. [306] In Vautr. edit. "their friend." [307] The marginal explanation having been taken into the text, the later copies read as if the Bishop of St. Andrews and the Abbot of Paisley were different persons. John Hamilton, Abbot of Paisley, became Cardinal Beaton's successor in the Metropolitan See. In MS. G, the passage reads, "This answer reported, was send to thame the Bishop of Sanct Andrewes, the Abbot of Pasley, Mr. David Panter," &c., "to desyre," &c. In Vautr. edit. it is still further from the correct reading, by the omission of _thame_, "This answer reported, was sent to the Bishop of Sainct Andrewes, the Abbot of Pasley," &c. [308] This proverbial phrase, "Ay rynnis the fox, quhill he fute hes," occurs at the end of a poem "againis Treason," by Dunbar.--(Poems, vol. i. p. 136.) [309] The Parliament met at Edinburgh, in December 1543, and the following Act against Hereticks was passed on the 15th; which may be quoted in connexion with the proceedings at Perth in the following month,-- "The quhilk day, My Lord Governour causit to be schewin and proponit in plane Parliament to all Estatis being thair gaderit, how thair is gret murmure _that Heretikis mair and mair risis and spredis within this Realme_, sawand dampnable opinionis incontrar the fayth and lawis of Haly Kirk, actis and constitutionis of this Realme: Exhortand thairfor all Prelatis and Ordinaris, ilkane within thair awin diocy and jurisdictioun, to inquir apoun all sic manor of personis, and proceid aganis thame according to the lawis of Haly Kirk; and My said Lord Governour salbe rady at all tymes to do thairin that accordis him of his office."--(Acta Parl. Scot. vol. ii. p. 443.) [310] St. Paul's day was the 25th of January, and the year 1543-4, is fixed by the reference to "the first burning of Edinburgh," by the English troops under the Earl of Hertford, in May 1544. (See note 320.) Keith, and his editor Mr. Parker Lawson, are at a loss to reconcile the dates of the Governor and Cardinal's visit to Perth, and the execution of the persons mentioned by Knox. Knox's account of these martyrs at Perth is corroborated not only by the more detailed account given in Foxe's Martyrs, (p. 1230,) but by the following extracts from the Treasurer's Accounts. The Governor spent his Yule or Christmas, 1543, not at St. Andrews, but at Stirling. The following were payments made by the Treasurer:-- 1543, December. "Item, in the tyme of Zule, deliverit to my Lord Governour, to play at the cartis with the Quenis Grace in Striviling, in ane hundreth crownis of the Sonn, £110." 1543-4, "Item, the xij day of Januar, efter the aggreance maid betuix my Lord Governour and the saidis Lordis, (Earl of Levinox, &c.,) at convenit in Leith againis his Grace, hyrit liiij cart hors, quhilk past agane to Striveling with the said artalze, and fra Striveling to Sanct Jhonstoun [and] Dunde, _for punising certane Heretikis_ within the saidis townis, and payit to the saidis hors viij dayis wagis, to every hors on the day iij s.... Summa, lxiiij lib. xvj s. "Item, xx Jannarij, after the Counsale and Convention haldin at Striviling, at my Lord Governoris departing towart Sanct Johnstoun _for punischment as said is_, hyrit to turs certane small artalze with his Grace thair, xxvj cart hors, to ilk hors the day iij s.... Summa, xxxj lib. iiij s. "Item, to xij pyoneris, quhilkis past and convoyit the said small artalze, viij dayis wagis, to every man in the day ij s. Summa, ix lib. xij s." In Mercer's Chronicle of Perth, is this brief notice, "The execution of James Hunter, Robert Lambe, James Ronaldstone, and his spouse, at Perth, in Januar, in Sanct Pawlis day. 1543[-4] yeiris." [311] His name was Robert, not William Lamb, burgess of Perth. Calderwood has given a detailed account, as related by "Mr. John Davidson, a diligent searcher in the last acts of our Martyrs," of the manner in which Lamb interrupted Friar Spence, when preaching on All-hallow-day. See Wodrow Society edit, of his History, vol. i. p. 174. He also states that Knox's account of these Perth Martyrs "is confirmed by the Registers of the Justice-Court, where it is registered, that Robert Lamb, merchant in Perth, James Ranoldsone, skinner, William Andersone, maltman, James Hunter, fleshour, were convicted of art and part in breaking the Act of Parliament, by holding an assemblie and convention in Sanct Anne's Chappell, in the Spey-yards, upon Sanct Andrewes day [30th Nov.] last by past, conferring and disputing there upon the Holie Scriptures.... Item, Helen Stirk, spous to James Ranoldsone, convicted Becaus of art and part in breaking the Acts of Parliament, in dishonouring the Virgin Marie." See also Foxe's Martyrs, p. 1230. The executions at this time are thus very summarily noticed in the Diurnal of Occurrents, (p. 30,)-- "Upoun the xxviij day of Januare [1543-4,] the Governour with his Lordis past to Sanct Johnstoun and Dundie, and brunt mony limmaris in the said tolbuis [townis]." [312] Sir Henry Elder, as his name denotes, was in Priest's orders; and John Elder, we may suppose, was his brother. In a list of the Magistrates of Perth, elected 7th Oct. 1541, we find "John Elder, Treasurer;" and, as a burgess of the town, he is to be distinguished from John Elder "the Redshank," who fled at this time into England. (See Appendix, No. VI.) In the Treasurer's Accounts, 1543-46, there was £200 paid as the composition for the remission granted to John Elder, burgess of Perth, and also £40 for the similar exemption given to Laurence Pillour, "pro disputatione in Sacris Scripturis contra tenorem Acti Parliamenti."--(M'Crie's Life of Knox, vol. i. p. 359.) [313] In the MS. "broking." [314] In MS. G, &c., "eye." [315] In Vautr. edit. "Granton hilles." [316] In Vautr. edit. "the hilles." [317] In MS. G, "Sir George." Sir George Douglas of Pittendreich was brother of the Earl of Angus. [318] Blackness Castle, in the parish of Carriden, Linlithgowshire, close to the river Forth, about five or six miles above South Queensferry. This is one of the four fortresses which were stipulated in the Act of Union, in 1707, to be kept in repair. [319] In Vautr. edit. "between one and two of the clock." [320] During this Expedition under the Earl of Hertford, the town of Edinburgh, with the exception of the Castle, was "utterly ruinate and destroyed with fire," during the space of four successive days; "Also, we brent th'abbey called Holy Rode-house, and the Pallice adjonynge to the same." This took place in the beginning of May 1544.--(Dalyell's Fragments of Scotish History, p. 7.) [321] In MS. G, the word "judged" is omitted.--Craigmillar Castle, now a picturesque ruin, in the parish of Libberton, is about three miles south from Edinburgh. The English forces, on the 8th of May 1544, "past to Craiginillar, quhilk was haistilie gevin to thame: promesed to keip the samyne without skaith; quhilk promes thai break, and brunt and destroyit the said Hous."--(Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 32.) [322] Sir Simon Preston of Craigmillar. He was Provost of Edinburgh in 1565, and three following years. His father, Simon Preston, had been Provost in 1536. [323] The Tron, or beam, used for weighing merchandize, stood in the High Street, nearly opposite what is now called the Tron Church. But the Butter-Tron was probably at the building afterwards called the Weigh-House, which stood nearly in the middle of the street, at the head of the West Bow, leading to the Castle. [324] Among the spoils, it is stated, that the furniture and library in the Palace of Holyrood were carried off; including a fine brazen font from the Abbey. (See Archæologia Scotica, vol. iv. p. 13.) But some of the books and furniture had previously been removed by the Governor to Hamilton Palace, where probably they are still preserved. On the 8th of May the Treasurer paid, "be his Gracis speciall command, to certane pure men quhilkis tursit (carried) his Gracis cofferis out of the Palice of Halyrudhous to the Castell of Edinburgh, and fra thare to the Castell of Hammiltoun, the soume of xj lib." "Item, (on the 16th of May,) to ane pure man of Edinburgh, quhilkis savit fifty-pece of weschell of my Lord Governouris, the tyme of the Inglische menis being thair, and deliverit the samyn to Sir David Hammiltoun, x s." [325] Ancrum Moor, about a mile and a half to the north of the village of that name, in the county of Roxburgh. The battle took place on the 17th of February 1544-45, when Sir Ralph Evers was slain, and the English forces routed. [326] Captain de Lorge Montgomery, with about 3500 men, arrived from France in May or June 1545.--(Acta Parl. Scot. vol. ii. pp. 594-596.) [327] The Castle of Wark, a border fortress, on the bank of the river Tyne in Northumberland, near Coldstream. [328] In Vautr. edit. "great slaverie." [329] In MS. G, "the Frenche Captane." [330] Matthew Stewart fourth Earl of Lennox, had retired to England in 1545. He married Lady Margaret Douglas, daughter of the Earl of Angus and Margaret, widow of King James the Fourth. She was thus niece of the English Monarch, at whose Court she resided until her marriage. Their son was Henry Lord Darnley, who married Mary Queen of Scots. The Earl of Lennox became Regent of Scotland in 1570, upon the death of the Earl of Murray. [331] John Hamilton, Archbishop of St. Andrews, was a natural son of James first Earl of Arran. He pursued his studies first at Glasgow, and afterwards at Paris. In 1525, he obtained the rich Abbacy of Paisley; and as Abbot he sat in the Parliaments of 1535 and 1540. His relationship to the Governor, over whom he obtained great influence, led to his rapid promotion. He was successively Lord Privy Seal, High Treasurer, Bishop of Dunkeld, and a Judge in the Court of Session. On the death of Cardinal Beaton, he became his successor as Primate. The "Catechisme," which usually passes under his name, from having been printed at his expense, at St. Andrews, in 1552, exhibits a solitary instance on the part of the Roman Catholic clergy to convey spiritual instruction, and is most creditable to his memory. [332] That is, the Abbot of Paisley now began, &c. [333] In the MS. this word _Eme's_, at first inaccurately written, was corrected, but not distinctly, and led to the substitution of _Enemies wyfe_, in all the other copies. _Eme_ usually means _Uncle_; here it merely signifies _kinsman_. [334] Lady Grizell Sempill was the eldest daughter of Robert third Lord Sempill, and was the second wife of James Hamilton of Stenhouse, Captain of the Castle of Edinburgh. A charter under the Great Seal was granted of the lands of Kittiemuir, on the 10th of March 1539, "Jacobi Hamilton de Stanehouse et Grizeldi Sempill ejus conjugi." Her husband, who was Provost of Edinburgh, was slain in endeavouring to quell a tumult between some of the auxiliary troops quartered in the Canongate, and the inhabitants, on the 1st of October 1548. [335] In MS. G, "Gilston;" and in Vautr. edit., &c., "haldin in povertie." It probably means, that her connexion with the Archbishop always continued. Some further notice of this Lady will be given in a subsequent note. [336] George Martine, in his "Reliquiæ Divi Andreæ," written in 1683, has given an account of Hamilton, in which, in reference to the Archbishop and this Lady, he says, "I have seen copies of charters granted by this Archbishop to William, John, and James Hamiltons, his three naturall sones born of this Grizzell Sempill; and they are designed her naturall sones, but they came all to be forfeited." (P. 244.) Letters of Legitimation of John and William Hammylton, bastard sons of Grissel Sempill, daughter of Robert Master of Sempill, were dated 9th Oct. 1551.--(Reg. Mag. Sigill.) [337] Knox places Wishart's return to Scotland in 1544, although the Commissionars to whom he alludes came back in July 1543. The exact time has not been well ascertained: see Appendix, No. IX. [338] In MS. G, "a litill space." [339] William fourth Earl Marishall, according to Sadler's report to Henry, 27th March 1543, was "a goodly young gentleman, well given to your Majesty, as I take him." He was friendly to the Reformation, and survived till about the year 1581.--(Sadler's Papers, vol. i. p. 99.) [340] In MS. G, "Locnoreis." The person referred to was George Crawfurd of Leifnorris, or Loch Norris, now called Dumfries House, the seat of the Marquess of Bute, in the parish of Old Cumnock, Ayrshire. [341] Gaston, or Galston, a parish in the district of Kyle. [342] This phrase, "used much in the Bar," signifies that he frequented the house of Barr, the seat of John Lockhart of Barr, in the parish of Galston. [343] Sir Hugh Campbell of Loudoun, was hereditary Sheriff of the county of Ayr. [344] The persons here named were all proprietors of lands in Ayrshire. Mongarswood, or Monkgarswood, is in the parish of Mauchline; Bronnsyde, in Sorne; Dawdeling, (in Vautr. edit. "Dawdilling,") or Daldilling, also in the parish of Sorne; and Tempilland, in that of Auchinleck. The Crawfurds were proprietors of Templeland; and the Reids of Daldilling, appear in the Retours 1651 and 1673, in the succession of their property.--(Ayr, Nos. 449 and 679.) [345] Kinyeancleuch is in the parish of Mauchline. Hugh Campbell was a cadet of the Campbells of Loudoun; and his son Robert Campbell of Kinyeancleuch, who is afterwards mentioned, was a special friend of Knox, and much distinguished himself by his singular zeal and devotedness in promoting the Reformation. [346] In Vautr. edit. "Shaw." Laurence Rankin, laird of Sheill, in the parish of Ochiltree, Ayrshire. [347] The year 1544 is the date usually assigned for the ravages of the plague in Dundee. It would seem to have prevailed in different parts of the country for two or three successive years. The probable time of Wishart's visit on that occasion may have been in August 1545, as we are told, "In this tyme the pest was wonder greit in all burrowis townis of this realme, quhair mony peipill deit with great skant and want of victuallis."--(Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 39.) [348] In MS. G, "at lycht parte." [349] During the sixteenth century, the town of Dundee was surrounded by a double wall, with ports or gates, which were all removed about sixty years ago, with the exception of the East Gate, called the Cowgate Port, which was then "allowed to stand, from respect to Wishart's memory, and his services to the inhabitants of Dundee, during the plague of 1544; and it is still kept in good preservation."--(New Stat. Account, Forfarshire, p. 17.) [350] In MS. G, "thay thrist in." [351] John Kynneir of Kynneir, in the parish of Kilmany, in Fife. He was served heir to his father David Kynneir _de eodem_, in the lands and barony of Kynneir, 30th July 1543.--(Retours, Fife, No. 2.) [352] In Vautr. edit., MSS. G, A, &c., "I shall ende my lyfe." [353] John Erskine of Dun, near Montrose, a zealous and consistent friend of the Reformation. After the establishment of the Reformation, in July 1560, although a layman, he was admitted to the office of Superintendent of Angus and Mearns. [354] In MS. G, "with money siches and deip grones, he plat doun." In Vautr. edit. "he fell upon." [355] In MS. G, "keape-stone:" Vautr. edit. has "keepe stone." [356] The words following "to meitt him," are a subsequent marginal addition by the author. [357] In MS. G, "and this the fyftein day befoir Yuill." Vautr. reads, "the xv day before Christmas." [358] That is, Alexander Crichton of Brunstone, Hugh Douglas of Long-Niddry, and John Cockburn of Ormiston.--As there are two places of the name of Brunstone in Mid-Lothian, it may be proper to notice, that it must have been the old Castle now in ruins, in the parish of Pennycuik, where Wishart occasionally resided, and not the house of that name, at the eastern extremity of Libberton parish, which was built, or afterwards belonged to the Lauderdale family. See a subsequent note respecting the Crichtons of Brunstone. [359] Or Inveresk, six miles from Edinburgh. [360] Sir George Douglas of Pittendreich, was a younger son of George, Master of Angus, who was killed at Floddon in 1513, and brother of Archibald, seventh Earl of Angus. "He was, (says Sir Walter Scott,) a man of spirit and talents; shared with his brother in the power which he possessed during the minority of James V.; was banished with him, and almost all the name of Douglas, into England, where they remained till the death of the King; and were then sent by Henry back to their native country, along with the Solway prisoners, in order to strengthen the English party in Scotland."--(Sadler's Papers, vol. i. p. 66, note.) His name appears on the 1st of April 1549, as an Extraordinary Lord of Session, which disproves the account in Douglas's Peerage of his having been killed at Pinkie, in September 1547. Having predeceased his brother, his eldest son, in 1556, became eighth Earl of Angus. [361] In MS. G, "audience." [362] In MS. G, "auditors." [363] David Forres, or Forrest, is several times mentioned by Knox: he afterwards held the office of General of the Conzie House or Mint. [364] Sir Richard Maitland of Lethington: see note 254.--The house of Lethington, being a massive old tower, with some modern additions, and now called Lennox Love, is rather more than a mile to the south of Haddington. [365] This is the first occasion on which Knox introduces himself. [366] In MS. G, the words after "world," are omitted. [367] Clerk Plays was another name for those dramatic entertainments, which in France and England were known under the title of _Mysteries_, and which were usually founded on some passage of Scripture. [368] Long-Niddry is situated in the parish of Gladsmuir, East-Lothian, about four miles from Tranent, near the shore of the Firth. [369] In MS. G, "mirrelie." [370] These lines occur in a metrical version of some of the Psalms, visually, and no doubt correctly, attributed to John Wedderburn, Vicar of Dundee. Whether there was any printed edition so early as 1546, cannot be ascertained; but there was a large impression (1034 copies) of what was culled "the Dundee Psalms," printed in Scotland before 1603, in the stock of Robert Smyth, bookseller in Edinburgh.--(Bannatyne Miscellany, vol. ii. pp. 189, 234.) The collection of Psalms and Sacred Poems, known by the title of "The Gude and Godly Ballates," may have been the Psalms alluded to; and of this collection there still exist one copy at least of editions printed at Edinburgh, by John Ross, in 1578; by Robert Smyth, in 1600; and again by Andre Hart, in 1621. In this collection is found the version of the 51st Psalm, mentioned by Knox as having been sung by Wishart. It extends to 40 verses: the first four may serve as a specimen. The reader may consult Calderwood's History, vol. i. pp. 141-143, for an interesting account of the family of James Wedderburn, merchant in Dundee, his eldest son James, and another son, as well as John the translator of the Psalms, having distinguished themselves by their "good gifts of poesie." _Miserere mei Deus._ PSAL. 51. Have mercy on me, God of might, Of mercy Lord and King; For thy mercy is set full right Above all eirdly thing. Therefore I cry baith day and night, And with my hert sail sing: To thy mercy with thee will I go. Have mercy on me, (O gude Lord,) Efter thy greit mercy. My sinfull life does me remord, Quhilk sair hes grevit thee: Bot thy greit grace hes mee restord, Throw grace, to libertie: To thy mercy with thee will I go. _Et secundum multitudinem._ Gude Lord I knaw my wickednes, Contrair to thy command, Rebelland ay with cruelnes, And led me in ane band To Sathan, quha is merciles; Zit, Lord, heir me cryand: To thy mercy with thee will I go. Quhat king can tell the multitude, Lord, of thy greit mercy, Sen sinners hes thy celsitude Resisted cruellie. Zit na sinner will thou seclude, That this will cry to thee: To thy mercie with thee will I go. [371] Patrick third Earl of Bothwell succeeded his father in 1513, when an infant. In 1543, he was Lord of Liddesdale, and Keeper of the Royal Castle of Hermitage. Sir Ralph Sadler, on the 5th of May that year, says of him, "As to the Earl of Bothwell, who, as ye know, hath the rule of Liddersdale, I think him the most vain and insolent man in the world, full of pride and folly, and here, I assure you, nothing at all esteemed."--(Sadler's Papers, vol. i. p. 184.) At the time of Wishart's apprehension, he was High Sheriff of the county of Haddington. In Douglas and Wood's Peerage of Scotland, (vol. i. pp. 227-229,) will be found a detailed account of his subsequent fortunes. He died, probably in exile, in September 1550. [372] Elphingstone Tower is situated in the parish of Tranent, about two miles from the village of that name. [373] In MS. G, "over you." [374] In MS. G, "persuasion." [375] In MS. G, "promeis." [376] This name Drundallon, or Dwndallon, is not very distinct in the MS., and no such place is now known. [377] John Cockburn of Ormiston.--In the Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 41, it is stated, that "Upoun the xvj day of Januar, the Governour and the Cardinall, to the nomber of 500 men, past to Ormestoun, [some words here omitted?] and the yong laird of Calder; they war all brocht and put in the Castell of Edinburgh; and the laird of Ormestoun, and the yong laird of Calder followand, was tane be the Capitane, callit James Hamiltoun of Stanehous." Wishart's name may have been omitted in this paragraph, but it fixes the date of his apprehension at Ormiston. The following entries occur in the Treasurer's Accounts, on the 10th of March 1545-6,-- "Item, to Jhonne Patersoun, pursevant letters direct furth of Edinburgh to Ormistoun and Haddingtoun, to summond the Laird of Ormistoun to underly the law in Edinburgh the xiij day of Apprile nyxt to cum, _for resetting of Maister George Wischeart, he being at the horne_, etc. And _for breking of the waird within the Castell of Edinburgh_, etc. Togydder with ane other letter to arreist the saiddis Lairdis gudis, etc., x s." "Item, (7th of April,) with ane memoriall of the principall Lordis and Baronis namys of Est Louthiane, to summond thame to be in Edinburgh xiij^th Aprilis instant, to pass upon the assiss of the Laird of Ormistoiin, quho was to thoill law that day for brekking of our Souerane Ladyis waird within the Castell of Edinburgh." [378] Hailes Castle is situated in a secluded spot on the banks of the Tyne, in the parish of Prestonkirk, East Lothian. It belonged at this time to the Earl of Bothwell. The ruins still shew that it must have been of considerable extent and strength, like most buildings of the kind intended for a place of defence. [379] In MS. G, "keipit." [380] The following is an Act of Council, obliging Bothwell to deliver to the Governor the person of George Wishart, on the 19th of January 1545-6,-- "The quhilk day, in presens of my Lord Governour and Lords of Counsel, comperit Patrick Erle Bothuell, and hes bundin and oblist him to deliver Maister George Wischart to my Lord Governour, or ony utheris in his behalf, quham he will depute to ressave him betuix this and the penult day of Januar instant _inclusive_, and sal kepe him surelie, and answer for him in the meyn tyme, under all the hiest pane and charge that he may incur, giff he falzies herintill."--(Regist. Concil. fol. 25; Epist. Regum Scotorum, vol. ii. p. 342.) [381] There seems no reason to question the accuracy of these dates; although Spotiswood marks Wishart's execution as having taken place on the 2d of March 1546; and Mr. Tytler says the 28th, adopting an evident blunder in the "Diurnal of Occurrents," where the 28th of March, instead of the 28th of February, is given as the day when the Council was held for Wishart's trial and condemnation. His execution took place on the following day. I observe that at page 6 of the Miscellany of the Wodrow Society, I have fallen into the same mistake. [382] This word is omitted in MS. G. [383] Pitscottie mentions, that the Cardinal having sent to the Governor for a "commissioun and ane Judge criminall to give doom on Maister George, if the Clergie fand him guiltie;" the Governor, upon the remonstrance of Sir David Hamilton, was persuaded to write to the Cardinal "to continue (or postpone) the accusatioun of Maister George Wisehart quhyll he and he spoke togidder; and if he wold not, his awin blood be upon his awin head, for he would not consent that any man sould suffer persecutioun at that tyme."--(Dalyell's edit., p. 454.) [384] Gawin Dunbar was a younger son of Sir John Dunbar of Mochrun. He pursued his studies at Glasgow. In 1514 he was appointed Dean of Moray. In the following year obtained the Priory of Whithorn in Galloway; and was intrusted with the education of James the Fifth. In the Treasurer's Accounts, 1517, are the following entries:-- "Item, xvj^to Februarij [1516-17,] gevin to Maister Gawin Dunbar, _the Kingis Maister_, to by necessar thingis for the Kingis chamer, ix lib. "Item, (the 28th day of August,) to Maister Gawan Dunbar, _the Kingis Maister_, for expensis maid be him in reparaling of the chamer in the quhilk the King leris now, in the Castell, iij lib." On the translation of James Beaton to the Primacy, Dunbar was promoted to the See of Glasgow; and he continued to enjoy the favour of his royal pupil during the whole of his reign. He held the office of Lord Chancellor from 1528 to 1543; and died on the 30th of April 1547. A detailed account of this Prelate is given in Brunton and Haig's Senators of the College of Justice, pp. 1-5. [385] See note 391. [386] The Castle and Episcopal Palace of Glasgow stood a little to the westward of the Cathedral Church. The building, with its site and garden, having been vested in the Crown, when Episcopacy was abolished, were granted in the year 1791, for the purpose of erecting an Infirmary; and the ancient but ruinous building was then removed.--(Caledonia, vol. iii. p. 638.) [387] In MS. G, "knypsed." [388] In MS. G, "as sum bold men." [389] In Vautr. edit. "merilie." [390] In Vautr. edit. "bitter mirth." [391] This ludicrous but unbecoming contest seems to have taken place on the 4th of June 1545, when Mons. Lorge de Montgomery arrived from France with auxiliary troops: "Upon the same day, the Bischope of Glasgow pleit with the Cardinall about the bering of his croce in his dyocie, and boith thair croccis war brokin, in the Kirk of Glasgow, through thair stryving for the samin."--(Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 39.) Bishop Lesley mentions it as having occurred at an earlier period, when the Patriarch of Venice, who was sent by the Pope, first came to Glasgow, when "the Cardinall and the principall Bischoppes come thair and ressaved him with gret honour. Bot in the meintyme, (he adds,) thair happinned ane suddane discord within the Kirk of Glasgw, betuix the Cardinall and Bischoppe of Glasgw, for thair pre-heminence of the bering of the Cardinallis crosse within that Kirk, quhair boith the Archebischoppes crosses was brokin, and diverse of thair gentill men and servandis wes hurt."--(Hist. p. 178.) Cornelius Le Brun, a Dutch traveller, describes a similar contest which took place, whilst he was at Rome during the Jubilee of 1675, between two processions meeting first in a narrow street, near Monte Cavallo, and afterwards in the Church of St. John, in Laterano, in which several persons were killed, to the great scandal of religion. But the Italians, he says, "qui sont plaisans de leur naturel et encline à la raillerie se mocquoient furieusement de cette avanture."--(Voyage en Levant, p. 6. Delft, 1700, folio.) [392] This, according to tradition, was the Eastern tower or corner, and the place of Wishart's execution was nearly opposite, at the foot of what is called Castle Wynd. Spotiswood says, "A scaffold in the meantime erecting on the east part of the Castle towards the Abbey, with a great tree in the middest, in manner of a gibbet, into which the prisoner was to be tied.... The fore tower was hanged with tapestry, and rich cushions laid for case of the Cardinal and Prelates, who were to behold that spectacle."--(History, p. 81.) [393] As stated in note 45, "The Actes and Monumentes of Martyrs," by John Foxe, was originally printed at London, by John Daye, in 1564, in a large volume in folio. It was "newly recognized and enlarged by the Author," in 1570, when he incorporated a number of passages relating to Martyrs in Scotland, which he gives on this authority, "_Ex Scripto Testimonio Scotorum_." In many places of these additions, the details are more minute than the corresponding passages in Knox's History; yet there is such a coincidence in the information, that Foxe may possibly have been indebted for some of them to the Scotish Reformer. The account of Wishart, however, is copied from a printed book: see notes 397, 434. [394] The title of the Accusation and the introductory paragraph, are not contained in Knox's MS., but are supplied from Foxe, edit. 1576. [395] Dean John Wynrame was born in 1492, and educated at St. Andrews. In 1515, his name occurs among the Determinants in St. Salvator's College. The date of his appointment as Sub-Prior of the Monastery of St. Andrews has not been ascertained. But on the 10th of Nov. 1537, he is styled in the "Regist. Fac. Art.," Dominus Joh. Wynrame, Sup^r. Sancti Andree Coenobii. His name often occurs in Knox, in connexion with transactions of a later date. See M'Crie's Life of Knox, vol. i. p. 424; Bannatyne Miscellany, vol. i. p. 241. [396] In MS. G, "as sayis the Apostle Paull." [397] It will be observed that all these opprobrious terms applied to Lauder are copied from Foxe, or rather from the black-letter tract, printed by John Daye, of which Dr. M'Crie has given a description in his Life of Knox, vol. i. p. 382. [398] In MS. G, the words "writtin," &c., to "cursingis," are omitted. [399] Mr. John Lauder, who acted as public accuser or prosecutor on other occasions, as well as this of Wishart, was educated at St. Andrews. His name occurs among the Licentiates "in Pedagogio," in the year 1508. In a Decree Arbitral, dated at St. Andrews, 16th October 1518, he thus designates himself: "Ego JOHANNES LAUDER, artium magister, clericus Sancti Andreæ diocesis, publicus sacris Apostolica et Imperiali auctoritatibus notarius, ac in officio Scriptoris archivii Romane Curie matriculatus ac descriptus."--(Rental Book of St. Andrews, 1550.) From the Treasurer's Accounts we find that he was frequently employed in Ecclesiastical negotiations. Thus in 1533,-- "Item, to Maister Johne Lauder, to pass to Rome in the Kingis erandis, maid in fynance v^c [500] frankis, price of ilk frank x s. vi d., Scottis money, £262, 10s. "Item, gevin to him at his departing, to by him horse and other necessaris, £40. "Item, to Robene Bertoun, for the fraucht of ane litill schip, in the quhilk the said Maister Johne past in Flanderes, £25. "Item, dresses to his twa servandis," &c. Again, in 1534,-- "Item, to Maister Johne Lauder, to performeis certaine the Kingis Grace's erandis in Rome, J^m [1000] frankis, Summa, £525." In July 1541,-- "Item, to Maister Johnne Lauder, for his [laubours] in writing of directionis to the Courte of [Rome?] for promotioun of the Abbayis of Coldinghame, [Kelso, and] Melros, to the Kingis; Grace sonis." [400] In Foxe, "your doctrine uttereth many blasphemous," &c. [401] In Foxe, "with." [402] In Foxe, "high voyce." [403] The words inclosed in brackets, are omitted in Knox's MS., and in all the subsequent copies, such as MS. G, Vautr. edit., &c. They are however necessary for the context, and are supplied from Foxe. [404] See note 383. [405] See a subsequent note respecting Cardinal Beaton. [406] The Bishop of Brechin (John Hepburn, see page 37) hearing that George Wishart taught the Greek New Testament in the School of Montrose, summoned him to appear on a charge of heresy, upon which Wishart fled the kingdom. This was in the year 1538. See Appendix, No. IX. [407] In Foxe, and Vautr. edit., "Gospell." [408] In Knox's MS., and Vautr. edit., "it is." [409] In Foxe, and Vautr. edit., "Gospell." [410] In Foxe, "punishment;" in Vautr. edit. "trespasse." [411] Foxe gives the passage as follows: "Knowledge your faultes one to an other, and praye one for an other, that you may be healed." [412] The whole of this sentence, after the quotation from the Epistle of James, is omitted in Foxe, edit. 1576.--It may have been an explanatory remark by Knox. [413] In Foxe, "grynned;" and the word "horned" before "Bischopis," is omitted. In Vautr. edit. "gyrned." [414] In Vautr. edit. "Bleitter Chaplin;" and in MS. G, "Blecter." Pitscottie has "Blaitter:" it may be only a term of reproach, and not the name of a person. [415] In Vautr. edit. "child." Pitscottie, who introduces Wishart's Accusation, but somewhat condensed, in this place makes it, "Than answered ane yong scoller boy, 'It is a devillish taill to say so: for the Devill can not move a man to speik as yon man dois.'" [416] Sailing on the Rhine. It may have been during this visit to Germany, and probably Switzerland, that Wishart employed himself in translating the first CONFESSION OF FAITH of the Helvetian Churches. This Confession was printed after Wishart's death, about the year 1548, and has been reprinted, for the first time, in the "Miscellany of the Wodrow Society," Vol. I. pp. 1-23. [417] In the MS. "Jew," and "Jewes," are written "Jow," and "Jowes." [418] The concluding words of this sentence from "earth: And" &c., are omitted in the printing, by Vautroullier, at the foot of page 129, or the top of page 130. A similar omission occurs in MSS. I, A, and W: The two latter keeping out the words "and spitted into the." [419] In Foxe, "auditorie." [420] In Foxe, "dumbe as a beetle." [421] In Foxe, "hold my peace" [422] In Foxe, "dumbe." [423] As in Foxe, and in MS. G, &c., this evidently should be "Provinciall." [424] In Foxe, "woodnes." [425] See some notices of Scot, at page 96.--In Foxe, "called Joh. Gray-finde Scot." [426] In Foxe, "dumbe." [427] In Foxe, "to voyde away." [428] In Foxe, "warders." [429] Dean John Wynrame: see note 395. [430] David Buchanan has an interpolation in this place, (See Appendix, No. I.,) respecting Wishart's dispensing the Sacrament, on the morning of his execution, to the Captain of the Castle. It is nearly the same as in George Buchanan's History, and Pitscottie's Chronicle, but somewhat condensed. [431] In Foxe, "sup." [432] In Foxe, there is this marginal note: "M. George Wyscheart prophesieth of the death of the Cardinall, what followed after."--David Buchanan has here another interpolation, containing the alleged prediction by George Wishart of Cardinal Beaton's death. It was probably copied from George Buchanan: See the passage in Appendix, No. I.--Pitscottie also relates such a prediction, in the following words: "Captain, God forgive yon man that lies so glorious on yon wall-head; but within few days, he shall lye as shamefull as he lyis glorious now."--(Dalyell's edit. p. 481.) [433] In Foxe's work is introduced a wood-cut representation of "The Martyrdome of M. George Wiseheart;" he is suspended on a gibbet, in the midst of flames. It is evidently an imaginary portrait. [434] The account of Wishart, contained in Foxe's Martyrs, ends with the above words. It is followed by a paragraph, described in the margin as "The just judgment of God upon David Beaton, a bloudy murtherer of God's Saintes,"--which the reader will find copied into note 451. Foxe acknowledges that he followed a printed work, (_Ex histor. impressa_;) having in fact introduced a literal copy of the latter portion of a very rare tract, of which Dr. M'Crie has given a description in his Life of Knox, vol. i. p. 382. The general title is, "The tragicall death of Dauid Beato, Bishoppe of Sainct Andrewes in Scotland; Whereunto is joyned the Martyrdom of Maister George Wyseharte, gentleman, for whose sake the aforesayd Bishoppe was not long after slayne," &c. The preface of "Robert Burrant to the reader," extends to twelve leaves. Next follows Sir David Lyndesay's poem on the Cardinall's death; and then "The Accusation" of Wishart, which Foxe incorporates in his Martyrology, from whence Knox's copy is taken, as well as the abridged copy inserted in Pitscottie's Chronicle. The volume extends to signature F vi. in eights, black letter, without date, "Imprinted at London, by John Day and William Seres." Lyndesay's poem, under the title of "The Tragedy," &c., is included in all the subsequent editions of his poems. See it quoted in a subsequent page. [435] John Lesley was the second son of William Lesley, who was killed at Floddon, along with his brother George second Earl of Rothes; William's eldest son, George, succeeding to the title in 1513, as third Earl. John Lesley is styled late of Parkhill in the summons of treason for the Cardinal's slaughter; and we find that John Lesley, Rector of Kynnore, and brother-german of George Earl of Rothes, had a charter of the King's lands of Parkhill in Fife, 24th March 1537. He also held some office at Court, as the Treasurer, in December 1533, paid "John Leslie, bruther to the Erle Rothwes, be the Kingis command, for his liveray," £30. Again on the 22d Oct. 1541, there was "gevin to Johnne Leslye, broder to my Lord of Rothes, to by him clathis to his mariage," £50. He was taken prisoner at Solway in 1542, and released 1st July 1543, upon payment of 200 merks sterling. Along with his nephew Norman Lesley, Master of Rothes, and the other conspirators, he was forfeited, 14th August 1546; and died without issue.--(Douglas and Wood's Peerage, vol. ii. p. 427.) [436] In Vautr. edit. "diet;" _Seinzie_, is Synod or Assembly.--A Provincial Council or Synod was appointed to be held in the Black Friars at Edinburgh, on the 13th January 1545-6. Knox says that the Cardinal came to attend it, "after the Pasche," or Easter, (25th April 1546;) the meeting, therefore, had probably been adjourned. The Archbishop of St. Andrews, as Lord Hailes remarks, "was, at that period, understood to be perpetual President in Provincial Councils.... This may be imputed to the title of _Legate_, which the Archbishops of St. Andrews had obtained from the Papal See."--(Histor. Memorials, p. 27.) [437] See note 459. [438] Norman Lesley, as heir apparent to his father, is here called Sheriff of Fife. His father, George Earl of Rothes, was constituted Hereditary Sheriff of the County, by James the Fifth, in the year 1531. [439] Sir James Leirmonth of Balcomy and Dairsye, in Fife, was the son of David Leirmonth of Clatta, who acquired the estate of Dairsye, in 1520. He was for many years Provost of St. Andrews, between 1532 and 1547. Patrick Leirmonth of Dairsye, was served heir of his father, Sir James Leirmonth of Balcomy, 13th March 1547-8.--(Retours, Fife, No. 7.) [440] Sir John Melville of Raith, Knight: see a subsequent note. [441] Marion Ogilvy was the daughter of Sir James Ogilvy, who was created Lord Ogilvy of Airly, in the year 1491, and who died about 1504. Her son, by Cardinal Beaton, was the ancestor of the Beatons, or Bethunes, of Nether Tarvet, (Nisbet's Heraldry, vol. i. p. 210;) and it was her daughter, Margaret Beaton, whose marriage with David Lindesay Master of Crawfurd, (and afterwards ninth Earl,) the Cardinal celebrated at Finhaven in Angus, almost immediately after Wishart's death.--On the 26th November 1549, letters were sent by a pursuevant, "chargeing Marioun Ogilby to find soverte to underly the lawis for interlyning of the Quenis Grace letteris." Marion Ogilvy, designed as Lady Melgund, died in June 1575. In her testament, mention is made of her son, David Betoun of Melgund, and Mr. Alexander Betoun, Archdene of Lothian. This Alexander, it is said, became a Protestant minister. [442] In Vautr. edit. "a morning sleepe." [443] In Vautr. edit. "into the foule sea;" in MS. G, "fowsie;" that is, the _fosse_, or ditch, which extended round the Castle, except towards the sea. [444] In MS. G, these three words are omitted. [445] In Vautr. edit. "the wicked gate;" in MS. G, "wickit yet." [446] Norman Lesley, Master of Rothes, usually considered as having been the principal actor in the Cardinal's slaughter, was the eldest son of George third Earl of Rothes. In June 1537, there was furnished a gown of black satin, lined with black velvet, a doublet of black velvet, hose of Paris black, a black bonnet, &c., "to Normond Leslie."--(Treasurer's Accounts.) And in August that year, at the King's command, the Treasurer paid him £40. In December 1539, dresses being also furnished to him, shews that he held some situation at Court. After his forfeiture, he entered the service of the King of France, and died of his wounds, in the year 1554, as will be related in a subsequent note. [447] In Vautr edit. "James Melvin;" in MS. G, "Melvell." [448] In the summons of treason, he is styled Peter Carmichael of Balmadie. How long this "stout gentleman" survived, is uncertain; but he appears to have been succeeded by his brother. A charter of confirmation under the Great Seal was passed, "_quondam Petro Carmichaell de Balmadie_, Euphemiæ Wymes ejus conjugi, et quondam Jacobo Carmichaell de Balmadie suo fratri," of the lands of Kirkdrone, Easter Drone, Balmadie, and Quhelphill, in the shires of Perth and Lanark, 13th December 1593. The next in succession seems to have been David, who died before 1646: David Carmichael of Balmadie, on the 14th November 1646, having been served heir of his father, David Carmichael of Balmadie. Two years later, in another service, he is styled "Dom. David Carmichael de Balmadie miles."--(Retours, Fife, No. 575, 747; Perth, 557, 575.) The lands of Balmadie are in the lordship and regality of Abernethy. [449] In the summons of treason, he is called James Melville elder. See footnote, where Knox makes mention of his death, in France, under the year 1549. [450] Knox must certainly be held responsible for this marginal note, which has given rise to so much abuse. But after all, this phrase, "_the godly fact and words_," applies to the _manner_ of putting Beaton to death, as a just punishment inflicted on a persecutor of God's saints, rather than an express commendation of the act itself. [451] David Beaton was a younger son of John Beaton of Balfour, in Fife. He was born in 1494, and his name occurs in the Registers of the University of St. Andrews in 1509, and of Glasgow, in 1511. He afterwards went to France, where he studied the Civil and Canon Law. His first preferment was the Rectorship of Campsie, in 1519, when he was designed "Clericus S. Andreæ Diocesis;" and in that year he was made Resident for Scotland in the Court of France. In 1523, his uncle, James Beaton, being made Primate of St. Andrews, resigned in his favour the Commendatory of Arbroath, or Aberbrothock, reserving to himself, during life, the half of its revenues. David Beaton sat, as Abbot of Arbroath, in the Parliament 1525. He was afterwards employed in public services abroad. In December 1537, he was consecrated Bishop of Mirepoix in Languedoc. The King of France contributed to Beaton's advancement to the Cardinalate, to which he was promoted by the title of "Sti. Stephani in Monte Coelio." In the same month he was made Coadjutor of St. Andrews, and declared future successor to his uncle, James Beaton.--(Keith's Catalogue of Bishops, p. 37; Senators of the College of Justice, p. 71.) In a letter, dated 29th March 1539, "the Abbot of Arbroath, now Bushope of Sanct Andrewes," is mentioned, his uncle having died in the beginning of 1539. On the 13th December 1543, the Cardinal Archbishop was created Lord High Chancellor. He was assassinated upon Saturday the 29th of May 1546. [452] Sir James Leirmonth of Dairsye: see note 439. He had filled the office of Master of the Household in the reign of James the Fifth, (Holinshed's Chronicle, p. 448, edit. 1577,) and not Treasurer, as previously stated at page 102, and in Tytler's Scotland, vol. v. p. 270, when mentioned as one of the Commissioners sent to England in March 1543, to treat of the marriage of the infant Princess with Edward the Sixth. [453] These words, "How miserably," &c., are scored, as if deleted, and are omitted in all the other copies. [454] In Vautr. edit. "a corner;" in MS. G, "a neuk." [455] The following paragraph is given by Foxe, in connexion with his account of Wishart's martyrdom, as mentioned in note 434:-- "A note of the just punishment of God upon the cruell Cardinall Archbyshop of Saint Andrewes, named Beaton. "It was not long after the Martyrdome of the blessed man of God, M. George Wischeart aforesayd, who was put to death by David Beaton, the bloudy Archbyshop and Cardinall of Scotland, as is above specified, an. 1546, the first day of March, but the sayd Dauid Beaton, Archbyshop of S. Andrewes, by the just revenge of God's mighty judgement, was slayen within his own Castle of S. Andrewes, by the handes of one Lech [Leslie] and other gentlemen; who, by the Lord styrred vp, brake in sodeinly into his Castle upon him, and in his bed murthered him the same yeare, the last day of May, crying out, 'Alas, alas, slay me not, I am a Priest.' And so lyke a butcher he lyved, and like a butcher he dyed, and lay 7 monethes and more unburyed, and at last, like a carion, buryed in a dunghill. An. 1546, Maij ult. _Ex historia impressa._"--(Foxe, edit. 1576, p. 1235.) Sir David Lyndesay thus alludes to the Cardinal's fate, in his poem entitled "The Tragedie of the umquhyle maist reverend Father David, be the mercy of God, Cardinal, and Archebischop of Sanct Androis," &c.,-- "Quhen every man had judgit as him list, They saltit me, syne closit me in ane kist. I lay unburyit sevin monethis, and more Or I was borne, to closter, kirk, or queir, In are midding, quhilk pane bene to deplore, Without suffrage of chanoun, monk, or freir; All proud Prelatis at me may lessonis leir, Quhilk rang so lang, and so triumphantlye, Syne in the dust doung doun so dolefullye." Foxe's statement respecting the Cardinal's burial, is evidently incorrect. Sir James Balfour, in his MS. Account of the Bishops of St. Andrews, says of Cardinal Beaton, that "His corpse, after he had lyne salted in the bottom of the Sea-tower, within the Castell, was nine months thereafter taken from thence, and obscurely interred in the Convent of the Black Friars of St. Andrews, in anno 1547." Holinshed, in some measure, reconciles these apparent contradictions: After referring to what Knox has called "the coloured Appointment," (see p. 183,) entered into by the Governor, in the view of having his son released, it is added, "_They delivered also the dead bodye of the Cardinall_, after it had layne buried in a dunghill, within the Castell, ever sithence the daye which they slew him."--(Chron. of Scotland, p. 466, edit. 1577.) This must have been either in December 1546, or in January 1546-7, immediately after the Governor had raised the siege of the Castle. [456] In Vautr. edit. "merily." [457] John Hamilton: See note 331. Immediately after the quotation in the previous note, Foxe continues: "After this David Beaton, succeeded John Hamelton, Archbyshop of S. Andrewes, an. 1549; who to the extent that he would in no wayes appeare inferiour to his predecessour in augmentyng the number of the holy Martyrs of God, in the next yeare following called a certaine poore man to judgement, whose name was Adam Wallace. The order and maner of whose story here foloweth." (See note 611.) [458] In Vautr. edit. and the later MSS., "dolorous to the Queen's daughter." [459] George Douglas was a natural son of Archibald Earl of Angus. To qualify him for preferment in the Church, a letter of legitimation was passed under the Great Seal, 14th March 1542-3. On the death of Cardinal Beaton, in the contest for his several preferments, the Abbacy of Arberbrothick, (now Arbroath,) had been conferred on Douglas by the Governor. Hume of Godscroft, alluding to his title of Postulate of Aberbrothock, says, he "not only did postulate it, but apprehended it also, and used it as his own."--(Hist. of the House of Douglas and Angus, vol. ii. p. 63, edit. 1743.) Yet James Beaton obtained possession of the Abbacy, and retained it till 1551, when he was raised to the See of Glasgow. In the Treasurer's Accounts for November 1549, we find that "Maister James Betoun, Postulat of Aberbrothock," was ordered to find surety "to underly the lawis, for tressonable intercommunyng with Schir Jhonn Dudlie Inglisman, sumtyme Capitane of the Fort of Brochty;" and persons were sent "to Aberbrothok to requyre the place thairof to be gevin oure to my Lord Governouris Grace, becaus Maister James Betoun wes at the horne."--Douglas took an active share in devising the murder of Rizzio, in 1566. Upon the death of Patrick Hepburn, Bishop of Moray, Douglas became his successor, and was consecrated 5th February 1573-4. Keith says he was Bishop of Moray for sixteen years; and that he was buried in the church of Holyroodhouse. [460] The summons of treason against the conspirators in the Castle of St. Andrews, is contained in the Acts of Parliament. It was passed under the Great Seal on the 10th of June 1546, and it cited them to compear before the Parliament on the 30th of July, within the City of Edinburgh. On the 29th of July the Parliament met, and continued the summons until the 4th of August. On the same day, were "Letters direct to Fyf, chargeing all maner of man that nane of thame tak upone hande to molest, trouble, or mak onye impediment to Normound Leslie or his complicies, that thai may frelie cum to Edinburgh to the Parliament and allege thair defensis, and frelie to pas and repas," &c.--(Treasurer's Accounts.) Some overtures to Parliament for their remission having proved abortive, the persons referred to were declared guilty of high treason, and their lands and goods forfeited. The chief persons mentioned in the summons were--Norman Lesley, Fear of Rothes; Peter Carmichael of Balmadie; James Kirkaldy of the Grange; William Kirkaldy, his eldest son; David Kirkaldy, his brother; John, Patrick, and George Kirkaldy, brothers to the said James Kirkaldy of the Grange; John Leslie of Parkhill; Alexander Inglis; James Melville elder; John Melville, bastard son to the Laird of Raith; Alexander Melville; David Balfour, son to the Laird of Mountquhanny; William Guthrie; Sir John Auchinleck, Chaplain; and Sir John Young, Chaplain.--(Acta Parl. Scot. vol. ii. pp. 467, 468.) [461] Pitscottie, after stating that the conspirators at the end of six days were put to the horn, thus proceeds in his narrative:--"So they keipit still the Castle of Sanct Andros, and furnished it with all neccssar; and all sie as suspected thamselffis guiltie of the said slauchter, past into the said Castle for thair defence, to witt, the Laird of Grange, Maister Hendrie Prymros, [err. for Balnaves,] the Laird of Pitmillie, the old persone George Leslie, Sir Johne Auchinleck, _with many utheris, who wer nocht at the slauchter_, but suspected thamselffis to be borne at evill will; thairfoir they lap in to the Castle, and remained thair the space of halfe ane yeir, and would not obey the authoritie, nor yitt hear of no appoyntment nor offerris which was offerred unto thame be the authoritie. But still malignant aganis the Queine and Governour, thinked thamselffis strong enough againes thame both; and send thair messingeris to Ingland to seik support; but quhat they gott, I cannot tell."--(Dalyell's edit. p. 435.) Spotiswood is much more concise. He says, "Diverse persons, upon the news of the Cardinal's death, came and joyned with those that had killed him, especially Maister Henry Balnaves, the Melvilles of the house of Raith, and some gentlemen of Fife, to the number of seven score persons, who all entered into the Castle the day after the slaughter, and abode there during the term of the first siege. John Rough, he that had attended the Governour as Chaplain in the beginning of his regiment, came also thither, and became their preacher."--(History, p. 84.) [462] James Lord Hamilton, afterwards third Earl of Arran, and eldest son of the Governor, was kept as a hostage in the Castle of St. Andrews at the time of the Cardinal's slaughter. He was retained by the conspirators as a pledge for their own advantage. In the event of his being delivered to the English, the Parliament, on the 14th of August 1546, passed an Act, excluding Lord Hamilton from all right of succession to the family estates and the Crown, (being then regarded as presumptive heir to the Crown,) during the time of his captivity. [463] This was George Durie. George, Abbot of Dunfermline, was present at the sentence against Patrick Hamilton in February 1527-8, yet it appears that his kinsman, James Beaton, Archbishop of St. Andrews, was actually Commemdator. Durie, however, who was Archdeacon of St. Andrews, styles himself Abbot in 1530, and continued to act as subordinate to Beaton during the Primate's Life. Beaton died in 1539; and Durie's appointment to the Abbacy of Dunfermline was confirmed by James the Fifth. He was nominated an Extraordinary Lord of Session, 2d July 1541. Durie continued to act as Commendator, or Abbot, till 1560, when he went to France, and died on the 27th January 1560-61: his successor on the bench took his seat on the 12th November that year. According to Dempster, two years after his death he was canonized by the Church of Rome.--(Senators of the College of Justice, p. 67; Keith's Hist. vol. i. p. 331; Registrum de Dunfermlyn, p. xvi.) [464] Montquhanie is in the parish of Kilmany, and was the seat of Sir Michael Balfour. [465] "Nor by the law," omitted in Vautr. edit. [466] In Vautr. edit. "enjoy." [467] In MS. G, and other copies, "Arran:" see note 462. [468] In Vautr. edit. "_esperance_", here and elsewhere, is rendered "hope." [469] See note 474. [470] Pasche, or Easter. In 1547, this festival fell on the 10th of April. Thus it was upwards of ten months after the Cardinal's death before Knox took shelter in the Castle of St. Andrews. As this notice fixes the duration of Knox's abode within the Castle to less than four months, we may suppose that his vocation to the ministry, by John Rough, was in the end of May, or early in June 1547. The Castle had been besieged by the Governor, without any success, from the end of August till December 1546. But the French fleet, to assist the Governor in its reduction, arrived in June 1547, and the Castle being again invested both by sea and land, and receiving no expected aid from England, the besieged were forced to capitulate on the last of July that year. [471] Hugh Douglas of Long-Niddry, in the parish of Gladsmuir, East-Lothian, about four miles from Tranent. (See Patten's Expedition, sig. D ii. for a notice of his wife, when the English came "to Lang Nuddrey.") The mansion-house of Long-Niddry "is now known only by a circular mound, rising a few feet above the ground, containing the subterraneous vaults which were connected with the building."--(Stat. Acc. Haddington, p. 184.) Near it is the ruinous Chapel which still bears the name of John Knox's Kirk. Hugh Douglas, the father of Knox's pupils, Francis and George, was a cadet of the Douglasses of Dalkeith. He must have died before the year 1567; as his son, Francis Douglas of Langnudry, is named as third in the line of succession to James Earl of Morton, failing his lawful male issue, in the deed of ratification, dated 19th April 1567.--(Acta Parl. Scot. vol. ii. p. 564.) [472] Alexander Cockburn, Knox's pupil, according to the inscription on a brazen tablet, erected to his memory in the aisle of the old Church of Ormiston, was born in the year 1535-6.--(Collection of Epitaphs, &c., p. 342, Glasgow, 1834, 12mo; Stat. Acc. Haddington, p. 179.) The following is the inscription alluded to, as still extant at Ormiston:-- "Hic conditur Mag. ALEXANDER COCKBURN, Primogenitus Joannis Domini Ormiston et Alisonæ Sandilands, ex preclara familia Calder, qui natus 13 Januarij 1535: Post insignem Linguarum Professionem, Obiit anno ætatis suæ 28, cal. Sept." As Cockburn was born in 1535-6, he must have died in 1564. The tablet referred to also contains Buchanan's lines. _Omnia quæ longa_, &c., celebrating his learning, and lamenting his premature fate. Dempster likewise quotes these lines and another elegy on his death, by Buchanan. (Opera, vol. ii. pp. 106, 120,) and says, that Alexander Cockburn, who had spent several years abroad, published various works, of which he had only seen three, the titles of which he specifies; but he mistakes the date of his death, in placing it in 1572, and his age, as 25.--(Hist. Eccles. p. 182.) [473] In MS. G, "in cumpany." [474] John Rough is said to have been born in 1510. It must have been previous to that date, as his name, "Johannes Rouch," occurs in the second class or division of persons who were Incorporated in St. Leonard's College, in the year 1521. He entered a monastery at Stirling, when only seventeen years of age. The reputation he had acquired as a preacher, induced the Governor to procure a dispensation for him to leave the monastery, and become one of his chaplains. In the Treasurer's Accounts, February 1512-3, he is called "Maister Johnne Ra, Chaplane to my Lord Governour," upon occasion of receaving "ane goun, doublet, hoiss, and bonet." Foxe mentions that Rough visited Rome twice, and was very much shocked with what he witnessed in that city, which he had been taught to regard as the fountain of sanctity. He entered the Castle of St. Andrews, as Knox states, soon after the Cardinal's slaughter; but he retired to England before the capitulation in 1547. (See Calderwood's account of him, vol. i. p. 251.) He continued to preach till the death of Edward the Sixth; when he crossed to Narden in Friesland. But having come over to London, he was informed against to Bishop Bonner, by whose orders he was committed to the flames at Smithfield, on the 22d of December 1557. "An account of his examination, and two of his letters, (says Dr. M'Crie,) breathing the true spirit of a Christian Martyr, may be seen in Foxe, p. 1840-41."--(Life of Knox, vol. i. pp. 51, 52, 67.) Rough's fate is thus commemorated, in a rare poetical tract by Thomas Bryce, entitled "A Compendeous Register in Metre, conteigning the names and pacient suffryngs of the Membres of Jesus Christ; and the tormented and cruelly burned within England, since the death of our famous Kyng of immortal memory, Edwarde the Sixte," &c. London, 1559, 8vo. DECEMBER [1557.] When Jhon Roughe, a minister weke, And Margaret Mering, with corage died, Because Christ onely they did seeke, With fier of force they must bee fried; When these in Smithfield were put to death, We wishte for our Elizabeth. [475] In Vautr. edit. "M. Iohne." [476] In Vautr. edit. the name Annand having been omitted, he is spoken of as "Dean John." [477] Dean John Annand was an ecclesiastic of some note. In a decreet arbitral, dated 16th Oct. 1518, as well as in the sentence pronounced against Sir John Borthwick, in 1540, he is styled a Canon of the Metropolitan Church of St. Andrews. He became Principal of St. Leonard's College in 1544, and he held that office till 1550, when he was succeeded by John Law. [478] In Vautr. edit. "preaching." [479] In Vautr. edit. "briefly." [480] In Vautr. edit. "other new names." [481] In MS. G, "names." [482] Or Major: (see note 74.) He was born in 1469, and consequently at this time was far advanced in years. At the Provincial Council held in 1549, "_M. Johannes Mayr_, decanus facultatis theologicæ Universitatis Sancti Andrete, et Martinus Balfour, Doctores in theologia, _annosi_, _grandævi_, _et debiles_, comparuerunt per procuratores."--(Wilkins, Concil., vol. iv. p. 46.) He died in 1550. [483] John Wynrame: see note 395. [484] In Vautr. edit. "others hewed;" in MS. G, "utheris hued." [485] In MS. G, "Nydre."--The person referred to was James Forsyth of Nydie, who had a charter of the salmon fishings pertaining to the King, in the water of Edyn, in Fyfe, 25th September 1541. The name of James Forsyth of Nydie in the regality of St. Andrews, between 1533 and 1552, occurs in an old Rental book belonging to the City of St. Andrews. One of his descendants was Alexander Forsyth, who was served heir of his father James Forsyth, in the lands of Nydie Easter, in the regality of St. Andrews, 16th April 1634.--(Retours, Fife, No. 142.) [486] John Hamilton, Abbot of Paisley, as already stated, was appointed High Treasurer in 1543, when Kirkaldy of Grange was superseded. The Abbot's Accounts, under his designation of Bishop of Dunkeld, were rendered on the 1st October 1546, having commenced 13th August 1543. In the title of his Accounts, commencing 1st October 1546, and rendered on the 16th of September 1550, he is styled Archbishop of St. Andrews. He may therefore have been promoted to the Primacy in October 1546; but he was not inducted until the year 1549. This date is fixed by the Archbishop himself, in a deed, 31st March 1558, as "the 12th year of our Consecration, and the 9th of our Translation to the Primacy."--(Lyons Hist. of St. Andrews, vol. ii. p. 262.) Keith has shown that Hamilton, who had been presented to the See of Dunkeld on the death of George Crichton, in January 1543-4, was not consecrated until 1545, or more probably the beginning of 1546. In like manner he continued to be styled John Bishop of Dunkeld, until the 14th June 1549; immediately after which date his translation to St. Andrews no doubt took place.--(Catal. of Bishops, pp. 38, 96.) [487] In MS. G, "unfaythfull." [488] That is, as in MS. G, &c., "our youth;" Vautr. edit. has "your thoughtes." [489] This Friar may probably be identified with Alexander Arbuckylle, whose name appears in the list of Determinants, in the fourth class (4^tus actus) "in Pedagogio," at St. Andrews, in 1525. There was a Franciscan Monastery of Observantines at St. Andrews, to which he doubtless belonged. [490] In MS. G, and in Vautr. edit., "abashed." [491] In MS. G, "his fault." [492] In Vautr. edit. "hinder." [493] In Vautr. edit. "were merily skoft ower." [494] The Treatise which Knox wrote on board the French galley, containing a Confession of his Faith, and which he sent to his friends in Scotland, is not known to be preserved. The substance of it was probably embodied in some of his subsequent writings. Knox might, however, have had some reference to the Epistle which he addressed to his brethren in Scotland, in 1548, in connexion with Balnaves's Confession, or treatise on Justification, (see note 575.) [495] Mr. John Spittal, Official Principal of St. Andrews, held the office of Rector of the University, from 1547 to 1550. In the "Liber Officialis S. Andree Principalis," from which extracts were printed for the Abbotsford Club, Edinb. 1845, 4to, his name occasionally occurs: thus, "Joannes Spittal a Niuibus rector, in utroque Jure Licentiatus, Officialis Sancti Andree Principalis," &c., 24 Aprilis 1547; and on the 20th February 1548-9, he has the additional title of Provost of the Collegiate Church of St. Mary in the Fields, near Edinburgh--"Prepositus Ecclesie Collegiate diui Virginis Marie de Campis prope Edinburgh," (pp. 97, 101, 112; Wilkins, Concilia, vol. iv. p. 46.) [496] Sir James Balfour of Pittendreich, eldest son of Balfour of Montquhanie, (see before, p. 183,) is styled by Principal Robertson, and not unjustly, us "the most corrupt man of his age." Having joined the conspirators at St. Andrews, he was, when the Castle was surrendered to the French, sent on board the same galley with Knox. According to Spotiswood, he obtained his freedom before the other prisoners were released, by abjuring his profession; and upon his return to Scotland, he was appointed Official of Lothian, by the Archbishop of St. Andrews.--(Hist. p. 90.) At a subsequent time, when raised to the bench, he took his seat under the title of Parson of Flisk. [497] That is, Martin Luther's. [498] In MS. G, "lat the godlie bewar of that race and progeny." So in Vautr. edit., with this addition, "progenie by eschewing." The obvious meaning of the words is, "let the person of that race who lives godly be shown." [499] Sir James Balfour of Pittendreich, eldest son of Balfour of Montquhanie, (see before, p. 183,) is styled by Principal Robertson, and not unjustly, us "the most corrupt man of his age." Having joined the conspirators at St. Andrews, he was, when the Castle was surrendered to the French, sent on board the same galley with Knox. According to Spotiswood, he obtained his freedom before the other prisoners were released, by abjuring his profession; and upon his return to Scotland, he was appointed Official of Lothian, by the Archbishop of St. Andrews.--(Hist. p. 90.) At a subsequent time, when raised to the bench, he took his seat under the title of Parson of Flisk. [500] That is, Martin Luther's. [501] In MS. G, "lat the godlie bewar of that race and progeny." So in Vautr. edit., with this addition, "progenie by eschewing." The obvious meaning of the words is, "let the person of that race who lives godly be shown." [502] Langhope, a castle on the Borders, belonging to Lord Maxwell, which the English had obtained possession of. [503] In Vautr. edit. "court." [504] In Vautr. edit. "plague." [505] In the MS. "age." [506] In Vautr. edit. "The xxix of July." [507] In Vautr. edit. "comming with the Priour," &c. [508] Leon Strozzi, a Knight of Malta, Prior of Capua, and Captain-General of the galleys of France. His brother, Peter Strozzi, was Captain of the French galleys which came to Scotland in 1549. [509] In MS. G, Vautr. edit., &c., "Felcam."--That is, the vessels arrived at Fecamp, a sea-port of Normandy, about half-way between Dieppe and Havre. [510] The water of Sequane, or the river Seine, is one of the four great rivers of France. It rises in Burgundy, and passing the cities of Paris and Rouen, (called by Knox, Rowane,) flows into the English Channel at Havre. [511] This John Hamilton of Milburn is not mentioned by the Historian of the Hamiltons. The earliest of the family mentioned is Matthew, in 1549. His name, however, is correctly given by Knox, as we find in the Treasurer's Accounts, these three payments:-- 1545, January. "Item, be my Lord Governouris precept deliverit to my Lord Cardinale, quhilk he lent to Maister Jhonn Hammyltoun of Mylburne, to set furth the artailze at Birgen raid, £600." 1547, November. "Item, to Maister Jhonn Hammyltoun of Mylburn, Maister of Wark for the tyme to the Quenys Grace's bigingis, quhilk he debursit upoun hir Grace's warkis _befoir his departing towart France_, as his tiket of compt, heir present to schaw, beris, £1238, 17s. 6d." "Item, to Maister Jhonn Hammyltoun of Mylburne, _direct to the Kingis Grace of France_, in the effaris of this Realme, £400." That Knox is also correct in regard to the time of his death, may be inferred from the date of these payments, and from the circumstance that (his son, no doubt) Matthew Hamilton _of Mylburn_, had a charter under the Great Seal of the lands of Houston in Linlithgowshire, dated in 1549. This Matthew had another charter of the same lands to himself, and to Agnes Livingstone his spouse, and to Henry Hamilton his son and heir apparent, 20th November 1553. His son predeceased him, and the property came to Robert, fratri quondam Mathæi Hamilton de Melburne. See Anderson's House of Hamilton, p. 323*. [512] In Vautr. edit. "mountain." _Craig_, a _rock_, is in other passages also erroneously made _mountain_. [513] The city of Rouen, in Normandy. [514] Nantes in Bartanze, or Britanny, the large commercial city in the west of France. It is situated in the department of the Loire Inferieure, about twenty-seven miles from the mouth of the river Loire. [515] In MS. G, and Vautr. edit., "went." [516] The Castle and Episcopal Palace of St. Andrews is now in ruins. It stands on a detached point of land to the north of the town, and is bounded on two sides by the sea. It entered from the south side by a drawbridge, across a deep fosse or ditch, which being now removed and filled up with rubbish, very much injures the picturesque appearance of the Castle. After its surrender, on the last of July 1547, the Castle was ordered by an Act of Council to be rased to the ground. The fortress and "block-houses" were no doubt partially demolished, but the building itself was speedily repaired and inhabited by Archbishop Hamilton, whose arms cut in stone still remain over one of the windows at the south-east corner. The north-west corner or keep was surmounted by a tower, and is the place mentioned by Knox at pages 53, 179, as "the Sea-tower." On entering it, after descending a few steps, the dungeon is shewn to visitors by letting down a light, till it nearly reaches the bottom, at about 20 feet. The diameter at the top may be 7 feet, and after a descent of 7 or 8 feet, it gradually widens to 18 or 20 feet diameter, cut out of the solid rock. There is no appearance of any similar excavation at the north-east corner. The Castle, when surrendered, was abundantly supplied with provisions, and it contained the Cardinal's money and furniture, to the value, it is said, of £100,000; and also the property of other persons, which had been brought hither as to a place of security. [517] The Earl of Hertford, created Duke of Somerset, was Lord Protector of England. Of his Expedition into Scotland, there was published at the time a minute and interesting account. See note 535. [518] Preston is near the village of Prestonpans, in the parish of that name, being about eight miles east from Edinburgh. [519] In this place in the MS., half a page on the reverse of fol. 70, and nearly as much at the top of the next leaf, are left blank, us if for the purpose of afterwards inserting the letter here mentioned.--There is still preserved among the "State Papers, in the reign of Henry the Eighth," a letter addressed by that Monarch to the Governor and Council of Scotland, on the 20th December 1546, (vol. v. p. 576.) It expresses his desire for peace and tranquillity; but stipulates that the siege of St. Andrews shall be relinquished, as he formerly had made promise to the gentlemen in the Castle "to helpe them in their necessities." The English Monarch died on the 28th of January 1546-7; and it is scarcely necessary to add, that the expected aid was not sent. [520] In all the copies, "Friday the 7th." [521] Or Inveresk. [522] In MS. G, "playand;" in Vautr. edit., "playing." [523] In Vautr. edit. "preachers." [524] Hume Castle, in Roxburghshire, in the united parishes of Stitchell and Hume, was a celebrated border fortress, often besieged by the English.--Alexander fifth Lord Home, succeeded his father in 1547, a few days after the battle of Pinkie. It was in order to save his life, he being then a prisoner, that his mother, Lady Home, was influenced to surrender the Castle to the English, 20th September 1547; from whom it was recovered by stratagem, in 1548, as minutely detailed by Beaugué, in his History of the Campaigns, &c., pp. 77-82. Lord Home was appointed Warden of the East Marches; and was a supporter of the Reformation. He died in 1575. [525] Falside hill or bray, is in the parish of Inveresk, near Carberry hill. [526] The battle of Pinkie took place in a field to the east of Musselburgh, and adjacent to Pinkie house. [527] George Durie, Abbot of Dunfermline: see note 463. [528] Hugh Rigg of Carberry: see note 165. Buchanan mentions him as one of the persons by whose advice the Governor suppressed the Duke of Somerset's letters; and calls him "a lawyer, more remarkable for his large body and personal strength, than for any knowledge of military affairs." [529] Archibald Douglas seventh Earl of Angus, succeeded his grandfather, the sixth Earl, who was slain at Floddon, along with his son George Master of Angus. He married Margaret, the Queen Dowager, mother of James the Fifth, and during the King's minority he obtained and exercised great power; but was banished when James had assumed the Royal authority. His daughter, Lady Margaret Douglas, by the Queen Dowager, became Countess of Lennox, and mother of Darnley. The Earl of Angus died at Tantallon Castle in the year 1556. [530] Archibald Campbell, fifth Earl of Argyle: see a subsequent note near the end of Book First. [531] MS. G, has "the armie." [532] The word "host," omitted in the MS., is supplied from MS. G. [533] In MS. G, "frayed thame grettumlie." Vautr. edit. has, "affraied them wonderouslie." [534] In MS. G, "the Erle of Huntlie." [535] Dr. Patrick Anderson, in his MS. History of Scotland, in describing the disastrous flight at Pinkie, says, "it was owing more to lack of good and prudent government, than by any manhood of the enemie. For it was plainly reported, that some were traitors amongst us, and that they received gold from England; whereupon the following distich was said, It was _your_ gold, and _our_ traitors wanne The field of Pinkie, and noe Englishman." The date of this calamitous defeat at Pinkie, near Musselburgh, was the 10th of September 1547. The English forces were accompanied by William Patten, who, from his notes or diary, published his curious and interesting work, intituled, "The Expedicion into Scotlande of the most woorthely fortunate prince Edward, Duke of Soomerset, vncle vnto our most noble souereign lord the kinges Maiestie Edvvard the VI. Goouernour of hys hyghnes persone, and Protectour of hys graces Realmes, dominions, & subiectes: made in the first yere of his Maiesties most prosperous reign, and set out by way of diarie, by W. Patten, Londoner. VIVAT VICTOR."--Colophon, "Imprinted in London, by Richard Grafton, &c., M.D.XLVIII." Small 8vo, bl. 1. [536] In MS. G, "many ransomes;" in Vautr. edit., "many reasons, Honestie or unhonestie." [537] Robert Master of Erskine, eldest son of John fourth Lord Erskine, (and fifth Earl of Mar, who died in 1552.) As stated in the text, he was slain at Pinkie, 10th September 1547; and leaving no issue, his next brother Thomas, Master of Erskine, having also predeceased his father, John Erskine, originally intended for the Church, became sixth Earl of Mar, in 1552. [538] In Vautr. edit. _craig_ is rendered "mountains."--Broughty Craig, now known as Broughty Ferry, at the mouth of the river Tay, four miles below Dundee. The old Castle, now in ruins, forms a conspicuous object from the opposite side of the river.--Among other disbursements for "resisting of our old enemies," are the following:-- "Item, (Jan. 1547-8,) at my Lord of Argilys passing to Dunde, Lieutenant for the tyme, for the recovering of the said toun and fort of Brochty furth of the Inglismennis bandis, rasit ane band of J^o [100 men] of weyr, send with him, and put under the governance of Duncan Dundass; and to the said men of weyr, ... iij^m lib." "Item, (Feb. 1548-9,) to summound Alexander Quhitlaw of New Grange, to underly the law for his tressonable art, part, and counsale geving to the putting of the House of Brouchtye in the Englische mennis handis, continewall remanying with thame, conveying of thame to the byrnyng of Dunde and Forfair, rydand and gangand with thame in all thair dedis and heir-schippis upoun our Souerane Ladyis landis and subjectis, etc." [539] Probably in January or February 1547-8. Bishop Lesley mentioning Gawin Hamilton's death, calls him "Gubernatoris cognato," (De Rebus, &c., p. 489,) and "awin tender kynisman" of the Governor.--(Hist. p. 203.) We may therefore suppose he was the same person with Gawin Hamilton of Orbiston, who was named in the settlement of the Hamilton estates in 1540.--(Anderson's House of Hamilton, p. 271.) In October 1547, the Treasurer repaid "to Maister Gawyne Hammyltoun, quhilk he debursit in the Castle of Edinburgh, the tyme of the field (of Pynkeclouch) xxvi lib." He had previously been engaged in conducting the siege of St. Andrews, as in December 1547, "The Compttar, (or Treasurer,) discharges him in this moneth, quhairwith he sowld have been dischargeit in the moneth of December, in Anno 1546, quhilk was deliverit to J^c lxxx culvering men, under the governaunce of Capitane Gawyne Hammylton and Robert Lindesay, parson of Covingtoun; quhilk band was rasit for recovering of the Castell of Sanctandrois, and indurit v monethis, to ilkane of thir culvering men in the moneth, iiij lib. Summa to the said space, ... iij^m vj^c lib." (£3600.) "Item, the samyne tyme, under the governaunce of the saidis Capitanis J^c xx pikmen, quhilkis alsua remanit the tyme of the said assege, to every ane of thame in the moneth, iij lib. x s. Summa be the said space, ... ij^m lib." (£2000.) "Item, to the saidis twa Capitanis, for thair awin feis, thair hand-seinze lieutenant, provest, clerk, and officiaris of band, ilkane of the said Capitanis in the moneth, J^c lib. Summa in the saidis v monethis, J^m lib." (£1000.) [540] In Vautr. edit. "That Lent." [541] John Cockburn, (who has been already noticed, and will be again met with under the year 1559,) was forfeited 14th December 1548. [542] Alexander Crichton of Brunstone was a leading agent in the English schemes for assassinating Cardinal Beaton, although eventually accomplished without his aid. From his connexion with George Wishart, some fruitless attempts have been made to implicate Wishart in such schemes. See Appendix, No. IX.--The situation of Brunstone, in the barony of Pennycuik, is already noticed at page 135. A charter under the Great Seal of the lands of Gilberton, was granted to Alexander Creichtoun of Burnstoun, and John Creichtoun his son and heir, 19th November 1542. On the 8th November 1545, there was paid, "be my Lord Governouris speciall command, to the Laird of Brounstoun, in support of his expensis maid in tyme of his being in Ingland, lauborand for redres of certane Scottis schippis tane be the Inglische men, &c., 44 lib." He was forfeited, and escaped from Scotland in the year 1548. His death must have taken place before the 5th December 1558, as on that day the process of forfeiture against him was reduced by the Scotish Parliament, at the instance of John Creichton, eldest lawful son and heir of _umquhile_ Alexander Creichton of Burnstane.--(Acta Parl. Scot. vol. ii. p. 520.) On the 26th February 1564-5, John Creichton of Brunstone, had a charter of confirmation of the lands of Gilbertoun; and another, on the 12th February 1565-6, of the lands of Stanyhill, in the shire of Edinburgh. In the Retours we find the names of James Creichton junior, as heir of his brother John, of lands in the barony of Pennycuik, 30th May 1604; and James Creichton, as heir of John Creichton of Brunstone, his father, of the lands of Brunstone, &c., in the barony of Pennycuik, 17th May 1608. [543] In Vautr. edit. "after sore assalted." [544] Knox has evidently mistaken the year. Mons. de Dessé, Mons. Dandelot, and Pierre Strozzi, Captain of the galleys, arrived in Scotland, about June 1548; and Mons. de Térmes, in the year following: see 555. Bishop Lesley has given a detailed account of their proceedings.--(History, p. 206, &c.) See also "L'Histoire de la Guerre d'Escosse, traitant comme le Royaume fut assailly, & en grand' partie occupé par les Anglois, & depuis rendu paisible à sa Reyne, & reduit en son ancien estat & dignité, Par Ian de Beaugué, gentilhomme François. A Paris, 1556," 8vo. A translation of this work, ascribed to Dr. P. Abercromby, was published at Edinburgh in 1707, 8vo, with an historical preface. A MS. note by the celebrated Dr. Archibald Pitcairne, in a copy in my possession, asserts that the preface was written by Crawford the Historiographer, although claimed by the translator as his own; "but poor Crawford," he adds, was then dead. [545] This meeting of Parliament referred to, was "holdin at the Abbay of Hadingtoun," on the 7th July 1548; of which the only proceedings recorded are the "Propositioun by the maist Christian King of France; and the determinatioun of the Three Estatis, concerning the mariage of our Soverane Lady with the Dolphin of France."--(Acta Parl. Scot., vol. ii. p. 481.) [546] Sir Walter Scott of Branxholm, was served heir of his father, Sir Walter, in October 1517. He was slain in Edinburgh by Sir Walter Ker of Cessfurd, and Andrew Kerr of Fernyhurst, in October 1552.--(Acta Parl. Scot. vol. ii. p. 461.) In the Diurnal of Occurrents, the writer noticing his slaughter, calls him "ane valzeand guid Knycht," (p. 51.) Knox simply styles him "a bloody man."--(See Douglas and Wood's Peerage, vol. i. p. 240; and Scott's Lay of the Last Minstrel.) [547] The proposed alliance between Queen Mary and the Dauphin of France having been agreed to at Stirling, on the 8th February 1547-8, the same day, the Governor, James Earl of Arran, was created Duke of Chatellerault, by the King of France and the letters patent of his nomination were registered by the Parliament of France, on the 22d of April. [548] The Order of St. Michael was instituted by Louis XI., King of France, in 1469. The number of Knights was limited to thirty-six. It received the name of the Cockle, from the escalop-shells of gold with which the collar of the Order was ornamented.--In September 1548, is this payment by the Treasurer, "Item, for paintting of my Lord Governoures armes setting furth of the Collar that day that my Lord of Angus and Argyle had ressavit the Ordour, xlv s." From the date, we might have concluded that this referred to the Order of the Cockle, had it not been that three years previously mention is made, in a letter from one of the English "espialles," in Scotland, (communicated to Lord Wharton, on the 12th June 1545,) that "the Order of the Cocle," with a collar of gold, had then been sent from France to the Earl of Angus.--(State Papers, vol. v. p. 460.) [549] In the MS. this marginal note is scored through, as if to be deleted; but this seems to have been done by a later hand. A few of the letters are cut away by the binder, but the note itself occurs in Vautrollier's edition, p. 176; which does not contain the marginal words that follow, marking the precise time when this portion of the History was written. It is worthy of notice, that on the 15th June 1567, Bothwell having escaped to Dunbar, Queen Mary surrendered herself to the Nobles at Carberry Hill, and two days later, she was imprisoned in Lochleven Castle. The marginal words, therefore, to this purport, "Finish what thou hast begun, O my God, for the glory of thy name: 15th June 1567," may be regarded as if the author had viewed that event as being a partial accomplishment of his prediction which he states to have been written in April 1566. But the language here used by Knox, it is impossible to vindicate. [550] On the 26th November 1549, a pursuevant was sent to Stirling "with letters to the Maister of Arskine, charging him to keip Sir Robert Bowes, Inglisman, untransportit hame in his awin cuntré, quhill my Lord Governour and Counsale be farder avisit."--(Treasurer's Accounts.) [551] Sir James Wilford was taken prisoner by the French at Dunbar, in the year 1549: See Holinshed's Chronicles, England, vol. ii. p. 996; Scotland, p. 349, edit. 1586. [552] Prince Alexander Labanoff, in his collection of the Letters of Mary Queen of Scots, states, that at the end of July 1548, M. de Brézé, who arrived for that end, and Villegaignon, commander of the French squadron, received the young Queen and her suite, at Dumbarton. On the 13th August, he adds, Mary Stuart disembarked at the port of Brest, and was immediately conducted to St. Germain-en-Laye, where she was educated as one of the Royal family.--(Lettres de Marie Stuart, &c., vol. i.) The following entries from the Treasurer's Accounts, as relating to the young Queen, are not devoid of interest, in connexion with the similar payments quoted in note 287,-- "Item, (March 1548,) the Comptar dischargis him, gevyn to my Lord Erskyn and Lord Levingstoun, to ane compte of thair feyes restand awyn thame for keping of the Quenis Grace persoun, the sowme of J^c lxxvi lib. vi s. viij d. "Item, mair to thame, in compleit pament of all feyes restand awyn thame for the causis forsaid, (fra the last day of November in the zeir of God 1545 zeris,) unto the last day of Februar, in the zeir of God J^m V^c and fortye sevyn zeris, [1547-8,] quhilk was the day of thair departing with the Quenis Grace to Dumbartane, and sa dischargit the sowme of ij^m (2000) lib. "Item, (July 1548,) to Johnne Patersoun, to pas for marinaris to be pylattis, and to pas about in the galayes to the Vest seyes, that past to France with the Quenis Grace, xxij s." [553] In MS. G, and Vautr. edit., "I assure yow." [554] Cramond, a village on the south side of the Frith of Forth, five or six miles higher up than Leith. [555] In October 1547, a messenger was directed "to charge the maister capitane, quarter maisterris, and skippares of the schip callit the Schallop, chargeing thame to prepair and mak hir reddye for the recovering of Sanct Colmys Inche."--(Treasurer's Accounts.) St. Colme's Inch is a small island in the Frith of Forth, within two miles of the shore from Aberdour. There are still some remains of fortifications of a recent date. The island of Inch-Colme is chiefly remarkable for the ruins of an Abbey founded by King Alexander the First, about the year 1123, and dedicated to St. Columba. The inmates were Canon-Regulars of St. Augustine. [556] Although the name is apparently "De Arfe" in the MS., it might be read "De Aese." But the name "De Arfe" is found in Vautr. edit., and in MSS. A, E, I, and W. MS. L 2, has "De Anfe." In the MS. as originally written it stood, "That wynter remaned _Monsieur de Termes_ in Scotland," &c. This name was afterwards deleted, and that of "De Arfe" interlined; and it so appears in the copies above specified. But in MS. G, the original words are retained, thus indicating that the intermediate MS. from which MS. G was transcribed, may have been made previously to the correction of the name.--On the 12th June 1548, £4. 10s. was paid by the Treasurer "to Alexander Ross, pursevante, to attend upoun Monsieur Darse and the Frenche bande." The name, however, should be _Mons. de Dessé_, who continued in command of the French troops in Scotland, during 1548. Mons. de Termes arrived at Dumbarton with reinforcements, early in 1549, when Dessé returned to France.--(Beaugué, Histoire, fol. 107, 119.) [557] In Vautr. edit. "scarcenesse." [558] Niddry's Wynd, is now called Niddry Street, its former character of a wynd or close having been changed, when the houses at the top of it were removed in 1785, and the street called South Bridge was built, which connects the Old Town of Edinburgh with the Southern districts. [559] The Nether bow Port or gate was a large building, with houses on each side, dividing or forming a barrier between the High Street of Edinburgh, and the street in continuation still known as the Canongate, where the French troops were quartered during the Winter 1548-9. The building alluded to was removed as an obstruction to the street, in the year 1764. [560] In MS. G, and Vautr. edit., "violentlie repulsit him." [561] James Hamilton, Laird of Stenhouse, already alluded to at page 124, was Provost of the City as well as Captain of the Castle. Bishop Lesley says the occurrence which led to his death, took place early in October 1548. It must have been on or before the first of that month, as Sir William Hamilton of Sanquhar was on that day appointed Captain of the Castle of Edinburgh, with the salary of £533, 6s. 8d.--(Treasurer's Accounts.) [562] James Hamilton was his father's deputy as Captain of the Castle; and was also Director of the Chancery. [563] In MS. G, "Mr. Walter Stewart." [564] The town of Haddington was strongly garrisoned by Lord Grey of Wilton and the English forces, in April 1548; and was soon after besieged by the French auxiliaries, and likewise in the following year, but on both occasions without success. The Friar Kirk belonged to the Franciscan or Gray Friars; the choir of which, from its beautiful structure, was called _Lucerna Laudoniæ_, (the Lamp of Lothian.) Notwithstanding all the changes this church has undergone in the course of five or six centuries, it still exhibits the outlines of an imposing building, about 210 feet long, surmounted by a handsome square tower. No traces are now preserved of St. Catherine's Chapel. [565] According to Beaugué, this was a French soldier "corrupted by the enemy," who had served them as a spy. [566] In other copies, "aneughe,"--"enough." [567] See note 524.--Bishop Lesley says, the Castle, which had been left in charge of Sir Edward Dudley, was recovered on St. Stephen's night, (26th December,) 1548.--(Hist. pp. 201, 222.) [568] The Laird of Raith was Sir John Melville, Knight. Charters of the lands of Murdocairney, in Fife, were granted to him and his wife Helen Napier, in 1536 and 1542. James the Fifth, who conferred on him the honour of knighthood, appointed him Captain of the Castle of Dunbar. He was accused of heresy by Cardinal Beaton; but was not convicted. It may have been in reference to this charge that he obtained from the King a remission "for all crimes, excepting treason," which he may have committed prior to the 15th August 1538.--(Pitcairn's Crim. Trials, vol. i. p. 250*.) Subsequently being in favour of the English alliance, when all correspondence with England had been interdicted, an intercepted letter, addressed by Sir John Melville to his son, was laid hold of, and formed the ground of accusation for treason. On the 3d December 1548, writings were sent from Edinburgh "to all the lairdis and gentilmen of Fyfe to be heir Dec. 5^to. upoun the Laird of Rathis assise;" and on that day, the Treasurer paid 34s. "to Adame M'Cullo, pursewant, send agane to Fyfe to summond ane assiss to the Laird of Raith; and to execute summoundis of tressoun upoun the Laird of Petmille, and Maister Henry Balnavis, to the xxj day of Februar [1548-9.]" He was accordingly tried and executed in 1548-9, and his forfeited estates were bestowed on David Hamilton, youngest son of the Governor.--(Buchan. Hist. lib. xv. c. 65.) The forfeited estates, however, were restored by Queen Mary to his eldest son John Melville, by a special gift dated 12th Feb. 1562-3.--(Criminal Trials, vol. i. p. 341*.) He survived till the 13th July 1583. [569] In Vautr. edit. "prankes." [570] Ninian Cockburn, called Captain Ringan. In Vautr. edit. "Reingzein," and "Rengzeane," being a common or vulgar pronunciation of the name Ninian. [571] In order not to crowd the pages unnecessarily, some further particulars respecting Norman Lesley are reserved for the Appendix, No. XI. [572] Monypenny of Pitmilly, in the parish of Kingsbarns, in Fife, is a family of old standing. The mother of Cardinal Beaton was Isabell Monypenny of Pitmilly. David Monypenny, heir apparent of Petmillie, had a charter under the Great Seal, dated 30th March 1549. It is noticed at note 568, that summons of treason upon the Laird of Petmille, to the 21st February 1548-9, had been served on the 5th December 1548. But one of his daughters, as well as the "Laird," was implicated in countenancing the conspirators. On the last of November 1546, "a messinger was sent with ane letter direct to summound Jonet Monypenie, douchtor to the Laird of Petmylle, for hir remanyng in the Castell of Sanctandrois, and intercommonyng and assistance gevin be hir to Normound Leslie and his complices, slaares of my Lord Cardinall."--(Treasurer's Accounts.) [573] Sherisburg, is evidently Cherburg or Cherbourg, a well known sea-port in France, in Lower Normandy, (near Cape La Hogue.) [574] Henry Balnaves of Halhill raised himself to distinction by his talents and application. After pursuing his studies abroad for several years, he returned to Scotland, and was admitted an Advocate in November 1537. In July 1538, he was appointed a Lord of Session; and survived till the year 1570. A more minute account of his history will be given in Vol. III., in connexion with extracts from the Treatise mentioned in the following note, to which Knox prefixed an Epistle, in the year 1548. [575] This treatise on Justification, of which Knox, we are informed, had expressed an earnest desire, _as almost nothing more_, that it should be diligently sought after, and preserved from perishing, was discovered in MS. at Ormiston, subsequently to the death both of Knox and the Author. Yet David Buchanan, instead of these words, makes Knox to say, "which is extant to this day." It was first published under the following title:-- "The Confession of Faith, conteining how the troubled man should seeke refuge at his God, thereto led by Faith: with the Declaration of the article of Justification at length, &c. Compiled by M. Henry Balnaves of Halhill, and one of the Lords of Session and Counsell of Scotland, being a prisoner within the old Pallaice of Roane: In the year of our Lord 1548. Imprinted at Edinburgh, by Thomas Vautrollier. 1584." Small 8vo. [576] In Vautr. edit. the words, "the Messe was said in the gallay, or ellis heard upoun the schoar, in," are omitted by the printer, at the foot of page 181. The words are likewise omitted in MSS. L2 and 1. [577] The City of Nantes: see note 514. [578] MS. G reads correctly, "such an _idolle_;" but Vautr. edit. has, "such a _jewell_ is accursed;" and this blunder is retained in MSS. A, E, I, ("javel,") L2, and W.--Although no name is given in regard to the incident alluded to, this "merry fact" evidently happened to Knox himself. [579] Official of Lothian: see notes 496 and 603. [580] In MS. G, "a kape." [581] Probably in June 1548. [582] Mont St. Michel is a Benedictine Abbey, with a village strongly fortified, on a rocky island, surrounded with quicksands, and only accessible at low water. It is sixteen miles S.W. of Avranches, in Normandy. Its situation is highly picturesque; and many chivalrous associations are connected with the place; which, during the fifteenth century, had often been besieged, but unsuccessfully, by the English. From its strong and isolated position, it had probably been chosen for that purpose, and it still continues to be used for a State prison. [583] In MS. G, "eyes." [584] See note 202. [585] The King's Even, is evidently meant for the Eve of Epiphany, and the King of the Bean: see footnote to page 51. David Buchanan, aware of this allusion, from his long residence in France, has this marginal illustration: "_Le jour de Roys au soir, quand ils crient 'Le Roy boit.'_" The mention of this _fête_ may show, that Kirkaldy and his companions had made their escape on the 5th of January, and in the year 1549-50. [586] Sir John Masone, Ambassador for England at the French Court, on the 14th June 1550, says, "Touching the Scots at St. Andrews, he (the Constable of France) told me that the Lord Grange and his brother are flown he wist not whither, and two others were already set at liberty; and that the rest, at the King (Edward VI.) my master's contentation, should out of hand be put at large."--(Tytler's Edward VI., &c., vol. i. p. 295.) [587] In Vautr. edit. "they purposed." [588] The names of these brethren are very much overlooked by the different Peerage writers of Scotland, in their pedigrees of the Rothes family. The first marriage of George Earl of Rothes with Margaret Crichton, daughter of William Lord Crichton, was declared before 1524 to be uncanonical. But by this lady, "his affidate spouse," he had four sons: the eldest was George, who died unmarried; the others were Norman, William, and Robert. The reader may be referred to the Appendix of Nisbet's Heraldry, vol. ii. p. 141, to explain the grounds upon which the two latter, as heirs-male, were passed over in the succession, at their father's death, in 1558, when Andrew Lesley, the eldest son by subsequent marriage, and who had married a niece of the Governor the Earl of Arran, became Earl of Rothes. Of these two brethren, William is styled in Macfarlane's Genealogical Collections, "Laird of Cairnie, and, (it is added,) as some say, he died without succession." Bishop Lesley, in noticing the death of Norman Lesley in France, in 1554, says, "The King of France, for recompence of his service, received _his eldest brodir William_ in favour, and maid him gentill man of his chalmer."--(History, p. 249.) Knox's words in the text imply that he was alive in 1566. The other brother Robert, is perhaps the same who was admitted an Advocate in the Court of Session, in May 1537. He settled in Morayshire, in the parish of Spynie, and became founder of the Fendrassie family. He married Janet Elphingstone, a daughter of Robert Lord Elphingstone, and left three sons and two daughters. An inscription, in Latin verse, in the Cathedral Church of Elgin, while it commemorates their virtues and attachment, records that he and his wife were interred in the same grave.--(Monteith's Theatre of Mortality, p. 222, Edinb., 1713, 8vo.) [589] Le Conquet, a small town of Britanny, with a good harbour, opposite the island of Ushant, sixteen miles west of Brest. [590] He was probably the same person with Alexander Clark of Balbirnie, who became Lord Provost of Edinburgh from 1579 to 1583 inclusive. [591] In this paragraph Knox sums up briefly his own history between February 1548-9, when he was delivered from the French galley, and his first return to Scotland, in the end of harvest 1555. [592] Edward died on the 6th July 1553. [593] The word "English" is omitted in Vautr. edit. [594] Knox has abstained from entering upon any statement of the disputes which took place in the English congregation at Francfort, in 1554, in consequence of the introduction, by Dr. Coxe and others, of the Book of Common Prayer, and the use of various ceremonies. A short paper by Knox himself, connected with the charge brought against him before the Magistrates of Francfort, has been preserved by Calderwood, (Hist., vol. i. p. 120,) and will naturally fall to be included in Vol. III. of the present work. But a detailed account of the transactions at that time was drawn up and published anonymously, three years after Knox's death, by one of the Nonconformists. It is entitled, "A Brieff Discours off the Troubles begunne at Franckford in Germany, Anno Domini 1554. Abowte the booke off Common Prayer and Ceremonies, and continued by the Englishe men theyre, to thame off Q. Maries Reigne," and was originally published (at Geneva) in 1575, 4to. There is an accurate reprint of it at London, by John Petheram, 1846, 8vo, in which it is suggested, by the Rev. Thomas M'Crie, with great probability, the author may have been Dr. William Whittingham. [595] There were two editions of Knox's Admonition printed in 1554, within a few months of each other, under a fictitious imprint, and both of them abroad, as will be fully described in Vol. III. [596] In printing these names, Vautr. edit. is very incorrect; instead of John Sibbald, John Gray, William Guthrie, &c., it has "John _Sibbard_, John Gray, _within gathered_, and Stevin Bell." Yet this unintelligible nonsense is literally copied in MSS. L 2 and 1. MSS. A, W, and E, have "Sibbard," but give Guthry's name correctly. In the summons of treason against the conspirators, John Sibbald is called "brother of the Laird of Cukiston;" and Auchinleck is styled Sir John Auchinleck, chaplain. For mention of Guthrey, in connexion with an indignity offered to the Cardinal's body, the reader may be referred to Pitscottie. In the Treasurer's Accounts, we find 10s. was paid to a messenger, sent on the 3d of December 1547, with "Letters to serche and seik the gudes of Maister Jhonne Gray, persoun of Sanct Nycholace Kirk, beside Cowper, quhilkis pertenis to our Souerane Lady be resoun of eschete, throu the said Maister Jhonnis being fugitive fra the lawes for art and part of the slauchter of the Cardinall."--Gray's name, however, is not included in the list of persons forfeited by the Parliament on the 14th August 1546. [597] From the above paragraph in Knox, it appears that the prisoners were liberated at different periods between the Winter of 1548-9, and July 1550. [598] This statement of Knox, written in 1566, or twenty years after the event, is certainly very much opposed to assertions which are easier made than proved, that all the persons concerned in Cardinal Beaton's assassination came to a violent death. There is no doubt that Bishop Lesley says, "Cædis ujus auctores violenta morte Deo vindice mulctantur;" (De Rebus Gestis, &c., p. 482;) but he passes this over in silence, in his English History. Dempster also asserts "Nam nullus nefariorum percussorum non violenta morte extinctus est."--(Hist. Eccles. p. 89.) "So, 'tis observed by the Protestants, that there was not one of his (Beaton's) murderers but afterwards died a violent, and, for the most part, an ignominious death."--(Preface to Beaugué's History, p. 50.) It is not necessary to quote similar assertions reiterated by writers of the present day. James Melville died, it is true, during his imprisonment, in 1548 or 1549, but certainly not a violent death. Norman Lesley died of his wounds, but in no inglorious manner, in 1554; and nineteen years later, in August 1573, Sir William Kirkaldy of Grange, after his gallant defence of the Castle of Edinburgh, suffered an ignominious death. Any other instance of a violent death remains to be proven. [599] James Melvin or Melville. See note 449. Spotiswood says he was "one of the house of Carnbee." In this way, we may conjecture he was brother of John Mailvile of Carnbee, who had charters of the lands of Granton, 21st February 1508-9, and to his wife Margaret Leirmonth, 26th May 1513. Their son, John Mailvile of Carnbee junior, and his wife Janet Inglis, had a charter of half of these lands, 26th June 1509. The person who acted such a prominent part in Cardinal Beaton's murder, was called Senior, probably to distinguish him from James, "naturali et legitimo filio" of John Mailvile of Carnbee, who had a charter of half the lands of Carnbee, 15th November 1528.--Brist in Bartanzea, is the same as Brest, the well known sea-port of France, one of the best harbours in Europe, on the west coast of Britanny. [600] MS. G, "Gif we, I say, or they." [601] In Vautr. edit. "yeare of our Lord." [602] In Vautr. edit. the word _villain_ was mistaken for the name of a person, and thus we have "his other _William_;" and in the marginal note, "The slaughter of that _Williame_ Davie."--The date of this event, so memorable in Scotish history, from its relation to Queen Mary, was the 9th of March 1565-6. [603] Balfour, as stated at page 202, was Official of Lothian, and he still retained his ecclesiastical denomination, Parson of Flisk, when raised to the bench, 12th November 1561. Immediately after Rizzio's murder, in March 1566, he was knighted, and appointed Lord Clerk-Register, in place of Mr. James Macgill, one of the conspirators. And on the 6th December 1567, Balfour became Lord President, by the title of Pettendreich. [604] John Sinclair, Bishop of Brechin, died in April 1560: see subsequent note. [605] The person here referred to, and whose baptismal name is left blank in the MS., and in all the later copies, was John Lesley, Bishop of Ross. This eminent and learned Prelate, whom Knox calls "a priest's gett," or illegitimate child, was the natural son of Gawin Lesley, parson of Kingussie, as Keith, in his Catalogue of Bishops, has shown from original documents. Lesley's several preferments will afterwards be noticed. He survived till the year 1596. [606] In Vautr. edit. "gate;" MS. G, "geitt." [607] Sir Symon Preston of Craigmillar: see note 322. [608] In the MS. "keape." [609] A treaty of peace between England and France, comprising Scotland, was concluded at Boulogne, on the 24th March, and proclaimed at Edinburgh in April 1550. [610] There was concluded a commercial treaty between France and the Low Countries, 26th April 1550; and a treaty of peace between the Emperor Charles the Fifth and Mary Queen of Scots, 15th December 1550. [611] From Foxe's account, of Wallace's trial, we learn that he was a native of Fail, in Ayrshire; and there was a family of Wallace of Feale. Fail, or Failford, in the parish of Torbolton, was the site of a Monastery founded in 1252, which belonged to the Red Friars. (See the notices in New Stat. Account, Ayrshire, p. 748, &c.) The manner in which Knox speaks of Wallace as "a simple man without learning," may mean, without much pretension to learning, or not having enjoyed a learned education. Yet we find two persons of the same name, Adam Wallace, incorporated at Glasgow in 1536 and 1539.--His trial and execution took place in 1550; yet in the Latin verses by John Johnston of St. Andrews, on the Scotish Martyrs, the date given is 17th July 1549. ("Constantissime demum pro testimonio Christi mortuus, Edinburgi xvii Julij 1549.") [612] The wife of John Cockburn of Ormiston, called in those days Lady Ormiston, was Alison Sandilands, daughter of Sir James Sandilands of Calder. Her son Alexander, was Knox's pupil: see note 472. She was still alive in 1584, when Vautrollier dedicated "To the Honourable and vertuous Ladie Alison Sandilands, Lady of Hormiston," the treatise called "The Confession of Faith," by Henry Balnaves, (see note 575,) the MS. of which had been fortunately discovered at Ormiston, by Richard Bannatyne, Knox's Secretary. [613] Winton Castle, in the parish of Pencaitland, East Lothian, about five miles west from Haddington, appears to have been a place of great splendour, according to the glowing description of it by Sir Richard Maitland, in his "Historie and Cronicle of the House of Seyton," p. 35. Winton House or Castle, "biggit, with the yard and garding thereof," by George second Lord Seaton, we are informed, was burned, and the policy destroyed, "by the English of old;" but the house was re-edified by George tenth Lord Seaton, and third Earl of Winton, in 1620. [614] The monastery of the Dominican or Black Friars was one of the largest establishments in Edinburgh, with extensive gardens, occupying the site of the building which formerly was the High School, on the rising ground to the south of the Cowgate. The close, or "le Venelle," still known as the Blackfriars Wynd, formed a connexion between the Monastery and the High Street, and had been granted to the Friars by Alexander the Second. The Convent was burned to the ground by a sudden fire, on the 25th April 1528, and had only been partially rebuilt at the time of the Reformation. [615] To the notices at page 152, respecting John Lauder, it may be added, that being one of the Auditors of the Chamberlain's Accounts for the Archbishoprick of St. Andrews, from 1540 to 1549, he is styled Archdeacon of Teviotdale.--(MS. Rental Book, Advocates Library.) In Foxe's account of the trial of Adam Wallace, 1550, Lauder is called Parson of Morebattle. In February 1551, he is styled Archidene of Teviotdale, and Notary Public of St. Andrews.--(Acta Parl. Scot., vol. ii. p. 489.) In the same year, Lauder signs a deed as "_Secretarius_" of Archbishop Hamilton, (MS. Rental Book, at St. Andrews;) as the deed referred to was cancelled, and reconfirmed in 1556, without any notice of Lauder's name, it may be conjectured that he had died during that interval. [616] In MS. G, "bindeth." [617] George Gordon, fourth Earl of Huntley, succeeded his grandfather in the year 1524. In 1546, after Cardinal Beaton's death, he became Lord High Chancellor. His subsequent history is well known; and he was killed fighting against the Earl of Murray, at Corrichie, about twelve miles from Aberdeen, 28th October 1562.--(Douglas and Wood's Peerage, vol. i. p. 648; Senators of the College of Justice, p. 83-87.) [618] See note 173. [619] Robert Reid: see subsequent note. [620] In Vautr. edit. "Take yon all, my Lordis, of the clergie." [621] Foxe, in his Book of Martyrs, as already noticed in note 457, has given a minute account of the trial and execution of Adam Wallace. It will be inserted as No. XII. in the Appendix to this volume, every contemporary narrative of such proceedings, at this early period, being possessed of more than ordinary interest. [622] The Queen Dowager of Scotland embarked at Leith on the 7th, reached Dieppe on the 19th, and Rouen on the 25th September 1550. In this visit to her daughter in France, she was absent for upwards of twelve months. On her return, she landed at Portsmouth, about the middle of October 1551, and proceeded to London, where she was welcomed by Edward the Sixth and the English Court. See note 627. [623] In December 1553, Henry the Second, King of France, wrote to the Duke of Chatelherault, to induce him to resign the Regency of Scotland in favour of the Queen Dowager; and on the 22d March 1553-4, the young Queen addressed an order to the Duke to that effect. This led to his resignation, and on the 12th April 1554, Mary of Guise, Queen Dowager, was proclaimed Regent of Scotland, with great solemnity and public rejoicings. [624] In MS. G, and Vautr. edit., "all understanding or expectatioun of men." [625] According to the Journal by the English Monarch, which contains a description of the Queen Dowager's sumptuous entertainment during the period she remained at the Court of Edward, from the 22d of October to the 6th of November 1551.--(Tytler's Edward VI., &c., vol. ii. pp. 5, 6.) Bishop Lesley also takes notice of the "gret banqueting and honorabill pastyme maid for intertenement of the Quene Douarier;" and "of the honorabill convoye" she had in returning through England, until she reached Berwick, (Hist. p. 239;) when some of the Scotish Nobility escorted her to Holyrood, where she arrived at the end of November that year. [626] In MS. G, "Martin Luther." [627] In the MS. a blank space is left, as if for the purpose of filling in some other names; such as Paulus Fagius, Francis Dryander, and Justus Jonas, who, like the three above mentioned, were eminent Foreign divines, and came to England during the reign of Edward the Sixth. [628] In adding the name _Emanuel Gualterus_, Knox has evidently confounded two persons: _Emanuel_ Tremelius, a learned Italian, who succeeded Fagius as King's Reader of Hebrew, (Strype's Eccl. Memorials, vol. ii. p. 206,) and Rudolphus _Gualterus_ of Zurich, who had visited England in 1537.--(Strype's Life of Cranmer, p. 449.)--Martin Bucer died in 1551; Peter Martyr, in 1562; and John a Lasco, in 1560. [629] It is scarcely necessary to add that Queen Mary of England was the daughter of Henry the Eighth, by Catharine of Arragon. Her accession to the throne is reckoned from the death of Edward the Sixth, 6th July 1553. She married Philip, King of Spain, 25th July 1554; and died 17th November 1558. [630] During the short reign of Queen Mary, it has been reckoned that not less than upwards of 300 persons were committed to the flames, on account of their religious sentiments. [631] See page 242. [632] William Harlaw was born soon after the year 1500; and, as we are informed by Calderwood, "first was a taylour in Edinburgh; thereafter went to England, and preached some times as a Deacoun, according to the corrupt custome of that Kirk, under the reigne of King Edward. Howbeit he was not verie learned, yet his doctrine was plaine and sound, and worthie of commendatioun."--(History, vol. i. p. 303.) On the death of Edward, he returned to Scotland in 1551, and in 1556, began "publicly to exhort in Edinburgh," and also in other parts of the country. He was one of the preachers, at Perth, who were denounced as rebels for usurping the authority of the Church, 10th May 1559.--(See page 257.) Harlaw, in 1560, became minister of the parish of St. Cuthberts, in the vicinity of Edinburgh, and he continued there till his death. Robert Pont, who had for four years been his colleague, was presented to "the vicaraige of St. Cuthbert's Kirk, vaicand be the deceise of William Harlaw," in December 1578. [633] John Willock was a native of Ayrshire. Spotiswood says, he became a Franciscan, and Lesley, a Dominican Friar. Having at an early period relinquished his monastic habit, he went to England, and was employed as a preacher in St. Catherine's, London, and also as chaplain to the Duke of Suffolk. On the accession of Queen Mary to the throne of England, he escaped to the Continent, and practised as a physician at Embden, in Friesland. In 1555, and in 1556, he twice visited Scotland, on a mission to the Queen Regent, respecting trade; and having returned in October 1558, he undertook the public office of the ministry. See the notices in the Wodrow Miscellany, vol. i. pp. 261-264, and the authorities there quoted. [634] Knox's arrival in Scotland may be placed about the end of September 1555. He set out from Geneva in the previous month, and came to Dieppe, from whence he sailed, and landed on the east coast of Scotland, not far from Berwick. [635] See subsequent note, page 268. [636] This was apparently a metrical version of Psalm 103, but the line does not correspond with any of the known versions of the Psalms in metre. The Wedderburns, however, may have versified a greater number of Psalms than those contained in the volume best known as "The Gude and Godly Ballates:" see note 370. [637] In MS. A, "then if all." [638] In MS. G, "servantis." [639] In Vautr. edit. "that might serve for the purpose." [640] John Erskine of Dun.--The house of Dun is in the parish of that name, in Forfarshire, about half-way between Montrose and Brechin. [641] Calder house, near Mid-Calder, in West-Lothian, was the seat of Sir James Sandilands.--His second son James, in 1543, succeeded "Schir Walter Lyndesay, Knycht of the Roddis, and Lord of Sanct Johns," (he is so styled in Sir David Lyndesay's Register of Armes, 1542, fol. 57,) as Preceptor of Torphichen, and thus became head of the Knights Hospitallers of St. John of Jerusalem in Scotland. In 1563, Lord St. John having resigned the possessions of the Order to the Crown, he obtained a new charter of the lands belonging to the Knights Templars and Hospitallers in Scotland, erected into a barony, with the title of Lord Torphichen.--(Spottiswoode Miscellany, vol. ii. pp. 6, 17-32.) [642] John fifth Lord Erskine, and afterwards sixth Earl of Mar, at this time was Governor of Edinburgh Castle. [643] Archibald Campbell, Lord Lorne, succeeded his father, the fourth Earl of Argyle, in 1558. [644] Lord James Stewart was the natural son of James the Fifth, by Margaret Erskine, daughter of John fifth Earl of Mar, and fourth Lord Erskine. This lady afterwards married Sir Robert Douglas of Lochleven; and she appears to have enjoyed a pension from the King; as the Treasurer, in September 1539, in his "Exoneratio," has, "Item, gevin to the Lady Lochlevin, in contentatioun of her pensioun, awing to her zerelie, be ane precept, vj^clxvj lib. xiij s. iiij d." (£666, 13s. 4d.) Her son Lord James Stewart was born in 1533, and when five years of age, in 1538, the King conferred on him the Priory of St. Andrews. In the Treasurer's Accounts, March 1539, are various entries for dresses to the Kingis Grace sonis, Lord James of Kelso, and Lord James of Sanctandrois; and in May, to "the Abbot of Kelso, and the Priour of Sanctandrois." He was also Prior of Maçon, in France. As Prior of St. Andrews, he sat in the Provincial Council held at Edinburgh, in October 1549.--(Wilkins, Concilia, vol. iv. p. 46.) He was sent to France in March 1561, to invite Queen Mary to return to Scotland; by whom, on the 30th January 1561-2, he was raised to the Peerage by the title of Earl of Murray. [645] That is, the winter of 1555. [646] Most of these places in Kyle, in which Knox taught or officiated, have already been noticed; being the seats of John Lockhart of Barr, Hugh Wallace of Carnell, Robert Campbell of Kingyeancleuch, Andrew Stewart Lord Ochiltree, and James Chalmers of Gadgirth. [647] Easter fell on the 5th of April, in 1556. [648] Finlayston in the parish of Kilmalcolm, near the Clyde, to the east of Port-Glasgow. The silver cups which were used by Knox on this occasion, are still carefully preserved; and the use of them was given at the time of dispensing the Sacrament in the Parish Church of Kilmalcolm, so long as the Glencairn family resided at Finlayston.--The title of Earl of Glencairn has been dormant since the death of James 15th Earl in 1796. [649] Dr. M'Crie, on the authority of this passage, says, that most of the gentlemen of the Mearns "entered into a solemn and mutual bond, in which they renounced the Popish communion, and engaged to maintain and promote the pure preaching of the Gospel, as Providence should favour them with opportunities. This seems to have been the first of those religious Bonds or Covenants, by which the confederation of the Protestants in Scotland was so frequently ratified."--(Life of Knox, vol. i. p. 179.)--I do not think, however, that Knox's words are quite conclusive on this point: that the mutual agreement or resolution of the gentlemen of the Mearns, had assumed the form of a Band or Covenant, such as "the Common Band," signed on the 3d December 1557, (see page 273,) or those of a later date, which Knox has inserted in the Second Book of his History. [650] William Keith, fourth Earl Marischall, succeeded his grandfather, in 1530. He accompanied James the Fifth in his visit to France, in 1536; and was nominated an Extraordinary Lord of Session in 1541. See note 339, for Sir Ralph Sadler's opinion of him. It was at his request that Knox, in the year 1556, addressed his Letter to the Queen Dowager. He died 7th October 1581. [651] We find that at the siege of Leith, in 1560, "young Henry Drummond" was slain.--(Lesley's Hist. p. 286; Holinshed's Chron. p. 492.) [652] This Letter to the Queen Dowager was originally printed in a very small volume, without date, or name of the place or printer, but apparently on the Continent: It is entitled "The Copie of a Letter sent to the Ladye Mary Dowagire Regent of Scotland, by John Knox, in the yeare 1556." [653] James Beaton was nephew of the Cardinal, and was preferred to the See of Glasgow in 1551. He has been incidentally mentioned in note 459; and in reference to this, Lesley says that the Governor, after Cardinal Beaton's death, "disponed the Archbishoprike of Sanct Androis to his owne broder, the Abbot of Paisley, and gaif ane gift of the Abbay [abbacy] of Arbroith to George Douglas, bastard sone to the Erle of Angus, _notwithstanding that Maister James Beatoun_, tender cousing to the Cardinall, _was lawfullie provydit thairto of befoir_; quhilk maid gret trubill in the countrey eftirwart."--(Hist. p. 193.) It may be added, that when Beaton was translated to Glasgow in 1551, the abbacy of Arbroath was conferred on Lord John Hamilton, second son of the Governor.--(Ib. p. 241.) [654] The Letter addressed by Knox to the Queen Dowager in 1556, (as above, note 652,) was reprinted at Geneva, "_nowe augmented and explained by the Author_, in the yeare of our Lord 1558." It will be included in Volume Third. [655] Elizabeth Bowes, mother-in-law of the Reformer, sent before him to Dieppe. She was the daughter and co-heiress of Sir Roger Aske of Aske in Yorkshire, and by her husband, Richard Bowes, youngest son of Sir Ralph Bowes of Streathan, had two sons and ten daughters. See Pedigree of the family, in M'Crie's Life of Knox, vol. ii. p. 407. Knox's first letter addressed "to his mother in law, Mistres Bowis," is dated from London, 23d June 1553. [656] This very zealous and disinterested friend of the Reformer, as stated in note 345, was a cadet of the ancient family of Campbell of Loudon. [657] Archibald Campbell, "the old" Earl of Argyle, was fourth Earl, and died in the year 1558. [658] Castle Campbell, now in ruins, is situated in the Ochil hills, immediately above the village of Dollar. It was burned and destroyed by Montrose, during the Civil Wars, in 1645. [659] Sir Colin Campbell of Glenurchy, the ancestor of the Breadalbane family. He was a younger son, but by the death of two elder brothers, he succeeded to the family estates in 1551. He became a stedfast friend to the Reformed religion; and survived till the year 1584. [660] This date should evidently be 1556. Knox having remained in Scotland till after Spring, he arrived at Dieppe, in the month of July 1556. [661] Knox's Appellation against the sentence of the Bishops, in 1556, was first printed in the year 1558. [662] There seems to be a confusion in the dates of the events recorded in this paragraph. Knox, as stated above, had left Scotland in July 1556, and returned in May 1559; yet the Comet he mentions was evidently that which made its appearance in September 1558.--(Hevelii Cometographia, p. 853. See also next note.) Christian the Third, King of Denmark, died at the Castle of Coldinghuus, 1st January 1559, aged 56. The Commissioners for a treaty with England met at Dunse, in July 1556; and afterwards at Carlisle, for settling matters in the Borders. This treaty was concluded in July 1557. Yet the Queen Regent, before November 1557, at the instigation of France, was prevailed upon to declare war with England. But the Nobility and Barons would not consent to the proposed invasion. [663] Bishop Lesley, at the close of 1558, among other "portenta," describes this "flammivomus et barbatus Cometa."--(De Rebus, &c. p. 540.) Sir James Balfour also says, "A fearfull Comett appeired this zeire [1558,] which not only, as the sequell proved, protendit change in Government, but in Religione lykwayes."--(Annals, vol. i. p. 312.) In those days Comets were regarded as the harbingers of disastrous events. Thus Shakespeare, in the First Part of his Henry VI.,-- "Comets importing change of times and states;" and again,-- "Now shine it like a Comet of revenge, A prophet to the fall of all our foes;" and Milton, in Paradise Lost,-- "and like a Comet burn'd, That fires the length of Ophiuchus huge In th' Artick sky, and from his horrid hair Shakes pestilence and war." [664] Newbattle, in the parish of that name in Mid-Lothian, was the site of an Abbey founded by David the First, in the year 1140. [665] Wark Castle: see note 4, page 122. [666] Maxwell-heugh, is a village on a height to the south of the Tweed, nearly opposite the eastern part of the town of Kelso. [667] Hume Castle: see note 2, page 210. [668] In MS. G, "pavilion." [669] This was in November 1557. [670] MS. G, instead of "breath," substitutes very oddly, "This put an affray in Monsieur D'Oysell's breaches." [671] Of these preachers, Harlaw has been noticed at page 245: Douglas and Methven will afterwards be mentioned. [672] John Willock returned to Scotland from Embden in Friesland, (see note 2, page 244,) in October 1558. He continued to preach in different parts of the country, and to officiate publicly in Edinburgh, in the year 1559, when it was unsafe for Knox to remain.--(Wodrow Miscellany, vol. i. p. 213.) [673] George, sixth Lord Seatoun. [674] Sanct Geill, or St. Giles, was the tutelar Saint of the Metropolis, whose name is still retained in connexion with the collegiate Church in the Old Town of Edinburgh. [675] The North Loch formed a kind of boundary of the City towards the north, in the hollow ground, between Princes Street and the Old Town, and extended nearly from St. Cuthbert's Church to the Trinity College Church, in former times. [676] In Pitcairn's Criminal Trials will be found some interesting details, respecting four of the preachers mentioned by Knox, who were denounced "as rebels for usurping the authority of the Church," 10th May 1559, viz., John Christison and William Harlaw, at Perth; John Willock, at Ayr; and Paul Methven, at Dundee; along with the names of the persons who became cautioners for their appearance, (vol. i. p. 406*, &c.) [677] Andrew Durie: see subsequent note to page 261. [678] James, son of Robert Chalmer of Gadgirth, by Margaret, daughter of Sir Hugh Campbell of Loudoun. He had several charters under the Great Seal in 1548, of parts of his estate in the shires of Ayr and Wigtoun. He married Annabella, daughter of John Cunninghame of Caprintoun, in Ayrshire. (Nisbet's Heraldry, App. *20, vol. i. p. 4.) [679] This use of "Me," instead of "I," or "We," occurs in all the copies. [680] This Appellation, according to some payments made by authority of the Town Council, was not later than February 1557-8. [681] St. Giles's day was the 1st of September. In the Appendix, No. XIII., some contemporary notices will be given of the disturbances which were occasioned in September 1558, by this idolatrous procession. [682] James Carmichael was for many years one of the Magistrates of Edinburgh. He filled the office of Dean of Guild from October 1552 to 1553, again, from 1555 to 1556, and from 1557 to 1559. In his official capacity, he had the charge of the "Kirk werk," that is of looking after the preservation of St. Giles's Church, and taking charge of the jewels, the gold and silver candlesticks, eucharists, chalices, and other precious things belonging to that Church; but these were all ruthlessly disposed of, by order of the Council, (including the _arm-bane_ of Sanct Geill, or rather the ring with "ane dyamant stane, quhilk wes on the fingar of the forsaid arme of Sanct Geill,") in October 1560. See Appendix, No. XIII. [683] In MS. G, "the comone Crose."--Probably the Girth Cross, at the foot of the Canongate, near Holyrood. But Arnot also makes mention of St. John's Cross, and of a third, near the Tolbooth in that street.--(Hist. of Edinburgh, p. 304.) [684] Between the _Bowes_, must mean the West-Bow and the Nether-Bow; or the two principal gates of the Old Town. [685] David Forress: see note 1, page 137. [686] See pages 209-213. [687] Andrew Durie, Bishop of Galloway, was brother of George Durie, Abbot of Dunfermline, (note 463,) and was born before the year 1500. His name, "Andreas Durie," occurs in the Registers of both Colleges, as having been Incorporated at St. Andrews, in the year 1511; and at Glasgow, in 1513. He probably completed his studies abroad. Upon a vacancy in the Abbacy of Melrose, he had sufficient interest to procure the King's letters of commendation to the Pope, in the year 1526, and notwithstanding powerful rival claims, he succeeded in the following year in obtaining the benefice. Andrew, Abbot of Melrose, was present at the trial of Sir John Borthwick, in 1540; and he appears as an Extraordinary Lord of Session on the 2d of July 1541. On the following day, he was recommended to be successor to Henry Wemyss as Bishop of Galloway, conjoined with the Deanery of the Chapel Royal, and the Abbacy of Tungland upon his resigning that of Melrose, but retaining a pension of 1000 marks, and some other emoluments. In the Provincial Council at Edinburgh, 1549, his name is enrolled as "Andreas Episcopus Candidæ Casæ et Capellæ Regiæ Strivilingensis."--He was the bearer of a letter from Queen Mary, in France, to her Mother, in June 1554.--(Lettres de Marie Stuart, vol. i. p. 24.) Bishop Durie died at Edinburgh, in September 1558. His name occurs in the list of Scottish Poets; but none of his writings are known to be preserved, although his sayings recorded by Knox, indicate a rhyming propensity. John Rolland of Dalkeith, in the prologue of his "Seven Sages," a kind of poetical romance, alludes to the poets who flourished at the Scotish Court, and after naming Lyndsay, Bellenden, and William Stewart, who he says, To mak in Scottis, richt weill he knew that art, he immediately adds, BISHOP DURIE, sum tyme of Galloway, For his pleasure sum tymes wald tak thair part. [688] This has an evident allusion to the name of Mons. de Ruby, one of the Frenchmen patronized at this time by the Queen Dowager. Bishop Lesley, in noticing the several appointments made by the Queen Regent, in 1554, says, there was "Ane callit Monsieur Rubie, Frenchman, a procutour of Paris, appointit to keip the Greit Seill, and to be as Vice-Chancelar and assistar to the Erle of Huntlie, then Chancelar."--(History, p. 250.) He was Controller of her Household, in 1557: see subsequent note, page 292. [689] David Panter, or Panyter, who held several Church livings, was much employed in public negotiations abroad. His uncle Patrick Panter, Abbot of Cambuskenneth, and David Panter, were successively Secretaries of State in the reigns of James the Fourth and Fifth, and "being admirably versed in the Latin tongue," their names are honourably distinguished by the series of Letters of our Kings, addressed to Foreign Princes, which Ruddiman published under the title of "Epistolæ Regum Scotorum," &c., in the years 1722 and 1724, in 2 vols. 8vo. In the Treasurer's Accounts, 1544, we find this entry,-- "Item, the thrid day of Aprile, gevin for vj^c. (600) crownis of the Sonn, of fynance deliverit in France to Maister David Panyter, Secretar Ambassatour thair, the sowme of viij^c. x lib." (£810.) On the same day, a similar payment of 400 crowns (or £540) was delivered to Sir John Campbell of Lundy, Ambassador in France. Panter was promoted to the See of Ross in the latter part of 1545. Sir James Balfour, in his Annals, calls him "a notable adulterer."--(Annals, vol. i. p. 312.) He died, says Holinshed, of a lingering illness, at Stirling, on the 1st of October 1558.--(Keith's Catal. of Bishops, p. 192.) [690] Bishop Lesley, in noticing the return of the Commissioners from the Queen's marriage, says, "they came to Deip about the ende of (August,) quhair suddantlie all the principall Nobillmen and Prelatis became seik. But shortlie thairefter, the most of thame, being of the wysest and most valyeant of the realme of Scotland, deceissit their, to the gret hurt of the commoun weill of the realme."--(Hist. p. 266.) The dates of their death are, however, not accurately given, either by Lesley or more recent historians. The Commissioners who were appointed on the 25th and 26th of June 1558, were James Beaton, Archbishop of Glasgow; Lord James Stewart, Prior of St. Andrews; George Lord Seaton, Provost of Edinburgh; and John Erskine of Dun, Provost of Montrose; along with Robert Reid, Bishop of Orkney; George Earl of Rothes; Gilbert Earl of Cassillis, Lord Treasurer; and James Lord Flemyng, Great Chamberlain. The first four being present in the Parliament held at Edinburgh 29th November 1558, to report their proceedings, it was then mentioned, that the Bishop of Orkney was "deceissit, and the Earls of Rothes, Cassillis, and the Lord Flemyng yit remannand in the partis of France."--(Acta Parl. Scot. vol. ii. p. 505.) This shows that no tidings of their death had then reached this country: see the three following notes. [691] Gilbert Kennedy, third Earl of Cassilis, as already noticed at page 16, completed his studies under George Buchanan at Paris. In 1554, he was appointed High Treasurer; and was one of the eight Commissioners sent from Scotland as representatives of the Scottish nation, at the marriage of Mary and the Dauphin of France. He died on his return, at Dieppe, on the 28th November 1558. [692] George Lesley, third Earl of Rothes, the father of Norman Lesley, was tried before the Governor for his accession to the murder of Cardinal Beaton, but wan unanimously acquitted. He was the son of William Lesley and Margaret daughter of Sir Michael Balfour of Mountquhannie; and this relationship may have induced James Balfour and his brothers to join their cousin, Norman Lesley, in the Castlo of St. Andrews. The Earl of Rothes had been appointed one of the Lords of Council and Session 11th November 1532; and he attended James the Fifth, in his journey to France in 1536. He was employed in various public commissions; and was sent as Ambassador to Denmark in 1550. He died at Dieppe on the 28th November 1558. His son Andrew succeeded to the title as fourth Earl of Rothes, and was served heir of his father, 20th February 1558-9.--(Burgh Court-Book of Dundee, marked Vol. iv.) [693] James Lord Flemyng, hereditary Great Chamberlain of Scotland, was the third of his family in succession who held that office, having succeeded his father, Malcolm, Lord Flemyng, who was slain at Pinkie, in 1547. James, as mentioned above, was one of the Commissioners who were seized with illness at Dieppe. On the 8th November, he made his testament; and having returned to Paris for the benefit of medical aid, he lingered there till he died on the 15th December 1558, aged 24.--(Crawfurd's Officers of State, p. 329.) [694] Robert Reid, although accused by Knox of avarice, applied at least his wealth to laudable purposes; and in the words of Keith, was "a man of great learning, and a most accomplished politician." He entered St. Salvator's College, St. Andrews, in 1511, and took his Master's degree in 1515; and then proceeded to Paris. On his return to Scotland, he became successively Sub-Dean and Official of Moray; Abbot of Kinloss, in 1526; Commendator of Beaulieu, in 1530; one of the Lords of Council and Session, in 1532; Bishop of Orkney, in 1540; and Lord President of the Court of Session, about the end of 1548. During all this time, he was frequently employed in foreign embassies, and other diplomatic affairs. A variety of liberal benefactions on his part have been recorded, such as the foundation of bursaries, the adornment of the buildings at Kinloss, which he enriched with what was considered an ample library, and the endowment of a school at Kirkwall. He also erected an addition to the Bishop's Palace in Kirkwall; and the Cathedral Church of St. Magnus, in that town, still exhibits the fine porch and some additional pillars erected at his expense; and had he survived for a few years, he no doubt would have put a finishing hand to this venerable edifice; the choir or chancel of which serves for the parish Church, (fitted up as usual in defiance of all good taste.) Bishop Reid's munificence was not limited to his own diocese, as a bequest of 8000 merks towards founding a College for the education of youth in Edinburgh, enabled the Magistrates, in 1581, to purchase from the Provost of the Kirk of Field, (St. Mary's in the Fields,) the ground on which were erected the buildings of our University. Lesley styles Bishop Reid a man "of singular wit, judgment, guid learning, and lyve, with lang experience," (Hist. p. 267;) and says he died at Dieppe on the 6th, but according to other authorities, it was the 15th September 1558.--(Keith's Catal. pp. 223-226; Senators of the College of Justice, pp. 14-19.) [695] In MS. G, "lickit of the same buist." [696] To this marginal note there was added, "INSIGNIA QUIDEM ELOGIUM;" but those words are deleted. [697] John Sinclair was the fourth son of Sir Oliver Sinclair of Roslin, and a younger brother of Henry Sinclair, Bishop of Ross. He was admitted one of the Lords of Council and Session, under the title of Rector of Snaw, 27th April 1510. In 1549, he sat in the Provincial Council at Edinburgh, as Dean of Restalrig. In 1565, he was promoted to the See of Brechin. His brother Henry, Bishop of Ross and President of the Court of Session, having died in 1564-5, the Bishop of Brechin was, on the 13th November, advanced to the Presidentship of the Session. But he did not long enjoy his judicial and prelatic dignities, as he was seized with fever, and died in the month of April 1566. This we learn from Ferrerius, the Continuator of Hector Boethius, who, mentioning that Henry Sinclair, Bishop of Ross, had collected materials for writing a History of Scotland, which were in the hands of John Sinclair, Bishop of Brechin, says, "Sed idem (Præsul) quoque pauculos post menses in febrem peracutam decidit, ex qua derepente o virorum in terris numero exemptus est."--(H. Boethii Hist. App. p. 384, Paris, 1574, folio.) [698] See note 689. [699] That is, 10th of March 1556-7. [700] Sym and Barron were citizen burgesses of Edinburgh, and zealous friends of the Reformer. As here intimated, James Sym, in whose house Knox resided, on his return to Scotland, had died before 1566. At page 245, Knox has given an account of the death of Elizabeth Adamson, Barron's wife, in 1566. James Barron was one of the Magistrates of Edinburgh, and filled the office of Dean of Guild from Michaelmas 1555, to the same term in 1556; and again in 1560 and 1561. At the first General Assembly, held at Edinburgh 20th December 1560, James Barron and Edward Hope were the commissioners appointed for the town, along with John Knox, as minister. His name also occurs in the proceedings of the Assemblies in the years 1562, 1565, and 1569--(Booke of the Universall Kirk, pp. 3, 13, 60, 145.) [701] In MS. G, "afflictioun;" Vautr. edit. has "affection." [702] The "Band" subscribed by the Earls of Argyle, Glencairn, Morton, and others, dated 3d December 1557, has been considered as the First Covenant or engagement of the Scottish Reformers, for their mutual defence, in which they engage "to maintain, set forward, and establish the Word of God, and his Congregation." See, however, note 649. [703] Keith supposes it was Erskine of Dun who signed the letter at page 268, "for the Lord Erskine (he says) had not yet joined himself to that party."--(Hist. vol. i. p. 153.) [704] There was a John Gray who took his Master's degree at St. Andrews, in the year 1523. It is uncertain whether the person mentioned in the text can be identified with Mr. John Gray, who held the office of Clerk to the General Assembly, from 1560 till his death, which took place in April 1574.--(Register of Conf. Testaments; Booke of the Univ. Kirk, vol. i. pp. 299, 311.) [705] That is, to procure the Papal Bulls, confirming Sinclair's appointment to the See of Ross, upon the death of David Panter, in October 1558: (see note 688.) But it appears that Sinclair was not consecrated until 1560. [706] Henry Sinclair, a younger son of Sir Oliver Sinclair of Roslin, was born in the year 1508. He studied at St. Andrews, and was incorporated in St. Leonard's College in 1521. He obtained the favour of James the Fifth, who appointed him a Lord of Session; and he was admitted on the 13th November 1537, as Rector of Glasgow. In 1541, he was Commendator of the Abbey of Kilwinning; which benefice he exchanged with Gawin Hamilton for the Deanery of Glasgow. He was employed in various public matters abroad; and during the absence of Bishop Reid, he acted as Vice-President of the Court of Session. On Reid's death, he was admitted, on the 2d December 1558, as Lord President; and in 1560, he succeeded David Panter in the See of Ross. He died at Paris, after undergoing a painful surgical operation, on the 2d January 1565. Lesley calls him "ane wyse and lernit prelate," (Hist. p. 252,) and Ferrerius refers to his MS. collections for writing a History of Scotland. His name written upon various books and manuscripts preserved in the Advocates Library, and in other collections, evince his great love of literature, in common with several other members of his family. [707] It has generally been supposed that the Book of Common Prayer of the Church of England, known as the Liturgy of Edward the Sixth, was the one here recommended; and the mention of "the Lessonis of the New and Old Testament, conforme to the ordour," &c., renders this most probable. Dr. M'Crie has considered this point very fully in his life of Knox, (Note DD, vol. i. p. 437-441,) and comes to a similar conclusion. If, however, the English Prayer Book was then used, it was soon afterwards replaced by "The Forme of Prayers and Ministrations of the Sacraments, &c., vsed in the Englishe Congregation at Geneva: and approved, by the famous and godly learned man, Iohn Caluyn." This volume was originally "Imprinted at Geneva, by Iohn Crespin, M.D.LVI." Small 8vo. There were later impressions at Geneva, in 1558 and 1561. It was very frequently reprinted in this country between 1562 and 1643, and was usually prefixed to the metrical version of the Psalms. [708] Sir David Hamilton of Preston, as heir of his father Robert Hamilton, had charters of the lands of Priestgill and Langkype, in 1541 and 1545. He was one of the attendants of James the Fifth in his voyage to France in 1536.--He survived till November 1584: see the detailed account given in Anderson's House of Hamilton, p. 346. [709] In MS. G, "how heavy and displeasing a thing." [710] Not one who belonged to the law, but a person whom the law had rendered infamous.--The reference here is to John Douglas: see page 286. [711] Vautr. edit. makes this "how well," which changes the sense. [712] In MS. G, "waver from:" Vautr. edit. has "vary of his faith." [713] In the other copies, the signature is simply "Sanct Androis." [714] The Archbishop here alludes to his being _Legatus Natus_, or Pope's Legate, as well as Primate of the Scottish Church. [715] That is, John Douglas. [716] In a former page, mention is made of this Lady, who obtained in her days sufficient notoriety. (See p. 124, notes 4 and 5.) Grizzel Sempill was the daughter of Robert Master of Sempill, who succeeded his father, William, as third Lord Sempill, in 1548. The death of her husband, James Hamilton of Stanehouse, is also mentioned by Knox at page 222. He had been appointed Captain of the Castle of Edinburgh, about September 1543; (Lesley's Hist. p. 174;) and five years later, when he lost his life, he also filled the office of Provost of the City. His eldest son and heir, James, who was slain at the same time, was his father's Deputy, and Director of the Chancery. Notwithstanding the ambiguity of Knox's statement at page 124, we may charitably conclude, it was only subsequent to her husband's death that she became the avowed mistress of John Hamilton, Archbishop of St. Andrews, by whom she had several children: (see note 336.) Two of her sons are thus styled in the Register of the Great Seal: "Legitimatio Johannis Hammyltoun junioris bastardi filii naturalis Grissillidis Sempill filiæ Roberti Magistri de Sempill, et Willielmi Hammyltoun ejus fratris etiam bastardi." 9 Oct. 1551. See also note by George Crawfurd, in his Officers of State, p. 381.--It was probably in virtue of some property she may have acquired that she obtained the title of Lady Gilton; as there is no evidence of her having contracted any second marriage. On the 11th July 1550, (not 1553, as usually stated,) William third Lord Creichton of Sanquhar, was slain in the Governor's chamber by Robert Master of Sempill; who was acquitted by the Governor, on the 10th September 1550.--(Pitcairn's Crim. Trials, vol. i. p. 354*.) "He escaped punishment, (says Pitscottie,) by means of John Hamilton, Bishop of St. Andrews, brother to the Governor, who entertained the Lady Stenhouse, _commonly called Lady Gilton_, daughter to this Robert Lord Semple, as his concubine." From the date of the remission, it must have been her brother who had committed this murder. Buchanan and other authorities likewise attribute his acquittal to the same influence; and one compiler says of the Archbishop, in very plain terms, "Amangis many utheris his harlottis, he interteayned this harlot Semple, nather bewtifull, of good fame, or utherwayis in any sort notable, except his awin kynsman, and followed him as scho had bene his lauchfull wyffe."--(Johnston's Hist, of Scotland, MS., Advocates Library.) [717] Archibald fourth Earl of Argyle, in 1529, married to his first wife, Lady Helen Hamilton, second daughter of James first Earl of Arran, and sister of the Duke of Chattelherault. Their son Archibald succeeded as fifth Earl of Argyle about the end of 1558. See page 290. [718] See note 710. [719] In MS. G, "waver from." [720] Spotiswood says that Douglas was a Carmelite or White Friar.--(Hist. p. 94.) It is not improbable he may have been the same person whose name appears as a Determinant in St. Salvator's College in 1554. In that year another John Douglas had the same rank in St. Mary's College, where he became a Licentiate in 1555. It is, I think, quite certain that John Douglas, who was Chaplain to the Earl of Argyle in 1558, and who may have assumed the name of Grant to escape apprehension, should not be confounded with the Provost of St. Mary's College, as Keith and other writers have done. The latter was born about the year 1494, and was descended from the Douglasses of Pettendreich. He studied at St. Andrews at the same time with John Wynrame, and was a Determinant in St. Leonard's College in 1515, and a Licentiate in 1517. Whether he was the person who entered the Carmelite Order, may be left to conjecture; but on 1st October 1547, he was elected Provost of St. Mary's College. In 1551, "Magister Joannes Douglas Prepositus Novi Collegii Mariani," was elected Rector of the University; and being annually elected to this office for the unprecedented period of twenty-three successive years, (1572-3, being called "Vigesimus tertius Rectoratus Johannis Douglas,) and being a constant resident in St. Andrews, it is obvious he could not have been the obscure person who was protected by the Earl of Argyle. [721] "How the Bishop's conscience (says Dr. M'Crie) stood affected as to these points, we know not; but it is certain that his practice was very far from being immaculate."--(Wilkins, Concilia, vol. iv. p. 209; Life of Knox, vol. i. p. 320.) [722] Archibald fourth Earl of Argyle, in 1525, was designed son and heir-apparent of Colin Earl of Argyle. He succeeded to the title before 1533. In 1543, he was opposed to the proposed alliance of Edward the Sixth and Mary Queen of Scots; and distinguished himself at the battle of Pinkie, in 1547, and at the siege of Haddington, in the following year. The precise time of his death is not ascertained; and his Testament is not known to be preserved. But he died towards the close of 1558, as on the 21st August that year he granted a charter to his son Archibald, then Lord Lorne; on the 2d December following, in the confirmation of the same charter, it is expressed that he was then deceased. [723] Knox in thus alluding to the conduct of Archibald fifth Earl of Argyle, evidently points at his continued adherence to Queen Mary, at the time when the above passage was written. [724] In MS. G, and Vautr. edit., this date is introduced into the text, as 10th of May 1568. If this was not a clerical mistake, it might be held to indicate that the intermediate MS., from which Vautrollier's edition, as well as the Glasgow MS. was taken, had been transcribed in that year. [725] On the margin of the MS. is written, apparently in Knox's own hand, and then deleted, "Here tak in the Beggars Summonds warning the Freres." In Vautr. edit., in MS. G, and in all the other copies, it is introduced in this place, where it stands wholly unconnected. The paper referred to occurs at the end of the original MS., (fol. 388,) as a single leaf, entitled "The Blind, Crooked, &c., to the Flockis of all Friars within this realme," &c. It will be seen that the Author had finally resolved upon inserting it near the beginning of Book Second. [726] See note 768, and Appendix, No. XIV. for some notices of this Provincial Council, in 1558-9. [727] Knox himself fixes the date of his arrival in Scotland to the 2d of May 1559: see page 318. [728] In the MS. it was originally "The Threepenny Faith." Spottiswood and other writers, (see Keith, vol. i. pp. 5, 149,) have erroneously imagined that this refers to the CATECHISME, "set furth, in his Provincial Counsale," by Archbishop Hamilton; which has this colophon, "Prentit at Sanct Androus, be the command and expensis of the maist reuerend father in God, Iohne Archbischop of Sanct Androus, and Primat of ye hail Kirk of Scotland, the xxix. day of August, the zeir of our Lord M.D. lii." 4to, 220 leaves. But besides the difference of six years in the date, and the absurdity of supposing that a volume of that size could have been sold for such a price, the Catechism was never intended for the laity, but was specially enjoyned to be used by "all and sindry Personis, Vicars and Curattis," both for their own edification, and for reading a portion of it to "thair awin parochianaris,"--"quhen thair cummis na precheour to thame to schaw thame the word of God."--Of the Twopenny Faith, published in 1559, no copy is known to be preserved. [729] It is said that Hepburn, Bishop of Moray, imagining that the last of the enactments which Knox has specified had a special reference to his licentious conduct, justified himself, not by an appeal to the Canon Law, but to example set by Archbishop Hamilton, who presided in the Council. [730] At page 262, notice is taken of the appointment of Monsieur de Ruby, in 1554, as Keeper of the Great Seal; and he is there said to have been Comptroller in 1557. For this we have the authority of Lindsay of Pitscottie, who says, "Soone thairefter, she (the Queen Regent) changed her Officeris of State, and maid ane Maister Ruby Comptroller, quho used sick rigour in his office, that incontinent he was deposed."--(Chronicles, sub anno 1557.) But it must be added, that Pitscottie is very inaccurate in many of his statements; as Vielmort, according both to Knox and Lesley, held the office of Comptroller; and the latter expressly says, that Ruby "kepit the Great Seill during the hoill time of the Queen Regent's government," (Hist. p. 252;) that is, from 1554 till 1560. And in 1558, in an Act of Parliament, he is styled "M^c Ynes de Rubbay _Garde des Seaulx_ dicelle Dame," apparently meaning Queen Mary.--(Acta Parl. Scot. vol. ii. p. 513.) According to another authority, he held the Great Seal until 1564, when he was succeeded by David Rizzio.--(Scott's Staggering State, App. p. 175. See Tytler's Hist. vol. vi. p. 60.) [731] Bartholomew Villemore, it is said, had been named Comptroller by Queen Mary, in March 1560-1, but he was never admitted.--(Scott's Staggering State, App. p. 144.) But Bishop Lesley mentions his appointment as Comptroller by the Queen Regent in the year 1554.--(History, p. 250.) [732] Lord James Stewart, the eldest of the natural sons of James the Fifth, is noticed at page 71, as having been educated under George Buchanan, and as Commendator of the Monasteries of Kelso and Melrose: see also page 249, note 5. But the date of his death is there erroneously stated. Instead of 1548, it happened in August or September 1558. The Queen Dowager nominated her uncle, Charles Cardinal of Lorraine, and brother of Francis Duke of Guyse, to be his successor, "be vertue of the Acte of Naturalization," (Lesley's History, p. 267;) but the Cardinal never obtained possession of these lucrative benefices. The Commendatorship of Melrose was afterwards conferred on James Douglas, a cadet of the Morton family. [733] Parliament did not meet till the 29th of November 1558. [734] The Duke of Chattelherault gave in, at the Parliament held at Edinburgh on the 14th December 1557, a protestation "tuiching the marriage of our Souerane Lady;" and another protest, on the 29th November 1558, "tuiching the Crowne Matrimoniale."--(Acta Parl. Scot. vol. ii. p. 605, 507.) [735] In MS. G, "except the Duke for his interest." [736] In MS. G, "professed;" and in the second next line, "profess;" but the words are corrected to "possessed," and "possess," in edit. 1732. [737] In Vautr. edit. and MS. G, "Harlawe." [738] These early and zealous friends of the Reformation, who undertook the office of Exhorters, were all laymen, with perhaps the exception of Robert Hamilton, who afterwards became minister of St. Andrews. Robert Lockhart is mentioned by Knox in October 1559, as endeavouring to make an agreement between the Queen Regent, and the Congregation, without success. [739] In MS. G, "Meffen." [740] Paul Methven, after the Reformation, was appointed minister of Jedburgh; but to the scandal of his brethren in the ministry, and according to the account of "this horrible fact," related by Knox in his Fourth Book, he was found guilty of adultery, and deposed and excommunicated, June 1563. [741] Respecting Willock, see notes 633, 672. [742] "Sacrate authoritie," here, and in other places, may mean the _constituted_ rather than "sacred authority," as in MS. G, and Vautr. edit. [743] Sir James Sandilands of Calder, the ancestor of the Torphichen family. His pedigree is fully detailed in Douglas and Wood's Peerage of Scotland, vol. ii. pp. 590-595. He was born about the year 1480; and had a charter of lands to himself and Margaret Forrester, only daughter of Archibald Forrester of Corstorphine, 23d August 1510. In the Peerage, Sir James is said to have "died after 1553." This date may have misled Mr. Tytler, in stating that it was the Preceptor of the Knights of St. John, commonly called Lord St. John, who made this appearance in Parliament.--(History, vol. vi. pp. 79, 90.) But Dr. M'Crie has in like manner confounded the father with his second son.--(Life of Knox, vol. i. p. 176.) Sir James probably survived till the beginning of 1560. On the 12th July 1559, his eldest son and successor was styled "John Sandilands of Calder, younger," which proves that his father was still alive. James Sandilands, his second son, became Lord St. John, and, as stated in note 641, he obtained the temporal lordship of Lord Torphichen, in 1563; but leaving no issue, the title, on his death, devolved on his grand-nephew, James Sandilands of Calder, 29th November 1596. [744] This permission to read the Scriptures "in our common tongue," refers to the Act of Parliament 15th March 1542-3: see page 100. [745] In Vautr. edit. "in severitie of prayer;" MS. G has "in fervent and oft prayers." [746] MS. G has "stabilitie;" Vautr. edit. "abilitie." [747] In MS. G, "lavacrie." [748] The Council of Constance, in 1415, whilst acknowledging that "Christ instituted the venerable Sacrament of the Eucharist, after the Supper, and administered it to his Disciples under the forms of bread and wine;" nevertheless decreed that the laity should not be allowed to partake of the cup. This prohibition by the Romish Church, was the occasion of great discontent in some of the foreign Churches, more especially in Bohemia and Switzerland, from the time of John Huss to that of Luther.--As both George Wishart and Knox had previously dispensed the Sacrament, according to the original institution, this may have led to this demand for such a privilege to the Protestants in Scotland, in 1558. [749] It is not unlikely that this last demand, and the increasing strength of the Reformers, may have led the Catholic Prelates and Clergy to enact some of the Canons in their last Provincial Council, for reforming the lives of their own body. [750] In MS. G, "a longe purs." [751] Vautr. edit. omits the important words, "sayis the Chronicle," and reads, "40,000 powndes gathered by the Laird of Earles haule."--In the anonymous "Historie of the Estate of Scotland," the sum to be paid, it is said, "was within 15,000 lib."--(Wodrow Miscellany, vol. i. p. 56.) [752] This Chronicle is not known to be extant; but Robert Lindsay of Pitscottie, in his Chronicles of Scotland compiled about 1575, enumerates, as one of his authors, "SIR WILLIAM BRUCE OF EARLESHALL, Knight, who hath written very justly all the deeds since Floudoun Field."--In Douglas's Baronage, pp. 510-513, there is a genealogy of this family, from which we learn that Sir William was the heir of his father, Sir Alexander Bruce of Earlshall, who had the honour of knighthood conferred on him by James the Fourth. Sir William succeeded his father in 1504, and is said to have been knighted by the same Monarch. This is apparently a mistake; but his name appears as _Miles_, in a charter dated 1539. In May 1563, Sir William Bruce became surety for Maxwell of Teling, (Criminal Trials, vol. i. p. *427;) but how long after this he may have survived, is uncertain. [753] Pitscottie, Calderwood, Spottiswood, and other writers, have given an account of the fate of this aged priest, who suffered martyrdom at St. Andrews, in the eighty-second year of his age. But Foxe's account of his trial and sentence is the earliest and most minute, and will be inserted as No. XIV. of the Appendix to the present volume. Myln himself expressed a hope, which was realized, that he would be the last person in this country thus to suffer for the cause of truth. [754] Although this _cairn_ was not allowed to remain, there has lately been erected, within sight of the Castle of St. Andrews, a granite obelisk, to commemorate the names of the more eminent Scotish Martyrs. It bears the following inscription:-- "IN MEMORY OF THE MARTYRS PATRICK HAMILTON, HENRY FORREST, GEORGE WISHART, WALTER MILL, WHO, IN SUPPORT OF THE PROTESTANT FAITH, SUFFERED BY FIRE AT ST. ANDREWS, BETWEEN THE YEARS MDXXVIII AND MDLVIII. _The righteous shall be held in everlasting remembrance._ [755] In Vautr. edit. "Officiall." [756] See note 760. [757] In Vautr. edit. "becommeth." [758] In Vautr. edit. "officers." [759] See page 294. [760] No notice of this Protest occurs in the Acts and Proceedings of the Parliament held at Edinburgh on the 29th November 1558, when, from the reference to the Crown Matrimonial, at page 312, it must have been presented. Knox indeed says it was refused; but the proceedings of that Parliament, which also sat on the 5th December, seem not to have been fully recorded, or at least preserved. [761] The treaty of peace referred to was concluded at Cateau-Cambrésis, between France, England, and Spain, on the 2d April 1559. The evident design of the Courts of France and Spain at this time was to endeavour the extirpation of heresy, or the Protestant Faith in England, as well as in other countries. [762] In MS. G, "in hir hairt." [763] It has already been noticed that the preachers summoned were Paul Methven, John Christison, William Harlaw, and John Willock. As they did not appear on the day finally fixed, they and their cautioners were denounced as rebels, on the 10th of May 1559. See the sentence, in M'Crie's Life of Knox, vol. i. p. 447. [764] In the outer margin, (fol. III,) Knox had written some words which have been scored through, and are partly cut away by the binder. As well as I can decipher the words, the sentence may be thus read:--"Luik quhether it be best to tak in heir the Beggars Warning, or in the place befoir appoynted." See note 2, page 290; also pages 320, 321. [765] Patrick Lord Ruthven held the Provostship of Perth for many successive years: see note 787. [766] Mr. James Halyburton is usually styled Tuter of Pitcur. At the siege of Brochty, in 1547-8, he was left in command of certain companies of horse.--(Lesley's Hist. p. 203.) He filled the office of Provost of Dundee for a considerable period, as will afterwards be noticed. His name, as Provost, occurs in Parliamentary proceedings, 1554 and 1563.--(Acta Parl. Scot. vol. ii. pp. 536, 603.) [767] In MS. G, "Meffen." [768] At page 291, Knox says that the meeting of Provincial Council in 1558-9, continued till the day of his arrival; whilst according to Bishop Lesley, this Provincial Council, held at Edinburgh in 1559, "endit apoun the x daye of Apryle. Efter the quhilk, the Quene Regent immediatelie caused summounde John Knox, John Willox, John Douglas, and Paule Meffane, to compeir before the Justice in Striveling the x day of Maij, onder the pane of rebellioun."--(Hist, p. 271.) To reconcile this with the date of Knox's arrival in Scotland, Dr. M'Crie has remarked, that "though the Acts were concluded on the 10th April, it was not agreed to close the Council on that day." [769] Sir John Maxwell, second son of Robert fourth Lord Maxwell, being presumptive heir of his brother, was called Master of Maxwell, in charters granted to him and his wife Agnes, eldest daughter and co-heiress of William fourth Lord Herreis of Terregles, 1st February 1549-50. His elder brother Robert was served heir of his father, 1st August 1550, and married Lady Beatrix Douglas, second daughter of James Earl of Morton; but he died 14th September 1552; and his posthumous son John became sixth Lord Maxwell. But Sir John Maxwell of Terregles still retained his designation as Master, and was actively employed in public affairs. In December 1552, and again in 1557, he was one of the Commissioners for a treaty of peace with England; and was Warden of the West Marches.--(Lesley's Hist. p. 258.) From the above statement by Knox, it appears he had been committed to ward by order of the Queen Regent. Bishop Lesley thus makes mention of his having escaped from the Castle of Edinburgh. Although the date 1558, appears in the printed copy as supplied by the Editor, the events recorded from page 273 to page 277, belong to 1559:--"About this tyme, the Master of Maxwell, quho was keped presoner in the Castell of Edinburgh, departed furth of the same be ane corde our the wall thairof, quhair thair was certane horsis in redines with frendis of his owne, quho receaved and convoyide him in his owne countrey; and sone thaireftir he joyned him selfe with the Lordis of the Congregatione."--(Hist. p. 276.) [770] [In note 725, it is stated that Knox had changed his intention of inserting "The Beggars Summonds," at the end of Book First; and purposed introducing it into this place, with a sentence which was written on the top margin of the MS. The Glasgow Manuscript, fol. 83, b, in reference to this alteration, has this marginal note: "Thair is in this place, in the uther copie, inserted the Summoundis against the Freris, quhilk is in the end of the First Buke." Unfortunately the binder has cut away two lines at the top of the page, and the deficiency cannot be supplied from any other copy. In order, however, not to interrupt the narrative in the text, the Summonds is here inserted in a different type.] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . "Zealous Brether . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . upon the gaittis and ports of all the Freiris places within this realme, in the moneth of Januar 1558, preceding that Whitsunday that they delodged, which is this, etc. _And so tak in heir the Beggars Warning._ "THE BLYND, CRUKED, BEDRELLES, WEDOWIS, ORPHELINGIS, AND ALL UTHER PURE, SA VISEIT BE THE HAND OF GOD, AS MAY NOT WORKE, TO THE FLOCKES OF ALL FREIRES WITHIN THIS REALME, WE WISHE RESTITUTIOUN OF WRANGES BYPAST, AND REFORMATIOUN IN TYME CUMING, FOR SALUATIOUN. "Ye yourselfes ar not ignorant, and thocht ye wald be, it is now, thankes to God, knawen to the haill warlde, be his infallible worde, that the benignitie or almes of all Christian pepill perteynis to us allanerly; quhilk ye, being hale of bodye, stark, sturdye, and abill to wyrk, quhat under pretence of povertie, (and nevirtheles possessing maist easelie all abundance,) quhat throw cloiket and huided simplicitie, thoght your proudnes is knawen, and quhat be feynzeit holines, quhilk now is declared superstitioun and idolatrie, hes thir many yeirs, exprese against Godis word, and the practeis of his holie Apostles, to our great torment, (allace!) maist falslie stowen fra us. And als ye have, be your fals doctryne and wresting of Godis worde, (lerned of your father Sathan,) induced the hale people, hie and law, in sure hoip and beleif, that to cloith, feid, and nurreis yow, is the onlie maist acceptable almouss allowit before God; and to gif ane penny, or ane peice of bread anis in the oulk, is aneuch for us. Evin swa ye have perswaded thame to bigge to yow great Hospitalis, and manteyne yow thairin be thair purs, quhilk onlie perteinis now to us be all law, as biggit and dottat to the pure, of whois number ye are not, nor can be repute, nether be the law of God, nor yit be na uther law proceiding of nature, reasoun, or civile policie. Quhairfore seing our number is sa greate, sa indigent, and sa heavilie oppressit be your false meanis, that nane takes care of oure miserie; and that it is better for us to provyde thir our impotent members, quhilk God hes gevin us, to oppone to yow in plaine contraversie, than to see yow heirefter (as ye have done afoir) steill fra us our lodgeings, and our selfis, in the meintyme, to perreis and die for want of the same. We have thocht gude thairfoir, or we enter with yow in conflict, to warne yow, in the name of the grit God, be this publick wryting, aflixt on your yettis quhair ye now dwell, that ye remove furthe of our said Hospitalis, betuix this and the Feist of Whitsunday next, sua that we the onelie lawfull proprietaris thairof may enter thairto, and efterward injoye thai commodities of the Kyrk, quhilke ye have heirunto wranguslie halden fra us. Certifying yow, gif ye failye, we will at the said terme, in haile number, (with the helpe of God, and assistance of his sanctis in eirthe, of quhais reddie supporte we dout not,) enter and tak possessioun of our said patrimony, and eject yow utterlie furthe of the same. "_Lat him thairfor that befoir hes stollen, steill na mair; but rather lat him wyrk wyth his handes, that he may be helpefull to the pure._ "FRA THE HAILL CITIES, TOWNIS, AND VILLAGES OF SCOTLAND, THE FYRST DAY OF JANUARE 1558." [771] The Monastery of the Observantine order of Franciscan or Grey Friars of Perth, is said to have been founded in the year 1460, by the Lord Oliphant.--(App. to Keith's Bishops, p. 452.) This was Sir Lawrence Oliphant of Aberdalgy, created Lord Oliphant, before 1458. According to Dempster, the founder was Hieronymus Lyndesay, Doctor of Laws, and brother to the Earl of Crawfurd.--(See. also Hay's Scotia Sacra, MS. p. 553.) It was situated near the walls, on the south side of the City of Perth; and after the destruction of the building, the ground was converted into a public burial place. [772] The Monastery of the Dominican or Black Friars of Perth, was situated near the walls, on the north side of the town, and was founded by Alexander the Second, in the year 1231. In this building the Scotish Monarchs usually resided when at Perth; and meetings of Parliament were sometimes held within the Church, as well as several of the Provincial Councils. It was here where James the First met with his tragical fate, 20th February 1437-8. [773] Adam Forman, last Prior of the Charter-House, along with the rest of his brethren, retired to Errol, of which Church they were patrons, carrying with them, no doubt, as much of the treasures they possessed as they were able to appropriate. He afterwards granted a feu to his relation, John Forman, of some lands belonging to the Monastery. In 1572, George Hay of Nethirlyff was created Commendator, and the lands erected into a lordship; but eventually, in 1598, he resigned his title, and the name of Lord and Prior of the Charter-House of Perth became extinct. [774] In MS. G, "the Blak and Gray Freiris;" Vautr. edit. has "theeves." [775] Bishop Lesley, in describing the ruthless manner in which "the multitude of the people and craftismen" proceeded in demolishing the altars, images, &c., in the parish Kirk of Perth, says, they then "passed strait way to the Abbay of the Charter House, and pullit the hoill place downe, alsweill the Kirk thairof as uther housses, places, and all the coastlie bigginnis quhilkis was maid be King James the First, fundatour thairof, quhilk _was the farest Abbay and best biggit of any within the realme of Scotlande_; and cuttit downe the hoill growing trees and all uther policies."--(History, p. 272.) The destruction seems to have been very complete. But the Prior and his brethren were allowed to retire in safety: see note 773. [776] The Charter-House, or, as it was called, "Monasterium Vallis Virtutis," at Perth, was a splendid edifice, founded and richly endowed by King James the First, in the year 1429. It was the only religious establishment of any extent in Scotland of the Order of Carthusians, or White Friars. Holinshed says it "was not as yet throughly finished" at the time of that Monarch's barbarous murder, in 1437-8; but he was buried there with great solemnity. James the Second, in the General Council held at Perth, 12th May 1450, granted a charter of several lands in Perthshire to the Prior and Convent of the Carthusian Monastery of the _Valley of Virtue_, near Perth.--(Reg. Magni Sigilli: Acta Parl. Scot. vol. ii. p. 65.) A century later, in November 1541, Margaret, the mother of James the Fifth, having died at Methven, in the vicinity of Perth, was also "buried in the Charterhouse Church of Saint Johns Towne, by [beside] the tombe of King James the First. The King himself and many Nobles of the Realme were present at the funeralles, which were kept in most solemne and pompous maner."--(Holinshed's Chronicles, Scotland, p. 445; Chronicle of Perth, p. 2. Edinb. 1830.) [777] James Duke of Chattelherault. [778] Gawin Hamilton, the fourth son of James Hamilton of Raploch, was born about the year 1515, and educated at St. Andrews. His name occurs as a Determinant of St. Leonard's College in 1534, and a Licentiate in 1536. His connexions early secured for him promotion in the Church; and in 1549, he sat as Dean of the Metropolitan Church of Glasgow, and as Vicar-General during the vacancy in that See. As already mentioned, (page 274,) Hamilton, in the year 1550, exchanged the Deanery of Glasgow for the Abbacy of Kilwinning. In 1552-3, he was sent in embassy to the King of France.--(Treas. Accounts.) In Anderson's House of Hamilton, p. 364; Keith's Catal. of Bishops, p. 408; and in Brunton and Haig's Senators, p. 101, his subsequent history is somewhat fully detailed. [779] Matthew Hamilton of Mylburne has already been noticed, at page 207, as the son of John Hamilton of Mylburne, who had been sent to France in 1547. He was succeeded by his brother Robert, who had a charter under the Great Seal, "Roberto Hamilton, fratri quondam Mathei Hamilton de Milburne, terrarum de Livingstone, in vic. de Linlithgow," dated 6th June 1569. [780] Vautr. edit. omits six words, and reads, "two chiefe enemies to the Duke." [781] Monsieur D'Oysel, who had been resident Ambassador in Scotland from the King of France, in 1547, till his return in 1551, (see page 203,) was again sent in that capacity in 1554.--(Lesley's Hist. pp. 203, 250.) He continued from that time, as formerly, to be one of the Queen Dowager's principal counsellors in all her affairs. In 1555, he is called "Lord Dosell, Lieutenant of the King of France," (Crim. Trials, vol. i. p. *375;) and under this title he will be noticed in a subsequent page. But here I may add, that Doysel must have returned to France when the French troops left Scotland, in 1560, as, in the following year, he was a third time about to proceed to this country, "to haif remanit in the Castle of Dunbar and fort of Inchekeith, to the cuming of the Quenes Hienes, (Queen Mary, from France,) and than to haif randerit these strenthis at hir command. Notwithstanding, (Bishop Lesley continues,) whosone he come to London, the Queen of Ingland wald not suffer him to pas farder, but causit him returne agane in France, for that she affermit that he and Monsieur Rubie was the principall aucthoris of all the trubles quhilkis was in Scotland, betuix the Quene Regent and the Nobilitie thairof, and that it was to be fearit he wald do the lyke in tyme cuming, gif he war permittit to pas in thair cuntrey."--(History, p. 298.) [782] In MS. G, "Kirkmen." [783] In MS. G, "particularitie." [784] Craigie, a parish of that name in Ayrshire. [785] In the MS. "decryed." [786] In MS. G, "a piece of ground." [787] Patrick Lord Ruthven held the Provostship of Perth during the year 1554, (his father, William Lord Ruthven, having been Provost in 1552 and 1553,) and he was annually re-elected, without intermission, until the year of his death, 1566. [788] Vautr. edit. has "comfort them;" and MS. G, "comfort his." [789] Patrick Master of Lindesay, afterwards sixth Lord Lindesay of Byres; Walter Lundy of Lundy; and Sir Andrew Murray of Balvaird. [790] For, "understood." [791] In MS. G, "Balwaird;" in Vautr. edit. "Balwarde."--Sir Andrew Murray of Balvaird succeeded his father, Sir David Murray, who died in December 1550. [792] In MS. G, "flattering hir Grace, ar servandis of," &c., "or else inflame." [793] Robert third Lord Semple, who succeeded his father in 1548. [794] Robert Forman, at this time, was Lyon-King at Arms. [795] Sunday the 27th May. Keith (p. 199) takes notice, that if the proclamation was "done on a Sunday, it must have been on the 28th." In his other reference to the days of the week, during May and June 1559, Knox has fallen into a similar discrepancy. [796] These Ayrshire gentlemen were Matthew Campbell, Sheriff of Ayr; John Wallace of Craigie; George Campbell of Cesnock; Hugh Wallace of Carnell; John Lockhart of Barr; and James Chalmer of Gadgirth. [797] The water of Goodie flows from the lake of Monteath in Strathern, and falls into the Forth, about nine miles above Stirling. The Teith is a beautiful stream connected with some of the Perthshire lakes, (Lochs Katrine, Achray, &c.,) and loses its name, at its junction with the Forth, thirteen miles from Callander. [798] In MS. G, "was of good compt, fyve and twentie hundreth men," &c. [799] Auchterarder, a village, in the parish of that name, in Perthshire, about fourteen miles from Perth, on the road to Stirling. [800] John Erskine of Dun. [801] John Ogilvy of Inverquharity, in the parish of Kirriemuir, Forfarshire. [802] He is afterwards mentioned as one of the sons of Sir William Scott of Balwearie. [803] In Vautr. edit. "nocht" is omitted. [804] In the MS. "dimisshed." [805] See note 2, p. 325. [806] In the MS. "swaid the argument." [807] In Vautr. edit. "and that, that hole powers." [808] In the MS. "number." [809] Or Terinzean: in Vautr. edit. "Teringland."--At page 340, he is called young Sheriff of Ayr. He succeeded his father, Sir Hugh Campbell of Loudoun, in 1561. [810] This was no doubt Patrick Murray of Tibbermuir, in Perthshire, who became cautioner for William Harlaw, and was amerciated for his non-appearance to underly the law, &c., on the 10th May 1559. [811] In Vautr. edit. "dizardes;" in MS. G, "dycearis," that is, players at cards and dice. [812] The Queen Regent, upon the tumults in Perth, and the destruction of the religious houses there, in May 1559, may have intended to supersede Patrick Lord Ruthven, as Provost of Perth; but it does not appear that either Thomas Charteris, or his son John Charteris of Kinfauns, ever held the office during the reign of Queen Mary. [813] Sir William Murray of Tullibardin, ancestor of the Atholl family. He died in 1562. [814] James Halyburton, as formerly noticed, was Provost of Dundee. [815] Vautr. edit. reads, "in Anguish." [816] In MS. G, "the fourt." [817] In MS. G, "mynding the Sonday, quhilk was the thrid, to preiche in Sanct Androis." Sunday was the 4th of June. [818] Vautr. edit. makes this "colledges." [819] Robert Colville of Cleish was a natural son of Sir James Colville of Easter Wemyss. He had a charter of the barony of Cleish, 15th July 1537. He was forfeited by Parliament, 10th December 1540; but his forfeiture was rescinded, 12th December 1543. He was killed at the siege of Leith, 7th May 1560, and was succeeded by his son Robert Colville, the ancestor of the Lord Colvilles of Ochiltree. [820] In MS. G, "quhen God of his mercie offereth." [821] In MS. G, "At these wordis, quhilk he spak;" in Vautr. edit. "At these wordes, the Lordes." [822] In MS. G, and Vautr. edit. "that was then." [823] MS. G, has "the comonalty of the town;" but the edit. 1732 omits the words, "of the town." [824] The Earl of Argyle, and Lord James Stewart. [825] In MS. G, "curriors were send before, and lugeingis war assignit." In Vautr. edit. "Lodgings were assigned, and furriers were," &c. [826] The persons here named, were John Cockburn of Ormiston, John Sandilands of Calder, William Lauder of Halton, Robert Logan of Restalrig, and George Brown of Colstoun. [827] To the west of the town of Cupar; but now all under tillage or planting. [828] In MS. G, "yit we to have standin in saiftie." [829] MS. G omits "with the ordinance." [830] Patrick Hepburn of Wauchton. [831] The MSS. and printed copies give the name of this place variously, as Gartabank, Gartabanks, Garlebank, Garlie Bank, &c.--This place, of which no other mention occurs in Scotish History, may be called a hill-farm, situated about a mile to the south of Cupar of Fife, and the highest ground in the parish. "The hostile camps, (says the author of the Stat. Account of that parish, in 1796,) were only separated by the river Eden.... The principal men in both armies repaired to the highest eminence of the Garlie Bank, a spot known by the name of the _Howlet_, or _Owl Hill_, and which commanded a full view of the whole plain, wherein the troops were now drawn up in order of battle, and there adjusted and signed that truce," &c. (vol. xvii. p. 161.) [832] This memorandum, "The uther subscriptioun," &c., evidently shows that Knox's amanuensis must have had the original paper before him; although it is possible he has failed in giving a minutely accurate fac-simile. In Vautr. edit. the above words are retained; but instead of any fac-simile, the name is printed "_Meneits_." MSS. A, E, and W, follow Vautrollier's edit. in copying this unmeaning name, "Meneits;" MS. I, makes it "Menetis." In MS. L2, only the first half of the paper is transcribed. In MS. G, a different reading appears, the names being given, without any explanation, "JAMES DUCKE. L.L. ENNEN J." The above Assurance, which is only known to have been preserved by Knox, has been often reprinted. Calderwood, for instance, (Hist. vol. i. p. 463,) includes it, and evidently upon conjecture he gives the signatures as "JAMES DUKE. L. LIEUTENANT ETC." I have tried the sagacity of many skilful persons of the present day, to decipher the fac-simile; and I think the only plausible interpretation is, that since it must necessarily have been D'Oysel's signature, it may be the initials of his name, joined with his title as _Locum tenens_, or Lieutenant of Henry the Second, King of France, For this explanation I am indebted to John Riddell, Esq., Advocate; accompanied with notices of a contract, dated Edinburgh, March 1556, between George Lord Seyton and some of his connexions, which begins, "We MARIE be the Grace of God Quene Dowerar, and Regent of Scotland, being riplie and at lenth advisit wyth our deir cousingis and counsalaris LORD HENRY CLEWTYNE, LORD VILE PAREISE, DOYSEL and Sanct Augnen, LIEUTENANT GENERAL to the Kingis Majestie of France, in thir partis of Scotland; Monsieur Ruber, Keipar of the Grete Seill of Scotlande," &c. Further, in Anselme's "Histoire Genealogique," &c., vol. iv. p. 334, among the Peers of France, in the account of Gaspard de Schomberg, we find that his wife was "Jeanne Chasteigneir," whom he married 15th July 1573. She survived till the 83d year of her age, in 1622, and is described as D'Oysel's widow: "Veuve d' HENRY CLUTIN, SEIGNEUR DE VILLEPARISIS, D'OYSEL et de S. Aignan au Maine, VICE ROY EN ESCOCE; depuis Ambassadeur pour le Roy Charles IX. a Rome, et fille de Jean Chasteignier III. du nom, Seigneur de le Rocheposay," &c. [833] In MS. G, the words "what shuld be done," are omitted. [834] In MS. G, "contentment." [835] William (Graham) 5th Earl of Menteith, succeeded his father, John, 4th Earl, who was killed in a scuffle with the tutor of Appin, in October 1547. He married, while under age, the daughter of Sir James Douglas of Drumlanrig, relict of Edward Lord Crichton of Sanquhar. He survived till 1587. [836] Sir Colin Campbell of Glenurchy: see note 659. [837] John Charteris of Kinfauns, near Perth: see notes 787, 812. [838] Sir John Bannatyne, or Bellenden, eldest son of Thomas Bellenden of Auchinoul, whom he succeeded as Lord Justice Clerk, 25th June 1547. At this time he was employed by the Queen Regent to negotiate between her and the Lords of the Congregation; whom he afterwards joined. [839] In MS. G., "assistance." [840] In Vautr. edit. "four" omitted. [841] Patrick Hepburn, whom Knox introduces in an earlier part of his History, as Prior of St. Andrews (see page 41,) was advanced to the See of Moray in 1535; and at the same time he held the Abbacy of Scone in perpetual _Commendam_. In all his assedations or leases of lands, as Keith makes mention, the Bishop of Moray, until his death, 20th June 1573, employed his additional title of "Monasterii de Scone Commendatarius perpetuus." Various charters, showing his alienation of the Church lands, will be seen in the "Registrum Episcopatus Moraviensis," printed for the Bannatyne Club, bu the Duke of Sutherland. Edinb. 1837, 4to. [842] MS. G, has, "in the Abbay of Scone." This Monastery of Canon-Regulars of St. Augustine, situated about a mile above Perth, was founded by King Alexander the First, in the year 1114. It was long used as a Royal residence; and the famous Stone, or Chair of Coronation, having been brought to Scone at a remote period, it continued for several centuries to be the place where our Kings were accustomed to be crowned. [843] In MS. G, "lay in the said Abbay, quhilk was within." [844] MS. G, omits "Sir" before the name of Adam Brown. This title indicates his having been in priest's orders. [845] In MS. G, "The brute heirof." [846] In the MS. "alarmezand." [847] Knox in this place not only disclaims any share in the destruction of the Abbey; but he expressly states he exerted himself for its preservation. According to "The Chronicle of Perth," the burning of Scone, took place "on Tuysday efter Midsomer day, the 27th of Junij 1660 zeiris;" and the same authority says, "the Reformation of the Charter House and Freiris beside Perth," was on the 10th of May 1660, (pp. 2, 3. Edinb. 1831, 4to.) [848] In MS. G, "messingers." Vautr. edit. has "message." [849] In MS. G, "in armour." Vautr. edit. has "in armes." [850] In Vautr. edit. "of our religion." [851] "Estates" omitted in the orig. MS., and supplied from Vautr. edit. It is "Statis" in MS. G. [852] Vautr. edit. reads, "have violently intermitted withtaken, and yet withholdes the irones of our counsell house:" see subsequent note. [853] In MS. G, "numbers of Lions (alias called Hardheids) prented;" that is, a particular kind of coin struck. Some explanation will be given in a subsequent note of the coins here mentioned, which were in ordinary circulation. [854] Irons, or instruments made use of in coining money. [855] John Wishart of Pittaro, and William Cunningham of Cunninghamhead, in the parish of Dreghorn, Ayrshire. Respecting the latter, it may be mentioned, that he sat in the Parliament, August 1560; and that his name occurs in the proceedings of the General Assembly, June 1565, and August 1570.--(Booke of the Universall Kirk, vol. i. pp. 38, 60, 200.) [856] In the MS. "bonds." [857] In MS. G, "dutifull;" in Vautr. edit. "dutiefull." [858] Sir John Bellenden of Anchinoul, Justice-Clerk: see note 838. [859] In MS. G, "the Kirk." Vautr. edit. has "the Church there." [860] In MS. G, "it was thought expedient and necessarie." Vautr. edit. is the same as the text, but omits "to thame," before the word "pertaining." [861] A reference to the History of France will explain Knox's allusion to the treacherous conduct of Henry the Second, in the arrestment and execution of two of his councillors who had avowed their attachment to the Protestant faith. The death of the French King, which followed almost immediately after, was occasioned in a tournament held in honour of the marriage of his daughter with the King of Spain. In jousting with the Count de Montgomery, a splinter of his lance inflicted a deep wound over the King's left eye, and after lingering for twelve days, he expired on the 10th July 1559. His son the Dauphin, and husband of Mary Queen of Scots, was only sixteen years of age when he succeeded to the throne, under the name of Francis the Second. [862] Mr. Robert Richardson, according to one of the most accurate of our Antiquarian Genealogists, "was descended of a stock of ancient and opulent burgesses of Edinburgh, where they had long remained in reputation and respect;" and he being "a person of great wealth and credit, was upon the fame of his integrity preferred to the Treasurer's place by the Queen Regent, on the death of the Earl of Cussilis, anno 1558, and made also General of the Mint. When Mr.Richardson came first to the office, he designs himself _Burgense de Edinburgh_; but soon after that, having got the Commendatory of St. Mary Isle, which was a cell of Holyroodhouse Abbay, from that he henceforth took his title."--(Crawfurd's Officers of State, p. 383.) Richardson's name occurs as one of the Auditors of the Treasurer's Accounts, 1551, 1552; and as connected with the Mint, in 1554-5. As Clerk of the Treasury, he rendered the Accounts of the late Gilbert Earl of Cassillis on the 24th March 1558-9, that Nobleman having died in France, on the 14th November 1558, (Register of Conf. Testaments, Feb. 24, 1575,) and not on the 28th of that month, as stated at page 263. Richardson continued to officiate in the room of the High Treasurer, until his own appointment to the office 5th March 1560-1. He also held more than one lucrative ecclesiastical situation. On the 10th February 1555-6, a charter under the Great Seal, of the lands of Nether Gogar, in the county of Edinburgh, was granted to Mr. Robert Richardson, _Vicar of Exfurde_. On the last of March 1558-9, he obtained a gift of the Priory of St. Mary's Isle of Trail, near Kirkcudbright (Reg. Secr. Sig.): this dignity entitled him to sit as a Lord and member of Parliament. At a later date, (in 1567,) we find him styled Archdeacon of Teviotdale. He died in 1571: and William Lord Ruthven, on the 24th June 1571, was appointed High Treasurer, the office being vacant by the death of the Commendator of St. Mary's Isle. Sir John Scott says, that Richardson had "conquest a great estate." This is very evident, from the various charters he had of lands in the counties of Edinburgh and East Lothian; and his estates were apportioned to his two sons, Sir James Richardson of Smeaton, and Sir Robert Richardson of Pencaitland, Baronet: see Crawfurd, _ut supra_, and Scott's Staggering State, p. 27. [863] A _bawbee_, the vulgar name for a halfpenny. In the reign of Queen Mary, it was equivalent to three pennies Scotish money, but was afterwards raised to six pennies. The particular coins so designated, were billon or copper, and are described in Lindsay's "Coinage of Scotland," p. 183. Cork, 1844, 4to. [864] Robert Logan of Restalrig, in the vicinity of Edinburgh, and parish of South Leith. This ancient family possessed considerable influence, from their connexion with Leith, of which they held the superiority; as will be more fully detailed in a subsequent note. [865] In MS. G, "and yit, notwithstanding." [866] This name is probably a corruption of Craig-end gate. The Calton Hill was then known as the North Craigs, and the street called the Low Calton, the road leading from Edinburgh to Leith, was also known by that name; although the Easter Road would better suit the localities, as elsewhere described.--(Wodrow Miscellany, vol. i. pp. 65-67.) [867] Better known as Sir Alexander Erskine of Gogar, fourth son of John fourth Lord Erskine. He was born about the year 1521; and was Captain of the Castle of Edinburgh, under his brother Lord Erskine, Earl of Mar, who became Regent of Scotland. After the Regent's death, in 1572, he had the charge of Stirling Castle, and the custody of James the Sixth. In 1578, he was Constable of Edinburgh Castle; and died sometime between 1588 and 1594. His eldest surviving son was created Earl of Kelly, in 1619. [868] In Vautr. edit. "passed." [869] Lord James Stewart, as already noticed, was son of James the Fifth, by Lady Margaret Erskine, daughter of John fourth Lord Erskine: see page 249, note 5. He was thus sister's son of the Governor of the Castle of Edinburgh, who maintained at this time a strict neutrality between the Queen Regent's party and the Reformers. "There is something very gallant, (says Sir Walter Scott,) in the conduct of this Nobleman, who, during such a period, was determined to refuse admittance either to French or English, the two powerful allies of the contending factions."--(Sadler's Papers, vol. i. p. 712.) [870] MS. G reads, "the uther Nobillmen that war with us." [871] He was no doubt the same person who appears at page 251, as the Earl Marischal's "counsaillour," in 1556; but it may be doubted whether it was not his son who was killed at the seige of Leith, in May 1560. General Drummond, afterwards Lord Strathallan, in his "Genealogie of the House of Drummond," refers to the former passage in Knox, as an incident in the life of Henry Drummond of Riccarton, the second son of Sir John Drummond of Innerpeffrey. Having married Janet Creichton, who was heiress of the property of Riccarton, (in the parish of Linlithgow,) he became the founder of the family of Drummond of Riccarton. Lord Strathallan says, "He was a valiant gentleman, and of good breeding, and served the French King Henrie the Second, as Capitane of his Archer-Guard," (p. 152. Edinb. 1831, 4to.) In the Appendix to that volume, the Editor says, "This 'Counsaillour' was certainly no great clerk, as among the Balcarras Letters and Papers in the Advocates Library, is an original receipt, in French, for 500 crowns, (Cinq cens cscuz,) which is thus signed, 'Hary Dr[=o]mond, wy^t my hand at the pen, led be my Lord Marschallis servand, Maister Jhone Elder.' It has no date, but was probably about the year 1560." (Ib. p. 291.)--On the 18th July 1555, the Treasurer paid 8s. to a boy "passand to Dumblane to Hairie Drummond with ane clois writting of the Quenis Grace, with deligence." [872] Bishop Lesley has given the articles of this pacification in a different form from Knox: see Keith's History, (vol. i. p. 220,) whose remarks, however, apply to the Latin History, _De Rebus Gestis_, &c., p. 552. Romæ, 1578, 4to. In the corresponding passage of his English History, Lesley has given the erroneous date 23d July; and says the Appointment took place "be mediatione and labouris of the Erle of Huntlie, quha travelled ernistlie for stanching of bluidshed that day."--(Hist. p. 276.) [873] In MS. G, "and in ane uther forme disposed, as efter followis." [874] The office of the Mint, of which Richardson was then General. See subsequent note. [875] In MS. G, "hir Palace." [876] In Vautr. edit. "garrisons." [877] The Quarrel or Quarry Holes, afterwards called the "Upper Quarries," towards the east declivity of the Calton Hill, at the head of the Easter Road to Leith, opposite Maryfield. [878] In MS. G, "and haill Protestantis." [879] In MS. G, "murmuirs." Vautr. edit. also has "murmures." [880] Queen Elizabeth ascended the throne of England 17th November 1558. At the beginning of Book Third, Knox has entered more into detail respecting the application which was made by the Protestants of Scotland for aid at this time. [881] James third Earl of Arran was the eldest son of the Duke of Chatetherault. About the year 1554, he went to France, and obtained the command of the Scotish Guard, at the Court of Henry the Second. In 1559, he fell into so much disgrace, on account of his expressing himself to the Duke of Guise in favour of the Reformed doctrines, that, as stated in the next note, his life was in danger. Having made his escape from Paris, he came to Geneva, and returning by the north of Germany to England, he was received with much distinction by Queen Elizabeth. He arrived in Scotland, on the 7th September 1559, (Sadler's State Papers, vol. i. p. 435,) and openly joined the Reformers. [882] Lord David Hamilton was the third son of the Duke of Chatelherault. He had a charter of lands in Fife, granted to him 31st August 1547. He was in France, along with his eldest brother the Earl of Arran, in 1559, as mentioned in the previous note. Secretary Cecil, in a letter dated 28th July 1559, as quoted by Mr. Tytler, says, "What may the Duke's Grace there (in France) look for, when his eldest son was so persecuted, as, to save his life, he was forced to flee France and go to Geneva, not without great difficulty; his second brother, the Lord David, now cruelly imprisoned by Monsieur Chevigny, one chosen out to show cruelty to your nation; divers Scots of the Earl's (Arran's) family put to torture; and, finally, all the Duchy of Chastelherault seised to the Crown."--(Hist. vol. vi. p. 124.) [883] In Vautr. edit. "the other cast in vile prison." [884] The Sieur de Béthencourt arrived from France about the end of July 1559. A letter of recommendation from Mary Queen of Scots, addressed to the Duke of Chatelherault, dated at Paris (16th) July, is contained in Prince A. Labanoff's collection of "Lettres de Marie Stuart," vol. i. p. 67. He was sent to this country, in the view to ascertain and use all means that were necessary, for restoring matters to the good estate in which they had previously been. After thanking the Duke for his good offices rendered to the Queen Regent her mother, in circumstances of great difficulty, her words are,--"S'estant pour ceste cause delibéré y mectre la main et chercher tous moïens pour réduire les choses au bon estat ou elles estoient, il a advisé dépescher par dela le Sieur de Béthencourt, présent porteur, par lequel j'ay bien voullu vous faire entendre le contentement quo j'ay du service quo vous vous este essayé m'y faire, et prier, mon Cousin, emploïer tous moïens pour faire rabiller les faultes doulcement et oster l'occasion de faire par autre voye sentir aux mauvais combien ils ont offencé le Roy, mondit Seigneur, et moy: estant asseurée que jamais vous ne sçaurez faire chose qui me soit plus agréable."--(Lettres, &c., vol. i. p. 68.)--Among various payments by the Treasurer, after the Queen Regent's death, (in June 1560,) to her attendants and other persons, we find, "Item, to Monsieur Buttonecourt and his wife, lxxx lib." [885] In MS. G, "plesour;" in Vautr. edit. "displeasure." [886] In MS. G, "duetifullie," Vautr. edit. has "dewly amendid." [887] In this marginal note, Vautr. edit. has "Brages inough." [888] In MS. G, "that yow and all they that hes done, and dois as ye do, sall." [889] These words may be rendered, "You will feel the point of it for ever." The letter referred to is not contained in Prince A. Labanoff's collection of Queen Mary's Letters; but an English copy of it is preserved in Spotiswood's History, p. 130, and will be inserted in the Appendix to the present volume. [890] In MS. G, "be certaine effectis." [891] In MS. G, "dewtiefull;" Vautr. edit. "duteifull obedience." [892] In MS. G, "towards us your." [893] "Mot" is omitted both in MS. G. and Vautr. edit. [894] The inhabitants or Congregation of Edinburgh, met in the Tolbooth or Council House, on the 7th July 1559, and publickly elected Knox as their Minister.--(Historie of the Estate of Scotland, in Wodrow Miscellany, p. 63.) "With this choice, (Dr. M'Crie remarks,) which was approved by his brethren, Knox judged it his duty to comply, and immediately began his labours in the City." He was soon afterwards obliged to leave Edinburgh, but John Willock, who became his colleague, supplied his place, and in the month of August dispensed the Sacrament in St. Giles's Church.--(ib. p. 67.) [895] In MS. G. and Vautr. edit. "began." [896] The Tolbooth or Council House must not be confounded with the Old Tollbooth or Jail, which was described in 1561 as ruinous, and ordered to be demolished. It was, however, repaired, and has been immortalized as "The Heart of Mid-Lothian." In Chambers's "Reekiana," a number of curious and interesting notices are collected regarding this building, which was situated at the west-end of St. Giles's Church, and encroached so much on that part of the High Street, called the Luckenbooths, as to leave only a kind of lane to the north, of 14 feet wide. Further to the south, and connected with the south-west corner of St. Giles's Church, with a covered passage to the Parliament Square, there was a large mass of buildings, which included what was known as the New Tolbooth or Council House, the Goldsmith's Hall, &c. All these were pulled down when the Signet Library was built, and the ornamented exterior of the Parliament House, (begun in 1632, and completed in 1640,) was so unfortunately sacrificed. The Old Tolbooth or Jail was demolished in 1817; and the changes which took place in and around the Parliament Square at that time, completely altered the singularly picturesque character of the Old Town of Edinburgh. [897] Here, and in other places, Vautr. edit. has "Church." [898] In Vautr. edit. the word "Kirk" or "Church" is omitted. [899] The Abbey of Cambuskenneth was founded by King David the First, in the year 1147. This House, of the order of Canon-Regulars of St. Augustine, although connected with Stirling, is in the parish of Logie, and shire of Clackmannan. It was situated on the north side of the river Forth, about one mile N.E. from the town of Stirling. During the wars with England, it was often plundered, but in 1569, it was nearly all demolished; and there now remains little besides a square tower of fine proportions, to indicate its site.--See Sir J.G. Dalyell's "Brief Analysis of the Chartularies of the Abbey of Cambuskenneth, Chapel Royal of Stirling," &c. Edinb. 1828. 8vo. [900] In Vautr. edit. "Lyndors."--The Abbey of Lindores, in the parish of Newburgh, Fife, was, like most of our monastic buildings, finely situated, overlooking the fertile shores of the Tay. It was founded by David Earl of Huntingdon, brother to King William the Lion, upon his return from the Holy Land, about the year 1178. It was erected into a temporal lordship by King James the Sixth, 20th December 1600, in favour of Sir Patrick Lesley of Pitcairly, son of Andrew fifth Earl of Rothes, who had held the Abbacy _in Commendam_, since 1581.--John Abbot of Lindores who is here mentioned, must have been a person of some importance; yet his name has not been discovered, although he sat in Parliament in 1542 and subsequent years, and he appears in the Sederunt of the Lords of Session, in November 1544. Some further particulars respecting him will be given in a subsequent note. [901] MS. G, "sould not be." [902] In MS. G, and Vautr. edit., "procurement was the preiching stooll." [903] Alexander Whitelaw of New Grange, had been a pensioner in England so early as the time of Edward the Sixth, for which the Earl of Huntly caused him to be forfeited, 5th July 1549. See before, Note 538. At a later period, he became an active and confidential agent of Knox and the Reformed party; and his name frequently occurs in their correspondence in Sir Ralph Sadler's State Papers. Knox speaks of Whitelaw as a man who had often hazarded himself, and all he had, for the cause of God. Throgmorton calls him "a very honest, sober, and godly man, and the most truly affectionate to England of any Scotsman." Accordingly, he gave him a letter of recommendation to Elizabeth's Council, and, as he was very religious, he counsels them to let him see _as little sin in England_ as possible.--(Note by Sir Walter Scott, in Sadler's Papers, vol. i. pp. 468, 537.) In the Account of the Collector of the Thirds of Benefices, 1561, two bolls of wheat are deducted--or "defalkit for the teindis of the Newgrange of Aberbrothock, be reasone the same was nocht lauborit the zeir compted, be occasion of the pley dependand thairupon, betuix Alexander Quhytlaw and William Stewart." Three bolls of bear, and eight bolls of meal, were deducted for the same cause. [904] William Knox, a younger brother of the Reformer, was then a merchant. In September 1552, the English Council, out of respect to his brother, granted a patent "to William Knox, a merchant, giving him liberty, for a limited time, to trade to any port of England, in a vessel of one hundred tons burden."--(Strype's Memorials, vol. ii. p. 299.) And Knox himself, in a letter written in 1553, says, "My brother, William Knox, is presentlie with me. What ye wold haif frome Scotland, let me know this Monunday at nycht; for hie must depart on Tyisday."--(M'Crie's Life of Knox, vol. i. pp. 90, 91.) He afterwards became a preacher, and was for many years minister of Cockpen in Mid-Lothian.--(MS. Books of Assignation of Stipends; Wodrow Miscellany, vol. i. pp. 369, 408.) [905] In MS. G, "in four pieces." [906] In the MS. "wald nott weir." [907] In MS. G, this marginal note, and that on the next page, are taken into the text. [908] In the MS. the date is left blank, "the &c. day." Vautr. edit. and MS. G, read, "the 28th day of August." [909] In MS. G, "we can skairslie beleve." [910] In MS. G, "was maid against, or without our advyse." In Vautr. edit. "was made by." [911] In MS. G, "in na cais." [912] Monsieur de la Brosse, and the Bishop of Amiens, arrived in Scotland on the 24th September 1559. Sir Ralph Sadler, on the 27th, says, "the Bishop arrived in Leith three days previously, with three vessels, and 800 men." On the 29th he writes, "La Brosse, and the Bishop of Amyens, are arrived at Leyth, with so gret company, besyds ther housholde men, as far as we can lerne. And the Bishop, as they say, cometh to curse, and also to dispute with the Protestants, and to reconcile them, if it wolbe," &c.--(Sadler's Letters, vol. i. p. 470.) "Jacques de la Brosse, knycht," had been one of the French ambassadors, who were present at the Parliament, 11th December 1543, for treating of a renewal of the amity between the two kingdoms.--(Acta Parl. Scot. vol. ii. p. 432.) When again sent to this country, in September 1559, on the accession of Francis the Second to the throne of France, Bishop Lesley calls him "Monsieur de La Broche."--(History, p. 278.) The Bishop of Amiens was Nicholas de Pellevé, who was afterwards Archbishop of Sens, and elected Cardinal. He came in the character of Legate _a latere_ from the Pope, and was accompanied by three Doctors of the Sorbonne, whom Spotiswood calls Dr. Furmer, Dr. Brochet, and Dr. Ferretier.--(Hist. p. 133.) [913] In Vautr. edit. "Ammiance." [914] In MS. G, "The arryval of 1000 Franchemen and ma." Vautr. edit. corresponds with the text. [915] This marginal note is taken into the text in MS. G. [916] In MS. G, this marginal note ends, "witness how this was kept;" but Vautr. edit. is the same with the text. The Letters here referred to as having been sent to France, are not contained in any printed collection. [917] In the orig. MS. and in Vautr. edit. "proclamation." [918] In MS. G, "inriche." [919] In MS. G, "our liberties," and "our laws." [920] In MS. G, "as obedient." [921] In MS. G, "And seing ye have presently." Vautr. edit. has, "And seeing you have presently." [922] A genealogical account of the ancient family of the Scots of Balweary, in Fife, is inserted in Douglas's Baronage, pp. 302-306. From this we learn, that there were five persons of the same name, in regular succession, at the end of the 15th, and during the 16th century. Sir William Scott, who was taken prisoner at Floddon, was nominated the first of the Lords of Session on the Temporal side, at the institution of the College of Justice in May 1532; but he died very soon after; as Thomas Scott of Petgormo, his second son, was appointed his successor, 19th November that year. This Thomas Scott was Justice-Clerk, whose death, in 1539, Knox has recorded: see page 69. Another Thomas Scott of Petgormo, probably a younger son of his brother Sir William, had a charter of the lands of Petgormo, confirmed 22d March 1551. I have some old deeds, between the years of 1570 and 1574, in some of which he is styled of Abbotshall, in others, of Petgormo. [923] See note 197. [924] In the MS. "laid;" Vautr. edit. has "laied money;" MS. G, "layit mony." In September 1554, the Treasurer delivered to an English miner, "aucht unce of siluer, to mak ane assay of siluer and _layit_ mony." In 1587, it is called "allayed" (alloyed) money. [925] During the minority of Queen Mary, great quantities of base money had been struck, or brought from France and Flanders, and obtaining circulation, had the effect of raising the prices of provisions and other necessaries in this country. Many enactments were made in regard to the currency at this time, apparently without much effect; at length, in the year 1574, all such money was called in by public proclamation, to prevent the further circulation of false, counterfeit, and clipped money. The particular kinds here named, were _Hard-heads_, or Lions, a small coin with the royal cypher crowned, on one side, and a Lion _rampant_ on the other. The _Non Sunts_, so called in Acts of Parliament, had the arms of Francis and Mary, mostly bearing the date 1559. This name was given them from the legend, on the obverse, IAM. NON. SVNT. DVO. SED. VNA. CARO. The comparative value of these coins is determined by an Act of Parliament, December 1567, by which "all Non Sunts were proclamit to 6d., Bawbies to 3d., Plakis to 2d., and Hard-heidis to half-penyis; and the penneis to stand as thai ar."--(Acta Parl. Scot. vol. ii. p. 43; Lindsay's Coinage of Scotland, p. 239.) [926] See page 372. [927] In MS. G, "thair clippit and rongit sollis." Vautr. edit. has "clippit and rounged souses." That is, clipped or _ronged sols_ or _sous_, (a kind of small French money well known,) worn away, or reduced in size by a file: the _sou_ being equivalent to 10 _centimes_, and 10 _sous_ to a _franc_. [928] In MS. G, "derthning of all victuillis;" Vautr. edit. has "vivaris." [929] In MS. G, "and how are they cum?" [930] In MS. G, "townes;" in Vautr. edit. "roomes." [931] In the other copies "garrisouns." [932] In MS. G, "see to it;" in Vautr. edit. as above. [933] In MS. G, "realme;" in Vautr. edit. "roomes." [934] In MS. G, "further." [935] "Quhen thy neighbours house is on fire, take tent to thy awn."--("Scottish Proverbs: Gathered together by David Fergusson, sometime Minister at Dunfermline," &c. Edinburgh, 1641, 4to.) [936] In MS. G, "Guysianis;" in Vautr. edit. "Guisians." [937] In MS. G, "gevin to Princes." [938] In MS. G, "Becaus this accusatioun is layd against;" Vautr. edit. has, "Because this occasion is layd against." [939] This marginal note occurs both in MS. G, and in Vautr. edit.; but MS. G, makes it, "Let sick as this day live, witness if God hes wrocht since the writting of this."--The precise time when this note was written is doubtful, as several leaves of the original MS., (folios 137 to 158,) corresponding with pages 381 to 432 of the present edition, seem to have been rewritten, after 1566, but before Knox's death, in 1572, and in all probability in the hand of his Secretary, Richard Bannatyne. In this portion of the MS. the colour of the ink, &c., resembles the latter part of Book Fourth; but it exhibits a peculiar orthography, and is transcribed with much less accuracy than usual. [940] In MS. G, "haldis;" in Vautr. edit. "had." [941] In the MS. "subjit." [942] In MS. G, this marginal note reads, "The hame cuming of the Erie of Arran out of France." [943] In the MS. "discryve;" Vautr. edit. and MS. G, have "discover." [944] In Vautr. edit. "the xxix day." [945] Robert Carnegy of Kynnaird, in Fife, was the son of John Carnegy, who was killed at Floddon. On the 4th July 1547, he was nominated a Lord of Session.--(Senators of the College of Justice, p. 90.) He was sent to England in 1548, to treat for the ransom of the Earl of Huntley, Lord Chancellor, who had been taken prisoner at the Battle of Pinkie. In 1549 and 1550, Carnegy filled the office of "Clerk of our Soueraine Ladyis Thesaurar," for which he had a yearly pension of £26, 13s. 4d.--(Treasurer's Accounts.) In February 1551-2, the Treasurer paid "to Robert Carnegy, for his expensis passand to France and England, in our Soueraine Ladyis and my Lord Governouris service, quhen he remanit the space of xv weekis, in iiij^c crounis of the sone, v^c lib." (£500.)--He was frequently employed in public negotiations; and had the honour of knighthood conferred on him for his services. [946] Mr. David Borthwick of Lochill, Advocate, will be afterwards noticed. In 1578, he became Lord Advocate, and one of the Judges in the Court of Session. [947] In MS. G, "cut-throattis." [948] The charge of the royal family became a kind of hereditary employment for the Erskines of Mar. John, fourth Lord Erskine, had the keeping of James the Fifth in his youth; and was appointed Governor of Stirling Castle. In May 1525, he had a charter constituting him and his heirs Captain and Constable of the Castle of Stirling. He was likewise one of two noblemen to whom the charge of Queen Mary, in her infancy, was entrusted. He was afterwards made Keeper of Edinburgh Castle, and died in 1552. He was succeeded by his third son, John fifth Lord Erskine, (as already noticed at page 213,) both in his title and heritable offices. When the Duke of Chatelherault resigned the Regency to the Queen Dowager, the Castle of Edinburgh was put in the hands of Lord Erskine. In 1559, as Governor of this important fortress, he maintained a strict neutrality between the two contending parties, as Knox mentions at the beginning of Book Third of his History. And James the Sixth, while yet an infant, was entrusted to his care. [949] In MS. G, "within it." [950] In Vautr. edit. "your eyis of." [951] In Vautr. edit. "the 29 day." [952] In the other MSS. "men." [953] Sir John Bellenden of Auchinoul, who, for thirty years, from 1547, was Justice-Clerk, appears to have been twice married. The above reference is to his first wife; and from a charter dated 12th May 1559, we learn that her name was Barbara Kennedy. She was thus the daughter of Sir Hugh Kennedy of Girvan-mains, by Lady Janet Stewart, eldest daughter of John second Earl of Atholl, who was killed at Floddon in 1513. This lady was four times married: first, to Alexander Master of Sutherland, who died in 1529; then, in 1532, to Sir Hugh Kennedy; next, in 1545, to Henry Lord Methven, who was killed at Pinkie in 1547. Her fourth husband was Patrick Lord Ruthven; and in a charter, granted in the prospect of this marriage in 1557, she is styled Lady Methven. She was Lord Ruthven's second wife, and probably survived him. Sir John Bellenden's second wife, according to a charter, 20th July 1574, was Janet Seyton. She survived him, as we learn from his Confirmed Testament: he having died on the 6th October 1576.--(Register of Conf. Test., &c., vol. vi. 19th August 1578.) [954] He was the son of John Spens of Condie, in the county of Perth, and was born about the year 1520. He was educated at St. Andrews, and became a Determinant, in St. Salvator's College, in 1543. In 1549, he was one of nine Advocates selected by the Court of Session, to procure before them in all actions. He was joined with Henry Lauder as Advocate to our Soueraine Lady, in 1558, and had the salary of £40; and on Lauder's death in 1560, he became his successor, and at the same time was raised to the Bench. He joined the Reformers, and is frequently noticed in the proceedings of the General Assembly. [955] In MS. G, "that the Quenis Grace favour." [956] In Vautr edit. "craftie flatterer:" in MS. G, this marginal note is omitted. [957] In MS. G, and Vautr. edit. "poore." [958] In MS. G, the name is written in full, "James Stewart;" in Vautr. edit. it is contracted as above, "J. St." [959] This word, omitted in the MS., is supplied from Vautr. edit. [960] In the orig. MS. "as." [961] In Vautr. edit. and MS. G, "than the pretended." [962] In MS. G, "mony uther thingis." [963] In MS. G, "and the Quein Regent in this cais." Vautr. edit. has, "in this cause." [964] Vautr. edit. has here in the margin, "Nota." [965] This feeling of jealousy between the Towns of Edinburgh and Leith, originating in narrow-minded policy, was of an old standing. The harbour and mills of Lieth, then known as Inverleith, were granted by Robert the First, in the year 1329, to the community of Edinburgh; and in 1398, they acquired other rights and privileges by purchase from Logan of Restalrig, who possessed the banks of the river. During the 15th and following century, the Magistrates of Edinburgh passed some Acts of a very oppressive and illiberal kind, against the inhabitants of Leith. In 1547, during the English invasion, the town and harbour were completely destroyed; but the Queen Regent, in favour of the inhabitants, purchased anew the superiority in 1555, from Robert Logan of Restalrig, for £3000 Scotish money; it was strongly fortified in 1559; and was taken possession of by the French auxiliary troops, on behalf of the Queen Regent, who proposed to have erected the Town into a Royal Burgh. Her death, in June 1560, defeated this project; and the citizens of Edinburgh afterwards obtained the superiority from Mary Queen of Scots, for the sum of 10,000 marks. [966] In the MS. "had" is omitted; in MS. G, it is "hes or had;" in Vautr. edit. "hath or had." [967] The Logans of Restalrig were an ancient family of great influence, from their possessions at Leith and Restalrig. The factious person to whom Knox alludes was Robert Logan, who was arrested by order of the Magistrates of Edinburgh, and committed to prison, 9th September 1560. [968] In MS. G, "lawfull heirs and borne counsallers." Vautr. edit. omits "heirs," or "heidis," and reads, "the lawfull and borne counsellers." [969] In Vautr. edit. on the margin, "Nota." [970] Not inserted in MS. G. [971] See note 538. [972] In the orig. MS. it is, apparently, "neir us:" MS. G. has "micht most noy us;" Vautr. edit. reads, "might most annoy us." [973] In MS. G, "The caus of the taking of Brochtie Craig." [974] In MS. G. and Vautr. edit. "dutifull." [975] In MS. G, "forced with the Frenchmen, and reullit with be the counsaill of France;" Vautr. edit. has, "forced with the strength, and ruled by the counsell of France." [976] This alludes to the emphatic phrase in the absolution sent from Rome, to Cardinal Beaton's murderers, _remittimus irremissibile_; but which was rejected by the parties who were concerned as not being the "sufficient assured absolution," which had been promised should be obtained for them: see page 203. [977] George fifth Lord Seaton, was elected Provost of Edinburgh at Michaelmas 1558, by command of the Queen Regent; and he conducted the affairs of the City in such an arbitrary manner, that in April 1559 he committed one of the Bailies and the Town-Clerk to prison. On another occasion he threatened all the Bailies with a similar imprisonment, if, during his absence, they failed in securing certain persons whom he named.--(Maitland's Hist. of Edinburgh, p. 15.) [978] In MS. G, "The Lord Seytounis unworthie regiment:" and it omits the three following marginal notes. [979] In MS. G, "to steir;" Vautr. edit., as above, has, "to saile a schippe." [980] In the orig. MS. "baith we and sche." [981] In MS. G, "debtfull;" in Vautr. edit. "dutifull." [982] In Vautr. edit. "forged." [983] Mr. Robert Lockhart has already been mentioned by Knox, (page 300,) among the laymen who undertook the office of exhorters. He appears to have been gained over to her views by the Queen Regent; and the Treasurer's Accounts exhibit the following payments made to him by her special command. On the 16th January 1559-60, "be the Quenis Grace precept to Master Robert Lockhart, xxx lib." "Item, the xxiij day of Februar, be the Quenis Grace precept to Maister Robert Lockhart, xl lib." [984] In MS. G, "unto Hir Grace the Quein Regent, may be understude." [985] Supplied from MS. G. [986] In MS. G, these words are thus transposed,--"I culd not be proven enemie, bot rather an unfayned freind to your Grace." Vautr. edit. follows the text, except "proved" for "proven." [987] In the year 1558, at Geneva: see note 3, page 252. [988] In MS. G, "your Graces hairt." Vautr. edit. has, "your hearte." [989] Robert Lockhart, see page 434. [990] Supplied from MS. G. [991] In MS. G, "of this cuntrey." Vautr. edit. has, "realme." [992] Vautr. edit. omits this marginal note; but it occurs in MS. G. [993] In MS. G, "seikes or sutes ony pre-eminence, eyther to." Vautr. edit. makes it, "sues nor seekes anie pre-heminence." [994] "Maister Robert Foirman," in 1551, was Ross Herald; and in that capacity, on the 7th May 1552, he was "direct fra the Counsale, with certain Articulis to be schawand to the King of France; and frathin to the Empriour," the Treasurer on that day having paid "to hym, to be his expenses in his jornay, £400."--On the death of the celebrated poet, Sir David Lyndesay of the Mount, Forman, in 1558, became his successor as Lyon King-at-Arms. [995] Keith has copied from Knox the "Credeit" or Commission from the Queen Regent; but in the Appendix to his History he says, "I make little doubt he (Knox) has curtailed the same, and formed it so as to serve his own purpose: And had this Credit been contained in as few words as this author relates it, the Regent might have easily inserted the whole of it in her letter, without any unbecoming prolixity. I do, therefore, recommend to my readers not to satisfy themselves with this account of the Credit, but to look into _that_ which Archbishop Spottiswood narrates; which, as it is much more distinct in answering to each part of complaint from the Congregationers, so it has all the air of ingenuity, and seems fully to answer the character of that wise and worthy Princess." He then proceeds to quote from Spottiswood's MS. some remarks, differing from the corresponding passage in the printed History; but these are too long to be here quoted: see Keith, Hist. vol. i. pp. 232, 400-492. [996] In MS. G, "of the Kirk of Edinburgh, being commanded." Vautr. edit. is the same as the text. [997] In MS. G, "was thair protest." Vautr. edit. has, "process." [998] In MS. G, "in sygne of manifest oppresioun." Vautr. edit., as in the text, omits the words "sygne of." [999] In MS. G, "commonaltie." [1000] In MS. G, "and to performance of thir hir wicked nterprises." Vautr. edit. reads, "to performe these her wicked interprises." [1001] The stranger referred to, was Monsieur de Ruby, who has already been noticed: see pages 262, 292. Secretary Cecil, in a letter to Sir Ralph Sadler, from London, 25th November 1559, says, "At this present Monsieur Ruby is here, and hath spoken with the Quenes Majestye this daye. His errand, I thynke, be to goe into Fraunce, and, by the waye here, to expostulate upon certain greeffs in that Quenes name. He telleth many tales, and wold very fayne have the Queenes Majestye beleve that he sayth truth." Some of these "tales" are specified--such as, that the Scotts report they have had £6000 in ayde from England, &c. It is afterwards added, "Ruby departeth to-morrow."--(Sadler's State Papers, vol. i. p. 630.) [1002] This marginal note, in MS. G, reads, "Hir dauchter followis the same, for to Davie was the Greitt Seill gevin."--In the List of Officers of State, appended to Scott's Staggering State, (see note, page 293,) Riccio is said to have succeeded Mons. de Ruby; but the public records furnish no evidence to show that David Riccio ever was intrusted with the Great Seal. His highest promotion was Private Secretary to the Queen and Darnley; as will more particularly be noticed in the next volume, towards the conclusion of the History. [1003] The words enclosed within brackets, occur both in MS. G. and Vautr. edit.; but neither copy has any signatures. Keith, in his remarks on this Act of Deposition of the Queen Regent, says, "And for this reason, (the few persons present at framing it,) perhaps, they thought fit not to sign the Act man by man, but to wrap it up after this general manner, viz., _By us the Nobility_," &c.--(Hist. vol. i. p. 237.) This evidently is a mistake, as the Act itself concludes with the express statement, "subscrivit _with our handis_," &c.--In the MS. of 1566, a blank space of half a page at the end of the above Act, has been left for the purpose of inserting the signatures, we may suppose, in a kind of fac-simile. Keith previously mentions, that the Councillors who signed the Letter to the Queen, on the 23d October, were twenty-nine in number, viz., The Duke of Chatelherault; _Earls_, Arran, Eglinton, Argyll, Rothes, Morton, Glencairn, Marischal, Sutherland; _Lords_, Erskine, Ruthven, Home, Athens (Alexander Gordon, afterwards Bishop of Galloway,) the Prior of St. Andrews (Lord James Stewart,) Livingston, Master of Maxwell, Boyd, Ochiltree; _Barons_, Tullibardine, Glenorchy, Lindsay, Dun, Lauriston, Cunningham, Calder, Pittarrow; _Provosts_ of Edinburgh, St. Andrews, Dundee. But see the note to the Letter itself, in the following page 451. [1004] In MS. G, "your doingis." Vautr. edit. has, "proceedings." [1005] In MS. G, "for our Regent." Vautr. edit. has, "anie." [1006] The town of Leith. [1007] In MS. G, "placed." Vautr. edit. has, "planted." [1008] In MS. G, "accustomed." [1009] In Vautr. edit. "the 24 day;" and this date is followed in all the copies, excepting MS. G. [1010] In the British Museum (MSS. Cotton. Calig., B. x., f. 42.) there is a contemporary transcript of this Letter, which contains the signatures, or rather the names of the persons who signed it, as follows: "Your Grace's humble Serviteurs, THE COUNCIL, having the authority unto the next Parliament, erected by common election of the Earls, Lords, and Barons, convened at Edinburgh, of the Protestant faction. (_Earls._) My Lord Duke's Grace and Earl of Arran. The E. of Argile. The E. of Glencairn. (_Lords._) James of St. Andrews. The Lord Ruthven. The Master of Maxwell. (_Barons._) Tullibardine. The Laird of Dun. The Laird of Pittarrow. The Provost of Aberdeen, for the Burrows." [1011] In MS. G, "the ane and the other." Vautr. edit. has, "either the one or the other." Some other trivial differences in this Summonds occur in MS. G. [1012] In the MS. of 1566, "scalles." [1013] In MS. G, "at that." [1014] In May 1555, we find him styled, "Maister James Balfoure, Officiall of Sanctandrois, within the Archedenerie of Lowthiane."--(Criminal Trials, vol. i. p. 378.) [1015] In MS. G, "quhilk we thocht." [1016] Sir William Murray of Tullibardine. [1017] John Hart was connected with the Mint in some subordinate capacity. His name does not occur among the Officers of the Mint, in the Treasurer's Accounts, at this time; but it occurs in a proclamation, dated 5th March 1574, respecting the false and adulterated coins (placks and hard-heads) which were ordered to be brought to the Mint.--(Lindsay's Coinage of Scotland, pp. 184, 239.) [1018] The Cunyie House, or Scotish Mint, was near the foot of Gray's Close, entering from the Cowgate, and formed a kind of small court or square. But these buildings bear the date of having been erected in 1574. The Mint had previously been moved from one place to another, such as Edinburgh Castle, Holyrood House, Dalkeith, &c. Thus we find in the Treasurer's Accounts, February 1562-3, is the following payment:--"Item, allowit to the Comptar, be payment maid be Johne Achesoun, Maister Cwnzeour, to Maister William M'Dowgale, Maister of Werk, for expensis maid be him vpon the bigging of the Cwnze-house, within the Castell of Edinburgh, and beting of the Cwnze-house within the Palace of Halierudhouse, fra the xi day of Februar 1559 zeris, to the 21 of April 1560, &c., £460, 4s. 1d." [1019] In the view of affording aid to the Lords of the Congregation, a commission was granted to the Earl of Northumberland, Sir Ralph Sadler, and Sir James Crofts. The ostensible object was the settlement of some Border disputes, which were arranged on the 22d September; but by remaining at Berwick, they were able, with greater facility and secrecy, to hold communication with the Protestant party in Scotland, without apparently infringing the Treaty of Peace which had previously been concluded. Sadler's private instructions to this effect are dated 8th August 1559, and he was empowered to treat with any persons he thought advisable, and to distribute, with all due discretion and secrecy, money to the extent of £3000.--(Sadler's State Papers, vol. i. pp. xxix. 391.) The arrival of the French troops in aid of the Queen Regent, led to a more direct and ostensible assistance on the part of England, in sending auxiliary forces to support the Scotish Reformers. [1020] In MS. G, "beset;" in Vautr. edit. "foreset." [1021] John Cockburn of Ormistoun has already been noticed, in the notes to pages 142, 215, 237, &c. In October 1559, he received at Berwick, from Sir Ralph Sadler and Sir James Crofts, £1000 sterling, in French crowns, for the present relief of the Lords of the Congregation; and also 200 crowns (or £63, 6s. 8d.) which was given to him for his own use. But the Earl of Bothwell, and some of the French troops, being informed of this booty, waylaid him near Dunpendar-law, in East Lothian, on the last of October, and robbed him of this treasure, wounding him severely.--(Wodrow Miscellany, vol. i. p. 70.) On the 5th November, Sadler and Crofts wrote to Secretary Cecil, with the information of the "mishap" which "hath chaunced to the saide Ormestoun, to our no little grief and displeasure."--(State Papers, vol. i. pp. 528, 538, 542, 600.) Cockburn is introduced among the "Scotish Worthies," in a work written in verse, by Alexander Garden of Aberdeen, before the year 1620, but which seems never to have been printed, and the MS. unfortunately cannot now be traced. Garden calls him "ane honourable and religious gentleman, very dilligent and zealous in the work of Reformation:" "For perrels, promises, expense nor pains, From thy firm faith no not a grain weight gains." And, in reference to Bothwell's attack, he says,-- "Thy blood-shed sooth'd and taught this time, I know, When curtfoot Bothwell like a limmer lay, (A traytor try'd, yea, and a tirrant too,) And unawarrs did wound thee on the way." (MS. Hist. of the Family of Cockburn of Ormistoun, circa 1722.) [1022] James Hepburn, Earl of Bothwell, succeeded his father, Patrick third Earl, in September 1556: see page 140. At this time he was in secret correspondence with the Reformers, and had professed attachment to their cause; but being gained over by the Queen Dowager, this spoliation of Cockburn of Ormistoun displayed the insincerity of his character. The Earl of Arran and Lord James Stewart proceeded with 2000 men "to revenge the said injury, thinking to find the Earl Bothwell in Creichtoun; but a little before their coming to the said place, he was depairted," &c.--(Wodrow Miscellany, vol. i. p. 70.) [1023] Crichton Castle, now in ruins, was formerly a place of considerable strength, with an interior quadrangle. At this time it belonged to the Earl of Bothwell. It is situated in the parish of that name, in the east part of Mid-Lothian, about eleven miles from Edinburgh. [1024] The name is left blank in all the MSS. [1025] In Vautr. edit. "The first departing of." [1026] In Vautr. edit. "Bannantine;" in MS. G, "Bellenden." Sir John Bellenden has frequently been mentioned: see pages 358, 400. [1027] Mr. Gawyn Hamilton: in MS. G. is added, "Abbote of Kilwynning:" see note 778. [1028] Vautr. edit. makes this, "of their infants losse." It is the French phrase, "Les enfans perdus d'une armée," the forlorn hope of an army. [1029] Lord Robert Stewart was the natural son of James the Fifth, by Euphemia Elphinstone. He had a grant of the Abbacy of Holyrood in 1539, while yet an infant; Alexander Myln, Commendator of Cambuskenneth, being administrator. He joined the Reformers, and approved of the Confession of Faith in 1560. In 1569, he exchanged his Abbacy with Adam Bothwell, Bishop of Orkney, for the temporalities of that Bishoprick. His lands in Orkney and Zetland were erected into an Earldom in his favour, 28th October 1581. [1030] In MS. G, "The Capitain of the Castell." Vautr. edit. is the same as the text, in omitting these words. [1031] In MS. G. and Vautr. edit. "victorious souldiours," or "soldiers." [1032] In the MS. of 1566, "pause." [1033] Or, "I think you have bought it without money." [1034] Sir John Maxwell, who afterwards, in his wife's right, as co-heiress, assumed the title of Lord Herries. See note 769. [1035] Knox has here mistaken the particular days: Wednesday was the first, and Monday the sixth of November. [1036] The persons here named were Ker of Cessfurd, and Ker of Pharnihurst. [1037] Monday was the sixth of November: see above, note 1. [1038] In MS. G, "for keiping;" in Vautr. edit. "keeping." [1039] In MS. G. and Vautr. edit. "corner." [1040] In MS. G, "neir." [1041] The village of Restalrig is situated about half a mile to the north-east of Holyrood House. It was formerly a place of some importance, and contained a collegiate Church, founded by King James the Second, with a Dean, nine prebendaries, and two singing-boys. A portion of this Church has been restored, and fitted up as a place of worship in connexion with the Parish Church of South Leith. The _myre_ was no doubt that low marshy ground, formerly covered with water, which extended to the precincts, or "the park-dyke," of the Palace and Abbey of Holyrood. In a lease of the Park of Holyroodhouse, to "John Huntar, burgess of the Cannogait," a special charge is included "for uphalding and repairing of our said Park dyke, and casteing and redding of the fowseis about the medowis," &c.; and also for "the keping of the said Park, the Abbotis medow, _and groundless myre_ within the same." 20th March 1564-5.--(Register of Signatures, vol. i.) Sadler and Crofts, in a letter written about the 7th of November 1559, (vol. i. p. 554,) have given an account of this skirmish, fought at Restalrig on the previous day, on which occasion the Protestant party, commanded by the Earl of Arran and Lord James Stewart, were surrounded in the marshy ground, and their retreat to Edinburgh only accomplished with a loss of thirty men slain, and forty taken prisoners. [1042] In Vautr. edit. "parke dich." [1043] MS. G. omits "awin;" in Vautr. edit. it is, "owne." [1044] Captain Alexander Halyburton, at page 360, is mentioned by Knox as the brother of James Halyburton, Provost of Dundee, with whom he is by some modern writers confounded. He had previously been in the Queen's service, as in August 1555, he received £75, for his pension of the Whitsunday term.--(Treasurer's Accounts.) Bishop Lesley, in his account of this skirmish, which he places about the end of September, says, that the French troops were "not content to be sieged within the toun" of Leith; "at last, thay come fordwarte with their hoill forces, purposing to invayde the toune of Edinburgh; bot the Scottis men come furth of the toun, albeit out of ordour, and encontered the Frenche men apoun the croftis besyde the Abbay of Holieruidhous, betuix Leithe and Edinburgh; quhair the Scottis men war put to flyte, and Capitane Alexander Halieburton with mony utheris was slayne, and the Frenche men persewit the chase evin to the poirtis of Edinburgh, and had maid gret slauchter, war not thair was twa gret cannonis schot furth of the Castell at the Frenche army, quhilk stayed thame frome forder persuit; so they retered agane to Leithe."--(History, p. 279.) [1045] This sentence in MS. G. reads, "And thus with dolour of many, he ended his dolour within two hours efter the defate, and enter, we doubt not, in that blissit immortality, quhilk abydes all that beleve in Christ Jesus trewly." All the later MSS. correspond verbatim with Vautrollier's edit., which is the same with the text above, except the latter words, "within two hours after _our departure_." [1046] The persons here mentioned as having been taken prisoners, were probably David Monypenny of Pitmilly, or his son David; Andrew Fernie of Fernie, in the parish of Monimail, the property having afterwards come by marriage into the family of Arnot; James Stewart, Master of Buchan, second son of John third Earl of Buchan, (his elder brother John having been killed at Pinkie in 1547); and George Lovell, a burgess of Dundee. On the 4th November 1555, George Lovell, burgess of Dundee, and Margaret Rollok, his wife, had a charter under the Great Seal, of certain acres of land in the lordship of Dudhope, Forfarshire. On the previous month, he obtained a letter of legitimation for his bastard son Alexander. In May 1559, Lovell was fined £40, by the Justice Depute, as security for Paul Methven, in consequence of his non-appearance at trial. [1047] In the MS. of 1566, a blank space is left here, and at the end of the next sentence, as if for the purpose of adding some farther details, which may explain the apparent want of connexion. [1048] In MS. G, "schote." Vautr. edit. has "hurte." [1049] All-hallow even, the last day of October, being the eve of Hallowmas, of All-Saints. [1050] William Maitland, the eldest son of Sir Richard Maitland of Lethington, became Secretary to Queen Mary, in 1561. [1051] In the orig. MS. "ceased." [1052] MS. G. adds, "his Sister-son." Vautr. edit. omits these additional words. [1053] In MS. G, "have stude;" in Vautr. edit. "wold have stood." [1054] Wednesday was the 8th of November. [1055] In the MS. of 1566, "this." [1056] Verse 8, supplied from MS. G, is omitted in the MS. of 1566, and in Vautr. edit. [1057] In MS. G, "forefathers;" in Vautr. edit. "auncient fathers." [1058] In the MS. of 1566, "Duik" is often written "Duck." [1059] In MS. G, "it be not so." [1060] Vautr. edit. makes it, "passed to Comishall." [1061] See Sadler's Letters and State Papers, vol. i. pp. 601-604, for the instructions and other matters connected with the mission of William Maitland of Lethington to London at this time. [1062] In MS. G, "The End of the Secund Buik:" Vautr. edit. has "Endeth," &c. [1063] The words in italics are usually those in the text, quoted for greater facility in shewing the connexion.--In Buchanan's editions there are numerous marginal notes. Many of these are literally copied from Vautrollier's suppressed edition; and of those which the Editor has added, only such as might be mistaken as Knox's, are here taken notice of. [1064] "The godly zeal of M. Hamelton towardes his countrey." [1065] "Articles out of the Registers."--(Marginal note.) [1066] "His Articles otherwise more truely collected."--(Marginal note.) [1067] "Condemned by councelles and Uniuersities, but here is no mention of the Scripture."--(Marginal note.) [1068] "Note here that these Articles agree not wyth the Articles in the Register before mentioned." [1069] "Wolues in Lambes skinnes." [1070] "M. Patricke geuen to the secular power." [1071] "If ye coulde shew to what place of the scripture, we would gladly heare you." [1072] "The Vniuersitie of S. Andrewes was founded about the yeare of our Lord 1416, in the reigne of kyng James the first, who brought into Scotland, out of other countreyes, 8. Doctors of Diuinitie, and 8. Doctours of Decrees, wyth diuers other. Hect. Boet. lib. 16. cap. 17." (Marginal note.) [1073] "He meaneth Fysher B. of Rochester, who wrote agaynst Oecolampadius and Luther, and at length was beheaded for treason." (Marginal note.) [1074] Mr. John Sinclair, Dean of Restalrig, who became Bishop of Brechin. See supra, p. 265. [1075] Evidently the same person named Terrye, in the previous account of Wallace. See page 548. Pitscottie calls him Sir Hugh Curry. * * * * * Transcriber's Note: 1. Footnotes are numerous and many are lengthy. They are placed at the end of the book to make the text easier to read. 2. Sidenotes are marked as SN: and, where possible, are placed at the beginning of the paragraph to which they pertain. Where there are multiple sidenotes in a paragraph, they are embedded in the paragraph as close as possible to that to which they refer. 3. There are numerous asterisks in the text, three of which (pp. 115, 127 and 128) refer to sidenotes on those pages. Other asterisks will be seen in footnote references to outside sources. 4. Superscripts are represented by ^. 5. There are multiple instances of different spellings for the same word. Those have been retained. Obvious typos have been corrected. 6. Quote (") marks have been retained as in the original. 7. Footnote numbers cited as internal references have been changed from the original to conform to the footnote numbers in this document; and, where necessary, comments have been altered to reflect the format of this document without changing the intent. 8. Instances of accented letters have been changed as follows: a. Pp. 505 and 506 - macron represented as wh[=e] b. P. 504 macron represented as ætat[=e] c. P. 506 macron represented as am[=o]gst d. Pp. 506 and 566 macron represented as n[=o]ber e. P. 564 macron represented as Beat[=o] f. P. 503 macron represented as cal[=e] g. P. 507 macron represented as Chan[=o] h. P. 507 macron represented as co[=u]try i. P. 507 macron represented as cond[=e]nation j. P. 507 macron represented as c[=o]spiracy k. P. 564 macron represented as Dr[=o]mond l. P. xiii macron represented as Joh[=a]nes m. P. 507 macron represented as l[=o]ger n. P. xli macron represented as m[=a] o. P. 505 macron represented as spr[=o]ge 
28272	----	Transcriber's note: In the original text, Scottish names, such as M'Clelland or M'Kail, sometimes use a regular apostrophe and sometimes a reversed apostrophe. In this transcription, the ASCII apostrophe character (') has been used throughout. Greek has been transliterated in this version of the e-text, and is surrounded by braces, {like this}. A caret character (^) is used to indicate a superscript in "Rob^t." and "ALEX^R." Page numbers in the Contents, Errata, and these notes, refer to the page numbers in the original text. The original page numbers have an error: the page following 336 is numbered 347. Missing quotation marks and other minor punctuation errors and inconsistencies such as differing hyphenations of words have been silently corrected. Missing or poorly printed letters in words have been silently supplied. Illegible text that could not be supplied from other sources is marked {illegible}. Where a word differs from modern spelling, but is consistent within the text, e.g. atchievement, the original spelling is retained. Other typographical errors have been corrected, particularly where there is inconsistency within the text. A detailed list of these changes (including those described in the Errata) can be found at the end of the text. CONTENTS Biographia Scoticana The Preface The Introduction The Lives and Characters of the Scots Worthies Contents Errata Footnotes to Biographia Scoticana The Judgment and Justice of God Exemplified, &c. Footnotes to The Judgment and Justice of God Exemplified The Subscribers Transcriber's Notes _Biographia Scoticana:_ or, a BRIEF HISTORICAL ACCOUNT of the LIVES, CHARACTERS, and MEMORABLE TRANSACTIONS of the most eminent SCOTS WORTHIES, Noblemen, Gentlemen, Ministers, and others: From Mr. _Patrick Hamilton_, who was born about the year of our Lord 1503, and suffered martyrdom at _St. Andrews_, Feb. 1527, to _Mr. James Renwick_, who was executed in the Grass-market of _Edinburgh_ Feb. 17, 1688. TOGETHER WITH A succinct Account of the Lives of other seven eminent Divines, and Sir _Robert Hamilton_ of Preston, who died about, or shortly after the Revolution. AS ALSO, An Appendix, containing a short historical Hint of the wicked Lives and miserable Deaths of some of the most remarkable apostates and bloody persecutors in Scotland from the Reformation to the Revolution. Collected from historical Records, Biographical Accounts, and other authenticated Writings:--The whole including a Period of near Two Hundred Years. By JOHN HOWIE. The SECOND EDITION, corrected and enlarged. _The Righteous shall be had in everlasting Remembrance_, Psal. cxii. 6. _And of Zion it shall be said, This and that man was born in her_, Psal. lxxxvii. 5 GLASGOW: Printed by JOHN BRYCE, and Sold at his Shop, opposite Gibson's-Wynd, _Salt-market_. M,DCC,LXXXI Entered in Stationers-Hall, according to Act of Parliament. THE PREFACE To the IMPARTIAL READER. The design of the following work was to collect from the best authorities, a summary account of the lives characters and contendings of a certain number of our more RENOWNED SCOTS WORTHIES, who for their faithful services, ardent zeal, constancy in sufferings, and other Christian graces and virtues, deserve a most honourable memorial in the church of Christ;--and for which their names both have and will be savoury to all the true lovers of our Zion, while reformation-principles are regarded in Scotland. But then perhaps at first view, some may be surprized to find one so obscure appear in a work of this nature, especially when there are so many fit hands for such an employment. But if the respect I have for the memories of these worthies; the familiar acquaintance and sweet fellowship that once subsisted betwixt some of my ancestors and some of them; but, above all, the love and regard which I have for the same cause which they owned and maintained, be not sufficient to apologize for me in this; then I must crave thy patience to hear me in a few particulars; and that both anent the reasons for this publication, and its utility: Which I hope will plead my excuse for this undertaking. And _First_, Having for some time had a desire to see something of this kind published, but finding nothing thereof, except a few broken accounts interspersed throughout different publications yet in print, at last I took up a resolution to publish a second edition of the life of one of these worthies already published at large[1].--Yet, upon farther reflection, considering it would be better to collect into one volume, the most material relations (of as many of our Scots worthies as could be obtained) from such of the historical records, biographical accounts, and other authenticated manuscripts, as I could have access unto, with the substance of these lives already in print, which, being put altogether, I thought would not only prove more useful in giving the reader the pleasure of viewing that all at once, which before was scattered up and down in so many corners, but also at the same time it might be free of the inconveniences that little pamphlets often fall under. And yet at the same time I am aware that some may expect to find a more full account of these worthies, both as to their number and the matters of fact in the time specified, than what is here to be met with--But in this publication, it is not pretended to give an account of all our Scots worthies, or their transactions: For that were a task now altogether impracticable, and that upon several accounts. For, _1st_, There have been many of different ranks and degrees of men famous in the church of Scotland, of whom little more is mentioned in history than their names, places of abode, and age wherein they existed, and scarcely that. Again, there are many others, of whom the most that can be said is only a few faint hints, which of necessity must render their lives (if they may properly be so called) very imperfect, from what they might and would have been, had they been collected and wrote near a century ago, when their actions and memories were more fresh and recent; several persons being then alive, who were well acquainted with their lives and proceedings, whereby they might have been confirmed by many uncontestible evidences that cannot now possibly be brought in; yea, and more so, seeing there is a chasm in our history during the time of the Usurper, not to mention how many of our national records were about that time altogether lost.[2] _2dly_, There are several others, both in the reforming and suffering periods, of whom somewhat now is recorded, and yet not sufficient to form a narrative of, so that, excepting by short relations or marginal notes, they cannot otherwise be supplied.--For it is with regret that the publishers have it to declare, that, upon application unto several places for farther information concerning some of these worthy men, they could find little or nothing in the most part of their registers (excepting a few things by way of oral tradition) being through course of time either designedly, or through negligence lost. _3dly_, Some few of these lives already in print being somewhat prolix, it seemed proper to abridge them; which is done in a manner as comprehensive as possible, so that nothing material is omitted, which it is hoped will be thought to be no way injurious to the memory of these worthy men. _Secondly_, As to the utility of this subject, biography in general, (as a historian has observed[3]), must be one of the most entertaining parts of history; and how much more the lives and transactions of our _noble_ SCOTS WORTHIES, wherein is contained not only a short compend of the testimony and wrestlings of the church of Scotland for near the space of 200 years, yea from the earliest period of Christianity in Scotland (the introduction included) but also a great variety of other things, both instructing and entertaining, which at once must both edify and refresh the serious and understanding reader.--For, _1st_, In these lives we have a short view of the actions, atchievements, and some of the failings of our ancestors set forth before us, as examples for our caution and imitation; wherein by the experience, and at the expence of former ages, by a train of prudent reflections, we may learn important lessons for our conduct in life, both in faith and manners, for the furnishing ourselves with the like Christian armour of zeal, faithfulness, holiness, stedfastness, meekness, patience, humility, and other graces. _2dly_, In them we behold what the wisest of men could not think on without astonishment, that _God does in very deed dwell with men upon earth_, (men a little too low for heaven, and much too high for earth); nay more, dealeth "so familiarly with them, as to make them previously acquainted with his secret designs, both of judgment and mercy, displaying his divine power, and the efficacy of his grace thro' their infirmities, subduing the most hardened sinners to himself, while he as it were reigns himself to their prayers, and makes them the subject of his divine care and superintendency." _3dly_, Here we have as it were a mirror exemplifying and setting forth all the virtues and duties of a religious and a domestic life.--Here is the example of a virtuous nobleman, an active statesman, a religious gentleman, a faithful and painful minister in the exercise of his office, _instant in season and out of season_, a wise and diligent magistrate, _one fearing God and hating covetousness_, a courageous soldier, a good christian, a loving husband, an indulgent parent, a faithful friend in every exigence; and in a word, almost every character worthy of our imitation. And, _Lastly_, In them we have the various changes of soul exercise, experiences, savoury expressions and last words of those, once living, now glorified witnesses of Christ. And "as the last speeches of men are remarkable, how remarkable then must the last words and dying expressions of these NOBLE WITNESSES and MARTYRS of Christ be?" For the nearer the dying saint is to heaven, and the more of the presence of Christ that he has in his last moments, when death looks him in the face[4], the more interesting will his conversation be to survivors, and particularly acceptable to real Christians, because all that he says is supported by his example, which commonly has considerable influence upon the human mind.--It is true, there is an innate and latent evil in man's nature, that makes him more prone and obsequious to follow bad than good examples; yet sometimes, (yea often) there is a kind of compulsive energy arising from the good examples of such as are eminent either in place or godliness, leading forth others to imitate them in the like graces and virtues. We find the children of Israel followed the Lord all the days of Joshua, and the elders that out-lived him; and Christ's harbinger, John Baptist, gained as much by his practice and example as by his doctrine: His apparel, his diet, his conversation, and all, did preach forth his holiness. Nazianzen saith of him, "That he cried louder by the holiness of his life, than by the sincerity of his doctrine." And were it not so, the apostle would not have exhorted the Philippians unto this, saying, _Brethren, be followers together of me, and mark them which walk, so as ye have us for an ensample_, &c. chap. iii. 17.--And so says the apostle James, _Take, my brethren, the prophets, who have spoken in the name of the Lord, for an ensample_, &c. chap. v. 10. And no question, that next to the down-pouring of the Spirit from on high, the rapid and admirable success of the gospel, both in the primitive times, and in the beginning of our reformations (from popery and prelacy) in a great measure must have been owing to the simplicity, holy and exemplary lives of the preachers and professors thereof. A learned expositor observes, "That ministers are likely to preach most to the purpose, when they can press their hearers to follow their example[5]." For it is very observable that without this, the church of Christ is so far from gaining ground, that it loses what it hath already gained in the world; of which the church of Scotland is a most glaring document; yea truth itself suffers by this means, and can gain no credit from their mouths; and how despicable must that man's character be, whose authority is lost, and his example goes for nothing. So that upon the whole, I flatter myself that no small advantage (thro' the divine blessing) might accrue to the public from this subject in general, and from the lives of our Scots worthies in particular, providing these or the like cautions following were observed: And that is, 1. We are not to sit down or rest ourselves upon the person, principle or practice of any man, yea the best saint we have ever read or heard of, but only to seek these gifts and graces that most eminently shone forth in them.--_Præceptis, non exemplis, standum_, i.e. "we must not stand by examples but precepts:" For it is the peculiar honour and dignity of Jesus Christ only to be imitated by all men absolutely, and for any person or persons to idolize any man or men, in making them a pattern in every circumstance or particular, were nothing else than to pin an implicit faith upon other mens sleeves. The apostle to the Corinthians (in the forecited text) gives a very good caveat against this, when he says, _Be ye followers_ (or as the Dutch annotators translate, _Be ye imitators_) _of me, as I am of Christ._--And, 2. Neither are we on the other hand to dwell too much upon the faults, or failings that have sometime been discovered in some of God's own dear children; but at the same time to consider with ourselves, that although they were eminent men of God, yet at the same time were they the sons of Adam also: For it is possible yea many times has been the case for good men not only to make foul falls themselves but also when striking against the errors and enormities of others to over-reach the mark, and go beyond the bounds of truth in some degree themselves; perfection being no inherent plant in this life, so says the apostle, _They are earthen vessels, men of like passions with you_, &c. 2 Cor. iv. 7. Acts xiv. 15. _Thirdly_, As to the motives leading us to this publication. Can it be supposed that there was ever an age, since reformation commenced in Scotland, that stood in more need of useful holy and exemplary lives being set before them; and that both in respect to the actions and memories of these worthies, and with regard to our present circumstances. For in respect to the memories and transactions of these worthies, it is now a long time since bishops Spotiswood, Guthry and Burnet (not to mention some English historians) in their writings, clothed the actions and proceedings of those our ancestors (both in this reforming and suffering period) in a most grotesque and frantic dress, whereby their names and noble attainments have been loaded with reproach, sarcasms and scurrility; but as if this had not been enough, to expose them in rendering them, and their most faithful contendings, odious, some modern writers, under the character of monthly reviewers, have set their engines again at work, to misrepresent some of them, and set them in such a dishonourable light, by giving them a character that even the above-mentioned historians, yea their most avowed enemies, of their own day, would scarcely have subscribed[6]: to such a length is poor degenerate Scotland arrived.--And is it not high time to follow the wise man's advice, _Open thy mouth for the dumb, in the cause of all such as are appointed to destruction?_ Prov. xxxi. 8. Again, with regard to our present circumstances, there needs little more to prove the necessity of this collection at present, than to shew how many degrees we have descended from the worthy deeds or merit of our _Renowned forefathers_, by running a parallel betwixt their contendings and attainments, and our present national defections and backsliding, courses, in these few particulars following. Our venerable reformers were not only highly instrumental in the Lord's hand in bringing a people out of the abyss of gross Popish darkness (under which they had for a long time continued), but also brought themselves under most solemn and sacred vows and engagements to the Most High, and whenever they were to set about any further piece of reformation in their advancing state, they always set about the renovation of these covenants.--They strenuously asserted the divine right of presbytery, the headship of Christ, and intrinsic rights of his church in the reign of James VI. and suffered much on that account--lifted arms once and again in the reign of Charles I.; and never ceased until they got an uniformity in doctrine, worship, discipline, and church-government, brought out and established betwixt the three kingdoms for that purpose[7], whereby both church and state were enabled to exert themselves in rooting out every error and heresy whatever, until they obtained a complete settlement according to the word of God, and our covenants established thereon; which covenants were then by several excellent acts both civil and ecclesiastic[8] made the MAGNA CHARTA of these nations, with respect to every civil and religious privilege; none being admitted unto any office or employment in church or state, without scriptural and covenant qualifications.--And then was that part of the antient prophecy further fulfilled, _In the wilderness shall waters break forth, and streams in the desart,--and the isles shall wait for his law_. Christ then reigned gloriously in Scotland. His church appeared _beautiful as Tirzah, comely as Jerusalem:--For from the outmost parts were heard songs, even glory to the righteous_. And although Charles II. and a set of wicked counsellors overturned the whole fabric of that once-glorious structure of reformation, openly divested the Son of God of his headship in and over his own church, as far as human laws could do, burned these solemn covenants by the hands of the hangman (the owning of which was by act of parliament[9] made high treason afterward).--Yet even then the seed of the church produced a remnant who kept the word of Christ's patience stood in defence of the whole of his persecuted truths, in face of all opposition, and that to the effusion of the last drop of their blood: "These two prime truths, Christ's headship and our covenants, being in the mouths of all our late martyrs, when they mounted their bloody theatres;" and in the comfort of suffering on such clear grounds, and for such valuable truths, they went triumphing off the stage of time to eternity. But alas! how have we their degenerate and renegade posterity followed their example or traced their steps, yea we have rather served ourselves heirs to them who persecuted and killed them, by our long accession to their perjury and apostacy in a general and avowed denial of our most solemn vows and oaths of allegiance to Jesus Christ. To mention nothing more of the total extermination of our ancient and laudable constitution, during the two tyrants reigns, with the many grave stones cast thereon by the acts rescissory, &c. (which acts seem by no act in particular yet to be repealed) and claim of right at the revolution, whereby we have in a national way and capacity (whatever be the pretences) declared ourselves to be on another footing than the footing of the once-famous covenanted church of Scotland. How many are the defections and encroachments annually and daily made upon our most valuable rights and privileges! For since the revolution, the duty of national covenanting has not only been slighted and neglected, yea ridiculed by some, but even some leading church-men, in their writings[10], have had the effrontery to impugn (though in a very sly way) the very obligation of these covenants, asserting that there is little or no warrant for national covenanting under the new Testament dispensation: And what awful attacks since that time have been made upon the crown-rights of our Redeemer (notwithstanding some saint acts then made to the contrary) as witness the civil magistrate's still retaining his old usurped power, in calling and dissolving the supreme judicatories of the church, yea, sometimes to an indefinite time.--Likewise appointing diets of fasting and thanksgiving to be observed, under fines and other civil pains annexed; imposing oaths, acts and statutes upon church-men, under pain of ecclesiastic censure, or other Erastian penalties. And instead of our covenants, an unhallowed union is gone into with England, whereby our rights and liberties are infringed not a little, _bow down thy body as the ground that we may pass over_.--Lordly patronage[11], which was cast out of the church in her purest times, is now restored and practised to an extremity.--A toleration bill[12] is granted, whereby all and almost every error, heresy and delusion appears now rampant and triumphant, prelacy is now become fashionable and epidemical, and of popery we are in as much danger as ever[13]; Socinian and deistical tenets are only in vogue with the wits of the age, _foli rationi cedo_, the old Porphyrian maxim having so far gained the ascendant at present, that reason (at least pretenders to it, who must needs hear with their eyes, and see with their ears, and understand with their elbows till the order of nature be inverted) threaten not a little to banish revealed religion and its most important doctrines out of the professing world.--A latitudinarian scheme prevails among the majority, the greater part, with the Athenians, spending their time only to hear and see something new, _gadding about to change their ways, going in the ways of Egypt and Assyria, to drink the waters of Shichor and the river_, unstable souls, like so many light combustibles wrapt up by the eddies of a whirlwind, tossed hither and thither till utterly dissipated.--The doctrine of original sin[14] is by several denied, others are pulling down the very hedges of church government, refusing all church-standards, "covenants, creeds and confessions, whether of our own or of other churches, yea and national churches also, as being all of them carnal, human or antichristian inventions," contrary to many texts of scripture, particularly 2 Tim. i. 13. _Hold fast the form of sound words_: and the old Pelagian and Arminian errors appear again upon the stage, the merit of the creature, free will and good works[15] being taught from press and pulpit almost every where, to the utter discarding of free grace, Christ's imputed righteousness, and the power of true godliness.--All which pernicious errors were expunged and cast over the hedge by our reforming forefathers: And is it not highly requisite, that their faithful contendings, orthodox and exemplary lives, should be copied out before us, when walking so repugnant to _acknowledging the God of our fathers, and walking before him with a perfect heart_. Again, if we shall run a comparison betwixt the practice of those who are the subject-matter of this collection, and our present prevailing temper and disposition, we will find how far they correspond with one another. How courageous and zealous were they for the cause and honour of Christ! How cold and lukewarm are we, of whatever sect or denomination! How willing were they to part with all for him! And what honour did many of them count it, to suffer for his name! How unwilling are we to part with any thing for him, much less to suffer such hardships for his sake! Of that we are ashamed, which they counted their ornament; accounting that our glory which they looked on as a disgrace! How easy was it for them to choose the greatest suffering rather than the least sin! How hard is it for us to refuse the greatest sin before the least suffering! How active were they for the glory of God and the good of souls, and diligent to have their own evidences clear for heaven! But how little concern have we for the cause of Christ, his work and interest, and how dark are the most part with respect to their spiritual state and duty! They were sympathizing christians; but, alas! how little fellow-feeling is to be found among us: it is rather _Stand by, for I am holier than thou._ Oh! that their christian virtues, constant fidelity, unfeigned love and unbiassed loyalty to Zion's King and Lord, could awaken us from our neutrality and supine security, wherein instead of imitating the goodness and virtuous dispositions of these our ancestors, we have by our defections and vicious courses invited neglect and contempt on ourselves, being (as a philosopher once observed of passionate people) like men standing on their heads who see all things the wrong way; giving up with the greater part of these our most valuable rights and liberties, all which were most esteemed by our RENOWNED PROGENITORS.--_The treacherous dealers have dealt very treacherously._ And if we shall add unto all these, in our progressive and increasing apostacy, our other heinous land-crying sins and enormities, which prevail and increase among all ranks and denominations of men (few mourning over the low state of our Zion, and the daily decay of the interest of Christ and religion). Then we not only may say as the poet once said of the men of Athens, Thebes and Oedipus, "That we live only in fable, and nothing remains of ancient Scotland but the name;" but also take up this bitter complaint and lamentation. "Ah Scotland, Scotland! _How is the gold become dim, how is the most fine gold changed!_ Ah! Where is the God of Elijah, and where is his glory! Where is that Scottish zeal that once flamed in the breasts of thy nobility, barons, ministers and commoners of all sorts! Ah, where is that true courage and heroic resolution for religion and the liberties of the nation that did once animate all ranks in the land! Alas, alas! True Scots blood now runs cool in our veins! The cloud is now gone up in a great measure from off our assemblies; because we have deserted and relinquished the Lord's most noble cause and testimony, by a plain, palpable and perpetual course of backsliding."--_The crown is fallen from our head, wo unto us, for we have sinned._ For surely we may say of these our times (and with as much propriety) what some of these worthies said of theirs, _Quam graviter ingemescerent illi fortes viri qui ecclesiæ Scoticanæ pro libertate in acte decertarunt, si nostram nunc ignaviam (ne quid gravius dicam) conspicerent_, said Mr. Davidson in a letter to the general Assembly 1601, _i. e._ "How grievously would they bewail our stupenduous slothfulness, could they but behold it, who of old thought no expence of blood and treasure too much for the defence of the church of Scotland's liberties."--Or to use the words of another[16] in the persecuting period, "Were it possible that our reformers (and we may add our late martyrs) who are entered in among the glorious choristers in the kingdom of heaven, (singing their melodious songs on harps about the throne of the Lamb) might have a furlough for a short time, to take a view of their apostatizing children, what may we judge would be their conceptions of these courses of defection, so far repugnant to the platform laid down in that glorious work of reformation." For if innocent Hamilton, godly and patient Wishart, apostolic Knox, eloquent Rollock, worthy Davidson, the courageous Melvils, prophetic Welch, majestic Bruce, great Henderson, renowned Gillespie, learned Binning, pious Gray, laborious Durham, heavenly-minded Rutherford, the faithful Guthries, diligent Blair, heart-melting Livingston, religious Welwood, orthodox and practical Brown, zealous and stedfast Cameron, honest-hearted Cargil, sympathizing M'Ward, persevering Blackadder, the evangelical Traills, constant and pious Renwick, &c. "were filed off from the assembly of the first-born, sent as commissioners to haste down from the mount of God, to behold how quickly their offspring are gone out of the way, piping and dancing after a golden calf: Ah! with what vehemency would their spirits be affected, to see their laborious structure almost razed to the foundation, by those to whom they committed the custody of the word of their great Lord's patience; they in the mean time sheltering themselves under the shadow of a rotten lump of fig-tree leaf distinctions, which will not sconce against the wrath of an angry God in the cool of the day, &c." And _Finally_, What can have a more gloomy aspect in the midst of these evils, (with many more that might be noticed) _when our pleasant things are laid waste_, than to see such a scene of strife and division carried on, and maintained among Christ's professing witnesses in these lands, whereby true love and sympathy is eradicated, the very vitals of religion pulled out, and the ways of God and godliness lampooned and ridiculed, _giving Jacob to the curse, and Israel to the reproaches_.--And it is most lamentable, that while malignants (now as well as formerly) from without are cutting down the carved work of the sanctuary, Christ's professed friends and followers from within are busied in contention and animosities among themselves, by which means the enemy still advances and gains ground, similar to the case (exteriorly) of that once famous and flourishing city and temple of Jerusalem, when it was by Titus Vespasian utterly demolished[17].--All which seem to prelude or indicate, that the Lord is about to inflict these long-threatened, impending but protracted judgments[18] upon such a sinning land, church and people. And as many of these worthies have assured us, that judgments are abiding this church and nation; so our present condition and circumstances seem to say, that we are the generation ripening for them apace.--How much need have we then of the Christian armour that made them proof against Satan, his emissaries, and every trial and tribulation they were subjected unto? _Wherefore take unto you the whole armour of God, that ye may be able to withstand in the evil day._ But by this time somewhat might have been said concerning the testimony of the church of Scotland, as it was carried on and handed down by these witnesses of Christ to posterity, in its different parts and periods--But as this has been somewhat (I may say needlessly) controverted in these our times, it were too large a subject (for the narrow limits of a preface) to enter upon at present, any further than to observe, that, (1.) The testimony of the church of Scotland is not only a free, full and faithful testimony, (yea more extensive than the testimony of any one particular church since Christianity commenced in the world) but also a sure and costly testimony, confirmed and sealed with blood; "and that of the best of our nobles, ministers, gentry, burgesses and commons of all sorts;"--_who loved not their lives unto the death, but overcame by the word of their testimony.--Bind up the testimony, seal the law._ (2.) Altho' there is no truth whatsoever, when once controverted, but it becomes the word of Christ's patience, and so ought to be the word of our testimony, Rev. v. 10. xii. 11.; truth and duty being always the same in all ages and periods of time, so that what injures one truth, in some sense, injures and affects all; _For whosoever shall keep the whole law, and yet offend in one point, he is guilty of all_, Jam. ii. 10. Yet at the same time it is pretty evident, that the church of Christ in this world is a passing church, still circulating through ages and periods of time, so that she seldom or never turns back under the same point, there being scarcely a century of years elapsed without an alteration of circumstances; yea and more, I suppose that there is no certain book that has or can be written, that will suit the case of one particular church at all times, and in all circumstances: This pre-eminency the holy scriptures only can claim as a complete rule for faith and manners, principle and practice, in all places, ages and times. (3.) These things premised, let it be observed, That the primitive witnesses had the divinity of the Son of God, and an open confession of him, for their testimony; our reformers from Popery had Antichrist to struggle with, in asserting the doctrines of the gospel, and the right way of salvation in and through Jesus Christ: again, in the reigns of James VI. and Charles I. Christ's REGALIA[19], and the divine right of presbytery became the subject-matter of their testimony. Then in the beginning of the reign of Charles II. (until he got the whole of our ancient and laudable constitution effaced and overturned) our WORTHIES only saw it their duty to hold and contend for what they had already attained unto.--But then in the end of this and subsequent tyrant's reign, they found it their duty (a duty which they had too long neglected) to advance one step higher, by casting off their authority altogether, and that as well on account of their manifest usurpation of Christ's crown and dignity, as on account of their treachery, bloodshed and tyranny. And yet as all these faithful witnesses of Christ did harmoniously agree in promoting the kingdom and interest of the Messiah, in all his threefold offices, they stood in defence of religion and liberty (and that not only in opposition to the more gross errors of Popery, but even to the more refined errors of English hierarchy) we must take their testimony to be materially all and the same testimony, only under different circumstances, which may be summed up thus; "The primitive martyrs sealed the prophetic office of Christ in opposition to Pagan idolatry.--The reforming martyrs sealed his priestly office with their blood, in opposition to Popish idolatry.--But last of all, our late martyrs have sealed his kingly office with their best blood, in despite of supremacy and bold Erastianism. They indeed have cemented it upon his royal head, so that to the world's end it shall never drop off again." But, candid reader, to detain thee no longer upon these or the like considerations,--I have put the following sheets into thy hands, wherein if thou findest any thing amiss, either as to matter or method, let it be ascribed unto any thing else, rather then want of honesty or integrity of intention; considering, that all mankind are liable to err, and that there is more difficulty in digesting such a great mass of materials into such a small composition, than in writing many volumes. Indeed there is but little probability, that a thing of this nature can altogether escape or evade the critical eye of some carping Momus[20], particularly such as are either altogether ignorant of reformation principles, or, of what the Lord hath done for covenanted Scotland; and those who can bear with nothing but what comes from those men who are of an uniform stature or persuasion with themselves: and yet were it possible to anticipate anything arising here by way of objection, these few things following might be observed. Here some may object, That many things more useful for the present generation might have been published, than the deeds and public actings of those men, who have stood so long condemned by the laws of the nation, being exploded by some, and accounted such a reproach, as unfit to be any longer on record.--In answer to this, I shall only notice, (1.) That there have been some hundreds of volumes published of things fabulous, fictitious and romantic, fit for little else than to amuse the credulous reader; while this subject has been in a great measure neglected. (2.) We find it to have been the constant practice of the Lord's people in all ages, to hand down and keep on record what the Lord had done by and for their forefathers in former times. We find the royal psalmist, in name of the church, oftener than once at this work, Psal. xliv. and lxxviii. _We have heard with our ears, O God; our fathers have told us, what works thou didst in their days, in the times of old: We will not hide them from their children, shewing to the generation to come the praises of the Lord_, &c. (3.) It has been the practice of almost all nations (yea and our own also) to publish the warlike exploits and martial atchievements of their most illustrious heroes, who distinguished themselves in defence of their native country, for a little worldly honour, or a little temporary subsistence; and shall we be behind in publishing the lives, characters, and most memorable actions of these _noble_ CHAMPIONS of Christ, who not only stood in defence of religion and liberty, but also fought the battles of the Lord against his and their avowed enemies, till in imitation of their princely Master, their garments were all stained with blood, for which their names shall be had in everlasting remembrance. (4.) As to the last part of the objection, it must be granted, that in _foro homines_, their actions and attainments cannot now be pled upon, but _in foro Dei_, that which was lawful from the beginning cannot afterwards be made sinful[21] or void; and the longer they have been buried under the ashes of neglect and apostacy, the more need have they to be raised up and revived. It is usual for men to keep that well which was left them by their fathers, and for us either to oppose or industriously conceal any part of these their contendings, were not only an addition to the contempt already thrown upon the memories of these RENOWNED SIRES, but also an injury done to posterity.--"Your honourable ancestors, with the hazard of their lives, brought Christ into our lands, and it shall be cruelty to posterity if ye lose him to them," said one of these worthies to a Scots nobleman[22]. Again, some sceptical nullifidian or other may be ready to object farther, "That many things related in this collection smell too much of enthusiasm; and that several other things narrated therein, are beyond all credit." But these we must suppose to be either quite ignorant of what the Lord did for our forefathers in former times, or else in a great measure destitute of the like gracious influences of the Holy Spirit, by which they were actuated and animated. For, (1.) These worthies did and suffered much for Christ and his cause, in their day and generation, and therefore in a peculiar and singular manner were honoured and beloved of him; and although there are some things here narrated, of a pretty extraordinary nature, yet as they imply nothing contrary to reason, they do not forfeit a title to any man's belief, since they are otherwise well attested, nay obviously referred to a cause, whose ways and thoughts surmount the ways and thoughts of men, as far as the heavens are above our heads.--The sacred history affords us store of instances and examples of a more transcendent nature than any thing here related; the truth of which we are at as little liberty to question, as the divinity of the book in which they are related. (2.) As to the soul-exercise and pious devotion of these men herein related, they are so far supported by the authority of scripture, that there is mentioned by them (as a ground of their hope) some text or passage thereof, carried in upon their minds, suited and adapted to their cases and circumstances; by which faith they were enabled to lay claim to some particular promise, _as a lamp unto their feet_, _a light unto their path_, and this neither hypocrite nor enthusiast can do: _For other foundation can no man lay than that is laid, which is Jesus Christ_, 1 Cor. iii. 11. But then, it may be alleged by those who have a high esteem for this subject, That nothing is here given as a commendation suitable or adequate to the merit of these Worthies, considering their zeal, diligence and activity in the discharge of their duty, in that office or station which they filled. This indeed comes nearest the truth; for it is very common for biographers to pass eulogiums of a very high strain in praise of those whom they affect. But in these panegyrical orations, they oftimes rather exceed than excel.--It was an ancient (but true) saying of the Jews, "That great men (and we may say good men) commonly find stones for their own monuments;" and laudable actions always support themselves: And a thing (as an author[23] observes on the like subject) "if right, it will defend itself; if wrong, none can defend it: Truth needs not, falsehood deserves not a supporter." Indeed it must be regretted, that this collection is not drawn out with more advantage to the cause of Christ, and the interest of religion in commending the mighty acts of the Lord done for and by these worthy servants or his, in a way suitable to the merit and dignity of such a subject. But in this case it is the greater pity, "That those who have a goodwill to such a piece of service cannot do it, while those who should and can do it will not do it."--But in this I shall make no other apology, than what our Saviour (in another case) said to the woman, _She hath done what she could._ All that I shall observe anent the form or method used in the following lives, is, that they are all, except one, ranged in order, according to the time of their exit, and not according to their birth; and that in general, the historical account of their birth, parentage, and memorable transactions is first inserted; and with as few repetitions as possible: Yea, sometimes to save a repetition, a fact is related of one Worthy in the life of another, which is not in his own life. Then follows their characteristic part, which oftimes is just one's testimony successively of another; and last of all, their works[24].--That which is given in their own words, mostly stands in commas. I know it is usual, when relating matters of fact, to make remarks or reflections, yet as this oftimes brings authors under suspicion of party zeal or partiality, they are designedly waved in the body of the book.--Any thing of this kind is placed among other things in the marginal notes, where the reader is at a little more freedom to chuse or refuse as he pleases, only with this proviso, That truth be always regarded. The last thing to be observed is, That as the credit due to this collection depends so much upon the authors from whom it was extracted, their names should have been inserted. However, the reader will find the most part of them mentioned in the notes; so that if any doubt of the veracity of any thing here related, they may have recourse to the original authors, some of whom, though enemies to reformation principles, nevertheless serve to illustrate the facts narrated in these memoirs, as nothing serves more to confirmation of either truth or historical facts, than the testimony of its opposers. But to conclude; May the Lord arise and plead his own cause in putting a final stop to all manner of prevailing wickedness; and hasten that day when the glorious light of the gospel may shine forth in purity, and with such power and success as in former times, with an enlargement of the Mediator's kingdom,--_That his large and great dominion may be extended from the river to the ends of the earth,_ when all these heats, animosities and breaking divisions, that now prevail and increase among Christ's professed friends and followers, may be healed; that being cemented and knitted to one another, they may join heart and hand together in the matters of the Lord, and the concerns of his glory; _when Ephraim shall no more envy Judah, and Judah shall no more vex Ephraim, but both shall fly upon the shoulders of the Philistines_, Isa. xi. 13.; with a further accomplishment of these with other gracious promises,--_And thine officers shall be peace, and thine exactors righteousness_, &c.; _and they shall see eye to eye, when the Lord shall bring again the captivity of Zion._--And that when we are endeavouring to perpetuate the memory of these worthies, or commemorate what the Lord did for and by our forefathers, in the days of old, we may be so auspicious as to have somewhat to declare of his goodness and wonderful works done for us in our day and generation also. And if the following sheets shall in the least through divine grace, under the management of an over-ruling providence (which claims the care of directing every mean to its proper end) prove useful to the reclaiming of neutrals from backsliding courses, to the confirming of halters, and the encouraging of others to the like fortitude and vigorous zeal, to contend for our most valuable privileges (whether of a civil or a religious nature), then I shall think all my pains recompensed, and the end gained. For that many may be found _standing in the way, to see and ask for the good old paths, and walk therein, cleaving to the law and to the testimony,_ would be the joy, and is the earnest desire of one, impartial reader, who remains thy friend and well-wisher in the truth, JOHN HOWIE. LOCHGOIN, _July_ 21, 1775. _N. B._ If any person or persons have or shall object to this or the former edition, that in transcribing these lives (particularly those who were formerly in print) I have curtailed them in favours of my own particular sentiment; I must here let them know, that it is entirely false; for I never omitted any thing to my knowledge, that I thought would be for the benefit of the public, where I had room to insert it: For I could heartily wish, that these lives were in whole re-printed; in the mean time, I cannot help thinking, that such reflections are or would be but a very slender or ungenteel requital for my past pains and labour. ADVERTISEMENT to the Public, concerning this Edition. That, after what I formerly observed on the subject in the foregoing pages, it were needless to add any thing farther here, than to notice to the Reader, that besides a number of small corrections, there are four lives added, and upwards of fifty other additions or short improvements;--only as Mr. Vetch's life and practice, especially since the Revolution, was not so consonant to the rest as could have been wished, it was desired by some friends to be deleted; but others alledging that he was a sufferer, and that his life being once providentially cast into this number, it might be accounted an injury, if not to the book, yet to the purchasers of this edition, therefore I have abridged it as concisely as possible, and placed it in its own proper place, in the end; which is no more nor no less freedom used with his memory, than what has been done with others as deserving, might I say, as faithful as he: besides his life in full still stands entire in the first edition, which may be either consulted or printed again at pleasure. I am further to acquaint the reader, that I have been sometimes solicited by acquaintance to write another volume of the wicked lives and characters of some of the late wicked persecutors; but not finding proper materials for all that should have had a place in this catalogue, I have presumed to add, by way of appendix unto this edition, a short sketch or historical account of the wicked lives and miserable deaths of some of the most notable apostate church-men and violent persecutors, from the Reformation to the Revolution, which it is hoped will be no ways unapt unto the subject, and, through a divine blessing, may not want its own proper use; for while we are made to behold the Lord's admirable goodness and mercy, yea miracles of mercy, extended towards his church and people, we, at the same time, have a view of his displeasure and the severity of his judgments inflicted upon his and their enemies, according to his own promise, _I will punish them that afflict thee_, and even in this life; which must be an eminent accomplishment, display and illustration of divine revelation, in opposition to all deistical scribblers.--_The righteousness of the perfect shall direct his way; but the wicked shall fall by his own wickedness_, &c. But to insist no further, I remain as above, JOHN HOWIE. LOCHGOIN, _June_, 1781. THE INTRODUCTION. Christianity seems to have made its appearance in Scotland in a very early period, being, according to some writers, propagated in this kingdom by the Apostles themselves; some saying that Simon Zelotes, others that Paul was some time in this part of the world; but as this opinion is not supported by proper vouchers, it merits only the regard due to conjecture, not the attention which an undoubted narrative calls for. Another, and more probable account, is, that during the persecution raised by Domitian, (who was the twelfth and last Cæsar, about A. D. 96.) some of the disciples of the apostle John fled into our Island, and there taught the religion of Jesus. It does not seem that Christianity made any very rapid progress for a considerable time. The first account of the success of the gospel that can be depended on, is that about A. D. 203. King Donald I. with his Queen, and several courtiers were baptized, and continued afterwards to promote the interest of Christianity, in opposition to Pagan idolatry. But the invasion of the Emperor Severus soon disturbed this king's measures, so that for the space of more than seventy years after, religion was on the decline, and the idolatry of the Druids prevailed; they were an order of Heathen priests, who performed their rites in groves of oak trees; this was a species of Paganism of great antiquity, being that kind of idolatry to which the Jews were often revolting, of which mention is made in the lives of Ahab, Manasseh, &c. in the books of the kings. These Druids likewise possessed a considerable share of civil power, being the ordinary arbitrators in almost all controversies, and highly esteemed by the people; this made it a very difficult task to establish a religion so opposite to, and subversive of that institution: but the difficulties which Christianity has in every age and country had to encounter, have served its interest, and illustrated the power and grace of its divine Author. These Druids were expelled by king Cratilinth, about the year 277, who took special care to obliterate every memorial of them; and from this period we may date the true æra of Christianity in Scotland, because from this time forward, until the persecution under the emperor Dioclesian, in the beginning of the fourth century, there was a gradual increase of the true knowledge of God and religion, that persecution became so hot in the south parts of Britain, as to drive many, both preachers and professors, into Scotland, where they were kindly received, and had the Isle of Man (then in possession of the Scots) given them for their residence, and a sufficient maintenance assigned them. King Cratilinth built a church for them, which was called the church of our SAVIOUR, in the Greek, {sôtêr}, and is now by corruption SODOR, in Icolumbkil, one of the western isles. They were not employed, like the Druidical priests, in whose place they had come, in settling the worldly affairs of men, but gave themselves wholly to divine services, in instructing the ignorant, comforting the weak, administering the sacraments, and training up disciples to the same services. Whether these Refugees were the ancient Culdees or a different set of men, is not easily determined, nor would be very material, though it could. The Culdees (from _cultores Dei_, worshippers of God) flourished at this time, they were called {mona'choi}, or Monks, from the retired religious lives which they led; the cells into which they had retired, were, after their deaths, mostly converted into churches, and to this day retain their names, as Cell or Kill or church of Marnock; Kil-Patrick, Kil-Malcolm, &c. The Culdees chose superintendents from among themselves, whose office obliged them to travel the country, in order to see that every one discharged his duty properly: but they were utter strangers to the lordly power of the modern Prelate, having no proper diocese, and only a temporary superintendency, with which they were vested by their brethren, and to whom they were accountable. It was an institution, in the spirit of it, the same with the privy censures of ministers among Presbyterians. During the reigns of Cratilinth, and Fincormac his successor, the Culdees were in a flourishing state: but after the death of the latter, both the church and state of Scotland went into disorder. Maximus the Roman Præfect, stirred up the Picts to aid him against the Scots, who were totally defeated, their King Ewing, with most part of the nobility, being slain. This overthrow was immediately succeeded by an edict commanding all the Scots, without exception, to depart the kingdom against a certain day, under pain of death. This drove them entirely into Ireland and the western isles of Denmark and Norway, excepting a few ecclesiastics, who wandered about from place to place. This bloody battle was fought about the year 380, at the water of Dunne in Carrick. After an exile of 44, or according to Buchanan, 27 years which the Scots endured, the Picts became sensible of their mistake, in assisting the Romans against them, and accordingly strengthened the hands of the few who remained, and invited the fugitives back into their own land. These were joined by some foreigners, and returned with Fergus II. (then in Denmark) upon their head, their enterprise was the more successful, that at this time many of the Roman forces were called home. Their king was crowned with the usual rites in his own country, and the news of his success drew great numbers to him, in so much that he recovered all the country out of which the Scots had been expelled: most of the foreign forces returned home, except the Irish, who possessed the country of Galloway for their reward. This successful undertaking happened about the year 404, or as others would have it, 420. The Culdees were now recalled out of all their lurking places, restored to their livings, and had their churches repaired; at this time they possessed the peoples esteem to a higher degree than ever: but this tranquility was again interrupted by a more formidable enemy than before. The Pelagian heresy had now gained considerable ground in Britain, it is so called from Pelagius a Monk at Rome; its chief articles are, 1. That original sin is not inherent. 2. That faith is a thing natural. 3. That good works done by our own strength, of our own free-will, are agreeable to the law of God, and worthy of heaven.--Whether all, or only part of these errors then infected the Scottish church, is uncertain; but Celestine, then bishop of Rome, embraced this opportunity to send Palladius among them, who, joining with the orthodox of south Britain, restored peace to that part of the church, by suppressing the heresy. Eugenius the second, being desirous that this church should likewise be purged of the impure leaven, invited Palladius hither, who obtaining liberty from Celestine, and being enjoined to introduce the hierarchy as opportunity should offer, came into Scotland, and succeeded so effectually in his commission, as both to confute Pelagianism and new-model the government of the church. The church of Scotland knew no officers vested with pre-eminence above their brethren, nor had any thing to do with the Roman pontiff, until the year 450. Bede says, that "Palladius was sent unto the Scots who believed in Christ, as their first bishop.[25]" Boetius likewise says, "that Palladius was the first of all who did bear holy magistracy among the Scots, being made bishop by the Great Pope." Fordun in his chronicle, tells us, that "before the coming of Palladius, the Scots had for teachers of the faith, and ministers of the sacraments, Presbyters only, or Monks, following the customs of the primitive church[26]." But we are not even to fix the æra of diocesan Bishops so early as this, for there were no such office-bearers in the church of Scotland, until the reign of Malcolm II. in the eleventh century. During the first 1000 years after Christ, there were no divided dioceses, nor superiorities over others, but they governed in the church in common with Presbyters; so that they were no more than nominally bishops, possessing little or nothing of that lordly dignity, which they now, and for a long time past have enjoyed. Spotiswood (history page 29.) himself testifies, that the Scottish bishops before the eleventh century, exercised their functions indifferently in every place to which they came. Palladius may be said to have rather laid the foundation of the after degeneracy of the church of Scotland, than to have built that superstructure of corruption and idolatry which afterwards prevailed, because she continued for near two hundred years in a state comparatively pure and unspotted, when we cast our eyes on the following times. About the end of the sixth and beginning of the seventh century, a number of pious and wise men flourished in the country, among whom was Kentigern, commonly called Mungo, some of these persons were employed by Oswald a Northumbrian king, to instruct his people; they are represented by Bede, as eminent for their love to God and knowledge of the holy scriptures: the light of the gospel by their means broke into other parts of the Saxon dominions, which long maintained an opposition to the growing usurpation of the church of Rome, which after the middle of this century was strenuously supported by Austin's disciples. Beside these men, the church of Scotland at this time sent many other worthy and successful missionaries into foreign parts, particularly France, and Germany. Thus was Scotland early privileged, and thus were her privileges improven: But soon _the gold became dim, and the most fine gold was changed_. Popery came now by degrees to show her horrid head; the assiduity of Austin and his disciples in England, was attended with melancholy consequences to Scotland, by fomenting divisions, corrupting her princes with Romish principles, and inattention to the lives of her clergy, the Papal power soon came to be universally acknowledged. In the seventh century a hot contest arose betwixt Austin and his disciples on the one part, and the Scots and northern Saxons on the other, about the time of keeping Easter, immersing three times in baptism, shaving of priests, &c. which these last would not receive, nor submit to the authority that imposed them; each refused ministerial communion with the other party, until an arbitral decision was given by Oswy king of the Northumbrians, at Whitby in Yorkshire, in favours of the Romanists, when the opinions of the Scots were exploded, and the modish fooleries of Papal Hierarchy were established. This decision, however, was far from putting an end to the confusion which this dissention had occasioned; the Romanists urged their rites with rigour, the others rather chose to yield their places than conform: their discouragements daily increased, as the clerical power was augmented, In the year 886, they obtained the act exempting them from taxes, and all civil prosecutions before temporal judges, and ordaining that all matters concerning them should be tried by their bishops, who were at this time vested with those powers, which are now in the hands of commissaries, respecting matrimonial causes, testaments, &c. They were likewise by the same statute impowered to make canons, try heretics, &c. and all future kings were ordained to take an oath at their coronation, for maintaining these privileges to the church. The convention of estates which passed this act was held at Forfar, in the reign of that too indulgent prince, Gregory. Malcolm III. Alexander, David, &c. successively supported this dignity by erecting particular bishopricks, abbeys, and monasteries; the same superstitious zeal seized the nobility of both sexes, some giving a third, others more, and others their whole estates, for the support of pontifical pride and spiritual tyranny, which soon became insupportable, and opened the eyes of the nation, so that they discovered their mistake in raising the clerical authority to such a height. Accordingly, we find the nobles complaining of it to Alexander III. who reigned after the middle of the thirteenth century, but he was so far from being able to afford them redress, that when they were excommunicated by the church on account of this complaint, to prevent greater evils, he was obliged to cause the nobility satisfy both the avarice and arrogance of the clergy, who had now resolved upon and begun a journey to Rome, with a view to raise as great commotions in Scotland, as Thomas Becket had lately made in England. The Pope's power was now generally acknowledged over Christendom, particularly in our nation, for which, in return, the church of Scotland was declared free from all foreign spiritual jurisdiction, that of the "Apostolic fee only excepted." This bull was occasioned by an attempt of one Roger bishop of York, in the year 1159, to raise himself to the dignity of Metropolitan of Scotland, and who found means to be Legate of this kingdom, but lost that office upon the remonstrance of the Scottish clergy: which likewise procured the above bull in their favours, with many other favours of a like nature at this time conferred upon them, by all which they were exempted from any other jurisdiction than that of Rome, in so much that we find pope Boniface VIII. commanding Edward of England to cease hostilities against the Scots, alledging that "the sovereignty of Scotland belonged to the church;" which claim seems to have been founded in the papal appointment for the unction of the Scots kings, which was first used on king Edgar, A. D. 1098. and at that time regarded by the people as a new mark of royalty, but which, as it was the appointment of the Pope, was really the mark of the beast. There were now in Scotland all orders of Monks and Friars, Templars, or Red Monks, Trinity Monks of Aberdeen, Cisternian Monks, Carmelite, Black and Grey Friars, Carthusians, Dominicans, Franciscans, Jacobites, Benedictines, &c. which shows to what a height Antichrist had raised his head in our land, and how readily all his oppressive measures were complied with by all ranks. But the reader must not think that during the period we have now reviewed, there were none to oppose this torrent of superstition and idolatry; for from the first appearance of the Romish Antichrist in this kingdom, God wanted not witnesses for the truth, who boldly stood forth for the defence of the blessed and pure gospel of Christ: Mention is first made of Clemens and Samson, two famous Culdees, who in the seventh century supported the authority of Christ as the only king and head of his church, against the usurped power of Rome, and who rejected the superstitious rites of Antichrist, as contrary to the simplicity of gospel institutions. The succeeding age was no less remarkable for learned and pious men, to whom Scotland gave birth, and whole praise was in the churches abroad; particularly Joannes Scotus, who wrote a book upon the Eucharist, condemned by Leo IX. in the year 1030, long after his death. In the ninth century, a convention of estates was held at Scoon for the reformation of the clergy, their lives and conversations being at that time a reproach to common decency and good manners; not to say, piety and religion. The remedies provided at this convention, discover the nature of the disease. It was ordained, that church-men should reside upon their charge; that they should not intermeddle with secular affairs, but instruct the people, and be good examples in their conversations; that they should not keep hawks, hounds, nor horses for their pleasure, &c. And if they failed in the observance of these injunctions, they were to be fined for the first, and deposed for the second transgression. These laws were made under King Constantine II. but his successor Gregory rendered them abortive by his indulgence. The age following this, is not remarkable for witnesses to the truth, but historians are agreed, that there were still some of the Culdees who lived and ministred apart from the Romanists and taught the people that Christ was the only propitiation for sin, and that his blood could only wash them from the guilt of it, in opposition to the indulgences and pardons of the Pope. Mr. Alexander Shields says, that the Culdees transmitted their testimony to the Lollards[27] and Pope John XXII. in his bull for anointing King Robert Bruce, complains that there were many heretics in Scotland; so that we may safely affirm there never was any very great period of time without witnesses for the truth and against the gross corruptions of the church of Rome. Some of our kings themselves opposed the Pope's supremacy, and prohibited his Legates from entering their dominions; the most remarkable instance of this kind is that of Robert Bruce. After his having defeated the English at Bannock-burn, they became suppliants to the Pope for his mediation, who accordingly sent a Legate into Scotland, proposing a cessation of arms, till the Pope should hear and decide the quarrel betwixt the two crowns, that he might be informed of the right which Edward had to the crown of Scotland; to this king Robert replied, "that the Pope could not be ignorant of that business, because it had been often explained to his predecessors, in the hearing of many cardinals then alive, who could tell him if they pleased, what insolent answers pope Boniface received from the English, while they were desired to desist from oppressing the Scots: And now (said he) when it hath pleased God to give us the better by some victories, by which we have not only recovered our own, but can make them live as good neighboors, they have recourse to such treaties, seeking to gain time in order to fall upon us again with greater force: But in this his holiness must excuse me, for I will not be so unwise as to let the advantage I have slip out of my hand." The Legate regarding this answer as contemptuous, interdicted the kingdom and departed; but K. Robert paying little regard to such proceedings, followed hard after the Legate, and entering England, wasted all the adjacent countries with fire and sword. In the beginning of the fifteenth century, the reformation from Popery began to dawn in Scotland; at this time there was pope against pope, nay sometimes three of them at once, all excommunicating one another; which schism lasted for about thirty years, and by an over-ruling providence contributed much to the downfal of Antichrist, and to the revival of real religion and learning in Scotland, and many parts in Europe; for many embracing the opportunity now afforded to them, began to speak openly against the heresy, tyranny, and immorality of the clergy. Among those who preached publicly against these evils were John Huss, and Jerome of Prague in Bohemia, John Wickliff in England, and John Resby, an Englishman and scholar of Wickliff's in Scotland, who came hither about the year 1407, and was called in question for some doctrines which he taught against the Pope's supremacy; he was condemned to the fire, which he endured with great constancy. About ten years after, one Paul Craw a Bohemian and follower of Huss, was accused of heresy before such as were then called Doctors of theology. The articles of charge were, that he followed Huss and Wickliff in the opinion of the sacrament of the supper, who denied that the substance of bread and wine were changed by virtue of any words, or that auricular confession to priests, or praying to saints departed were lawful. He was committed to the secular judge, who condemned him to the fire at St. Andrews, where he suffered, being gagged when led to the stake, that he might not have the opportunity of making his confession.----Both the above-mentioned martyrs suffered under Henry Wardlaw bishop of St. Andrews, who founded that university, 1412; which might have done him honour, had he not imbrued his hands in innocent blood. These returnings of the gospel light were not confined to St. Andrews, but Kyle, Carrick, Cunningham, and other places in the west of Scotland were also thus favoured about the same time; for we find that Robert Blackatter, the first arch-bishop of Glasgow, _anno_ 1494, caused summon before King James IV, and his great council at Glasgow, George Campbel of Ceffnock, Adam Reid of Barskimming, and a great many others, mostly persons of distinction, opprobriously called the Lollards of Kyle, from one Lollard an eminent preacher among the antient Waldenses, for maintaining that images ought not to be worshipped; that the relicts of saints should not be adored, &c. But they answered their accusers with such constancy and boldness, that it was judged most prudent to dismiss them with an admonition, to content themselves with the faith of the church, and to beware of new doctrines. Thus have we brought this summary of church-affairs in Scotland, down to the time of Mr. Patrick Hamilton, whose life stands upon the head of this collection: for he was the next sufferer on account of opposition to Romish tyranny and superstition in our country. The following BOOKS to be had at the Shop of JOHN BRYCE, Printer and Bookseller, opposite Gibson's-Wynd, _Salt-market_. BOOKS IN OCTAVO. Mr. Ralph Erskine's Works, in 10 large vols Trail's sermons, 3 vols Pike and Hayward's cases of conscience, with the spiritual companion Dickenson's religious letters Neil's 23 sermons on important subjects Durham's exposition of the ten commands Owen on the CXXX Psalm Sibb's soul's conflict, together with the bruised reed and smoaking flax Dickson's truth's victory over error Durham's unsearchable riches of Christ, in fourteen communion sermons Adamson's loss and recovery of elect sinners Rawlin's sermons on justification Durham's 72 sermons on the LIII of Isaiah Watt's Logick Marshal on sanctification Erskine's scripture songs Shield's faithful contendings Welwood's glimpse of glory Blackwell's sacred scheme Ridgley's body of divinity, in Folio The following ARTICLES to be had Stitched, Act, Declaration and Testimony The Doctrine of Grace The full state of the marrow controversy The holy life of Mr John Janeway The life of Mr John Livinston Borland's history of Darien Form of process used in kirk courts Mr Graham's four discourses on covenanting Where also may be had, Bibles gilt and plain, New Testaments, psalm books, confessions of faith, Catechisms large and small, Proverbs, Syllabing Catechisms, Brown's Catechism, Henry's catechism, Muckarsie's catechism, Oliphant's catechism, Proof catechism, Mother's catechism, Watt's catechism, Watt's songs for children, Paper and Pens, Letter cases and Pocket books _&c. &c._ THE LIVES AND CHARACTERS OF THE SCOTS WORTHIES. _The Life of Mr. PATRICK HAMILTON._ He was born about the year of our Lord 1503, and he was nephew to the earl of Arran by his father, and to the duke of Albany by his mother; he was also related to king James. V. of Scotland. He was early educated with a design for future high preferment, and had the abbey of _Ferm_ given him, for the purpose of prosecuting his studies; which he did with great assiduity. In order to complete this laudable design, he resolved to travel into Germany. The fame of the university of Wittemberg was then very great, and drew many to it from distant places, among which our Hamilton was one. He was the first who introduced public disputations upon faith and works, and such theological questions, into the university of Marpurg, in which he was assisted by Francis Lambert; by whose conversation he profited not a little.--Here he became acquainted with these eminent reformers, Martin Luther and Philip Melancthon, besides other learned men of their society. By these distinguished masters he was instructed in the knowledge of the true religion, which he had little opportunity to become acquainted with in his own country, because the small remains of it which were in Scotland at this time, were under the yoke of oppression which we have already shown in the close of the introduction.--He made an amazing proficiency in this most important study, and became soon as zealous in the profession of the true faith, as he had been diligent to attain the knowledge of it.--This drew the eyes of many upon him, and while they were waiting with impatience to see what part he would act, he came to this resolution, to return into his own country, and there in the face of all dangers to communicate the light which he had received. Accordingly, being as yet a youth, and not much past twenty-three years of age, he began, sowing the seed of God's word where-ever he came, exposing the corruptions of the Romish church, and pointing out the errors which had crept into the Christian religion as professed in Scotland.--He was favourably received and followed by many, unto whom he readily _showed the way of God more perfectly_. His reputation as a scholar and courteous demeanour, contributed not a little to his usefulness in this good work. The city of St. Andrews was at this time the grand rendezvous of the Romish clergy, and may, with no impropriety, be called the metropolis of the kingdom of darkness. James Beaton was arch-bishop, Hugh Spence dean of divinity, John Waddel rector, James Simson official, Thomas Ramsay canon and dean of the abbey, with the several superiors of the different orders of monks and friars.--It could not be expected, that Mr Hamilton's conduct would be long concealed from such a body as this. Their resentment against him soon rose to the utmost heights of persecuting rage; particularly the arch-bishop, who was chancellor of the kingdom, and otherwise very powerful, became his inveterate enemy. But being not less politic than cruel, the arch-bishop concealed his wicked design against him, until he had drawn him into the ambush prepared for him, which he effected by prevailing on him to attend a conference at St. Andrews.--Being come thither, Alexander Campbel prior of the black friars, who had been appointed to exert his faculties in reclaiming him, had several private interviews with him, in which he seemed to acknowledge the force of Mr. Hamilton's objections against the prevailing conduct of the clergy and errors of the Romish church. Such persuasions as Campbel used to bring him back to popery, had rather the tendency to confirm him in the truth. The arch-bishop and inferior clergy appeared to make concessions to him, allowing that many things stood in need of reformation, which they could wish had been brought about. Whether they were sincere in these acknowledgments, or only intended to conceal their bloody designs, and render the innocent and unsuspecting victim of their rage more secure, is a question to which this answer may be returned, That had they been sincere, the consciousness that Mr. Hamilton spoke truth, would perhaps have warded off the blow, for, at least some longer time, or divided their councils and measures against him. That neither of these was the case will now appear.--He was apprehended under night, and committed prisoner to the castle: at the same time, the young king was, at the earnest solicitation of the clergy, prevailed upon to undertake a pilgrimage to St. Dothess in Ross-shire, that he might be out of the way of any applications made to him for the life of Mr. Hamilton, which there was reason to believe would be granted. This measure affords full proof, that notwithstanding the friendly conferences which they kept up with him for some time, they had resolved on his ruin from the beginning: but such instances of Popish dissembling were not new even in Mr. Hamilton's time. The next day after his imprisonment, he was brought before the arch-bishop and his convention, and there charged with maintaining and propagating sundry heretical opinions; and though articles of the utmost importance had been debated betwixt him and them, they restricted their charge to such trifles as _pilgrimage_, _purgatory_, _praying to saints_, and _for the dead_; perhaps because these were the grand pillars upon which Antichrist built his empire, being the most lucrative doctrines ever invented by men. We must, however, take notice that Spotswood afterwards arch-bishop of that see, assigns the following grounds for his suffering, 1. That the corruption of sin remains in children after their baptism. 2. That no man by the power of his free-will can do any good. 3. That no man is without sin so long as he liveth. 4. That every true Christian may know himself to be in a state of grace. 5. That a man is not justified by works but by faith only. 6. That good works make not a man good, but that a good man doth good works, and that an ill man doth ill works, yet the same ill works, truly repented of, make not an ill man. 7. That faith, hope and charity are so linked together, that he who hath one of them hath all, and he that lacketh one lacketh all. 8. That God is the cause of sin, in this sense, that he withdraweth his grace from man; and grace withdrawn, he cannot but sin. These articles with the following make up the whole charge, (1.) That auricular confession is not necessary to salvation. (2.) That actual penance cannot purchase the remission of sin. (3.) That there is no purgatory, and that the holy patriarchs were in heaven before Christ's passion. (4.) That the pope is Antichrist, and that every priest hath as much power as he.----For these articles, and because he refused to abjure them, he was condemned as an obstinate heretic, and delivered to the secular power by the arch-bishops of St. Andrews and Glasgow, three bishops, and fourteen underlings, who all set their hands to the sentence, which, that it might have the greater authority, was likewise subscribed by every person of note in the university, among whom the earl of Cassils was one, then not exceeding thirteen years of age. The sentence follows as given by Mr. Fox, in his acts and monuments, vol. II. p. 1108. "_CHRISTI nomine invocato_: We James, by the mercy of God, arch-bishop of St. Andrews, primate of Scotland, with the counsel, decree and authority of the most reverend fathers in God, and lords, abbots, doctors of theology, professors of the holy scripture and masters of the university, assisting us for the time, sitting in judgment, within our metropolitan church of St. Andrews, in the cause of heretical pravity, against Mr Patrick Hamilton, abbot or pensionary of Ferm, being summoned to appear before us, to answer to certain articles affirmed, taught and preached by him, and so appearing before us, and accused, the merits of the cause being ripely weighed, discussed, and understood by faithful inquisition made in Lent last passed: We have found the same Mr. Hamilton, many ways infamed with heresy, disputing, holding and maintaining divers heresies of Martin Luther and his followers, repugnant to our faith, and which is already condemned by general councils and most famous universities. And he being under the same infamy, we decerning before him to be summoned and accused upon the premises, he of evil mind, (as may be presumed) passed to other parts, forth of the realm, suspected and noted of heresy. And being lately returned, not being admitted, but of his own head, without licence or privilege, hath presumed to preach wicked heresy. "We have found also, that he hath affirmed, published and taught divers opinions of Luther, and wicked heresies after that he was summoned to appear before us and our council: That man hath no free-will: That man is in sin so long as he liveth: That children, incontinent after their baptism, are sinners: All Christians that be worthy to be called Christians, do know that they are in grace: No man is justified by works, but by faith only: Good works make not a good man, but a good man doth make good works: That faith, hope and charity are so knit, that he that hath the one hath the rest, and he that wanteth the one of them wanteth the rest, &c. with divers other heresies and detestable opinions; and hath persisted so obstinate in the same, that by no counsel nor persuasion, he may be drawn therefrom, to the way of our right faith. "All these premises being considered, we having God and the integrity of our faith before our eyes, and following the counsel and advice of the professors of the holy scripture, men of law and others assisting us for the time, do pronounce, determine and declare the said Mr. Patrick Hamilton, for his affirming, confessing, and maintaining of the foresaid heresies, and his pertinacity (they being condemned already by the church, general councils, and most famous universities) to be an heretic, and to have an evil opinion of the faith, and therefore to be condemned and punished, like as we condemn, and define him to be punished, by this our sentence definitive, depriving and sentencing him, to be deprived of all dignities, honours, orders, offices, and benefices of the church; and therefore do judge and pronounce him to be delivered over to the secular power, to be punished, and his goods to be confiscated. "This our sentence definitive, was given and read at our metropolitan church of St. Andrews, the last day of the month of February, _anno_ 1527. being present, the most reverend fathers in Christ and lords, Gawand bishop of Glasgow, George bishop of Dunkelden, John bishop of Brecham, William bishop of Dunblane, Patrick, prior of St. Andrews, David abbot of Aberbrothock, George abbot of Dunfermline, Alexander abbot of Cambuskeneth, Henry abbot of Lendors, John prior of Pitterweeme, the dean and subdean of Glasgow, Mr. Hugh Spence, Thomas Ramsay, Allan Meldrum, &c. In the presence of the clergy and the people." The same day that this doom was pronounced, he was also condemned by the secular power; and in the afternoon of that same day, (for they were afraid of an application to the king on his behalf) he was hurried to the stake, the fire being prepared, immediately after dinner, before the old college.--Being come to the place of martyrdom, he put off his clothes and gave them to a servant who had been with him of a long time, saying, "This stuff will not help me in the fire, yet will do thee some good; I have no more to leave thee, but the ensample of my death, which, I pray thee, keep in mind; for albeit the same be bitter and painful in man's judgment, yet it is the entrance to everlasting life, which none can inherit who deny Christ before this wicked generation." Having so said, he commended his soul into the hands of God, with his eyes fixed towards heaven, and being bound to the stake in the midst of some coals, timber, and other combustibles, a train of powder was made, with a design to kindle the fire, but did not succeed, the explosion only scorching one of his hands and face. In this situation he remained until more powder was brought from the castle, during which time his comfortable and godly speeches were often interrupted, particularly by friar Campbel calling upon him "to recant, pray to our lady and say, _Salve regina_." Upon being repeatedly disturbed in this manner by Campbel, Mr. Hamilton said, "Thou wicked man, thou knowest that I am not an heretic, and that it is the truth of God, for which I now suffer; so much didst thou confess unto me in private, and thereupon I appeal thee to answer before the judgment-seat of Christ:" By this time the fire was kindled, and the noble martyr yielded his soul to God, crying out, "How long, O Lord, shall darkness overwhelm this realm? How long will thou suffer this tyranny of men?" And then ended his speech with Stephen, saying, "Lord Jesus, receive my spirit." Friar Campbel became soon after distracted, and died within a year after Mr. Hamilton's martyrdom, under the most awful apprehensions of the Lord's indignation against him.--The Popish clergy abroad congratulated their friends in Scotland, upon their zeal for the Romish faith discovered in the above tragedy--But it rather served the cause of reformation than retarded it, especially when the people began to compare deliberately the behaviour of Mr. Hamilton and friar Campbel together, they were induced to inquire more narrowly into the truth than before. The reader will find a very particular account of the doctrines maintained by Mr. Hamilton in Knox's history of the reformation of Scotland nigh the beginning. _The Life of Mr. GEORGE WISHART._ This gentleman was a brother of the laird of Pittarro in Mearns, and was educated at the university of Cambridge, where his diligence and progress in useful learning, soon made him be respected. From an ardent desire to promote the truth in his own country, he returned to it in the summer of 1544, and began teaching a school in the town of Montrose, which he kept for some time with great applause. He is particularly celebrated for his uncommon eloquence, and agreeable manner of communication. The sequel of this narrative will inform the reader, That he possessed the spirit of prophecy to an extraordinary degree, and was at the same time humble, modest, charitable and patient, even to admiration. One of his own scholars gives the following picture of him, "That he was a man of a tall stature, black-hair'd, long-bearded, of a graceful personage, eloquent, courteous, ready to teach and desirous to learn; that he ordinarily wore a French cap, a frieze gown, plain black hose, and white bands and hand cuffs; that he frequently gave away different parts of his apparel to the poor; in his diet he was very moderate, eating only twice a day, and fasting every fourth day; his lodging, bedding, and such other circumstances, were correspondent to the things already mentioned." But as these particulars are rather curious than instructive, we shall say no more of them. After he left Montrose, he came to Dundee, where he acquired still greater fame, in public lectures on the epistle to the Romans; insomuch that the Romish clergy began to think seriously on the consequences which they saw would inevitably ensue, if he was suffered to go on, pulling down that fabric of superstition and idolatry, which they with so much pains had reared; they were particularly disgusted at the reception which he met with in Dundee, and immediately set about projecting his ruin. From the time that Mr. Patrick Hamilton suffered, until this period, papal tyranny reigned by fire and faggot without controul. In the year 1539, cardinal David Beaton succeeded his uncle in the see of St. Andrews, and carefully trod the path his uncle had marked out; to show his own greatness, and to recommend himself to his superior of Rome, he accused Sir John Borthwick of heresy, whose goods were confiscated, and himself burnt in effigy (for being forewarned of his danger, he had escaped out of the country). After this he suborned a priest to forge a will of K. James V. who died about this time, declaring himself, with the earls of Huntly, Argyle and Murray to be regents of the kingdom: The cheat being discovered, the earl of Arran was elected governor, and the cardinal was committed prisoner to the castle of Dalkeith; he soon found means to escape from his confinement, and prevailed with the regent to break all his promises to the party who had elected him into that office, and to join with him in imbruing his hands in the blood of the saints. Accordingly, several professors of the town of Perth were arraigned, condemned, hanged and drowned; others were sent into banishment, and some were strangled in private. We have departed thus far from the course of our narrative, to shew the reader, that the vacancies betwixt the respective lives in this collection, were as much remarkable for persecution, as the particular instances which are set before him in the lives themselves. It was this cardinal who, incensed at Mr. Wishart's success in Dundee, prevailed with one Robert Mill (formerly a professor of the truth, and who had been a sufferer on that account, but who was now a man of considerable influence in that town,) to give Mr Wishart a charge in the queen and governor's names, to trouble them no more with his preaching in that place. This commission was executed by Mill one day, in public, just as Mr Wishart had ended his sermon. Upon hearing it, he kept silence for a little with his eyes turned towards heaven, and then casting them on the speaker with a sorrowful countenance, he said, "God is my witness, that I never minded your trouble, but your comfort; yea, your trouble is more grievous unto me than it is unto yourselves; but sure I am, to reject the word of God, and drive away his messengers, is not the way to save you from trouble, but to bring you into it: When I am gone, God will send you messengers, who will not be afraid either for burning or banishment. I have, at the hazard of my life, remained among you, preaching the word of salvation; and now, since you yourselves refuse me, I must leave my innocence to be declared by God. If it be long well with you, I am not led by the Spirit of truth; and if unexpected trouble come upon you, remember this is the cause, and turn to God by repentance, for he is merciful." These words being pronounced, he came down from the pulpit or preaching place. The earl of Marshal and some other noblemen who were present at the sermon, entreated him earnestly to go to the north with them, but he excused himself, and took journey for the west country, where he was gladly received by many. Being come to the town of Air, he began to preach the gospel with great freedom and faithfulness. But Dunbar, the then arch-bishop of Glasgow, being informed of the great concourse of people who crouded to his sermons, at the instigation of cardinal Beaton, went to Air with the resolution to apprehend him; the bishop first took possession of the church, to prevent him from preaching in it. The news of this brought Alexander earl of Glencairn, and some gentlemen of the neighbourhood, immediately to the town; they offered to put Mr. Wishart in the church, but he would not consent, saying, "The bishop's sermon would not do much hurt, and that, if they pleased, he would go to the market-cross:" which he did, and preached with such success, that several of his hearers, formerly enemies to the truth, were converted on that occasion. During the time Mr. Wishart was thus employed, the bishop was haranguing some of his underlings and parasites in the church; having no sermon to give them, he promised to be better provided against a future occasion, and speedily left the town. Mr. Wishart continued with the gentlemen of Kyle after the arch-bishop's departure, and being desired to preach next Lord's day at the church of Mauchlin, he went thither with that design; but the sheriff of Air had, in the night-time, put a garrison of soldiers in the church to keep him out. Hugh Campbel of Kinzeancleugh with others of the parish were exceedingly offended at such impiety, and would have entered the church by force; but Mr. Wishart would not suffer it, saying, "Brethren, it is the word of peace which I preach unto you, the blood of no man shall be shed for it this day; Jesus Christ is as mighty in the fields as in the church, and he himself, while he lived in the flesh, preached oftener in the desart, and upon the sea-side, than in the temple of Jerusalem." Upon this the people were appeased, and went with him to the edge of a muir on the south-west side of Mauchlin, where having placed himself upon a ditch-dyke, he preached to a great multitude who resorted to him; he continued speaking for more than three hours, God working wondrously by him, insomuch that Laurence Rankin the laird of Sheld, a very profane person, was converted by his means; the tears ran from his eyes, to the astonishment of all present, and the whole of his after-life witnessed that his profession was without hypocrisy. While in this country, Mr. Wishart often preached with most remarkable success, at the church of Galston and other places. At this time and in this part of the country, it might be truly said, That _the harvest was GREAT, but the labourers were FEW_. After he had been about a month thus employed in Kyle, he was informed, That the plague had broke out in Dundee the fourth day after he had left it, and that it still continued to rage in such a manner that great numbers were swept off every day; this affected him so much, that he resolved to return again unto them: Accordingly he took leave of his friends in the west, who were filled with sorrow at his departure. The next day after his arrival at Dundee, he caused intimation to be made that he would preach; and for that purpose chose his station upon the head of the east-gate, the infected persons standing without, and those that were whole within: his text was Psalm cvii. 20. _He sent his word and healed them, and delivered them from their destruction._ By this discourse he so comforted the people, that they thought themselves happy in having such a preacher, and intreated him to remain with them while the plague continued; which he complied with, preaching often and taking care that the poor should not want necessaries more than the rich; in doing which he exposed himself to the infection, even where it was most malignant, without reserve. During all this his sworn adversary the cardinal had his eye close upon him, and bribed a priest called Sir John Wighton, to assassinate him; he was to make the attempt as Mr. Wishart came down from the preaching place, with the expectation of escaping among the crowd after the deed was done. To effect this, he posted himself at the foot of the steps with his gown loose, and a dagger under it in his hand. Upon Mr. Wishart's approach, he looked sternly upon the priest, asking him, What he intended to do? and instantly clapped his hand upon the hand of the priest that held the dagger, and took it from him. Upon which he openly confessing his design, a tumult immediately ensued, and the sick without the gate rushed in, crying, To have the assassin delivered to them; then Mr. Wishart interposed and defended him from their violence, telling them, He had done him no harm, and that such as injured the one injured the other likewise; so the priest escaped without any harm. The plague was now considerably abated, and he determined to pay a visit to the town of Montrose, intending to go from thence to Edinburgh, to meet the gentlemen of the west. While he was at Montrose, he administred the sacrament of our Lord's supper in both kinds of the elements, and preached with success. Here he received a letter directed to him from his intimate friend the laird of Kinnier, acquainting him, That he had taken a sudden sickness, and requesting him to come to him with all diligence. Upon this, he immediately set out on his journey, attended by some honest friends of Montrose, who out of affection would accompany him part of the way. They had not travelled above a quarter of a mile, when all of a sudden he stopped, saying to the company, "I am forbidden by God to go this journey. Will some of you be pleased to ride to yonder place (pointing with his finger to a little hill), and see what you find, for I apprehend there is a plot against my life:" whereupon he returned, to the town, and they who went forward to the place, found about sixty horsemen ready to intercept him: By this the whole plot came to light: they found that the letter had been forged; and, upon their telling Mr. Wishart what they had seen, he replied, "I know that I shall end my life by the hands of that wicked man, (meaning the cardinal) but it will not be after this manner." The time which he had appointed for meeting the west-country gentlemen at Edinburgh, drawing near, he undertook that journey, much against the inclination and advice of the laird of Dun; the first night after leaving Montrose, he lodged at Innergowrie, about two miles from Dundee, with one James Watson a faithful friend, where, being laid in bed, he was observed to rise a little after midnight, and to go out into an adjacent garden, that he might give vent to his sighs and groans without being observed; but being followed by two men, William Spaldin and John Watson, at a distance, in order that they might observe his motions, they saw him prostrate himself upon the ground, weeping and making supplication for near an hour, and then return to his rest. As they lay in the same apartment with him, they took care to return before him, and upon his coming into the room they asked him, (as if ignorant of all that had past) where he had been? But he made no answer, and they ceased their interrogations. In the morning they asked him again, Why he rose in the night, and what was the cause of such sorrow? (for they told him all that they had seen him do) he answered with a dejected countenance, "I wish you had been in your beds, which had been more for your ease, for I was scarce well occupied." But they praying him to satisfy their minds further, and to communicate some comfort unto them, he said, "I will tell you, that I assuredly know my travail is nigh an end, therefore pray to God for me, that I may not shrink when the battle waxeth most hot."--Hearing these words, they burst out into tears, saying, That was but small comfort to them. To this he replied, "God will send you comfort after me; this realm shall be illuminated with the light of Christ's gospel, as clearly as any realm ever was since the days of the apostles; the house of God shall be built in it; yea, it shall not lack (whatsoever the enemies shall devise to the contrary) the very cope stone; neither shall this be long in doing, for there shall not many suffer after me. The glory of God shall appear, and truth shall once triumph in despite of the devil, but, alas, if the people become unthankful, the plagues and punishments which shall follow will be fearful and terrible." After this prediction, which was accomplished in such a remarkable a manner afterwards, he proceeded on his journey, and arrived at Leith about the 10th of December, where being disappointed of a meeting with the west-country gentlemen, he kept himself retired for some days, and then became very uneasy and discouraged, and being asked the reason, he replied, "I have laboured to bring people out of darkness, but now I lurk as a man ashamed to shew himself before men:" by this they understood that he desired to preach, and told him that they would gladly hear him; but the danger into which he would throw himself thereby, prevented them from advising him to it, he answered, "If you and others will hear me next Sabbath, I will preach in Leith, let God provide for me as best pleaseth him;" which he did upon the parable of the sower, Matth. xiii. After sermon, his friends advised him to leave Leith, because the regent and cardinal were soon to be in Edinburgh, and that his situation would be dangerous on that account; he complied with this advice, and resided with the lairds of Brunston, Longniddry and Ormiston, by turns; the following sabbath he preached at Inneresk both fore and after noon, to a crowded audience, among whom was Sir George Douglas, who after the sermon publicly said, "I know that the governor and cardinal shall hear that I have been at this preaching, (for they were now come to Edinburgh) say unto them, that I will avow it, and will not only maintain the doctrine which I have heard, but also the person of the teacher to the uttermost of my power;" which open and candid declaration was very grateful to the whole congregation. During the time of this sermon, Mr. Wishart perceived two grey friars standing in the entry of the church, and whispering to every person that entered the door; he called out to the people to make room for them, because, said he, "perhaps they come to learn;" and then addressed them, "requesting them to come forward, and hear the word of truth;" but they still continued to trouble the people, upon which he reproved them in the following manner: "O ye servants of Satan, and deceivers of souls of men, will ye neither hear God's truth, nor suffer others to hear it? depart and take this for your portion, God shall shortly confound and disclose your hypocrisy within this realm; ye shall be abominable unto men, and your places and habitations shall be desolate." The two sabbaths following he preached at Tranent, and in all his sermons after leaving Montrose, he more or less hinted that his ministry was near an end. The next place he preached at was Haddington, where his congregation was at first very throng, but the following day very few attended him, which was thought to be owing to the influence of the earl of Bothwel, who, at the instigation of the cardinal, had inhibited the people from attending him, for his authority was very considerable in that part of the country. At this time he received a letter from the gentlemen of the west, declaring, That they could not keep the diet appointed at Edinburgh; this, with the reflection that so few attended his ministrations at Haddington, grieved him exceedingly. He called upon Mr. Knox, who then attended him, and told him, That he was weary of the world, since he perceived that men were become weary of God.--Notwithstanding the anxiety and discouragement which he laboured under, he went immediately to the pulpit, and sharply rebuking the people of that town for their neglect of the gospel, he told them, "That sore and fearful should be the plagues that should ensue; that fire and sword should waste them; that strangers should possess their houses, and chase them from their habitations." This prediction was soon after verified, when the English took and possessed that town, while the French and Scots besieged it in the year 1548. This was the last sermon which he preached, in which, as had for some time been usual with him, he spoke of his death as near at hand; and after it was over, he bade his acquaintance farewel, as if it had been for ever. He went to Ormiston, accompanied by the lairds of Brunston and Ormiston, and Sir John Sandilands, the younger of Calder. Mr. Knox was also desirous to have gone with him, but Mr. Wishart desired him to return, saying, "One is enough for a sacrifice at this time." Being come to Ormiston, he entered into some spiritual conversation in the family, particularly concerning the happy state of God's children, appointed the 51st psalm, according to an old version then in use, to be sung, and then recommended the company to God; he went to bed some time sooner than ordinary; about midnight the earl of Bothwel beset the house, so as none could escape, and then called upon the laird, declaring the design to him, and intreating him not to hold out, for it would be to no purpose, because the cardinal and governor were coming with all their train; but if he would deliver Mr. Wishart up, Bothwel promised upon his honour that no evil should befal him. Being inveigled with this, and consulting with Mr. Wishart who requested that the gates should be opened, saying, "God's will be done," the laird complied. The earl of Bothwel entered, with some gentlemen, who solemnly protested, That Mr. Wishart should receive no harm, but that he, _viz._ Bothwel, would either carry him to his own house, or return him again to Ormiston in safety: Upon this promise hands were stricken, and Mr. Wishart went along with him to Elphiston where the cardinal was, after which he was first carried to Edinburgh, then to the earl of Bothwel's house (perhaps upon pretence of fulfilling the engagement which Bothwel had come under to him) after which he was re-conducted to Edinburgh, where the cardinal had now assembled a convocation of prelates for reforming some abuses, but without effect. Buchanan says, that he was apprehended by a party of horse detached by the cardinal for that purpose; that at first the laird of Ormiston refused to deliver him up, upon which the cardinal and regent both posted thither, but could not prevail until the earl of Bothwel was sent for, who succeeded by flattery and fair promises, not one of which were fulfilled. Mr. Wishart remained at Edinburgh only a few days, until the blood-thirsty cardinal prevailed with the governor to deliver up this faithful servant of Jesus Christ unto his tyranny, and was accordingly sent to St. Andrews; and being advised to it by the arch-bishop of Glasgow, he would have got a civil judge appointed to try him, if David Hamilton of Preston, a kinsman to the regent, had not remonstrated against it, and represented the danger of attacking the servants of God, who had no other crime laid to their charge, but that of preaching the gospel of Jesus Christ. This speech, which Buchanan gives at large, affected the governor in such a manner, that he absolutely refused the cardinal's request, upon which he replied in anger, "That he had only sent to him out of mere civility, without any need for it, for that he with his clergy had power sufficient to bring Mr. Wishart to condign punishment."--Thus was this servant of God left in the hands of that proud and merciless tyrant, the religious part of the nation loudly complaining of the governor's weakness. Mr. Wishart being now in St. Andrews, the cardinal without delay caused summon the bishops and superior clergy to meet at that place on the 27th of February 1546, to deliberate upon a question about which he was already resolved. The next day after this convocation, Mr. Wishart received a summons in prison, by the dean of the town, to answer to-morrow, for his heretical doctrine, before the judges. The next day, the cardinal went to the place of judgement, in the abbey church, with a train of armed men marching in warlike order; immediately Mr. Wishart was sent for from the sea-tower, which was his prison, and being about to enter the door of the church, a poor man asked alms of him, to whom he threw his purse. When he came before the cardinal, John Wirnam the sub-prior went up into the pulpit by appointment, and made a discourse upon the nature of heresy from Matth. xiii. which he did with great caution, and yet in such a way as applied more justly to the accusers, for he was a secret favourer of the truth. After him came up one John Lander, a most virulent enemy of religion, who acted the part of Mr. Wishart's accuser, he pulled out a long roll of maledictory charges against Mr. Wishart, and dealt out the Romish thunder so liberally as terrified the ignorant by-standers, but did not in the least discompose this meek servant of Christ; he was accused of disobedience to the governor's authority, for teaching that man had no free-will, and for contemning fasting, (all which he absolutely refused) and for denying that there are seven sacraments; that auricular confession, extreme unction, and the sacrament of the altar, so called, are sacraments; that we should pray to saints; and for saying, That it was necessary for every man to know and understand his baptism; that the pope hath no more power than another man; that it is as lawful to eat flesh upon Friday as upon Sunday; that there is no purgatory, and that it is vain to build costly churches to the honour of God, and for condemning conjuration, the vows of single life, the cursings of the holy church, &c. While Lauder was reading these accusations, he had put himself into a most violent sweat, frothing at the mouth and calling Mr. Wishart a runagate traitor, and demanded an answer, which he made in a short and modest oration: At which they cried out with one content against him in a most tumultuous manner; by which he saw, they were resolved to proceed against him to the utmost extremity, he therefore appealed to a more equitable and impartial judge. Upon which Lauder (repeating the several titles of the cardinal) asked him, "If my lord cardinal was not an equitable judge?" Mr. Wishart replied, "I do not refuse him, but I desire the word of God to be my judge, the temporal estates, with some of your lordships, because I am my lord governor's prisoner." After some scornful language thrown out both against him and the governor, they proceeded to read the articles against him a second time, and hear his answers, which he made with great solidity of judgment: After which they condemned him to be burnt as an heretic, paying no regard to his defences, nor to the emotions of their own consciences, but thought that by killing him they should do _God good service_. Upon this resolution, (for their final sentence was not yet pronounced) Mr. Wishart kneeled down and prayed in the following manner. "O immortal God, how long wilt thou suffer the rage of the ungodly, how long shall they exercise their fury upon thy servants, who further thy word in this world, seeing they desire to choke and destroy thy true doctrine and verity, by which thou hast shewed thyself unto the world, which was drowned in blindness and ignorance of thy name? O Lord, we know surely that thy true servants must suffer for thy name's sake, both persecution, affliction and troubles in this present life, which is but a shadow, as thy prophets and apostles have shewed us, but yet we desire thee, merciful Father, that thou wouldst preserve, defend and help thy congregation, which thou hast chosen from before the foundation of the world, and give them thy grace to hear thy word, and to be thy true servants in this present life." After this, the common people were removed until their definitive sentence should be pronounced, which being so similar to Mr. Hamilton's, need not be here inserted. This being done, he was re-committed to the castle for that night; in his way thither, two friars came to him requesting him to make his confession to them, which he refused, but desired them to bring Mr. Wirnam who had preached that day, to him; who being come, after some discourse with Mr. Wishart, he asked him, If he would receive the sacrament of the Lord's supper? Mr. Wishart answered, "Most willingly, if I may have it administered according to Christ's institution, under both kinds, of bread and wine." Hereupon the sub-prior went to the bishops, and asked, If they would permit the sacrament to be given to the prisoner? But the cardinal, in all their names, answered, That it was not reasonable to give any spiritual benefit to an obstinate heretic condemned by the church. All this night Mr. Wishart spent in prayer, and next morning the captain of the castle gave him notice that they had denied him the sacrament, and at the same time invited him to breakfast with him, which Mr. Wishart accepted, saying, "I will do that very willingly, and so much the rather, because I perceive you to be a good Christian, and a man fearing God." All things being ready, and the family assembled to breakfast, Mr. Wishart turning himself to the captain, said, "I beseech you, in the name of God, and for the love ye bear to our Saviour Jesus Christ, to be silent a little while, till I have made a short exhortation, and blessed this bread which we are to eat, so that I may bid you farewel." The table being covered and bread let upon it, he spake about the space of half an hour, of the institution of the supper, and of our Saviour's death and passion, exhorting those who were present to mutual love and holiness of life. Then, giving thanks, he brake the bread, distributing a part to those about him, who were disposed to communicate, intreating them to remember that Christ died for them, and to feed on it spiritually; then taking the cup, he bade them remember that Christ's blood was shed for them; And having tasted it himself, he delivered it unto them, and then concluding with thanksgiving and prayer, he told them, "That he would neither eat nor drink more in this life," and retired to his chamber. Soon after, by the appointment of the cardinal, two executioners came to him, and arraying him in a black linen coat, they fastened some bags of gun-powder about him, put a rope about his neck, a chain about his waist, and bound his hands behind his back, and in this dress they led him one to the stake, near the cardinal's palace; opposite to the stake they had placed the great guns of the castle, lest any should attempt to rescue him. The fore tower, which was immediately opposite to the fire, was hung with tapestry, and rich cushions were laid in the windows, for the ease of the cardinal and prelates, while they beheld the sad spectacle. As he was going to the stake, it is said, that two beggars asked alms of him, and that he replied, "I want my hands wherewith I used to give you alms, but the merciful Lord vouchsafe to give you all necessaries, both for soul and body." After this the friars came about him, urging him to _pray to our Lady_, &c. to whom he answered, "Cease, tempt me not, I intreat you." Having mounted a scaffold prepared on purpose, he turned towards the people and declared that "he felt much joy within himself in offering up his life for the name of Christ, and told them that they ought not to be offended with the good word of God, because of the afflictions I have endured, or the torments which ye now see prepared for me; but I intreat you, that you love the word of God for your salvation, and suffer patiently and with a comfortable heart for the word's sake, which is your everlasting comfort; but for the true gospel which was given me by the grace of God, I suffer this day with a glad heart. Behold, and consider my visage, ye shall not see me change my colour; I fear not this fire, and I pray that you may not fear them that slay the body, but have no power to slay the soul. Some have said that I taught that the soul shall sleep till the last day, but I know surely, and my faith is such, that my soul shall sup with my Saviour this night." Then he prayed for his accusers, that they might be forgiven, if, through ignorance or evil design, they had forged lies upon him. After this the executioner asked his forgiveness, to whom he replied, "Come hither to me;" and when he came, he kissed his cheek, and said, "Lo, here is a token that I forgive thee, do thine office." Being raised up from his knees, he was bound to the stake, crying with a loud voice _O Saviour of the world, have mercy upon me; Father of heaven, I commend my spirit into thy holy hands_: whereupon the executioner kindled the fire, and the powder that was fastened to his body blew up. The captain of the castle perceiving that he was still alive, drew near, and bid him be of good courage, whereupon Mr. Wishart said, "This flame hath scorched my body, yet it hath not daunted my spirit; but he who, from yonder place beholdeth us with such pride, shall within a few days lie in the same as ignominiously as he is now seen proudly to rest himself." But as he was thus speaking, the executioner drew the cord that was about his neck so strait that he spoke no more; and thus, like another Elijah, he took his flight by a fiery chariot into heaven, and obtained the martyr's crown on the 1st of March, 1546. Thus lived, and thus died this faithful witness of Jesus Christ; he was early marked out as a sacrifice to papal tyranny, being delated to the bishop of Brichen for an heretic, because he taught the Greek new Testament to his scholars, while he kept school at Montrose; he was summoned by him, to appear before him, but escaped into England, and at the university of Cambridge completed his education, and was himself an instructor of others; During the whole time he was in his own country, he was hunted as a _partridge in the mountains_, until the cardinal got him brought to the stake. Through the whole of his sufferings, his meekness and patience were very remarkable, as was that uncommon measure of the spirit of prophecy which he possessed; witness the circumstances relative to Dundee, Haddington, the reformation from popery, and the cardinal's death, all of which were foretold by him, and soon after accomplished. The popish clergy rejoiced at his death, and extolled the cardinal's courage, for proceeding in it against the governor's order; but the people very justly looked upon him as both a prophet and a martyr. It was also did, that abstracting from the grounds of his suffering, his death was no less than murder, in regard no writ was obtained for it, and the clergy could not burn any without a warrant from the secular power. This stirred up Norman, and John Lefties of the family of Rothes, William Kircaldie of Grange, James Melvil of the family of Carnbee, Peter Carmichael and others, to avenge Mr. Wishart's death. Accordingly upon the 28th of May, 1546, (not three months after Mr. Wishart suffered) they surprized the castle early in the morning, and either secured or turned out the persons who were lodged in it; came to the cardinal's door, who was by this time alarmed, and had secured it, but upon their threatening to force open the door, he opened it, (relying partly upon the sanctity of his office, and partly on his acquaintance with some of them) crying, "I am a priest, I am a priest;" but this had no effect upon them, for James Melvil having exhorted him in a solemn manner to repentance, and having apprized him, that he was now to avenge Mr. Wishart's death, he stabbed him twice or thrice; which ended his wretched days. These persons, with some others who came in to them, held the castle out for near two years, being assisted by England; they had the governor's eldest son with them, for he had been put under the cardinal's care, and was in the castle at the time they surprized it. The castle was at last besieged by the French, and surrendered upon having the lives of all that were in it secured. Betwixt this and the time of Mr. Walter Mill's sufferings, whose life follows, one Adam Wallace, _alias_ Fean, a simple but very zealous man, was taken at Winton, and was brought to his trial in the Blackfriars church in Edinburgh, where he was charged with articles of heresy, similar to those with which others before him had been charged. He was condemned and burnt in the castle-hill, suffering with great patience and resolution. There were others condemned before that time, among whom were Robert Forrester gentleman, Sir Duncan Simson priest, Friar Killore, Friar Beveridge, and dean Thomas Forrest a canon, regular and vicar of Dollar, who were all burnt at one stake upon the castle-hill of Edinburgh, February 1538. _The Life of Mr. WALTER MILL._ He was born about the year 1476, was educated in the Popish religion, and made priest of Lunan in the shire of Angus, where he remained until he was accused by the bishop of St. Andrews of having left off saying mass, which he had done long before this time, being condemned by the cardinal on that account, in the year 1538; but he escaped the flames for this time, by flying into Germany, where he married a wife, and was more perfectly instructed in the true religion; after which he returned home, but kept himself as retired as possible; during which time he went about reproving vice and instructing people in the grounds of religion, which coming at length to the ears of the ecclesiastics, in 1558, he was, by order of the bishops, apprehended in Dysart in the shire of Fife, by two priests, and imprisoned in the castle of St. Andrews, where the Papists, both by threatening and flattery, laboured with him to recant, offering him a place in the abbey of Dunfermline all the days of his life, if he would deny what he had already taught. But continuing constant in his opinions, he was brought to a trial before the bishops of St. Andrews, Murray, Brechin, Caithness, &c. who were assembled in the cathedral of St. Andrews. When he came to make his defence, he was so old, feeble and lame, that it was feared none would hear him; but as soon as he began to speak, he surprized them all, his voice made the church to ring, and his quickness and courage amazed his very enemies. At first he kneeled and prayed for some time, after which one Sir Andrew Oliphant a priest, called to him to arise, and answer to the articles of charge, saying, "You keep my lord of St. Andrews too long here;" nevertheless he continued some time in prayer, and when he arose, said, "I ought to obey God more than man. I serve a mightier Lord than your lord is, and whereas you call me _Sir Walter_, they call me _Walter_; I have been too long one of the pope's knights: Now say what you have to say." * * * * * Oliphant _began his Interrogations as follows_: _Olip._ Thou sayest there are not seven sacraments? _Mill._ Give me the Lord's Supper and Baptism, and take you all the rest. _Oliph._ What think you of a priest's marriage? _Mill._ I think it a blessed bond ordained by God, and approved of by Christ, and free to all sorts of men; but ye abhor it, and in the meanwhile take other men's wives and daughters: Ye vow chastity, and keep it not. _Oliph._ How sayest thou that the mass is idolatry? _Mill._ A lord or king calleth many to dinner, they come and sit down, but the lord himself turneth his back, and eateth up all; and so do you. _Olip._ Thou deniest the sacrament of the altar to be the real body of Christ in flesh and blood? _Mill._ The scriptures are to be understood spiritually and not carnally, and so your mass is wrong, for Christ was once offered on the cross for sin, and will never be offered again, for then he put an end to all sacrifice. _Oliph._ Thou deniest the office of a bishop? _Mill._ I affirm that those you call bishops do no bishop's work, but live after sensual pleasure, taking no care of Christ's flock, nor regarding his word. _Oliph._ Thou speakest against pilgrimage, and sayest, It is a pilgrimage to whoredom? _Mill._ I say pilgrimage is not commanded in scripture, and that there is no greater whoredom in any place, except in brothel-houses. _Oliph._ You preach privately in houses, and sometimes in the field? _Mill._ Yea, and on the sea also when sailing in a ship. Then said _Oliphant_, "If you will not recant, I will pronounce sentence against you." To this he replied, "I know I must die once, and therefore as Christ said to Judas, _What thou dost, do quickly_: you shall know that I will not recant the truth, for I am corn and not chaff: I will neither be blown away by the wind, nor burst with the flail, but will abide both." Then Oliphant, as the mouth of the court, was ordered to pronounce sentence against him, ordaining him to be delivered to the temporal judge, and burnt as an heretic. But they could not procure one as a temporal judge to condemn him. One Learmond, then provost of the town, and bailie of the bishop's regality, refused it, and went out of town; the people of the place were so moved at his constancy, and offended at the wrong done to him, that they refused to supply ropes to bind him, and other materials for his execution, whereby his death was retarded for one day. At last one Somerville, a domestic of the bishop, undertook to act the part of temporal judge, and the ropes of the bishop's pavilion were taken to serve the purpose. All things being thus prepared, he was led forth by Somerville with a guard of armed men to his execution; being come to the place, some cried out to him to recant, to whom he answered, "I marvel at your rage, ye hypocrites, who do so cruelly pursue the servants of God; as for me, I am now eighty-two years old, and cannot live long by course of nature; but an hundred shall rise out of my ashes, who shall scatter you, ye hypocrites and persecutors of God's people; and such of you as now think yourselves the best, shall not die such an honest death as I now do; I trust in God, I shall be the last who shall suffer death, in this fashion, for this cause in this land." Thus his constancy increased as his end drew near. Being ordered by Oliphant to go up to the stake, he refused, and said, "No, I will not go, except thou put me up with thy hand, for by the law of God I am forbidden to put hands to myself, but if thou wilt put to thy hand, and take part of my death, thou shalt see me go up gladly." Then Oliphant putting him foreward, he went up with a cheerful countenance, saying, _Introibo ad altare Dei_, and desired that he might be permitted to speak to the people; he was answered by Oliphant, "That he had spoken too much already, and the bishops were exceedingly displeased with what he had said." But some youths took his part, and bid him say on what he pleased; he first bowed his knees and prayed, then arose and standing upon the coals addressed the people to this effect, "Dear friends, the cause why I suffer this day, is not for any crime laid to my charge, though I acknowledge myself a miserable sinner before God, but only for the defence of the truths of Jesus Christ set forth in the old and new Testament; I praise God that he hath called me among the rest of his servants, to seal up his truth with my life; as I have received it of him, so I again willingly offer it up for his glory, therefore, as ye would escape eternal death, be no longer seduced with the lies of bishops, abbots, friars, monks, and the rest of that sect of Antichrist, but depend only upon Jesus Christ and his mercy, that so ye may be delivered from condemnation."--During this speech, loud murmurs and lamentations were heard among the multitude, some admiring the patience, boldness and constancy of this martyr, others complaining of the hard measures and cruelty of his persecutors. After having spoken as above, he prayed a little while, and then was drawn up and bound to the stake, and the fire being kindled, he cried, "Lord, have mercy on me; Pray, pray, good people, while there is time." And so cheerfully yielded up his soul into the hands of his God on the twenty-eighth of April, _anno_ 1558, being then about the eighty-second year of his age. The fortitude and constancy of this martyr affected the people so much, that they heaped up a great pile of stones on the place where he had been burned, that the memory of his death might be preserved, but the priests gave orders to have it taken down and carried away, denouncing a curse on any who should lay stones there again; but that anathema was so little regarded, that what was thrown down in the day-time was raised again in the night, until at last the papists carried away the stones to build houses in or about the town, which they did in the night, with all possible secresy. The death of this martyr brought about the downfal of popery in Scotland, for the people in general were so much inflamed, that resolving openly to profess the truth, they bound themselves by promises, and subscriptions of oaths, That before they would be thus abused any longer they would take arms, and resist the papal tyranny, which they at last did. _The Life of JAMES STUART, Earl of Moray._ He was a natural son of K. James V. and brother by the father's side to Mary queen of Scots; in his infancy he was put under the celebrated George Buchanan, who instilled such principles into his mind in early life, as by the divine blessing made him an honour to the Scottish nation. The reader cannot expect a very minute detail of all the heroic and patriotic deeds of this worthy nobleman, considering the station which he filled, and his activity in the discharge of the duties belonging to it. He was the principal agent in promoting the work of reformation from popery. On the first dawning of it in the year 1555, he attended the preaching of Mr. John Knox at Calder, where he often wished that his doctrine had been more public, which was an open profession of his love and zeal for the true religion. He went over to France with some other Scottish noblemen at the time of his sister's marriage with the dauphine, where his companions were supposed to have been poisoned, for they died in France: He escaped by the interposition of a kind providence, but retained a weak and disordered stomach all his life; this did not however unfit him for these services which he did to religion and his country after this. In the year 1556, he and Argyle wrote to Mr. Knox at Geneva, to return to Scotland, in order to further the reformation. Upon which, after having been detained some time at Diep, Mr Knox returned in the year 1559, and went to St. Johnstoun, where the reforming congregation resorted to him; which coming to the ears of the queen-regent, she sent the earl of Argyle and Lord James (for that was the earl of Moray's title at this time) to know the intent of so great an assembly. Mr. Knox returned this answer, That "her enterprize would not prosper in the end, seeing that she intended to fight against God, &c." Upon receiving this reply, she summoned them to depart from the town of St. Johnstoun; but afterwards hearing of the daily increase of their numbers, she gave them leave to depart peaceably, with many fair promises, that they should meet with no further danger. On which they obeyed and left the town, but they had no sooner done so, than she with her French guards entered it in a most outrageous manner, telling the inhabitants, That no faith should be kept with heretics.--This flagrant breach of promise provoked Lord James to that degree, that he left the queen, and joined the lords of the congregation (for so they were afterwards called). As soon as the queen got intelligence of this, she sent a threatening letter to him and Argyle (for they stuck together on almost all occasions) commanding them to return, but to no purpose; for they went to Fife, and there began to throw down and remove the monuments of idolatry: Here they continued for some time; but being informed that the queen intended to go to Stirling, they went off from Perth late in the night, and entered Stirling with their associates where they immediately demolished the monasteries, and purged the churches of idolatry. Such was the zeal of these worthy noblemen for the interest of the reformed religion in Scotland. From Stirling they marched for Edinburgh, purging all the superstitious relicts of idolatry out of Linlithgow in their way.--These summary proceedings alarmed the queen regent, insomuch that her zeal for the Romish idolatry, gave way to her fears about her civil authority. To make the conduct of these reformers the more odious to the unthinking part of the nation, she gave out that they were in open rebellion against her, and that they made a pretence of religion, but that the real design was to set lord James on the throne (there being now no male-heir to the crown), These insinuations she found means to transmit to lord James himself, in a letter said to be forged in the names of Francis and Mary the king and queen of France, wherein he was further upbraided with ingratitude on account of the favours they pretended that they had shown him, and threatened to lay down his arms and return to his allegiance. To this letter, (notwithstanding there were strong reasons to suspect it was forged) he nevertheless returned a resolute answer, declaring that he was not conscious to himself, either in word or deed, of any offence either against the regent or laws; but in regard the nobility had undertaken the reformation of religion, which was delayed, and seeing they aimed at nothing but the glory of God, he was willing to bear the reproach which the enemies of religion would load him with, neither was it just for him to desert that cause which had Christ himself for its head and defender, whom, unless they would voluntarily deny, they could not give up that enterprise in which they were imbarked. While these things were transacting, the lords of the congregation being then in and about Edinburgh, there were to the number of 3000 French landed at Leith at different times, to support the queen regent, between whom and the lords of the congregation there were several skirmishes, with little success on either side; yet the lords retired to Stirling, leaving the French for a time masters of the field, but not without apprehensions of danger from the arrival of an English fleet, which was then expected. In the mean time, they went over to Fife, spreading devastation every where around them without resistance: Whereupon the queen regent thus expressed herself, "Where is John Knox's God now, my God is stronger, even now in Fife." This impious boast lasted not long, for Argyle and lord James went to the town of Dysart immediately to stop their career along the coast. The French were 4000 strong, besides the Scots who adhered to them; the army of the congregation were not above 600 men, yet they behaved with such courage and resolution, as for twenty days successively they faced this army, and for each man they lost in every skirmish, the French lost four. As an evidence of the uncommon attention which these two noblemen bestowed on this business, they never put off their cloaths during the whole time, and slept but little. In the month of June the queen regent died, and a little after her Francis king of France died likewise, by which Scotland was delivered from this foreign army.--About this time lord James went over to France, to visit his sister Mary; after settling matters in Scotland as well as he could, he was attended by a splendid retinue, but appears to have met with a cold reception: After several conversations with Queen Mary, she told him, That she intended to return home. During his stay at Paris, he met with many insults on account of his known attachment to the reformed religion: A box containing some valuable things was stole from him; several persons were likewise hired to assassinate him in the street: he was apprized of his danger by an old friend of his own, but not before he was almost involved in it, being instantly surrounded by a rabble, calling out _Hugenot, hugenot_, and throwing stones; he made his way through them on horseback. Soon after this he left Paris, and returned home in May 1561, with a commission from the queen, appointing him regent until her return, which was in August following, when, as Knox expresses it, "Dolour and darkness came along with her," for tho' justice and equity were yet administered, and crimes were punished, because the administration of civil affairs was yet in the hands of lord James, who for his management of public concerns was beloved by all, yet upon the queen's arrival, French levity and dissipation soon corrupted the court to a very high degree. About this time a banditti called the moss-troopers broke in upon the borders of Scotland, committing very alarming depredations, by robbing and murdering all that came in their way. The queen sent lord James with a small force to oppose them, not with the intention that he might have the opportunity of acquiring military reputation, but to expose him to danger, that, if possible, she might get rid of him, for his popularity made her very uneasy, and his fidelity and boldness in reproving her faults, and withstanding her tyrannical measures, made him still more the object of her hatred and disgust. But, contrary to the expectations of many, God so prospered him in this expedition, that in a short time he brought twenty-eight ring-leaders of this band to public execution, and obliged the rest to give hostages for their better behaviour in time-coming. Thus he returned crowned with laurels, and was immediately created earl of Marr, and in the February following he was made earl of Moray, with the universal approbation of all good men. Some thought this act of the queen was intended by her to conciliate his affections, and make him of her party. About this time he married a daughter of the earl of Marshal, according to Knox, (Buchanan says, the earl of March); the marriage was made publicly in the church of Edinburgh; after the ceremony was over, the preacher (probably Mr. Knox) said to him, "Sir, the church of God hath received comfort by you, and by your labours unto this day; if you prove more saint therein afterward, it will be said that your wife hath changed your nature, &c." It may be observed, that hitherto the nobility appeared very much united in their measures for promoting the interest of religion; this was soon at an end, for the noblemen at court broke out into factions: Among whom the earl of Bothwel, envying the prosperity of Moray, stirred up some feuds between him and the Hamiltons, which increased to that height, that they laid a plot for his life, which Bothwel took in hand to execute, while he was with the queen his sister at Falkland; but the earl of Arran detesting such an action, sent a letter privately to the earl of Moray discovering the whole conspiracy, by which he escaped that danger: Bothwel fled from justice into France, but his emissaries were not less active in his absence than they had been while he headed them in person, for another design was formed against his life, by one Gordon, while he was with the queen at Dumbarton. But this proved ineffectual also. Soon after, the queen received letters from the pope and her uncles the Guises of France, requesting her to put the earl of Moray out of the way, because, they found by experience, that their interest in Scotland could not prosper while he was alive; upon this the faction against him became more insolent and appeared in arms: they were at first suppressed, but soon assembled again, to the number of eight hundred men: This body he was obliged to fight, with little more strength, in which he could confide, than an hundred horse; notwithstanding this disparity, by the divine blessing, he obtained a complete victory, killing of them a hundred and twenty, and taking a hundred prisoners, among whom were Huntly himself and his two sons; it is said he did not lose a single man. He returned to Aberdeen with the prisoners, late in the night, where he had appointed a minister of the gospel to meet him, with whom he returned thanks to God for such a deliverance, exceeding the expectations of all men. The earl of Bothwel was soon after this recalled by the queen from France; upon his arrival, Moray accused him for his former treasonable practices, and commenced a process at law against him. Bothwel knew he could not stand an open scrutiny, but relied upon the queen's favour, which he knew he possessed in a very high degree, and which increased so much the more as her enmity to Moray on account of his popularity was augmented. This led her to join more warmly in the conspiracy with Bothwel against his life; a new plot was the result of their joint deliberations, which was to be executed in the following manner; Moray was to be sent for, with only a few attendants, to speak with the queen at Perth, where Lord Darnly (then in suit to her for marriage) was; they knew that Moray would speak his mind freely, upon which they were to quarrel with him, in the heat of which David Rizzio was to strike the first blow, and all the rest were to follow: But of this design also he got previous intelligence by a friend at the court, nevertheless he resolved to go, until advised by one Patrick Ruthven; he turned aside to his mother's house, and there staid till this storm was over also. The earl of Moray foreseeing what would be the consequence of the queen's marriage with Lord Darnly[28], set himself to oppose it, but finding little attention paid to any thing he said on that subject in the convention of estates, he chose rather to absent himself for some time, and accordingly retired to the border, where he staid until the queen's marriage with Darnly was over. The remarkable tragical events which succeeded, disgusted Moray more and more at the court; with these the public are well acquainted: The murder of Darnly, and Mary's after-marriage with the assassin of her husband, has occasioned too much speculation of late years, not to be known to every one in the least acquainted with the Scottish history. Moray now found it impossible to live at a court where his implacable enemy was so highly honoured; Bothwel insulted him openly; whereupon he asked leave of the queen to travel abroad, and she, being willing to get rid of him at all events, granted his desire, upon his promise not to make any stay in England. He went over to France, where he remained until he heard that the queen was in custody in Lochlevin, and that Bothwel had fled to Denmark; and then returned home. Upon his arrival he was made regent, by the joint consent of the queen and nobles, _anno_ 1567, during the young king's minority. He entered on the exercise of his office as regent, in the spring following, and resolved with himself to make a tour through the whole kingdom to settle the courts of justice, to repair what was wrong, &c. But his adversaries the Hamiltons, perceiving, that by the prudence and diligence of this worthy nobleman, the interest of religion would be revived, than which nothing could be more disagreeable to them, who were dissipated and licentious in an extreme degree, they could not endure to be regulated by law, and never ceased crying out against his administration. They fixed up libels in different places, full of dark insinuations, by which it was understood that his destruction was meditating[29]. Some astrologers told him that he would not live beyond such a day; by which it appeared they were not ignorant of the designs formed against him. All this had no effect upon his resolution; his common reply was, That "he knew well enough he must die one time or other, and that he could not part with his life more nobly, than by procuring the public tranquillity of his native country." He caused summon a convention of estates to meet at Glasgow for the redress of some grievances, which that part of the country particularly laboured under. But while he was thus engaged, he received intelligence that the queen had escaped from Lochlevin castle, and was come to Hamiltoun, where those of her faction were assembling with the utmost haste, whereupon a hot dispute arose in council, whether the regent, and his attendants should repair to the young king at Stirling, or stay and observe the motions of the queen and her party; but in the very time of these deliberations, a hundred chosen men arrived in town from Lothian, and many more from the adjacent country were approaching: This made them resolve to stay where they were, and refresh themselves for one day, after which they determined to march out and face the enemy. But the queen's army, being 6500 strong, resolved to make their way by Glasgow to lodge the queen in Dumbarton castle, and afterwards either to fight the regent, or protract the war at pleasure. The regent being let into this design of the enemy, drew his army out the town, to observe which way they intended to pass; he had not above 4000 men; they discovered the queen's army passing along the south-side of the river Clyde. Moray commanded the foot to pass the bridge, and the horse to ford the river, and marched out to a small village, called Langside, upon the river Cart. They took possession of a rising ground before the enemy could well discover their intention, and drew up in the order of battle. The earls of Morton, Semple, Hume and Patrick Lindsay on the right, and the earls of Marr, Glencairn, Monteith with the citizens of Glasgow, were on the left, and the musqueteers were placed in the valley below. The queen's army approaching, a very brisk but short engagement ensued; the earl of Argyle, who was commander in chief of the queen's troops, falling from his horse, they gave way, so that the regent obtained a complete victory; but, by his clement conduct, there was very little blood spilt in the pursuit. The queen, who all the while remained with some horse at about the distance of a mile from the place of action, seeing the rout, escaped and fled for England, and the regent returned to Glasgow, where they returned thanks to God for their deliverance from popery and papists, who threatened to overturn the work of God among them. This battle was fought upon the 13th of May, 1568. After this the regent summoned a parliament to meet at Edinburgh; which the queen's party laboured to hinder, with all their power. In the mean time, letters were received from the queen of England, requiring them to put off the meeting of parliament until she was made acquainted with the whole matter, for she said, She could not bear with the affront which her kinswoman said she had received from her subjects.--The parliament however assembled, and after much reasoning it was resolved to send commissioners to England to vindicate their conduct; but none consenting to undertake this business, the regent resolved upon going himself, and accordingly chose three gentlemen, two ministers, two lawyers, and Mr. George Buchanan to accompany him; and with a guard of 100 horse they set out, and arrived at York, the appointed place of conference, on the 4th of October. After several meetings with the English commissioners to little purpose, the queen called the regent up to London, that she might be better satisfied by personal conversation with him, about the state of these affairs. But the same difficulties stood in his way here as at York; he refused to enter upon the accusation of his sister the queen of Scots, unless Elizabeth would engage to protect the king's party, provided the queen was found guilty. But, while matters were thus remaining in suspence at London, Mary had stirred up a new commotion in Scotland by means of one James Balfour, so that the regent found himself exceedingly embarrassed, and therefore resolved to bring the matter to a conclusion as soon as possible. After several interviews with the queen and council, in which the regent and his party supported the ancient rights of their country, and wiped off the aspersions many had thrown on themselves, which Buchanan narrates at large, book XIX, A decision was given in their favours, and the regent returned home loaded with honours by Elizabeth, and attended by the most illustrious of the English court, escorted by a strong guard to Berwick, and arrived at Edinburgh on the 2d of February, where he was received with acclamations of joy, particularly by the friends of the true religion. During his administration, many salutary laws in favour of civil and religious liberty, were made, which rendered him more and more the object of popish malice. At last they resolved at all events to take his life; the many unsuccessful attempts formerly made, only served to render them more bold and daring. Though the queen was now at a distance, yet the found means to encourage her party, and perhaps the hope of delivering her at length, gave strength to their resolution. One James Hamilton of Bothwel-haugh, nephew to the arch-bishop of St. Andrews, incited by his uncle and others, undertakes to make away with the regent, when a convenient opportunity offered itself: He first lay in wait for him at Glasgow, and then at Stirling, but both failed him; after which, he thought Linlithgow the most proper place for perpetrating that execrable deed; his uncle had a house near the regent's, in which he concealed himself, that he might be in readiness for the assassination. Of this design the regent got intelligence likewise, but paid not that regard to the danger he was exposed to, which he should; and would go no other way than that in which it was suspected the ambush was laid; he trusted to the fleetness of his horse in riding swiftly by the suspected place; but the great concourse of people who crouded together to see him, stopped up the way. Accordingly, he was shot from a wooden balcony, the bullet entering a little below the navel, came out at the reins, and killed the horse of George Douglas behind him: The assassin escaped by a back-door. The regent told his attendants that he was wounded, and returned to his lodgings; it was at first thought the wound was not mortal, but his pain increasing, he began to think of death. Some about him told him, That this was the fruit of his lenity, in sparing so many notorious offenders, and among the rest his own murderer; but he replied, "Your importunity shall not make me repent my clemency." Having settled his private affairs, he committed the care of the young king to the nobles there present, and without speaking a reproachful word of any, he departed this life on the 24d of January, 1570. according to Buchanan, 1571. but according to Spotiswood, 1569. Thus fell the earl of Moray (whom historians ordinarily call, The good regent) after he had escaped so many dangers: He was certainly a worthy governor. Both Buchanan and Spotswood give him the following character: "His death was lamented by all good men, who loved him as the public father of his country, even his enemies confessed his merit when dead; they admired his valour in war, his ready disposition for peace, his activity in business, in which he was commonly very successful; the divine favour seemed to shine on all his actions; he was very merciful to offenders, and equitable in all his decisions. When the field did not call for his presence, he was busied in the administration of justice; by which means the poor were not oppressed, and the terms of law-suits were shortened.--His house was like a holy temple; after meals he caused a chapter of the bible to be read, and asked the opinions of such learned men as were present upon it, not out of a vain curiosity, but from a desire to learn, and reduce to practice what it contained[30]." In a word, he was both in his public and private life, a pattern worthy of imitation, and happy would it be for us, that our nobles were more disposed to walk in the paths which he trode;--for, "Above all his virtues, which were not a few, he shined in piety towards God, ordering himself and his family in such a sort as did more resemble a church than a court; for therein, besides the exercise of devotion, which he never omitted, there was no wickedness to be seen, nay not an unseemly or wanton word to be heard. A man truly good, and worthy to be ranked amongst the best governors, that this kingdom hath enjoyed, and therefore to this day honoured with the title of _The good Regent_[31]." _The Life of Mr. JOHN KNOX._ Mr. Knox was born in Gifford near Haddington in East Lothian, in the year 1505. His father was related to the antient house of Ranferlie. When he left the grammar school, he was sent to the university of St. Andrews, to study under Mr. John Mair, (a man of considerable learning at that time), and had the degree of master of arts conferred upon him, while very young. He excelled in philosophy and polemical divinity, and was admitted into church orders before the usual time appointed by the canons. Then laying aside all unnecessary branches of learning, he betook himself to the reading of the antients, particularly Angustine's and Jerome's works, with whom he was exceedingly pleased. He profited considerably by the preaching of Thomas Guilliam, a black friar, of sound judgment and doctrine; his discourses led him to study the holy scriptures more closely, by which his spiritual knowledge was increased, and such a zeal for the interest of religion begotten in him, as he became the chief instrument in accomplishing the primitive reformation. He was a disciple of Mr. George Wishart (as the reader has already seen in the account of his life), which procured him the hatred of the Popish clergy, who could not endure that light which, discovered their idolatrous darkness. After the death of cardinal Beaton, he retired into the castle of St. Andrews, where he was confined for some time, but the castle being obliged to surrender to the French, he became their prisoner, and was sent aboard the gallies, from whence he made his escape about the year 1550, and went to England, where he preached for several years in Berwick, Newcastle and London, with great applause; his fame at last reached the years of king Edward VI. who offered him a bishopric, which he rejected, as contrary to his principles. During his stay in England, he was called before the council, and required to answer the following questions: 1. Why he refused the benefice provided for him at London? 2. Whether he thought that no Christian might serve in the ecclesiastical ministration, according to the laws and rites of the realm of England? 3. If kneeling at the Lord's table was not indifferent? To the first he said, That his conscience witnessed to him that he might profit more in some other place than in London. To the second, That many things needed reformation in the ministry of England, without which no minister did or could discharge his duty before God; for no minister in England had authority to separate the leprous from the whole, which was a chief part of his office, and that he refused no office which might in the least promote God's glory and the preaching of Christ's gospel. And to the third he replied, That Christ's action was most perfect, that it was most safe to follow his example, and that kneeling was a human invention. The answer which he gave to this question, occasioned a considerable deal of altercation betwixt the council and him. There were present the bishops of Canterbury and Ely, the lord treasurer, the earls of Northampton, Shrewsbury, &c. the lord chamberlain and the secretaries: After long reasoning with him, he was desired to take the matter into farther consideration, and so was dismissed. After the death of king Edward, he retired to Geneva, but soon left that place and went to Francfort, upon the solicitation of the English congregation there; their letter to him was dated September 24th, 1554. While he was in this city, he wrote his admonition to England, and was soon involved in troubles, because he opposed the English liturgy, and refused to communicate after the manner it enjoined. Messrs Isaac and Parry, supported by the English doctors, not only got him discharged to preach, but accused him before the magistrates of high treason against the emperor's son Philip and the queen of England, and to prove the charge, they had recourse to the above-mentioned admonition, in which they alledged he had called the one little inferior to Nero, and the other more cruel than Jezebel. But the magistrates perceiving the design of his accusers, and fearing lest he should some way or other fall into their hands, gave him secret information of his danger, and requested him to leave the city, for they could not save him if he should be demanded by the queen of England in the emperor's name; and having taken the hint, he returned to Geneva. Here he wrote an admonition to London, Newcastle and Berwick; a letter to Mary dowager of Scotland; an appeal to the nobility, and an admonition to the commons of his own country; and his first blast of the trumpet, &c. He intended to have blown this trumpet three times, if queen Mary's death had not prevented him; understanding that an answer was to be given to his first blast, he deferred the publication of the second, till he saw what answer was necessary for the vindication of the first. While he was at Geneva, he contracted a close intimacy with Mr. John Calvin, with whom he consulted on every emergency. In the end of harvest 1654, he returned home upon the solicitation of some of the Scots nobility, and began privately to instruct such as resorted to him in the true religion, among whom were the laird of Dun, David Forrest and Elizabeth Adamson, spouse to James Baron burgess of Edinburgh; The idolatry of the mass particularly occupied his attention, as he saw some remarkable for zeal and godliness drawn aside by it; both in public and private he exposed its impiety and danger; his labours succeeded so far, as to draw off some and alarm many others: In a conversation upon this subject at the laird of Dun's house in presence of David Forrest, Mr. Robert Lockhart, John Willock and William Maitland junr. of Lethington, he gave such satisfactory answers to all the objections which were started by the company, that Maitland ended the conversation, saying, "I see very well that all our shifts will serve nothing before God, seeing they stand us in so small stead before men." From this time forward the mass was very little respected. Mr. Knox continued a month at the laird of Dun's, preaching every day; the principal gentlemen of that country resorted to his ministry. From thence he went to Calder, where the earl of Argyle (then lord Lorn) and lord James (afterwards earl of Moray) heard his doctrine, and highly approved of it--During the winter he taught in Edinburgh, and in the beginning of the spring went to Kyle, where he preached in different places; The earl of Glencairn sent for him to Finlaston, where, after sermon, he administered the Lord's supper, and then returned to Calder. The people being thus instructed, began to refuse all superstition and idolatry, and set themselves to the utmost of their power to support the true preaching of the gospel. This alarmed the inferior popish clergy so much, that they came from all quarters complaining to the bishops; whereupon Mr. Knox was summoned to appear in the black friars church of Edinburgh on the 15th of May following: which appointment he resolved to observe, and accordingly came to Edinburgh in company with the laird of Dun, and several other gentlemen, but the diet did not hold, because the bishops were afraid to proceed further against him, so that, on the same day that he should have appeared before them, he preached to a greater audience in Edinburgh than ever he had done before. The earl of Marshal being desired by Lord Glencairn to hear Mr. Knox preach, complied, and was so delighted with his doctrine, that he immediately proposed that something should be done to draw the queen regent to hear him likewise; he made this proposal in a letter, which was delivered into her own hand by Glencairn. When she had read it, she gave it to Beaton[32], arch-bishop of Glasgow, saying in ridicule, "Please you, my lord, to read a pasquille." About this time (1555) he received a letter from the English congregation at Geneva (who were not in communion with the congregation of that name at Francfort), in which they beseech him, in the name of God, that as he was their chosen pastor, he would speedily come to them: In obedience to this call, he sent his wife and mother-in-law before him to Dieppe, but by the importunity of some gentlemen he was prevailed on to stay some time behind them in Scotland, which he spent in going about exhorting the several congregations in which he had preached, to be fervent in prayer, frequent in reading the scriptures, and in mutual conferences till God should give them greater liberty. The earl of Argyle was solicited to press Mr. Knox's stay in this country, but he could not succeed. Mr. Knox told them, That, if they continued earnest in the profession of the faith, God would bless these small beginnings, but that he must for once go and visit that little flock which the wickedness of men had compelled him to leave; and being thus resolved, he went immediately to Geneva. As soon as he was gone, the bishops caused summon him to their tribunal, and for _non_-compearance they burnt him _in effigy_ on the cross of Edinburgh; from which unjust sentence, when he heard of it, he appealed to the nobility and commons of Scotland. Upon the receipt of a letter dated March 10, 1556, subscribed by the earls of Glencairn, Erskine, Argyle, and Moray, Mr. Knox resolved to return again into Scotland. Committing the care of his flock at Geneva to Mr. John Calvin, and coming to Dieppe, he wrote from thence to Mrs. Anna Locke, a declaration of his opinion of the English service-book, expressing himself thus, "Our captain Christ Jesus and Satan his adversary are now at open defiance, their banners are displayed, and the trumpet is blown on both sides for assembling their armies: our master calleth upon his own, and that with vehemency, that they may depart from Babylon, yea he threateneth death and damnation to such as either in their forehead or right-hand have the mark of the beast, and a portion of this mark are all these dregs of papistry, which are left in your great book of England (_viz._ crossing in baptism, kneeling at the Lord's table, mumbling or singing of the litany, _&c. &c._) any one jot of which diabolical inventions will I never counsel any man to use, &c." He was detained in this place much longer than expectation, which obliged the Scots nobility to renew their solicitations; which he complied with, and arrived in Scotland on the second of May 1559, being then 54 years old.--He preached first at Dundee and afterwards at St. Johnstoun, with great success. About this time the queen put some preachers to the horn, prohibiting all upon pain of rebellion to comfort, relieve, or assist them; which enraged the multitude to that degree, that they would be restrained, neither by the preachers nor magistrates, from pulling down the images and other monuments of idolatry in St. Johnstoun: which being told to the queen, it so enraged her, that she vowed to destroy man, woman and child, in that town, and burn it to the ground. To execute this threat, she caused her French army to march towards the place, but being informed that multitudes from the neighbouring country were assembling in the town for the defence of its inhabitants, her impetuosity was checked, and she resolved to use stratagem where force could not avail her; accordingly she sent the earls of Argyle and Moray, to learn what was their design in such commotions, Mr. Knox, in name of the rest, made answer, "That the present troubles ought to move the hearts of all the true servants of God, and lovers of their country, to consider what the end of such tyrannical measures would be, by which the emissaries of Satan sought the destruction of all the friends of religion in the country. Therefore I most humbly require of you, my lords, to tell the queen, in my name, that we, whom she, in her blind rage doth thus persecute, are the servants of God, faithful and obedient subjects of this realm, and that the religion which she would maintain by fire and sword, is not the true religion of Jesus Christ, but expresly contrary to the same; a superstitious device of men, which I offer myself to prove, against all who, in Scotland, maintain the contrary, freedom of debate being allowed, and the word of God being the judge. Tell her from me, that her enterprize shall not succeed in the end, for she fights not against man only, but against the eternal God, &c." Argyle and Moray promised to deliver this message, and Mr. Knox preached a sermon, exhorting them to constancy, adding, "I am persuaded that this promise" (meaning the promise she had made to do them no harm if they would leave the town peaceably) "shall be no longer kept than the queen and her Frenchmen can get the upper hand;" which accordingly happened when she took possession of the town, and put a garrison of French in it. This breach of promise disgusted the earls of Argyle and Moray to that degree, that they forsook her and joined the congregation. Having assembled with the laird of Dun and others, they sent for Mr. Knox, who, in his way to them preached in Crail in Anstruther, intending to preach next day at St. Andrews. This design coming to the ears of the bishop, he raised 100 spear-men, and sent this message to the lords, "That if John Knox offered to preach there, he should have a warm military reception;" They, in their turn, forewarned Mr. Knox of his danger, and dissuaded him from going; he made answer, "God is my witness, that I never preached Jesus Christ in contempt of any man, neither am I concerned about going thither: tho' I would not willingly injure the worldly interest of any creature, I cannot, in conscience, delay preaching to-morrow, if I am not detained by violence; as for fear of danger to my person, let no man be solicitous about that, for my life is in the hand of him whose glory I seek, and therefore I fear not their threats, so as to cease from doing my duty, when of his mercy God offereth the occasion. I desire the hand and weapon of no man to defend me, only I crave audience, which if denied to me here, at this time, I must seek further where I may have it." The lords were satisfied that he should fulfil his intention, which he did, with such boldness and success (without any interruption), that the magistrates and people of the town immediately after sermon agreed to remove all monuments of idolatry; which they did, with great expedition. After this, several skirmishes ensued between the queen and lords of the congregation. But at last, the queen sickened and died, and a general peace, which lasted for some time, was procured, during which, the commissioners of the Scots nobility (anno 1560), were employed in settling minsters in different places. Mr. Knox was appointed to Edinburgh, where he continued until the day of his death. The same year the Scots confession was compiled and agreed upon; and that the church might be established upon a good foundation, a commission and charge was given to Mr. Knox and five others, to draw up a form of government and discipline of the church. When they had finished it, they presented it to the nobility, by whom it was afterwards ratified and approved of. But this progress which was daily making in the reformation, soon met with a severe check by the arrival of queen Mary from France in August 1561.; with her came popery and all manner of profanity; the mass was again publicly set up, at which the religious part of the nation were highly offended, and none more than Mr. Knox, who ceased not to expose the evil and danger of it on every occasion: On which account the queen and court were much exasperated. They called him before them, and charged him as guilty of high treason. The queen being present, produced a letter, wrote by him, wherein it was alledged that he had convocated her majesty's lieges against law; whereupon a long reasoning ensued between him and secretary Lethington upon the contents of said letter; in which Mr. Knox gave such solid and bold answers, in defence of himself and doctrine, that at last he was acquitted by the lords of the council, to the no small displeasure of the queen and those of the popish party. Mr. Knox, in a conference with the queen about this time, said, "If princes exceed their bounds, they may be resisted even by power, for there is no greater honour and obedience to be paid to princes than God hath commanded to be given to father and mother. If children join together against their father stricken with a frenzy, and seeking to slay his own children, apprehend him, take his sword or other weapons from him, bind his hands, and put him in prison till his frenzy overpass, do they any wrong, or will God be offended with them for hindering their father from committing horrible murder?--Even so, madam, if princes will murder the children of God their subjects, their blind zeal is but a mad frenzy. To take the sword from them, to bind them, and to cast them into prison till they be brought to a sober mind, is not disobedience, but just obedience, because it agreeeth with the word of God." The queen hearing this, stood for some time as one amazed, and changed countenance. No appearance was, at this time, of her imprisonment[33]. After the queen's marriage with Henry earl of Darnly, a proclamation was made in 1565, signifying, That forasmuch as certain rebels who, under the colour of religion, (meaning those who opposed the measures of the court) intended nothing but the subversion of the commonwealth, therefore they charged all manner of men, under pain of life, lands, and goods, to resort and meet their majesties at Linlithgow on the 24th of August. Upon Sabbath the 19th, the king came to the high church of Edinburgh, where Mr. Knox preached from these words, _O Lord our Lord, other lords, beside thee, have had the dominion over us_, &c. In his sermon he took occasion to speak of wicked princes, who, for the sins of a people, were sent as scourges upon them, and also said, "That God set in that room boys and women; and that God justly punished Ahab and his posterity, because he would not take order with the harlot Jezebel." These things enraged the king to a very high degree. Mr. Knox was immediately ordered before the council, who went thither attended by some of the most respectable citizens; when called in, the secretary signified that the king was much offended with some words in his sermons, (as above-mentioned), and ordered him to abstain from preaching for fifteen or twenty days; to which Mr. Knox answered, That he had spoken nothing but according to his text, and if the church would command him either to speak or refrain from speaking, he would obey so far as the word of God would permit him. Nevertheless, for this and another sermon which he preached before the lords, in which he shewed the bad consequences that would follow upon the queen's being married to a papist, he must be, by the queen's order, prohibited from preaching for a considerable time. It cannot be expected, that we should enumerate all the indefatigable labours, and pertinent speeches which, on sundry occasions, he made to the queen, nor the opposition which he met with in promoting the work of reformation; these will be found at large in the histories of these times. The popish faction now found, that it would be impossible to get their idolatry re-established, while the reformation was making such progress, and while Mr. Knox and his associates had such credit with the people.--They therefore set other engines to work, than these they had hitherto used; they spared no pains to blast his reputation by malicious calumnies, and even by making attempts upon his life; for, one night as he was sitting at the head of a table in his own house, with his back to the window, (as was his custom), he was fired at from the other side of the street, on purpose to kill him; the shot entered at the window, but he being near to the other side of the table, the assassin missed his mark; the bullet struck the candlestick before him, and made a hole in the foot of it: Thus was _he that was with him, stronger than they that were against him_. Mr. Knox was an eminent wrestler with God in prayer, and like a prince prevailed; the queen regent herself gave him this testimony, when, upon a particular occasion, she said, She was more afraid of his prayers than of an army of ten thousand men. He was likewise warm and pathetic in his preaching, in which such prophetical expressions as dropt from him, had the most remarkable accomplishment; as an instance of this, when he was confined in the castle of St. Andrews, he foretold both the manner of their surrender, and their deliverance from the French gallies; and when the lords of the congregation were twice discomfited by the French army, he assured them, in the mean time, that the Lord would prosper the work of reformation. Again, when queen Mary refused to come and hear sermon, he bid them tell her, That she would yet be obliged to hear the word of God whether she would or not; which came to pass at her arraignment in England. At another time he thus addressed himself to her husband Henry, lord Darnly, while in the king's seat in the high church of Edinburgh, "Have you for the pleasure of that dainty dame cast the psalm book in the fire; the Lord shall strike both head and tail;" both king and queen died violent deaths. He likewise said, when the castle of Edinburgh held out for the queen against the regent, that "the castle should spue out the captain (meaning the laird of Grange) with shame, and that he should not come out at the gate, but over the wall, and that the tower called Davies tower should run like a sand-glass;" which was fulfilled in a few years after, the same captain being obliged to come over the wall on a ladder, with a staff in his hand, and the said forework of the castle running down like a sand brae. On the 24th of January 1570, Mr. Knox being in the pulpit, a paper was put into his hands among others, containing the names of the sick people to be prayed for; the paper contained these words, "Take up the man whom you accounted another God," (this alluded to the earl of Moray who was slain the day before). Having read it he put it in his pocket, without shewing the least discomposure. After sermon, he lamented the loss which both church and state had met with in the death of that worthy nobleman, (meaning the regent) shewing, that God takes away good and wise rulers from a people in his wrath, and, at last, said, "There is one in the company who maketh that horrible murder, at which all good men have occasion to be sorrowful, the subject of his mirth; I tell him, he shall die in a strange land, where he shall not have a friend near him to hold up his head," One Mr. Thomas Maitland being the author of that insulting speech, and hearing what Mr. Knox said, confessed the whole to his sister the lady Trabrown, but said, That John Knox was raving to speak of he knew not whom; she replied with tears, That none of Mr. Knox's threatenings fell to the ground. This gentleman afterwards went abroad, and died in Italy, on his way to Rome, having no man to assist him. Mr. Knox's popularity was now so well established, that the malignant party, finding it impossible to alienate the hearts of the people from him, began now openly to work his destruction, fortifying the town and castle with their garrisons; they vented their malice against him by many furious threatenings. Upon which he was urged by his friends to leave Edinburgh for his own safety, which at last he did in May 1571, and went to St. Andrews, where the earl of Morton (who was then regent), urged him to inaugurate the arch-bishop of that see. This he declined, with solemn protestations against it, and denounced an anathema on the giver and receiver. Though he was then very weak in body, he would not refrain from preaching, and was obliged to be supported by his servant Richard Bannantyne, in going to church; and, when in the pulpit, he behoved to rest sometime before he could proceed to preach, but before he ended his sermon, he became so vigorous and active, that he was like to have broken the pulpit to pieces. Here he continued till the end of August 1572, when the civil broils were a little abated, upon which receiving a letter from Edinburgh, he returned to his flock. He was now much oppressed with the infirmities of old age, and the extraordinary fatigues he had undergone; the death of the good regent, the earl of Moray, had made deep impressions on him, but when he heard of the massacre of Paris[34], and the murder of the good admiral Coligni, these melancholy news almost deprived him of his life. Upon finding his dissolution approaching, he prevailed with the council and kirk-session of Edinburgh, to concur with him in admitting one Mr. James Lawson as his successor, who was at that time professor of philosophy in the college of Aberdeen; he wrote a letter to Mr. Lawson, intreating him to accept of this charge, adding this postscript, _Accelera, mi frater, alioqui sero venies_, i. e. Make haste, my brother, otherwise you will come too late, meaning, that if he came not speedily, he would find him dead: which words had this effect on Mr. Lawson, that he set out immediately, making all possible haste to Edinburgh, where, after he had preached twice to the full satisfaction of the people, the ninth of November was appointed for his admission unto that congregation. Mr. Knox (though then still weaker) preached upon that occasion with much power, and with the greatest comfort to the hearers. In the close of his sermon, he called God to witness, that he had walked in a good conscience among them, not seeking to please men, nor serving his own nor other men's inclinations, but in all sincerity and truth preaching the gospel of Christ. Then praising God, who had given them one in his room, he exhorted them to stand fast in the faith they had received, and having prayed fervently for the divine blessing upon them, and the increase of the Spirit upon their new pastor, he gave them his last farewel, with which the congregation were much affected. Being carried home, that same day he was confined to his bed, and, on the thirteenth of the month, was so enfeebled that he was obliged to lay aside his ordinary reading of the scripture. The next day he would rise out of bed, being asked, what he intended by getting out of bed? he replied, he would go to church, thinking that had been the Lord's day; he told them, he had been all the night meditating upon the resurrection of Christ, which he should have preached on in order after the death of Christ, which he had finished the sabbath before. He had often desired of God, that he would end his days in teaching, and meditating upon that doctrine; which desire seems to have been granted to him. Upon monday the 17th, the elders and deacons being come to him, he said, "The time is approaching, for which I have long thirsted, wherein I shall be relieved and be free from all cares, and be with my Saviour for ever; and now, God is my witness, whom I have served with my spirit in the gospel of his Son, that I have taught nothing but the true and solid doctrines of the gospel, and that the end which I purposed in all my doctrine, was to instruct the ignorant, to confirm the weak, to comfort the consciences of those that were humbled under the sense of their sins, and to denounce the threatenings of God's word against such as were rebellious. I am not ignorant, that many have blamed me, and yet do blame my too great rigour and severity, but God knoweth, that, in my heart, I never hated the persons of those against whom I thundered God's judgments; I did only hate their sins, and laboured, according to my power, to gain them to Christ; that I did forbear none of whatsoever condition, I did it out of the fear of my God, who placed me in this function of the ministry, and I know will bring me to an account." Then he exhorted them to constancy, and intreated them never to join with the wicked, but rather to choose with David to flee to the mountains, than to remain with such company. After this exhortation to the elders and deacons, he charged Mr. David Lindsay and Mr. James Lawson to take heed to feed the flock over which the Holy Ghost had made them overseers: To Mr. Lawson in particular, he said, "Fight the good fight, do the work of the Lord with courage and with a willing mind; and God from above bless you and the church whereof you have the charge, against which the gates of hell shall not prevail." Then by prayer he recommended the whole company present to the grace of God, and afterwards desired his wife, or Richard Bannantyne to read the 17th chapter of John, a chapter of the Ephesians, and the 33d chapter of Isaiah daily, after he was unable to read himself: Sometimes he desired part of Mr. Calvin's sermons in French to be read to him. One time when reading these sermons, they supposed him to be sleeping, and asked him, If he heard what was read? he replied, "I hear, I praise God, and understand far better." One day after this, Mr. David Lindsay coming to see him, he said unto him "Well, brother, I thank God I have desired all this day to have had you, that I might send you to that man in the castle, the laird of Grange, whom you know I have loved dearly. Go, I pray you, and tell him from me, in the name of God, that unless he leave that evil course wherein he has entered, neither shall that rock (meaning the castle of Edinburgh, which he then kept out against the king) afford him any help, nor the carnal wisdom of that man, whom he counteth half a god (meaning young Lethington), but he shall be pulled out of that nest, and brought down over the wall with shame, and his carcase shall be hung before the sun, so God hath assured me." When Mr. David delivered this message, the captain seemed to be much moved, but after a little conference with Lethington, he returned to Mr. Lindsay, and dismissed him with a disdainful countenance and answer. When he reported this to Mr. Knox, he said, "Well, I have been earnest with my God anent that man, I am sorry that it should so befal his body, yet God assureth me, there is mercy for his soul. But for the other (meaning Lethington), I have no warrant to say that it shall be well with him." The truth of this seemed to appear in a short time thereafter; for it was thought that Lethington poisoned himself to escape public punishment; he lay unburied in the steeple of Leith until his body was quite corrupted; but Sir William Kirkaldie of Grange was, on the third of August next, executed at the cross of Edinburgh; he caused Mr. Lindsay to repeat Mr. Knox's words concerning him a little before his execution, and was much comforted by them; he said to Mr. Lindsay, (who accompanied him to the scaffold) "I hope, when men shall think I am gone, I shall give a token of the assurance of God's mercy to my soul, according to the speech of that man of God." Accordingly, when he was cast over the ladder, with his face towards the east, when all present thought he was dead, he lifted up his hands, which were bound, and let them fall softly down again, as if praising God for his great mercy towards him. See Spotswood's history, page 266, 272. and Calderwood's history, page 62, 63. Another of Mr. Knox's visitors desired him to praise God for the good he had done. He answered, "Flesh of itself is too proud, and needs nothing to puff it up," and protested that he only laid claim to the free mercy of God in Christ among others. To the earl of Morton (who was then about to receive the regency, the earl of Moray being dead) he was heard to say, "My lord, God hath given you many blessings; he hath given you high honour, birth, great riches, many good friends, and is now to prefer you to the government of the realm: In his name, I charge you, that you will use these blessings better in time to come, than you have done in time past: in all your actions seek first the glory of God, the furtherance of his gospel, the maintenance of his church and ministry, and then be careful of the king, to procure his good and the welfare of the kingdom. If you act thus, God will be with you; if otherwise, he shall deprive you of all these benefits, and your end shall be shameful and ignominious." This threatening, Morton, to his melancholy experience, confessed was literally accomplished. At his execution in June 1581, he called to mind Mr. Knox's words, and acknowledged, that in what he had said to him he had been a true prophet. Upon the Lord's day, November 23, after he had lain for some time very quiet, he said, "If any man be present, let him come and see the work of God;" for he thought (as was supposed) then to have expired. His servant having been sent for Mr. Johnston writer, he burst forth into these words, "I have been in meditation these two last nights upon the troubled kirk of God, despised in the world, but precious in his fight. I have called to God for her, and commended her to Christ her head: I have been fighting against Satan, who is ever ready for the assault; I have fought against spiritual wickednesses and have prevailed; I have been as it were in heaven, and have tasted of its joys." After sermon, several persons came to visit him; one asked him (upon perceiving his breathing shortened), If he had any pain? He answered, "I have no more pain than he that is now in heaven, and am content, if it please God, to lie here seven years." Many times, when he was lying as if asleep, he was in meditation, and was heard to say, "Lord, grant true pastors to thy church, that purity of doctrine may be retained. Restore peace again to this commonwealth, with godly rulers and magistrates. O serve the Lord in fear, and death shall not be troublesome to you. Blessed is the death of those that have part in the death of Jesus. Come, Lord Jesus, sweet Jesus, into thy hand I commend my spirit." That night, Dr. Preston being come to him, and was told by some of his constant attendants that he was often very uneasy in his sleep, the doctor asked him after he awoke, how he did, and what made him mourn so heavily in his sleep, he answered, "In my life-time, I have been often assaulted by Satan, and many times he hath cast my sins in my teeth, to bring me to despair; yet God gave me strength to overcome his temptations: and now that subtile serpent, who never ceaseth to tempt, hath taken another course, and seeks to persuade me, that all my labours in the ministry, and the fidelity I have showed in that service have merited heaven and immortality. But blessed be God, that he hath brought to my mind that scripture, _What hast thou that thou hast not received_, and _not I, but the grace of God which is in me_, with which he hath gone away ashamed, and shall no more return, and now I am sure my battle is at an end, and that I shall shortly, without pain of body or trouble of spirit, change this mortal and miserable life, for that happy and immortal life that shall never have an end." Having, some time before, given orders for making his coffin, he rose out of bed, Nov. 24. about ten o'clock, and put on his hose and doublet, and sat up about the space of half an hour, and then returned to bed again. Being asked by Kingincleugh, if he had any pain, he answered, "No pain, but such as, I trust, will soon put an end to this battle, yea, I do not esteem that pain to me, which is the beginning of eternal joy." In the afternoon he caused his wife to read the 15th chapter of 1 Cor. When it was ended, he said, "Is not that a comfortable chapter?" A little after, "I commend my soul, spirit and body into thy hands, O Lord." About five o'clock at night, he said to his wife, "Go, read where I cast my first anchor;" this was the 17th chapter of John, which she read, together with part of Calvin's sermons on the Ephesians. They then went to prayer, after which Dr. Preston asked him, If he heard the prayer? he answered, "Would to God that you and all men had heard it as I have done; I praise God for that heavenly sound;" adding, "Lord Jesus, receive my spirit." His servant, Richard Bannantyne, hearing him give a long sigh, said, "Now, Sir, the time you have long called to God for, doth instantly come, and, seeing all natural power fails, give us some sign, that you live upon the comfortable promises which you have so often shewed to us." At this speech he lifted up one of his hands, and immediately after, without any struggle, as one falling asleep, he departed this life about eleven o'clock at night, finishing his Christian warfare, he entered into the joy of his Lord, to receive a crown of righteousness prepared for him (and such as him), from before the foundation of the world. He was buried in the church-yard of St. Giles (now that square called the parliament closs), upon Wednesday the 26th of November. His funeral was attended by the earl of Morton regent, other lords, and a great multitude of people of all ranks. When he was laid in the grave, the earl of Morton said, "There lies a man, who, in his life, never feared the face of man: who hath been often threatened with dag and dagger, but hath ended his days in peace and honour." He was low in stature and of a weakly constitution, which made Mr. Thomas Smeaton, one of his contemporaries, say, "I know not if ever God placed a more godly and great spirit in a body so little and frail. I am certain, that there can scarcely be found another, in whom more gifts of the Holy Ghost for the comfort of the church of Scotland, did shine. No one spared himself less, no one more diligent in the charge committed to him, and yet no one was more the object of the hatred of wicked men, and more vexed with the reproach of evil speakers; but this was so far from abating, that it rather strengthened his courage and resolution in the ways of God." Beza calls him the great apostle of the Scots. His faithfulness in reproving sin, in a manner that shewed he was not to be awed by the fear of man, made up the most remarkable part of his character, and the success wherewith the Lord blessed his labours, was very singular, and is enough to stop the mouth of every enemy against him. His works are, an admonition to England; an application to the Scots nobility, &c.; a letter to Mary the queen-regent, a history of the reformation; a treatise on predestination, the first and second blast of the trumpet; a sermon preached August 1565, on account of which he was for some time prohibited from preaching. He left also sundry manuscripts, sermons, tracts, &c. which have never been printed. _The Life of Mr. GEORGE BUCHANAN._ George Buchanan was born in Lennoxshire (commonly called the sheriffdom of Dumbarton), in Scotland, in a country town, situated near the river or water of Blane[35], in the year of our Lord 1506, about the beginning of February, of a family rather ancient than rich. His father died of the stone, in the flower of his age, whilst his grandfather was yet alive, by whose extravagance, the family, which was below before, was now almost reduced to the extremity of want. Yet such was the frugal care of his mother Agnes Herriot, that she brought up five sons and three daughters to men's and women's estate. Of the five sons, George was one. His uncle, James Herriot, perceiving his promising ingenuity in their own country schools, took him from thence, and sent him to Paris. There he applied himself to his studies, and especially to poetry; having partly a natural genius that way, and partly out of necessity, (because it was the only method of study propounded to him in his youth). Before he had been there two years, his uncle died, and he himself fell dangerously sick; and being in extreme want, was forced to go home to his friends. After his return to Scotland, he spent almost a year in taking care of his health; then he went into the army, with some French auxiliaries, newly arrived in Scotland, to learn the military art: But that expedition proving fruitless, and those forces being reduced by the deep snow of a very severe winter, he relapsed into such an illness as confined him all that season to his bed. Early in the spring he was sent to St. Andrews, to hear the lectures of John Major, who, though very old, read logic, or rather sophistry, in that university. The summer after, he accompanied him into France; and there he fell into the troubles of the Lutheran sect, which then began to increase. He struggled with the difficulties of fortune almost two years, and at last was admitted into the Barbaran college, where he was grammar professor almost three years. During that time, Gilbert Kennedy, earl of Cassils, one of the young Scottish nobles, being in that country, was much taken with his ingenuity and acquaintance; so that he entertained him for five years, and brought him back with him into Scotland. Afterwards, having a mind to return to Paris to his old studies, he was detained by the king, and made tutor to James his natural son. In the mean time, an elegy made by him, at leisure times, came into the hands of the Franciscans; wherein he writes, that he was solicited in a dream by St. Francis, to enter into his order. In this poem there were one or two passages that reflected on them very severely; which those ghostly fathers, notwithstanding their profession of meekness and humility, took more heinously, than men (having obtained such a vogue for piety among the vulgar) ought to have done, upon so small an occasion of offence. But finding no just grounds for their unbounded fury, they attacked him upon the score of religion; which was their common way of terrifying those they did not wish well to. Thus, whilst they indulged their impotent malice, they made him, who was not well affected to them before, a greater enemy to their licentiousness, and rendered him more inclinable to the Lutheran cause. In the mean time, the king, with Magdalen his wife, came from France, not without the resentment of the priesthood; who were afraid that the royal lady, having been bred up under her aunt the queen of Navarre, should attempt some innovation in religion. But this fear soon vanished upon her death, which followed shortly after. Next, there arose jealousies at court about some of the nobility, who were thought to have conspired against the king; and, in that matter, the king being persuaded the Franciscans dealt insincerely, he commanded Buchanan, who was then at court, (though he was ignorant of the disgusts betwixt him and that order), to write a satyr upon them. He was loath to offend either of them, and therefore, though he made a poem, yet it was but short, and such as might admit of a doubtful interpretation, wherein he satisfied neither party; not the king, who would have had a sharp and stinging invective; nor the fathers neither, who looked on it as a capital offence, to have any thing said of them but what was honourable. So that receiving a second command to write more pungently against them, he began that miscellany, which now bears the title of The Franciscan, and gave it to the king. But shortly after, being made acquainted by his friends at court, that cardinal Beaton sought his life, and had offered the king a sum of money as a price for his head, he escaped out of prison, and fled for England[36]. But there also things were at such an uncertainty, that the very same day, and almost with one and the same fire, the men of both factions (protestants and papists) were burnt; Henry VIII. in his old age, being more intent on his own security, than the purity or reformation of religion. This uncertainty of affairs in England, seconded by his ancient acquaintance with the French, and the courtesy natural to them, drew him again into that kingdom. As soon as he came to Paris, he found cardinal Beaton, his utter enemy, ambassador there; so that, to withdraw himself from his fury, at the invitation of Andrew Govean, he went to Bourdeaux.----There he taught three years in the schools, which were erected at the public cost. In that time he composed four tragedies, which were afterwards occasionally published. But that which he wrote first, called The Baptist, was printed last, and next the Medea of Euripides. He wrote them in compliance with the custom of the school, which was to have a play written once a-year, that the acting of them might wean the French youth from allegories, to which they had taken a false taste, and bring them back, as much as possible, to a just imitation of the ancients. This affair succeeding even almost beyond his hopes, he took more pains in compiling the other two tragedies, called Jephtha and Alcestes, because he thought they would fall under a severer scrutiny of the learned. And yet, during this time, he was not wholly free from trouble, being harassed with the menaces of the cardinal on the one side, and of the Franciscans on the other: For the cardinal had wrote letters to the arch-bishop of Bourdeaux, to apprehend him; but, providentially, those letters fell into the hands of Buchanan's best friends. However, the death of the king of Scots, and the plague, which then raged over all Aquitain, dispelled that fear. In the interim, an express came to Govean from the king of Portugal, commanding him to return, and bring with him some men, learned both in the Greek and Latin tongues, that they might read the liberal arts, and especially the principles of the Aristotelian philosophy, in those schools which he was then building with a great deal of care and expence. Buchanan, being addressed to, readily contented to go for one. For, whereas he saw that all Europe besides, was either actually in foreign or domestic wars, or just upon the point of being so, that one corner of the world was, in his opinion, likeliest to be free from tumults and combustions; and besides his companions in that journey were such, that they seemed rather his acquaintances and familiar friends, than strangers or aliens to him: for many of them had been his intimates for several years, and are well known to the world by their learned works, as Micholaus Gruchius, Gulielmus Garentæus, Jacobus Tevius, and Elias Vinetus. This was the reason that he did not only make one of their society, but also persuaded a brother of his, called Patrick, to do the same. And truly the matter succeeded excellently well at first, till, in the midst of the enterprize, Andrew Govean was taken away by a sudden death, which proved mighty prejudicial to his companions: For, after his decease, all their enemies endeavoured first to ensnare them by treachery, and soon after ran violently upon them as it were with open mouth; and their agents and instruments being great enemies to the accused, they laid hold of three of them, and haled them to prison; whence, after a long and lothsome confinement, they were called out to give in their answers, and, after many bitter taunts, were remanded to prison again; and yet no accuser did appear in court against them. As for Buchanan, they insulted most bitterly over him, as being a stranger, and knowing also, that he had very few friends in that country, who would either rejoice in his prosperity, sympathize with his grief, or revenge the wrongs offered to him. The crime laid to his charge, was the poem he wrote against the Franciscans; which he himself, before he went from France, took care to get excused to the king of Portugal; neither did his accusers perfectly know what it was, for he had given but one copy of it to the king of Scots, by whose command he wrote it. They farther objected "his eating of flesh in Lent;" though there is not a man in all Spain but uses the same liberty. Besides, he had given some sly side blows to the monks, which, however, nobody but a monk himself could well except against. Moreover, they took it heinously ill, that, in a certain familiar discourse with some young Portuguese gentlemen, upon mention made of the Eucharist, he should affirm, that, in his judgment, Austin was more inclinable to the party condemned by the church of Rome. Two other witnesses (as some years after it came to his knowledge), _viz._ John Tolpin, a Norman, and John Ferrerius of Sub alpine Liguria, had witnessed against him, that they had heard from divers creditable persons, "That Buchanan was not orthodox as to the Roman faith and religion." But to return to the matter; after the inquisitors had wearied both themselves and him for almost half a year, at last, that they might not seem to have causelesly vexed a man of some name and note in the world, they shut him up in a monastery for some months, there to be more exactly disciplined and instructed by the monks, who (to give them their due), though very ignorant in all matters of religion, were men otherwise neither bad in their morals, nor rude in their behaviour. This was the time he took to form the principal part of David's psalms into Latin verse. At last he was set at liberty; and sueing for a pass, and accommodations from the crown, to return into France, the king desired him to stay where he was, and allotted him a little sum for daily necessaries and pocket expences, till some better provision might be made for his subsistence. But he, tired out with delay, as being put off to no certain time, nor on any sure grounds of hope; and having got the opportunity of a passage in a ship then riding in the bay of Lisbon, was carried over into England. He made no long stay in that country, though fair offers were made him there; for he saw that all things were in a hurry and combustion, under a very young king; the nobles at variance one with another, and the minds of the commons yet in a ferment, upon the account of their civil combustions. Whereupon he returned into France, about the time that the siege of Metz was raised. There he was in a manner compelled by his friends to write a poem concerning that siege; which he did, though somewhat unwillingly, because he was loth to interfere with several of his acquaintances, and especially with Mellinus Sangelasius, who had composed a learned and elegant poem on that subject. From thence he was called over into Italy, by Charles de Cosse of Brescia, who then managed matters with very good success in the Gallic and Ligustic countries about the Po. He lived with him and his son Timoleon, sometimes in Italy, and sometimes in France, the space of five years, till the year 1560; the greatest part of which time he spent in the study of the holy scriptures, that so he might be able to make a more exact judgment of the controversies in religion, which employed the thoughts, and took up all the time of most of the men of these days. It is true, these disputes were silenced a little in Scotland, when that kingdom was freed from the tyranny of the Guises of France; so he returned thither, and became a member of the church of Scotland, 1560[37]. Some of his writings, in former times, being, as it were, redeemed from shipwreck, were by him collected and published: the rest, which were scattered up and down in the hands of his friends, he committed to the disposal of providence[38]. After his return, he professed philosophy in St. Andrews, and in the year 1565, he was appointed tutor to James VI. king of Scotland; and in 1568, went with the regent to the court of England, at which time and place he did no small honour to his country. Sir James Melvil, in his memoirs, page 234, gives him the following character.--"He was a Stoic philosopher, who looked not far before him; too easy in his old age; somewhat revengeful against those who had offended him:" But notwithstanding, "a man of notable endowments, great learning, and an excellent Latin poet; he was much honoured in foreign countries; pleasant in conversation, into which he happily introduced short moral maxims, which his invention readily supplied him with upon any emergency. He was buried at Edinburgh in the common place, though worthy to have been laid in marble, as in his life pompous monuments he used to contemn and despise." _The Life of Mr. ROBERT ROLLOCK._ Mr. Rollock was descended from the antient family of the Livingstons. He was born about the year 1555. His father, David Rollock, sent him to Stirling to be educated for the university under Thomas Buchanan, where his genius, modesty and sweetness of temper soon procured to him the particular friendship of his master, which subsisted ever after. From this school, he went to the university of St Andrews, where he prosecuted his studies for four years; at the end of which, his progress had been so great, that he was chosen professor of philosophy, the duties of which office he discharged with applause for other four years, until, about the year 1583, he was invited, by the magistrates of Edinburgh, to a profession in their university, which was, not long before this time, founded by K. James VI. He complied with their invitation, at the earnest desire of Mr James Lawson, who succeeded Mr Knox. His reputation, as a teacher, soon drew a number of students to that college, which was soon afterwards much enlarged, by being so conveniently situated in the capital of the kingdom. At first he had the principal weight of academical business laid upon him, but in process of time, other professors were chosen from among the scholars which he educated. After which, his chief employment was to exercise the office of principal, by superintending the several classes, to observe the proficiency of the scholars, to compose such differences as would arise among them, and to keep every one to his duty. Thus was the principality of that college, in his time, a useful institution, and not what it is now, little better than a mere sine-cure.--Every morning, he called the students together, when he prayed among them, and one day in the week, he explained some passage of scripture to them, in the close of which, he was frequently very warm in his exhortations, which wrought more reformation upon the students, than all the laws which were made, or discipline which was exercised besides. After the lecture was over, it was his custom to reprove such as had been guilty of any misdemeanour through the week. _How is the gold become dim! how is the most fine gold changed!_ He was likewise very attentive to such as were advanced in their studies, and intended the ministry. His care was productive of much good to the church. He was as diligent in his own studies, as he was careful to promote those of others.--Notwithstanding all this business in the university, he preached every Lord's day in the church, with such fervency and demonstration of the Spirit, that he became the instrument of converting many to God. About this time he also wrote several commentaries on different passages of scripture. His exposition of the epistles to the Romans and Ephesians, coming into the hands of the learned Beza, he wrote to a friend of his, telling him, That he had an incomparable treasure, which for its judiciousness, brevity and elegance of style had few equals. He was chosen moderator to the assembly held at Dundee, _anno_ 1567, wherein matters went not altogether in favours of Presbytery; but this cannot be imputed to him, although Calderwood in his history, page 403. calls him "a man simple in matters of the church," He was one of those commissioned by the assembly to wait on his majesty about seating the churches of Edinburgh, but in the mean time he sickened, and was confined to his house. Afterwards, at the entreaty of his friends, he went to the country for the benefit of the air; at first he seemed as if growing better, but his distemper soon returned upon him with greater violence than before: This confined him to his bed. He committed his wife (for he had no children) to the care of his friends. He desired two noblemen, who came to visit him, to go to the king, and intreat him in his name to take care of religion and preserve it to the end, and that he would esteem and comfort the pastors of the church; for the ministry of Christ, though low and base in the eyes of men, yet it should at length shine with great glory. When the ministers of Edinburgh came to him, he spoke of the sincerity of his intentions in every thing done by him, in discharge of the duties belonging to the office with which he had been vested. As night drew on, his distemper increased, and together therewith his religious fervor was likewise augmented. When the physicians were preparing some medicines, he said, "Thou, Lord, wilt heal me;" and then began, praying for the pardon of his sins through Christ, and professed that he counted all things but dung for the cross of Christ. He prayed farther, that he might have the presence of God in his departure, saying, "Hitherto have I seen thee darkly, through the glass of thy word: O Lord, grant that I may have the eternal enjoyment of thy countenance, which I have so much desired and longed for;" and then spoke of the resurrection and eternal life, after which he blessed and exhorted every one present according as their respective circumstances required. The day following, when the magistrates of Edinburgh came to see him, he exhorted them to take care of the university, and nominated a successor to himself. He recommended his wife to them, declaring, that he had not laid up one halfpenny of his stipend, and therefore hoped they would provide for her; to which request they assented, and promised to see her comfortably supplied. After this he said, "I bless God, that I have all my senses entire, but my heart is in heaven, and, Lord Jesus, why shouldst not thou have it? it has been my care, all my life, to dedicate it to thee; I pray thee, take it, that I may live with thee for ever." Then, after a little sleep, he awaked, crying, "Come, Lord Jesus, put an end to this miserable life; haste, Lord, and tarry not; Christ hath redeemed me, not unto a frail and momentary life, but unto eternal life. Come, Lord Jesus, and give that life for which thou hast redeemed me." Some of the people present, bewailing their condition when he should be taken away, he said unto them, "I have gone through all the degrees of this life, and am come to my end, why should I go back again? help me, O Lord, that I may go thro' this last degree with thy assistance, &c." And when some told him, that the next day was the Sabbath, he said, "O Lord, shall I begin my eternal Sabbath from thy Sabbath here." Next morning, feeling his death approaching, he sent for Mr. Balcanquhal, who, in prayer with him, desired the Lord, if he pleased, to spare his life, for the good of the church, he said, "I am weary of this life; all my desire is, that I may enjoy the celestial life, that is hid with Christ in God," And, a little after, "Haste, Lord, and do not tarry, I am weary both of nights and days. Come, Lord Jesus, that I may come to thee. Break these eye-strings and give me others. I desire to be dissolved, and to be with thee. O Lord Jesus, thrust thy hand into my body and take my soul to thyself. O my sweet Lord, let this soul of mine free, that it may enjoy her husband." And when one of the by-standers said, Sir, let nothing trouble you, for now your Lord makes haste, he said, "O welcome message, would to God, my funeral might be to-morrow." And thus he continued in heavenly meditation and prayer, till he resigned up his spirit to God, _anno_ 1598, in the 54d year of his age. His works are, a commentary on some select psalms, on the prophecy of Daniel, and the gospel of John, with its harmony. He wrote also on the epistle to the Ephesians, Colossians, Thessalonians, and Galatians; an analysis of the epistles to the Romans and the Hebrews, with respect to effectual calling. _The Life of Mr. JOHN CRAIG._ Mr. John Craig, was a man of considerable learning and singular abilities; he travelled abroad in his youth, and was frequently delivered out of very great dangers, by the kind interposition of a gracious providence; an instance of which we have while he was in Italy: Being obliged to fly out of that country, on account of his regard for the reformation, in order to avoid being apprehended, he was obliged to lurk in obscure places in the day-time, and travel over night; by this means any little money he had was soon exhausted, and being in the extremity of want, a dog brought a purse to him with some gold in it, by which he was supported until he escaped the danger of being taken. After his return home, he was settled minister at Edinburgh, where he continued many years, and met with many trials of his fortitude and fidelity. In the year 1567, the earl of Bothwel, having obtained a divorce from his lawful wife, as preparatory to his marriage with queen Mary she sent a letter to Mr. Craig, commanding him to publish the banns of matrimony betwixt her and Bothwel. But the next sabbath, having declared at length that he had received such a command, he added, that he could not in conscience obey it, the marriage being altogether unlawful, and that he would declare to the parties if present. He was immediately sent for by Bothwel, unto whom he declared his reasons with great boldness, and the very next Lord's day, he told the people what he had said before the council, and took heaven and earth to witness, that he detested that scandalous marriage, and that he had discharged his duty to the lords, &c. Upon this, he was again called before the council, and reproved by them as having exceeded the bounds of his calling, he boldly answered, that "the bounds of his commission was the word of God, right reason, and good laws, against which he had said nothing;" and by all these offered to prove the said marriage scandalous, at which he was stopt, and set out of the council. Thus Mr. Craig continued, not only a firm friend to the reformation, but a bold opposer of every incroachment made upon the crown and dignity of the Lord Jesus Christ. In the year 1584, when an act of parliament was made that all ministers, masters of colleges, &c. should within forty-eight hours, compear and subscribe the act of parliament, concerning the king's power over all estates spiritual and temporal, and submit themselves to the bishops, &c. Upon which, Mr. Craig, John Brand and some others were called before the council, and interrogate, how he could be so bold as to controvert the late act of parliament? Mr. Craig answered, That they would find fault with any thing repugnant to God's word; at which, the earl of Arran started up on his feet, and said, They were too pert; that he would shave their head, pair their nails, and cut their toes, and make them an example unto all who should disobey the king's command and his council's orders, and forthwith charged them to appear before the king at Falkland, on the 4th of September following. Upon their appearance at Falkland, they were again accused of transgressing the foresaid act of parliament, and disobeying the bishop's injunctions, when there arose some hot speeches betwixt Mr. Craig and the bishop of St. Andrews, at which the earl of Arran spake again most outrageously against Mr. Craig, who coolly replied, That there had been as great men set up higher, that had been brought low. Arran returned, "I shall make thee of a false friar a true prophet;" and sitting down on his knee, he said, "Now am I humbled." "Nay," said Mr. Craig, "Mock the servants of God as thou wilt, God will not be mocked, but shall make thee find it in earnest, when thou shalt be cast down from the high horse of thy pride, and humbled." This came to pass a few years after, when he was thrown off his horse with a spear, by James Douglas of Parkhead, killed, and his corpse exposed to dogs and swine, before it was buried. Mr. Craig was forthwith discharged to preach any more in Edinburgh, and the bishop of St. Andrews was appointed to preach in his place; but as soon as he entered the great church of Edinburgh, the whole congregation (except a few court-parasites) went out.--It was not long before Mr. Craig was restored to his place and office. In the year 1591, when the earl of Bothwel and his accomplices, on the 27th of December, came to the king and chancellor's chamber-doors with fire, and to the queen's with a hammer, in the palace of Holyrood-house, with a design to seize the king and the chancellor. Mr. Craig upon the 29th, preaching before the king upon the two brazen mountains in Zechariah, said, "As the king had lightly regarded the many bloody shirts presented to him by his subjects craving justice, so God, in his providence, had made a noise of crying and fore-hammers to come to his own doors." The king would have the people to stay after sermon, that he might purge himself, and said "If he had thought his hired servant (meaning Mr. Craig who was his own minister) would have dealt in that manner with him, he should not have suffered him so long in his house." Mr. Craig, (by reason of the throng) not hearing what he said, went away. In the year 1595, Mr. Craig being quite worn out by his labours and the infirmities of age, the king's commissioner presented some articles to the general assembly, wherein, amongst other things, he craved, That, in respect Mr. Craig is awaiting what hour God shall please to call him, and is unable to serve any longer, and His Majesty designing to place John Duncanson with the prince, therefore his highness desired an ordinance to be made, granting any two ministers he shall choose; which was accordingly done, and Mr. Craig died a short time after this. Mr. Craig will appear, from these short memoirs, to have been a man of uncommon resolution and activity. He was employed in the most part of the affairs of the church during the reign of queen Mary and in the beginning of that of her son. He compiled the national covenant, and a catechism, commonly called Craig's catechism, which was first printed by order of the assembly, in the year 1591. _The Life of Mr. DAVID BLACK._ Mr. Black was for some time colleague to the worthy Mr. Andrew Melvil minister at St. Andrews. He was remarkable for zeal and fidelity in the discharge of his duty as a minister, applying his doctrine closely against the corruptions of that age, prevailing either among the highest or lowest of the people; in consequence of which, he was, in the year 1596, cited before the council for some expressions uttered in a sermon, alledged to strike against the queen and council. But his brethren in the ministry thinking, that, by this method of procedure with him, the spiritual government of the house of God was intended to be subverted, they resolved that Mr. Black should decline answering the king and council, and, that in the mean time, the brethren should be preparing themselves to prove from the holy scriptures, That the judgment of all doctrine in the first instance, belonged to the pastors of the church. Accordingly Mr. Black, on the 18th of Nov 1596. gave in a declinature to the council to this effect, That he was able to defend all that he had said, yet, seeing his answering before them to that accusation, might be prejudicial to the liberties of the church, and would be taken for an acknowledgment of his majesty's jurisdiction in matters merely spiritual, he was constrained to decline that judicatory. 1. Because the Lord Jesus Christ had given him his word for a rule, and that therefore he could not fall under the civil law, but in so far as, after trial, he should be found to have passed from his instructions, which trial only belonged to the prophets, &c. 2. The liberties of the church and discipline presently exercised, were confirmed by divers acts of parliament, approved of by the confession of faith, and the office-bearers of the church, were now in the peaceable possession thereof; that the question of his preaching ought first, according to the grounds and practice foresaid, to be judged by the ecclesiastical senate, as the competent judges thereof at the first instance. This declinature, with a letter sent by the different presbyteries, were, in a short time, subscribed by between three and four hundred ministers, all assenting to and approving of it. The commissioners of the general assembly then sitting at Edinburgh, knowing that the king was displeased at this proceeding, sent some of their number to speak with his majesty, unto whom he answered, That if Mr. Black would pass from his declinature he would pass from the summons; but this they would not consent to do. Upon which, the king caused summon Mr. Black again on the 27th of November, to the council to be held on the 30th. This summons was given with sound of trumpet and open proclamation at the cross of Edinburgh; and the same day, the commissioners of the assembly were ordered to depart thence in twenty-four hours, under pain of rebellion. Before the day of Mr. Black's second appearance before the council, he prepared a still more explicit declinature, especially as it respected the king's supremacy, declaring, That there are two jurisdictions in the realm, the one spiritual and the other civil; the one respecting the conscience and the other concerning external things; the one persuading by the spiritual word, the other compelling by the temporal sword; the one spiritually procuring the edification of the church, the other by justice procuring the peace and quiet of the commonwealth, which being grounded in the light of nature, proceeds from God as he is Creator, and is so termed by the apostle, 1 Pet. ii. but varying according to the constitution of men; the other above nature grounded upon the grace of redemption, proceeding immediately from the grace of Christ, only king and only head of his church, Eph. 1. Col. ii. Therefore in so far as he was one of the spiritual office-bearers, and had discharged his spiritual calling in some measure of grace and sincerity, he should not, and could not lawfully be judged for preaching and applying the word of God by any civil power, he being an ambassador and messenger of the Lord Jesus, having his commission from the king of kings, and all his commission is set down and limited in the word of God, that cannot be extended or abridged by any mortal, king or emperor, they being sheep, not pastors, and to be judged by the word of God, and not the judges thereof. A decree of council was passed against him, upon which his brethren of the commission directed their doctrine against the council. The king sent a message to the commissioners, signifying, That he would rest satisfied with Mr. Black's simple declaration of the truth; but Mr. Bruce and the rest replied, That if the affair concerned Mr. Black alone, they should be content, but the liberty of Christ's kingdom had received such a wound by the proclamation of last Saturday, that if Mr. Black's life and a dozen of others besides, had been taken, it had not grieved the hearts of the godly so much, and that either these things behoved to be retracted, or they would oppose so long as they had breath. But, after a long process, no mitigation of the council's severity could be obtained, for Mr. Black was charged by a macer to enter his person in ward, on the north of the Tay, there to remain on his own expence during his majesty's pleasure; and, though he was, next year, restored back to his place at St. Andrews, yet he was not suffered to continue, for, about the month July that same year, the king and council again proceeded against him, and he was removed to Angus, where he continued until the day of his death. He had always been a severe check on the negligent and unfaithful part of the clergy, but now they had found means to get free of him. After his removal to Angus he continued the exercise of his ministry, preaching daily unto such as resorted to him, with much success, and an intimate communion with God, until a few days before his death. In his last sickness, the Christian temper of his mind was so much improven by large measures of the Spirit, that his conversation had a remarkable effect in humbling the hearts and comforting the souls of those who attended him, engaging them to take the easy yoke of Christ upon them. He found in his own soul also, such a sensible taste of eternal joy, that he was seized with a fervent desire to depart and to be with the Lord, longing to have the earthly house of this his tabernacle put off, that he might be admitted into the mansions of everlasting rest. In the midst of these earnest breathings after God, the Lord was wonderfully pleased to condescend to the importunity of his servant, to let him know that the time of his departure was near. Upon which, he took a solemn farewel of his family and flock with a discourse, as Mr. Melvil says[39], that seemed to be spoken out of heaven, concerning the misery and grief of this life, and the inconceivable glory which is above. The night following, after supper, having read and prayed in his family with unusual continuance, strong crying and heavy groans, he went a little while to bed, and the next day, having called his people to the celebration of the Lord's supper, he went to church, and having brought the communion-service near a close, he felt the approaches of death, and all discovered a sudden change in his countenance, so that some ran to support him; but pressing to be at his knees, with his hands and eyes lifted up to heaven in the very act of devotion and adoration, as in a transport of joy, he was taken away, with scarce any pain at all. Thus this holy man, who had so faithfully maintained the interest of Christ upon earth, breathed forth his soul in this extraordinary manner, that it seemed rather like a translation than a real death. See more of him in Calderwood's history, page 335. De Foe's memoirs, page 138. Hind let loose, page 48, old edit. _The Life of Mr. JOHN DAVIDSON._ He was minister at Salt-Preston (now known by the name of Preston-pans), and began very early to discover uncommon piety and faithfulness in the discharge of his duty. He was involved in the sufferings brought upon several ministers on account of the raid of Ruthven[40], and the enterprise at Stirling[41] _anno_ 1584, on which account he fled for England, and remained there some considerable time. Being returned to Scotland, in the year 1596, when the ministers and other commissioners of the general assembly were met at Edinburgh for prayer, in order to a general and personal reconciliation (they were about four hundred ministers, besides elders and private Christians), Mr. Davidson was chosen to preside amongst them. He caused the 33d and 34th chapters of Ezekiel to be read, and discoursed upon them in a very affecting manner, shewing what was the end of their meeting, in confessing sin and resolving to forsake it, and that they should turn to the Lord, and enter into a new league and covenant with him, that so, by repentance, they might be the more meet to stir up others to the same duty. In this he was so assisted by the Spirit working upon their hearts, that, within an hour after they had conveened, they began to look with another countenance than at first, and while he was exhorting them to these duties, the whole meeting were in tears, every one provoking another by his example, whereby that place might have justly been called _Bochim_. After prayer, he treated one Luke xii. 22. wherein the same assistance was given him. Before they dismissed, they solemnly entered into a new league and covenant, holding up their hands, with such signs of sincerity as moved all present. That afternoon, the assembly enacted the renewal of the covenant by particular synods. In the general assembly held at Dundee 1598. (where the king was present), it was proposed, Whether ministers should vote in parliament in the name of the church. Mr Davidson intreated them not to be rash in concluding so weighty a matter; he said, "Brethren, ye see not how readily the bishops begin to creep up." Being desired to give his vote, he refused, and protested in his own name and in the name of those who should adhere to him; and required that his protest should be inserted in the books of assembly. Here the king interposed, and said, "That shall not be granted, see if you have voted and reasoned before:" "never Sir," said Mr. Davidson, "but without prejudice to any protestation made or to be made." And then presented his protestation in writing, which was handed from one to another, till it was laid down before the clerk. The king, taking it up and reading it, shewed it to the moderator and others about, and at last put it in his pocket, (see this protest and a letter sent by him to the assembly 1601, in Calderwood, pages 420 and 450.) This protest and letter was the occasion of farther trouble to him. For in the month of May following, he was charged to compear before the council on the 26th, and answer for the same, and was by the king committed prisoner to the castle of Edinburgh; but, on account of bodily infirmity, this place of confinement was changed to his own dwelling house; after which he obtained liberty to exercise his office in his own parish. When the king was going for England _anno_ 1603, as he was passing through Preston-pans, the laird of Ormiston intreated him to relieve Mr Davidson from his confinement to the bounds of his own parish, but this could not be obtained.----He likewise, in some instances, shewed that he was possessed in a considerable measure of the spirit of prophecy.--He was, while in Preston, very anxious about the building of a church in that parish, and had, by his own private interest, contributed liberally to it; Lord Newbattle, having considerable interest in that parish, likewise promised his assistance, but afterwards receded from his engagements; upon which Mr. Davidson told him, That these walls that were there begun should stand as a witness against him, and that, ere long, God should root him out of that parish, so that he should not have one bit of land in the same; which was afterwards accomplished. At another time being moderator at the synod of Lothian, Mr John Spotswood minister at Calder, and Mr James Law minister at Kirkliston were brought before them for playing at the foot-ball on the sabbath. Mr Davidson urged that they might be deposed, but the synod, because of the fewness of the ministers present, &c. agreed that they should be rebuked, which, having accordingly done, he turned to his brethren and said, "Now let me tell you what reward you shall have for your lenity, these two men shall trample on your necks, and on the necks of the ministers of Scotland." How true this proved was afterwards too well known, when Spotswood was made arch-bishop of St Andrews, and Law of Glasgow. Being at dinner one time with Mr Bruce, who was then in great favour with the king, he told him, he should soon be in as great discredit; which was likewise accomplished. At another time, when dining in the house of one of the magistrates of Edinburgh with Mr Bruce, in giving thanks, he brake forth in these words, "Lord, this good man hath respect, for thy sake, to thy servants, but he little knoweth, that in a short time, he shall carry us both to prison;" which afterwards came to pass, although, at the time, it grieved the baillie exceedingly. Mr Fleming, in his fulfilling of the scriptures, relates another remarkable instance of this kind--A gentleman nearly related to a great family in that parish, but a most violent hater of true piety, did, on that account, beat a poor man who lived there, although he had no manner of provocation. Among other strokes which he gave him, he gave him one on the back, saying, "Take that for Mr Davidson's sake." This mal-treatment obliged the poor man, to take to his bed; he complained most of the blow which he had received on his back. In the close of his sermon on the sabbath following, Mr. Davidson, speaking of the oppression of the godly, and the enmity which the wicked had to such, and, in a particular manner, mentioned this last instance, saying, "It was a sad time, when a profane man would thus openly adventure to vent his rage against such as were seekers of God in the place, whilst he could have no cause but the appearance of his image," and then said, with great boldness, "He, who hath done this, were he the laird or the laird's brother, ere a few days pass, God shall give him a stroke, that all the monarchs on earth dare not challenge." Which accordingly came to pass in the close of that very same week, for this gentleman, while standing before his own door, was struck dead with lightening, and had all his bones crushed to pieces. A little before his death, he happened occasionally to meet with Mr Kerr, a young gentleman lately come from France, and dressed in the court fashion. Mr Davidson charged him to lay aside his scarlet cloke and gilt rapier, for, said he, "You are the man who shall succeed me in the ministry of this place;" which surprized the youth exceedingly, but was exactly accomplished, for he became an eminent and faithful minister at that place. Such as would see more of Mr Davidson's faithful labours in the work of the ministry may consult the apologetical relation, § 2. p. 30. and Calderwood, p. 310,--373. _The Life of Mr. WILLIAM ROW._ He was a son of Mr. John Row minister at Perth, who gave him a very liberal education under his own eye. He was settled minister at Strathmiglo, in the shire of Fyfe, about the year 1600, and continued there for several years. He was one of those ministers who refused to give public thanks for the king's deliverance from his danger in Gowrie's conspiracy, until the truth of that conspiracy was made to appear. This refusal brought upon him the king's displeasure; he was summoned to appear before the king and council at Stirling, soon after. On the day appointed for his compearance, two noblemen were sent, the one before the other, to meet him on the road, and, under the pretence of friendship, to inform him, that the council had a design upon his life, that he might be prevailed on to decline going up to the council; the first met him nigh his own house, the second a few miles from Stirling, but Mr. Row told them, that he would not, by disobedience to the summons, make himself justly liable to the pains of law, and proceeded to Stirling, to the amazement of the king and his court. When challenged for disbelieving the truth of that conspiracy, he told them, That one reason of his hesitation was, That one Henderson, who was said to have confessed that Gowrie hired him to kill the king, and to have been found armed in his majesty's chamber for that purpose, was, not only suffered to live, but rewarded; whereas, said he, "if I had seen the king's life in hazard, and not ventured my life to rescue him, I think, I deserved not to live." The two following anecdotes will show what an uncommon degree of courage and resolution he possessed. Being at Edinburgh, before the assembly there, at which the king wanted to bring in some innovation, and meeting with Mr. James Melvil, who was sent for by the king, he accompanied him to Holyrood-house. While Mr. Melvil was with the king, Mr. Row stood behind a screen, and not getting an opportunity to go out with his brother undiscovered, he overheard the king say to some of his courtiers, "This is a good simple man, I have stroked cream on his mouth, and he will procure me a good number of voters, I warrant you." This said, Mr. Row got off, and overtaking Mr. Melvil, asked him, what had passed? Mr. Melvil told him all, and said, The king is well disposed to the church, and intend to do her good by all his schemes. Mr. Row replied, The king looks upon you as a fool and a knave, and wants to use you us a coy duck to draw in others, and told him what he had overheard. Mr. Melvil suspecting the truth of this report, Mr. Row offered to go with him, and avouch it to the king's face; accordingly, they went back to the palace, when Mr. Melvil seeing Mr. Row as forward to go in as he was, believed his report and stopped him: And next day, when the assembly proceeded to voting, Mr. Melvil having voted against what the king proponed, his majesty would not believe that such was his vote, till he, being asked again, did repeat it. Again, he being to open the synod of Perth, _anno_ 1607, to which King James sent Lord Scoon captain of his guards, to force them to accept a constant moderator, Scoon sent notice to Mr. Row, That if, in his preaching, he uttered ought against constant moderators, he should cause ten or twelve of his guards discharge their culverins at his nose; and when he attended the sermon which preceded that synod, he stood up in a menacing posture to outbrave the preacher. But Mr. Row no way dismayed, knowing what vices Scoon was chargeable with, particularly that he was a great belly-god, drew his picture so like the life, and condemned what was culpable in it with so much severity, that Scoon thought fit to sit down, and even to cover his face. After which Mr. Row proceeded to prove that no constant moderator ought to be suffered in the church, but knowing that Scoon understood neither Latin nor Greek, he wisely avoided naming the constant moderator in English, but always gave the Greek or Latin name for it. Sermon being ended, Scoon said to some of the nobles attending him, You see I have scared the preacher from meddling with the constant moderator, but I wonder who he spoke so much against by the name of _præstes ad vitam_. They told him, That it was in Greek and Latin the constant moderator; which so incensed him, that when Mr. Row proceeded to constitute the synod in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, Scoon said, The devil a Jesus is here, and when Mr. Row called over the roll to choose their moderator after the ancient form, Scoon would have pulled it from him; but he, being a strong man, held off Scoon with the one hand, and holding the synod-roll in the other, called out the names of the members. After this, Mr. Row was put to the horn, and on the 11th of June following, he and Mr. Henry Livingstone the moderator were summoned before the council, to answer for their proceedings at the synod above-mentioned. Mr. Livingston compeared, and with great difficulty obtained the favour to be warded in his own parish; but Mr. Row being advised not to compear unless the council would relax him from the horning, and make him free of the Scoon-comptrollers, who had letters of caption to apprehend him, and to commit him to Blackness. This was refused, and a search made for him, which obliged him to abscond and lurk among his friends for a considerable time. He was subjected to several other hardships during the remainder of his life, but still maintained that steady faithfulness and courage in the discharge of his duty, which is exemplified in the above instances, until the day of his death, of which we have no certain account. _The Life of Mr. ANDREW MELVIL._ Mr. Melvil, after finishing his classical studies, went abroad, and taught, for some time, both at Poictiers in France, and at Geneva. He returned to Scotland in July 1574, after having been absent from his native country near ten years. Upon his return, the learned Beza, in a letter to the general assembly of the church of Scotland, said, "That the greatest token of affection the kirk of Geneva could show to Scotland, was, that they had suffered themselves to be spoiled of Mr. Andrew Melvil." Soon after his return, the general assembly appointed him to be the principal of the college of Glasgow, where he continued for some years. In the year 1576, the earl of Morton being then regent, and thinking to bring Mr. Melvil into his party, who were endeavouring to introduce episcopacy, he offered him the parsonage of Govan, a benefice of twenty-four chalders of grain, yearly, beside what he enjoyed as principal, providing he would not insist against the establishment of bishops, but Mr. Melvil rejected his offer with scorn. He was afterwards transported to St. Andrews, where he served in the same station he had done at Glasgow, and was likewise a minister of that city. Here he taught the divinity class, and as a minister continued to witness against the incroachments then making upon the rights of the church of Christ. When the general assembly sat down at Edinburgh, _anno_ 1582, Mr. Melvil inveighed against the absolute authority, which was making its way into the church, whereby he said, they intended to pull the crown from Christ's head, and wrest the sceptre out of his hand, and when several articles, of the same tenor with his speech, were presented by the commission of the assembly, to the king and council, craving redress, the earl of Arran cried out, "Is there any here that dare subscribe these articles." Mr. Melvil went forward and said, "We dare, and will render our lives in the cause," and then took up the pen and subscribed. We do not find that any disagreeable consequences ensued at this time. But in the beginning of February 1584, he was summoned to appear before the secret council on the 11th of that month, to answer for some things said by him in a sermon on a fast day from Dan. iv. At his first compearance, he made a verbal defence, but being again called, he gave in a declaration with a declinature, importing that he had said nothing either in that or any other sermon tending to dishonour the king, but had regularly prayed for the preservation and prosperity of his majesty; that, as by acts of parliament and laws of the church, he should be tried for his doctrine by the church, he therefore protested for, and craved a trial by them, and particularly in the place (St Andrews) where the offence was alledged to have been committed; that as there were special laws in favour of St. Andrews to the above import, he particularly claimed the privilege of them; he farther protested that what he had said was warranted by the word of God; that he appealed to the congregation who heard the sermon; that he craved to know his accusers; that if the calumny was found to be false, the informers might be punished; that the rank and character of the informer might be considered, _&c. &c._: After which he gave an account of the sermon in question, alledging that his meaning had been misunderstood, and his words perverted. When he had closed his defence, the king and the earl of Arran, who was then chancellor, raged exceedingly against him. Mr. Melvil remained undisquieted, and replied, that they were too bold in a constitute Christian kirk to pass by the pastors, &c. and to take upon them to judge the doctrine, and controul the messengers of a greater than any present; "that you may see your rashness in taking upon you that which you neither ought nor can do, (taking out a small Hebrew Bible and laying it down before them,) there are," said he, "my instructions and warrant,--see if any of you can controul me, that I have passed my injunctions." The chancellor, opening the book, put it into the king's hand, saying, "Sire, he scorneth your majesty and the council." "Nay," said Mr. Melvil, "I scorn not, but I am in good earnest." He was, in the time of this debate, frequently removed and instantly recalled, that he might not have time to consult with his friends. They proceeded against him, and admitted his avowed enemies to prove the accusation. Though the whole train of evidence, which was led, proved little or nothing against him, yet they resolved to involve him in troubles, because he had declined their authority, as incompetent judges of doctrine, and therefore remitted him to ward in the castle of Edinburgh, during the king's will. Being informed, that, if he entered into ward, he would not be released, unless it should be to bring him to the scaffold, that the decree of the council was altered, and Blackness was appointed for his prison, which was kept by some dependants on the earl of Arran, he resolved to get out of the country. A macer gave him a charge, to enter Blackness in 24 hours: and, in the mean while, some of Arran's horsemen were attending at the west-port to convoy him thither: But, by the time he should have entered Blackness, he had reached Berwick. Messrs. Lawson and Balcanquhal gave him the good character he deserved, and prayed earnestly for him in public, in Edinburgh, which both moved the people and galled the court exceedingly. After the storm had abated, he returned to St. Andrews in 1586, when the synod of Fife had excommunicated P. Adamson, pretended bishop of St. Andrews, on account of some immoralities. He (Adamson) having drawn up the form of an excommunication against Messrs. Andrew and James Melvils, and sent out a boy, with some of his own creatures, to the kirk to read it, but the people paying no regard to it, the bishop (though both suspended and excommunicated) would himself go to the pulpit to preach, whereupon some gentlemen &c. in town conveened in the new college to hear Mr. Melvil. But the bishop being informed that they were assembled on purpose to put him out of the pulpit and hang him, for fear of which, he called his friends together, and betook himself to the steeple; but at the entreaty of the magistrates and others he retired home. This difference with the bishop brought the Melvils again before the king and council, who (pretending that there was no other method to end that quarrel,) ordained Mr. Andrew to be confined to the Mearns, Angus, &c. under pretext that he would be useful in that country in reclaiming papists. And, because of his sickly condition, Mr. James was sent back to the new college; and, the university sending the dean of faculty, and the masters, with a supplication to the king in Mr. Andrew's behalf, he was suffered to return, but was not restored to his place and office until the month of August following. The next winter, he laboured to give the students in divinity, under his care, a thorough knowledge of the discipline and government of the church, which was attended with considerable success; the specious arguments of episcopacy evanished, and the serious part both of the town and university repaired to the college to hear him, and Mr. Robert Bruce, who began preaching about this time. After this he was chosen moderator in some subsequent assemblies of the church, in which several acts were made in favours of religion, as maintained in that period. When the king brought home his queen from Denmark _anno_ 1590, Mr. Melvil made an excellent oration, upon the occasion in Latin, which so pleased the king, that he publicly declared, he had therein both honoured him and his country, and that he should never be forgot; yet such was the instability of this prince, that, in a little after this, because Mr. Melvil opposed himself unto his arbitrary measures, in grasping after an absolute authority over the church[42], he conceived a daily hatred against him ever after, as will appear from the sequel. When Mr. Melvil went, with some other ministers, to the convention of estates at Falkland _anno_ 1596, (wherein they intended to bring home the excommunicated lords who were then in exile), and though he had a commission from last assembly, to watch against every imminent danger that might threaten the church, yet, whenever he appeared upon the head of the ministers, the king asked him, Who sent for him there? To which he resolutely answered, "Sire, I have a call to come here from Christ and his church, who have a special concern in what you are doing here, and in direct opposition to whom, ye are all here assembled; but be ye assured, that no counsel taken against him shall prosper, and I charge you, Sire, in his name, that you, nor your estates here conveened, favour not God's enemies whom he hateth." After he had said this, turning himself to the rest of the members, he told them, that they were assembled with a traiterous design against Christ, his church, and their native country. In the midst of this speech, he was commanded by the king to withdraw. The commission of the general assembly was now sitting, and understanding how matters were going on at the convention, they sent some of their members, among whom Mr. Melvil was one, to expostulate with the king. When they came, he received them in his closet. Mr. James Melvil being first in the commission, told the king his errand, upon which he appeared angry, and charged them with sedition, &c. Mr. James being a man of cool passion and genteel behaviour, began to answer the king with great reverence and respect; but Mr. Andrew, interrupting him, said, "This is not a time to flatter, but to speak plainly, for our commission is from the living God, to whom the king is subject;" and then approaching the king, said, "Sire, we will always humbly reverence your majesty in public, but having opportunity of being with your majesty in private, we must discharge our duty or else be enemies to Christ: and now, Sire, I must tell you, that there are two kingdoms, the kingdom of Christ, which is the church, whose subject K. James VI. is, and of whose kingdom he is not a head, nor a lord, but a member, and they, whom Christ hath called, and commanded to watch over his church, and govern his spiritual kingdom, have sufficient authority and power from him so to do, which no Christian king nor prince should controul or discharge, but assist and support, otherwise they are not faithful subjects to Christ; and, Sire, when you was in your swaddling clothes, Christ reigned freely in this land; in spight of all his enemies, his officers and ministers were conveened for ruling his church, which was ever for your welfare, &c. Will you now challenge Christ's servants, your best and most faithful subjects, for conveening together, and for the care they have of their duty to Christ and you, &c. the wisdom of your council is, that you may be served with all sorts of men, that you may come to your purpose, and because the ministers and protestants of Scotland are strong, they must be weakened and brought low, by stirring up a party against them, but, Sire, this is not the wisdom of God, and his curse must light upon it, whereas, in cleaving to God, his servants shall be your true friends, and he shall compel the rest to serve you." There is little difficulty to conjecture how this discourse was relished by the king; however, he kept his temper, and promised fair things to them for the present, but it was the word of him whose standard maxim was, _Qui nescit dissimulare, nescit regnare_, "He who knows not how to dissemble, knows not how to reign:" In this sentiment, unworthy of the meanest among men, he gloried, and made it his constant rule of conduct; for in the assembly at Dundee _anno_ 1598, Mr. Melvil being there, he discharged him from the assembly, and would not suffer business to go on till he was removed. There are other instances of the magnanimity of this faithful witness of Christ, which are worthy of notice. In the year 1606, when he and seven of his brethren, who stood most in the way of having prelacy advanced in Scotland, were called up to England, under pretence of having a hearing granted them by the king, &c. with respect to religion, but rather to be kept out of the way, as the event afterwards proved, until episcopacy should be better established in this kingdom. Soon after their arrival they were examined by the king and council at Hampton-court on the 20th of September, concerning the lawfulness of the late assembly at Aberdeen. The king, in particular, asked Mr. Melvil, whether a few clergy, meeting without moderator or clerk, could make an assembly? He replied, there was no number limited by law; that fewness of number could be no argument against the legality of the court, especially when the promise was, in God's word, given to two or three conveened in the name of Christ; that the meeting was an ordinary established by his majesty's laws. The rest of the ministers delivered themselves to the same purpose; after which Mr. Melvil, with his usual freedom of speech, supported the conduct of his brethren at Aberdeen; recounted the wrongs done them at Linlithgow, whereof he was a witness himself; he blamed the king's advocate, Sir Thomas Hamilton, who was then present, for favouring popery, and mal-treating the ministers, so that the accuser of the brethren could not have done more against the saints of God than had been done; the prelatists were encouraged, though some of them were promoting the interest of Popery with all their might, and the faithful servants of Christ were shut up in prison; and addressing the advocate, personally, he added, "Still you think all this is enough, but continue to persecute the brethren with the same spirit you did in Scotland." After some conversation betwixt the king and arch-bishop of Canterbury, they were dismissed with the applause of many present, for their bold and steady defence of the cause of God and truth, for they had been much misrepresented to the English. They had scarce retired from before the king, until they received a charge not to return to Scotland, nor come near the king's, queen's or princes court, without special licence and being called for. A few days after, they were again called to court, and examined before a select number of the Scots nobility, where, after Mr. James Melvil's examination[43], Mr. Andrew being called, told them plainly, "That they knew not what they were doing; they had degenerated from the ancient nobility of Scotland, who were wont to hazard their lives and lands for the freedom of their country, and the gospel which they were betraying and overturning:" But night drawing on, they were dismissed. Another instance of his resolution is, that, when called before the council for having made a Latin epigram[44], upon seeing the king and queen making an offering at the altar (whereon were two books, two basons, and two candlesticks with two unlighted candles, it being a day kept in honour of St. Michael); when he compeared, he avowed the verses, and said, "He was much moved with indignation at such vanity and superstition in a Christian church, under a Christian king, born and brought up under the pure light of the gospel, and especially before idolators, to confirm them in idolatry, and grieve the hears of true professors," The bishop of Canterbury began to speak, but Mr. Melvil charged him with a breach of the Lord's day, with imprisoning, silencing and bearing down of faithful ministers, and with upholding antichristian hierarchy and popish ceremonies; and, shaking the white sleeve of his rochet, he called them Romish, rags, and told him, That he was an avowed enemy to all the reformed churches in Europe, and therefore he (Mr. Melvil) would profess himself an enemy to him in all such proceedings, to the effusion of the last drop of his blood; and said, he was grieved to the heart to see such a man have the king's ear, and sit so high in that honourable council. He also charged bishop Barlow with having said, after the conference at Hampton-court, That the king had said, he was in the church of Scotland, but not of it; and wondered that he was suffered to go unpunished, for making the king of no religion. He refuted his sermon which had been preached before; and was at last removed, and order was given to Dr. Overwall dean of St. Pauls to receive him to his house, there to remain, with injunctions not to let any have access to him, till his majesty's pleasure was signified. Next year he was ordered from the dean's house to the bishop of Winchester's, where, not being so strictly guarded, he sometimes kept company with his brethren, but was at last committed to the tower of London, where he remained for the space of four years. While he was in the tower, a gentleman of his acquaintance got access to him, and found him very pensive and melancholy concerning the prevailing defections amongst many of the ministers of Scotland, and, having lately got account of their proceedings at the general assembly held at Glasgow, _anno_ 1610, where the earl of Dunbar had an active hand in corrupting many with money; the gentleman, desiring to know what word he had to send to his native country, got no answer at first, but, upon a second enquiry, he said, "I have no word to send, but am heavily grieved, that the glorious government of the church of Scotland should be so defaced, and a popish tyrannical one set up; and thou, Manderston, (for out of that family Dunbar had sprung), hadst thou no other thing to do, but to carry such commissions down to Scotland, whereby the poor church is wrecked, the Lord shall be avenged on thee; thou shalt never have that grace to set thy foot in that kingdom again." These last words impressed the gentleman to that degree, that he desired some who attended the court, to get some business, which was managing through Dunbar's interest, expeded without any delay, being persuaded that the word of that servant of Christ should not fall to the ground, which was the case, for that earl died at Whitehall a short time after, while he was building an elegant house at Berwick, and making grand preparations for his daughter's marriage with Lord Walden. In 1611, after four years confinement, Mr. Melvil was, by the interest of the duke of Bolloigne, released, on condition that he would go with him to the university of Sedan, where he continued, enjoying that calm repose denied him in his own country, but maintaining his usual constancy and faithfulness in the service of Christ, which he had done through the whole of his life. The reader will readily observe, that a high degree of fortitude and boldness appeared in all his actions; where the honour of his Lord and Master was concerned, the fear of man made no part of his character. He is by Spotswood styled the principal agent or apostle of the presbyterians in Scotland[45]. He did indeed assert the rights of presbytery to the utmost of his power against diocesan episcopacy; he possessed great presence of mind, and was superior to all the arts of flattery, that were sometimes tried with him; he was once blamed, as being too fiery in his temper, he replied, "If you see my fire go downward, set your foot upon it, but if it goes upward, let it go to its own place." He died at Sedan in France, in a few years after. _The Life of Mr. PATRICK SIMPSON._ Mr. Simpson, after having finished his academical course, spent some considerable time in retirement, which he employed in reading the Greek and Latin classics, the antient Christian fathers, and the history of the primitive church. Being blamed by one of his friends for wasting so much time in the study of pagan writers, he replied, That he intended to adorn the house of God with these Egyptian jewels. He was first ordained minister at Cramond, but was afterwards transported to Stirling, where he continued until his death. He was a faithful contender against the lordly encroachments of prelacy. In the year 1584, when there was an express charge given by the king to the ministers, either to acknowledge Mr. Patrick Adamson as arch-bishop of St. Andrews, or else to lose their benefices, Mr. Simpson opposed that order with all his power, although Mr. Adamson was his uncle by the mother's side; and when some of his brethren seemed willing to acquiesce in the king's mandate, and subscribe their submission to Adamson, so far as it was agreeable to the word of God, he rebuked them sharply, saying, It would be no salvo to their consciences, seeing it was altogether absurd to subscribe an agreement with any human invention, when it was condemned by the word of God. A bishopric was offered him, and an yearly pension besides from the king, in order to bring him into his designs, but he positively refused all, saying, That he regarded that preferment and profit as a bribe to enslave his conscience, which was dearer to him than any thing whatever; he did not stop with this, but having occasion _anno_ 1593, to preach before the king, he publicly exhorted him to beware that he drew not the wrath of God upon himself in patronizing a manifest breach of divine laws: Immediately after sermon, the king stood up and charged him not to intermeddle in these matters. When the assembly which was held at Aberdeen _anno_ 1684, was condemned by the state, and in a very solemn manner denounced the judgment of God against all such as had been concerned in distressing, and imprisoning the ministers of Linlithgow, who maintained the lawfulness and justified the conduct of that assembly, and the protestation given in to the parliament in 1606, which did many things to the further establishment of prelacy. This protestation[46] was wrote by him, and delivered out of his own hands to the earl of Dunbar. He was not more distinguished for zeal in the cause of Christ, than for piety and an exemplary life, which had a happy effect upon the people with whom he stood connected. He was in a very eminent degree blessed with the spirit and return of prayer; the following fact attested by old Mr. Row of Carnock, shews how much of the divine countenance he had in his duty:--His wife, Martha Baron, a woman of singular piety, fell sick, and, under her indisposition, was strongly assaulted by the common enemy of salvation; suggesting to her, that she should be delivered up to him, which soon brought her into a very distracted condition, and continued, for some time, increasing; she broke forth into very dreadful expressions:--She was in one of these fits of despair, one Sabbath morning, when Mr. Simpson was going to preach; he was exceedingly troubled at her condition, and went to prayer, which she took no notice of. After he had done, he turned to the company present, and said, That they who had been witnesses to that sad hour, should yet see a gracious work of God on her, and that the devil's malice against that poor woman, should have a shameful foil. Her distraction continued for some days after. On a Tuesday morning, about day-break, he went into his garden as private as possible, and one Helen Gardiner, wife to one of the baillies of the town, a godly woman, who had sate up that night with Mrs. Simpson, being concerned at the melancholy condition he was in, climbed over the garden wall, to observe him in this retirement, but, coming near the place where he was, she was terrified with a noise which she heard, as of the rushing of multitudes of people together, with a most melodious sound intermixed; she fell on her knees and prayed that the Lord would pardon her rashness, which her regard for his servant had caused. Afterwards, she went forward, and found him lying on the ground; she intreated him to tell her what had happened unto him, and, after many promises of secrecy, and an obligation, that she should not reveal it in his life-time, but, if she survived him, she should be at liberty, he then said, "O! what am I! being but dust and ashes! that holy ministring spirits should be sent with a message to me!" And then told her, That he had had a vision of angels, who gave him an audible answer from the Lord, respecting his wife's condition; and then, returning to the house, he said to the people who attended his wife, "Be of good comfort, for I am sure that ere ten hours of the day, that brand shall be plucked out of the fire." After which he went to prayer, at his wife's bed-side;--she continued for some time quiet, but, upon his mentioning Jacob wrestling with God, she sat up in the bed, drew the curtain aside, and said, "Thou art this day a Jacob, who hast wrestled and hast prevailed, and now God hath made good his word, which he spoke this morning to you, for I am pluckt out of the hands of Satan, and he shall have no power over me." This interruption made him silent for a little, but afterwards, with great melting of heart, he proceeded in prayer, and magnified the riches of grace towards him. From that hour she continued to utter nothing but the language of joy and comfort, until her death, which was on the Friday following, August 13th, 1601. Mr. Simpson lived for several years after this, fervent and faithful in the work of the ministry. In the year 1608 when the bishops and some commissioners of the general assembly conveened in the palace of Falkland, the ministers assembled in the kirk of the town, and chose him for their moderator; After which they spent some time in prayer, and tasted some of the comfort of their former meetings. They then agreed upon some articles for concord and peace to be given into the bishops, &c.----This Mr. Simpson and some others did in the name of the rest, but the bishops shifted them off to the next assembly, and in the mean time, took all possible precautions to strengthen their own party, which they effected. In 1610, the noblemen and bishops came to Stirling, after dissolving the assembly. In preaching before them, he openly charged the bishops with perjury and gross defection. They hesitated for some time, whether they should delate him, or compound the matter:--But, after deliberation, they dropt the affair altogether for the present.----There is no reason to doubt but he would have been subjected to the same sufferings with many others of his brethren, had he lived, but before the cope-stone was laid on prelacy in Scotland, he had entered into the joy of his Lord.----For, in the month of March 1618, which was about four months before the Perth assembly, when the five articles were agreed upon[47], he said that this month should put an end to all his troubles, and he accordingly died about the end of it, blessing the Lord, that he had not been perverted by the sinful courses of these times; and said, As the Lord had said to Elijah in the wilderness, so, in some respects he had dealt with him all the days of his life. He wrote a history of the church, for the space of about ten centuries. There are some other little tracts, besides a history of the councils of the church, which are nearly out of print altogether. Upon some of his books he had written, "Remember, O my soul, and never forget the 9th of August, what consolation the Lord gave thee, and how he performed what he spake according to Zech. iii. 2, _Is not this a brand pluckt out of the fire?_" &c. _The Life of Mr. ANDREW DUNCAN._ Mr. Duncan was settled minister at Crail, in the shire of Fyfe, and was afterwards summoned before the high commission court at St. Andrews, in the year 1619. on account of his faithfulness in opposing the five articles of Perth. At the first time of his compearance, he declined their authority; and at the second, he adhered to his former declinature, upon which the high commission court passed the sentence of deposition against him, and ordained him to enter himself in ward at Dundee. After the sentence was pronounced, he gave in a protestation, which was as follows, "Now, seeing I have done nothing of this business, whereof I have been accused by you, but have been serving Jesus Christ my master in rebuking vice, in simplicity and righteousness of heart. I protest (seeing ye have done me wrong) for a remedy at God's hand, the righteous Judge, and summon you before his dreadful judgment-seat, to be censured and punished for such unrighteous dealings, at such a time as his majesty shall think expedient, and, in the mean time decline this your judgment _simpliciter_ now as before, and appeal to the ordinary assembly of the church, for reasons before produced in write. Pity yourselves for the Lord's sake; lose not your own dear souls, I beseech you for Esau's pottage: Remember Balaam, who was cast away by the deceit of the wages of unrighteousness; forget not how miserable Judas was, who lost himself for a trifle of money, that never did him good. Better be pined to death by hunger, than for a little pittance of the earth, to perish for ever, and never be recovered, so long as the days of heaven shall last, and the years of eternity shall endure. Why should ye distress your own brethren, sons and servants of the Lord Jesus; this is not the doing of the shepherds of the flock of Christ: if ye will not regard your souls nor consciences, look I beseech you, to your fame, why will ye be miserable both in this life and in the life to come." When the bishop of St. Andrews had read some few lines of this admonition, he cast it from him, the bishop of Dumblane took it up, and reading it, said he, calls them Esau's, Balaams and Judases "Not so, said Mr. Duncan, read again, beware that ye be not like them." In the space of a month after, he was deposed for non-conformity. In the month of July 1621, he presented a large supplication, in name of himself, and some of his faithful brethren, who had been excluded the general assembly, to Sir George Hay clerk register, on which account he was in a few days after, apprehended by the captain of the guards, and brought before the council, who accused him for breaking ward, after he was suspended and confined to Dundee, because he had preached the week before at Crail. Mr. Duncan denied that he had been put to the horn; and as for breaking ward, he said, That, for the sake of obedience, he staid at Dundee, separated from a wife and six children for a half a year, and the winter approaching forced him to go home. In the end, he requested them not to imprison him on his own charges, but the sentence had been resolved on before he compeared. He was conveyed to Dumbarton castle next day (some say to Blackness castle); here he remained until the month of October thereafter, when he was again brought before the council, and by them was confined to Kilrinnie, upon his own charges; This was a parish neighbouring to his own. Upon another occasion, of the same nature with this just now narrated, this worthy man was banished out of the kingdom, and went to settle at Berwick, but having several children, and his wife big with another, they were reduced to great hardships, being obliged to part with their servant, they had scarcely subsistence sufficient for themselves. One night in particular, the children asking for bread, and there being none to give them, they cried very sore; the mother was likewise much depressed in spirit, for Mr. Duncan had resource sometimes to prayer, and in the intervals endeavoured to cherish his wife's hope, and please the children, and at last got them to bed, but she continued to mourn heavily. He exhorted her to wait patiently upon God, who was now trying them, but would undoubtedly provide for them, and added, that if the Lord should rain down bread from heaven, they should not want. This confidence was the more remarkable, because they had neither friend nor acquaintance in that place to whom they could make their case known. And yet before morning, a man brought them a sackful of provision, and went off without telling them from whence it came, though entreated to do it. When Mr. Duncan opened the sack, he found in it a bag with twenty pounds Scots, two loaves of bread, a bag of flour, another of barley and such-like provisions; and having brought the whole to his wife, he said, "See what a good master I serve." After this she hired a servant again, but was soon reduced to a new extremity; the pains of child-bearing came upon her, before she could make any provision for her delivery, but providence interposed on their behalf at this time also: While she travailed in the night-season, and the good man knew not where to apply for a midwife, a gentlewoman came early in the morning riding to the door, and having sent her servant back with the horse, with orders when to return. She went in, and asked the maid of the house, How her mistress was, and desired access to her, which she obtained; she first ordered a good fire to be made, and ordered Mrs. Duncan to rise, and without any other assistance than the house afforded, she delivered her, and afterwards accommodated Mrs. Duncan and the child with abundance of very fine linen, which she had brought along with her. She gave her likewise a box, containing some necessary cordials and five pieces of gold, bidding them both be of good comfort, for they should not want. After which, she went away on the horse, which was by this time returned for her, but would not tell her name, nor from whence she came. Thus did God take his own servant under his immediate care and providence, when men had wrongfully excluded him from enjoying his worldly comforts. He continued zealous and stedfast in the such, and, to the end of his life, his conduct was uniform with the circumstances of this narrative. _The Life of Mr. JOHN SCRIMZEOR._ He was settled minister at Kinghorn, in the shire of Fyfe, and went as chaplain with King James in the year 1590, to Denmark, when he brought home his queen. He was afterwards concerned in several important affairs of the church, until that fatal year 1618, when the five articles of Perth were agreed on in an assembly held at that place. He attended at this assembly, and gave in some proposals[48], upon being (along with others of his faithful brethren) excluded from having a vote by the prevailing party of that assembly. In 1620, he was with some others, summoned before the high commission-court, for not preaching upon holy days, and not administring the communion conform to the agreement at Perth, with certification if this was proven, that he should be deprived of exercising the functions of a minister in all time coming. But there being none present on the day appointed, except the bishops of St. Andrews, Glasgow and the isles, and Mr. Walter Whiteford, they were dismissed at that time; but were warned to compear again on the first of March. The bishops caused the clerk to exact their consent to deprivation, in case they did not compear against that day. Nevertheless, they all protested with one voice, That they would never willingly renounce their ministry, and such was the resolution and courage of Mr. Scrimzeor, that notwithstanding all the threatening of the bishops, he celebrated the communion conform to the antient practice of the church, a few days thereafter. On the day appointed for their next compearance, the bishops of St. Andrews, Dunkeld, Galloway, the isles, Dumblain, Mr. Hewison commissary of Edinburgh, and Dr. Blair, being assembled in the bishop of St. Andrews lodging in Edinburgh, Mr. John Scrimzeor was again called upon to answer, and the bishop of St. Andrews alleged against him, that he had promised either to conform or quit his ministry, as the act at his last compearance on January 26th reported; he replied, "I am fore straitned, I never saw reason to conform; and as for my ministry, it was not mine and so I could not quit it." After long reasoning betwixt him and the bishops, concerning church policy and the keeping of holy days, he was removed for a little. Being called in again, the bishop of St. Andrews told him, "You are deprived of all function within the kirk, and ordained within six days to enter in ward at Dundee." "It is a very summary and peremptory sentence," said Mr. Scrimzeor, "ye might have been advised better, and first have heard what I would have said." "You shall be heard," said the bishop. This brought on some further reasoning, in the course of which Mr. Scrimzeor gave a faithful testimony against the king's supremacy over the church, and among other things said, "I have had opportunity to reason with the king himself on this subject, and have told him that Christ was the sovereign, and only director of his house; and that his majesty was subject to him. I have had occasion to tell other mens matters to the king, and could have truly claimed this great preferment." "I tell you Mr. John," said the bishop of St. Andrews, "that the king is pope, and shall be so now;" He replied, "That is an evil style you give him:" And then gave in his reasons in write, which they read at leisure. Afterwards the bishop of St. Andrews said to him, "Take up your reasons again, if you will not conform, I cannot help it; the king must be obeyed, the lords have given sentence and will stand to it." "Ye cannot deprive me of my ministry," said Mr. Scrimzeor, "I received it not from you; I received it from the whole synod of Fyfe, and, for any thing ye do, I will never think myself deposed." The bishop of St. Andrews replied, "You are deprived only of the present exercise of it."--Then he presented the following protestation, "I protest before the Lord Jesus, that I get manifest wrong; my reasons and allegations are not considered and answered. I attest you to answer at his glorious appearance, for this and such dealings, and protest that my cause should have been heard as I pled, and still plead and challenge. I likewise appeal to the Lord Jesus, his eternal word, to the king my dread sovereign, his law, to the constitution of this kirk and kingdom, to the councils and assemblies of both, and protest that I stand minister of the evangel, and only by violence I am thrust from the same." "You must obey the sentence," said the bishop of St. Andrews; he answered, "That Dundee was far off, and he was not able for far journeys, as physicians can witness." And he added, "Little know ye what is in my purse." "Then where will you choose the place of your confinement," said the bishop: He answered, "At a little room of my own called Bowhill, in the parish of Auchterderran." Then said the bishop, "Write, At Bowhill, during the king's pleasure." Thus this worthy servant of Christ lived the rest of his days in Auchterderran. In his old age he was grievously afflicted with the stone. He said to a godly minister, who went to see him a little before his death, "I have been a rude stunkard all my life, and now by this pain the Lord is humbling me to make me as a lamb, before he take me to himself." He was a man somewhat rude-like in his clothing, and in some of his expressions and behaviour; and yet was a very loving tender hearted man; of a deep natural judgment; and very learned, especially in Hebrew. He often wished that most part of books were burnt, except the bible, and some short notes thereon. He had a peculiar talent for comforting the dejected. He used a very familiar but pressing manner of preaching. He was also an eminent wrestler with God, and had more than ordinary power and familiarity with him, as appears from the following instances. When he was minister at Kinghorn, there was a certain godly woman under his charge, who fell sick of a very lingering disease, and was all the while assaulted with strong temptations, leading her to think that she was a cast-away, notwithstanding that her whole conversation had put the reality of grace in her beyond a doubt. He often visited her while in this deep exercise, but her trouble and terrors still remained; as her dissolution drew on, her spiritual trouble increased. He went with two of his elders to her, and began first, in their presence, to comfort her and pray with her, but she still grew worse: He ordered his elders to pray, and afterwards prayed himself, but no relief came. Then sitting pensive for a little space, he thus broke silence, "What is this! Our laying grounds of comfort before her will not do; prayer will not do: We must try another remedy. Sure I am, this is a daughter of Abraham; sure I am, she hath sent for me, and therefore, in the name of God, the Father of our Lord Jesus, who sent him to redeem sinners; in the name of Jesus Christ, who obeyed the Father, and came to save us; and in the name of the Holy and blessed Spirit, our Quickner and Sanctifier--I, the elder, command thee, a daughter of Abraham, to be loosed from these bonds." And immediately peace and joy ensued. Mr. Scrimzeor had several friends and children taken away by death, and his only daughter who, at that time survived (and whom he dearly loved), being seized with the king's evil, by which she was reduced to the very point of death, so that he was called up to see her die; and finding her in this condition, he went out to the fields (as he himself told) in the night-time, in great grief and anxiety, and began to expostulate with the Lord, with such expressions as, for all the world, he durst not again utter. In a fit of displeasure he said, "Thou, O Lord, knowest that I have been serving thee in the uprightness of my heart, according to my power and measure, nor have I stood in awe to declare thy mind even unto the greatest in the time, and thou seest that I take pleasure in this child. O that I could obtain such a thing at thy hand, as to spare her." And being in great agony of spirit, at last it was said to him from the Lord, "I have heard thee at this time, but use not the like boldness in time coming, for such particulars." When he came home the child was recovered, and, sitting up in the bed, took some meat, and when he looked at her arm it was perfectly whole. _The Life of Mr. JOHN WELCH._ Mr. John Welch was born a gentleman, his father being laird of Colieston (an estate rather competent than large, in the shire of Nithsdale), about the year 1570, the dawning of our reformation being then but dark. He was a rich example of grace and mercy, but the night went before the day, being a most hopeless extravagant boy: It was not enough to him, frequently when he was a young stripling to run away from the school, and play the truant; but, after he had past his grammar, and was come to be a youth, he left the school, and his father's house, and went and joined himself to the thieves on the English border, who lived by robbing the two nations, and amongst them he stayed till he spent a suit of clothes. Then when he was clothed only with rags, the prodigal's misery brought him to the prodigal's resolution, so he resolved to return to his father's house, but durst not adventure, till he should enterpose a reconciler. In his return homeward, he took Dumfries in his way, where he had an aunt, one Agnes Forsyth, and with her he spent some days, earnestly intreating her to reconcile him to his father. While he lurked in her house, his father came providentially to the house to visit his cousin Mrs. Forsyth; and after they had talked a while, she asked him, Whether ever he had heard any news of his son John; to her he replied with great grief, O cruel woman, how can you name him to me? The first news I expect to hear of him, is, That he is hanged for a thief. She answered, Many a profligate boy had become a virtuous man, and comforted him. He insisted upon his sad complaint, but asked, Whether she knew his lost son was yet alive. She answered, Yes, he was, and she hoped he should prove a better man than he was a boy, and with that she called upon him to come to his father. He came weeping, and kneeled, beseeching his father, for Christ's sake, to pardon his misbehaviour, and deeply engaged to be a new man. His father reproached him and threatened him. Yet at length, by his tears, and Mrs. Forsyth's importunities, he was persuaded to a reconciliation. The boy entreated his father to send him to the college, and there to try his behaviour, and if ever thereafter he should break, he said, He should be content his father should disclaim him for ever: So his father carried him home, and put him to the college, and there he became a diligent student, of great expectation, and shewed himself a sincere convert; and so he proceeded to the ministry. His first settlement was at Selkirk, while he was yet very young, and the country rude. While he was there, his ministry was rather admired by some, than received by many; for he was always attended by the prophet's shadow, the hatred of the wicked; yea, even the ministers of that country, were more ready to pick a quarrel with his person, than to follow his doctrine, as may appear to this day in their synodal records, where we find he had many to censure him, and only some to defend him; yet it was thought his ministry in that place was not without fruit, though he stayed but short time there. Being a young man unmarried, he boarded himself in the house of one Mitchelhill, and took a young boy of his to be his bedfellow, who to his dying day retained both a respect to Mr. Welch and his ministry, from the impressions Mr. Welch's behaviour made upon his apprehension, though but a child. His custom was when he went to bed at night, to lay a Scots plaid above his bed-clothes, and when he went to his night-prayers, to sit up and cover himself negligently therewith, and so to continue. For from the beginning of his ministry to his death, he reckoned the day ill spent if he stayed not seven or eight hours in prayer; and this the boy did not forget even to old age. An old man of the name of Ewart in Selkirk, who remembered Mr. Welch's being in that place said, He was a type of Christ; an expression more significant than proper, for his meaning was, That he was an example that imitated Christ, as indeed in many things he did: He also said, That his custom was to preach publicly once every day, and to spend his whole time in spiritual exercises, that some in that place waited well upon his ministry with great tenderness, but that he was constrained to leave that place, because of the malice of the wicked. The special cause of his departure was, a prophane gentleman in the country (one Scot of Headschaw, whose family is now extinct), because Mr. Welch had either reproved him, or merely from hatred, Mr. Welch was most unworthily abused by the unhappy man, and among the rest of the injuries he did him, this was one:--Mr. Welch kept always two good horses for his own use, and the wicked gentleman, when he could do no more, either with his own hand, or by his servants, cut off the rumps of the two innocent beasts, upon which they both died. Such base usage as this persuaded him to listen to a call to the ministry at Kirkcudbright, which was his next post. But when he was to leave Selkirk, he could not find a man in all the town to transport his furniture, except only Ewart, who was at that time a poor young man, but master of two horses, with which he transported Mr. Welch's goods, and so left him; but as he took his leave, Mr. Welch gave him his blessing, and a piece of gold for a token, exhorting him to fear God, and promised he should never want, which promise, providence made good through the whole course of the man's life, as was observed by all his neighbours. At Kirkcudbright he stayed not long; but there he reaped a harvest of converts, which subsisted long after his departure, and were a part of Mr. Samuel Rutherford's flock, though not his parish, while he was minister at Anwoth. Yet when his call to Ayr came to him, the people of the parish of Kirkcudbright never offered to detain him, so his transportation to Ayr was the more easy. While he was at Kirkcudbright, he met with a young man in scarlet and silver lace (the gentleman's name was Mr. Robert Glendining) new come home from his travels, he much surprised the young man by telling him, he behoved to change his garb, and way of life, and betake himself to the study of the scriptures, which at that time was not his business, for he should be his successor in the ministry at Kirkcudbright, which accordingly came to pass sometime thereafter. Mr. Welch was transported to Ayr in the year 1590, and there he continued till he was banished, there he had a very hard beginning, but a very sweet end; for when he came first to the town, the country was so wicked and the hatred of godliness so great, that there could not one in all the town be found, who would let him a house to dwell in, so he was constrained to accommodate himself the best he might, in a part of a gentleman's house for a time; the gentleman's name was John Stuart merchant, and sometime provost of Ayr, an eminent Christian, and great assistant of Mr. Welch. And when he had first taken up his residence in that town, the place was so divided into factions, and filled with bloody conflicts, a man could hardly walk the streets with safety; wherefore Mr. Welch made it his first undertaking to remove the bloody quarrelings, but he found it a very difficult work; yet such was his earnestness to pursue his design, that many times he would rush betwixt two parties of men fighting, even in the midst of blood and wounds. He used to cover his head with a head-piece before he went to separate these bloody enemies, but would never use a sword, that they might see he came for peace and not for war, and so, by little and little, he made the town a peaceable habitation. His manner was, after he had ended a skirmish amongst his neighbours, and reconciled these bitter enemies, to cause cover a table upon the street, and there brought the enemies together, and beginning with prayer he persuaded them to profess themselves friends, then to eat and drink together, then last of all he ended the work with singing a psalm: For after the rude people began to observe his example, and listen to his heavenly doctrine, he came quickly to that respect amongst them, that he became not only a necessary counsellor, without whose council they would do nothing, but an example to imitate. He gave himself wholly to ministerial exercises, he preached once every day, he prayed the third part of his time, was unwearied in his studies, and for a proof of this, it was found among his papers, that he had abridged Suarez's metaphysics when they came first to his hand, even when he was well stricken in years. By all which it appears, that he has not only been a man of great diligence, but also of a strong and robust natural constitution, otherwise he had never endured the fatigue. Sometimes, before he went to sermon, he would send for his elders and tell them, he was afraid to go to pulpit; because he found himself sore deserted: and thereafter desire one or more of them to pray, and then he would venture to pulpit. But, it was observed, this humbling exercise used ordinarily to be followed with a flame of extraordinary assistance: So near neighbours are many times contrary dispositions and frames. He would many times retire to the church of Ayr, which was at some distance from the town, and there spend the whole night in prayer; for he used to allow his affections full expression, and prayed not only with audible, but sometimes a loud voice. There was in Ayr before he came to it, an aged man, a minister of the town, called Porterfield, the man was judged no bad man, for his personal inclinations, but so easy a disposition, that he used many times to go too great a length with his neighbours in many dangerous practices; and amongst the rest, he used to go to the bow-butts and archery, on the sabbath afternoon, to Mr. Welch's great dissatisfaction. But the way he used to reclaim him was not bitter severity, but this gentle policy; Mr. Welch together with John Stuart, and Hugh Kennedy, his two intimate friends, used to spend the sabbath afternoon in religious conference and prayer, and to this exercise they invited Mr. Porterfield, which he could not refuse, by which means he was not only diverted from his former sinful practice, but likewise brought to a more watchful and edifying behaviour in his course of life. While Mr. Welch was at Ayr, the Lord's day was greatly profaned at a gentleman's house about eight miles distance from Ayr, by reason of great confluence of people playing at the foot-ball, and other pastime. After writing several times to him to suppress the profanation of the Lord's day at his house, (which he slighted, not loving to be called a puritan) Mr. Welch came one day to his gate and calling him out to tell him, that he had a message from God to shew him, that because he had slighted the advice given him from the Lord, and would not restrain the profanation of the Lord's day committed in his bounds; therefore the Lord would cast him out of his house, and none of his posterity should enjoy it: which accordingly came to pass; for although he was in a good external situation at this time; yet henceforth all things went against him until he was obliged to sell his estate; and when giving the purchaser possession thereof, he told his wife and children that he had found Mr. Welch a true prophet[49]. He married Elizabeth Knox, daughter to the famous Mr. John Knox minister at Edinburgh, and she lived with him from his youth till his death. By her he had three sons[50]. As the duty wherein Mr. Welch abounded and excelled most in his prayer, so his greatest attainments fell that way. He used to say, He wondered how a Christian could ly in bed all night, and not rise to pray, and many times he rose, and many times he watched. One night he rose from his wife, and went into the next room, where he staid so long at secret prayer, that his wife, fearing he might catch cold, was constrained to rise and follow him, and, as she hearkened, she heard him speak as by interrupted sentences, Lord, wilt thou not grant me Scotland, and after a pause, Enough, Lord, enough; and so she returned to her bed, and he following her, not knowing she had heard him, but when he was by her, she asked him, What he meant by saying, Enough, Lord, enough? he shewed himself dissatisfied with her curiosity, but told her, He had been wrestling with the Lord for Scotland, and found there was a sad time at hand, but that the Lord would be gracious to a remnant. This was about the time when bishops first overspread the land, and corrupted the church. This is more wonderful still, An honest minister, who was a parishioner of Mr. Welch many a day, said, "That one night as he watched in his garden very late, and some friends waiting upon him in his house, and wearying because of his long stay, one of them chanced to open a window toward the place where he walked, and saw clearly a strange light surround him, and heard him speak strange words about his spiritual joy." But though Mr. Welch had upon the account of his holiness, abilities and success, acquired among his subdued people, a very great respect, yet was he never in such admiration, as after the great plague which raged in Scotland in his time. And one cause was this: The magistrates of Ayr, forasmuch as this town alone was free, and the country about infected, thought fit to guard the ports with centinels and watchmen; and one day two travelling merchants, each with a pack of cloth upon a horse, came to the town desiring entrance that they might sell their goods, producing a pass from the magistrates of the town from whence they came, which was at that time sound and free; yet notwithstanding all this, the centinels stopt them till the magistrates were called, and when they came they would do nothing without their minister's advice; so Mr. Welch was called, and his opinion asked: He demurred, and putting off his hat, with his eyes towards heaven for a pretty space, though he uttered no audible words, yet continued in a praying posture; and after a little space told the magistrates, They would do well to discharge these travellers their town, affirming, with great asseveration, the plague was in these packs, so the magistrates commanded them to be gone, and they went to Cumnock, a town about twenty miles distant, and there sold their goods, which kindled such an infection in that place, that the living were hardly able to bury their dead. This made the people begin to think of Mr. Welch as an oracle: Yet, as he walked with God, and kept close with him, so he forgot not man, for he used frequently to dine abroad with such of his friends as he thought were persons with whom he might maintain the communion of the saints; and once in the year, he used always to invite all his familiar acquaintances in the town, to a treat in his house, where there was a banquet of holiness and sobriety. He continued the course of his ministry in Ayr, till king James's purpose of destroying the church of Scotland, by establishing bishops was ripe, and then it became his duty to edify the church by his sufferings, as formerly he had done by his doctrine. The reason why king James was so violent for bishops, was neither their divine institution, which he denied they had, nor yet the profit the church should reap by them, for he knew well both the men and their communications, but merely because he believed they were useful instruments to turn a limited monarchy into absolute dominion, and subjects into slaves; the design in the world he minded most. Always in the pursuit of his design, he followed this method; in the first place, he resolved to destroy general assemblies, knowing well that so long as assemblies might convene in freedom, bishops could never get their designed authority in Scotland; and the dissolution of assemblies he brought about in this manner. The general assembly at Holyrood-house, _anno_ 1602, with the king's consent, indict their next meeting to be kept at Aberdeen, the last tuesday of July _anno_ 1604, and before that day came, the king by his commissioner the laird of Laureston, and Mr. Patrick Galloway moderator of the last general assembly, in a letter directed to the several presbyteries, prorogued the meeting till the first tuesday of July 1605, at the same place; last of all, in June 1605, the expected meeting to have been kept in July following, is by a new letter from the king's commissioner, and the commissioners of the general assembly, absolutely discharged and prohibited, but without naming any day or place, for any other assembly; and so the series of our assemblies expired, never to revive again in due form, till the covenant was renewed _anno_ 1638. However, many of the godly ministers of Scotland, knowing well, if once the hedge of the government was broken, the corruption of the doctrine would soon follow, resolved not to quit their assemblies so. And therefore a number of them convened at Aberdeen, upon the first tuesday of July 1605, being the last day that was distinctly appointed by authority; and when they had met, did no more but constitute themselves and dissolve. Amongst those was Mr. Welch, who, though he had not been present upon that precise day, yet because he came to the place, and approved what his brethren had done, he was accused as guilty of the treasonable fact committed by them. So dangerous a point was the name of a general assembly in king James's jealous judgment. Within a month after this meeting, many of these godly men were incarcerate, some in one prison, some in another. Mr. Welch was sent first to Edinburgh tolbooth, and then to Blackness; and so from prison to prison, till he was banished to France, never to see Scotland again. And now the scene of his life begins to alter; but, before his sufferings, he had this strange warning. After the meeting at Aberdeen was over, he retired immediately to Ayr; and one night he rose from his wife, and went into his garden, as his custom was, but stayed longer than ordinary, which troubled his wife, who, when he returned, expostulated with him very hard for his staying so long to wrong his health; he bid her be quiet, for it should be well with them. But he knew well, he should never preach more at Ayr; and accordingly, before the next sabbath, he was carried prisoner to Blackness castle. After that, he, with many others, who had met at Aberdeen, were brought before the council of Scotland at Edinburgh, to answer for their rebellion and contempt, in holding a general assembly, not authorized by the king. And because they declined the secret council, as judges competent in causes purely spiritual, such as the nature and constitution of a general assembly is, they were first remitted to the prison at Blackness, and other places, and thereafter, six of the most considerable of them, were brought under night from Blackness to Linlithgow before the criminal judges, to answer an accusation of high treason at the instance of Sir Thomas Hamilton the king's advocate, for declining, as he alleged, the king's lawful authority, in refusing to admit the council judges competent in the cause of the nature of church judicatories; and, after their accusation and answer was read, by the verdict of a jury of very considerable gentlemen, they were condemned as guilty of high treason, the punishment deferred till the king's pleasure should be known; and thereafter their punishment was made banishment, that the cruel sentence might somewhat seem to soften their severe punishment, as the king had contrived it. While he was in Blackness, he wrote his famous letter to Lilias Graham countess of Wigton; in which he utters, in the strongest terms, his consolation in suffering; his desire to be dissolved, that he might be with the Lord; the judgments he foresaw coming upon Scotland, &c. He also seems most positively to shew the true cause of their sufferings, and state of the testimony in these words: "Who am I, that he should first have called me, and then constituted me a minister of the glad tidings of the gospel of salvation these years already, and now last of all to be a sufferer for his cause and kingdom. Now, let it be so, that I have fought my fight, and run my race, and now from henceforth is laid up for me that crown of righteousness, which the Lord that righteous God will give, and not to me only, but to all that love his appearance, and choose to witness this, that Jesus Christ is the king of saints, and that his church is a most free kingdom, yea as free as any kingdom under heaven, not only to convocate, hold, and keep her meetings, and conventions and assemblies; but also to judge of all her affairs, in all her meetings and conventions amongst her members and subjects. These two points, 1. That Christ is the head of his church. 2. That she is free in her government, from all other jurisdiction except Christ's: These two points, I say, are the special cause of our imprisonment; being now convict as traitors for the maintaining thereof. We have been ever waiting with joyfulness to give the last testimony of our blood in confirmation thereof, if it should please our God to be so favourable as to honour us with that dignity; yea, I do affirm, that these two points above-written, and all other things which belong to Christ's crown, sceptre and kingdom, are not subject, nor cannot be, to any other authority, but to his own altogether. So that I would be most glad to be offered up as a sacrifice for so glorious a truth: It would be to me the most glorious day, and the gladdest hour I ever saw in this life; but I am in his hand to do with me whatsoever shall please his Majesty. "I am also bound and sworn, by a special covenant, to maintain the doctrine and discipline thereof, according to my vocation and power all the days of my life, under all the pains contained in the book of God, and danger of body and soul, in the day of God's fearful judgment; and therefore, though I should perish in the cause, yet will I speak for it, and to my power defend it, according to my vocation." He wrote about the same time to Sir William Livingston of Kilsyth: There are some prophetical expressions in this letter that merit notice. "As for that instrument Spotswood, we are sure the the Lord will never bless that man, but a malediction lies upon him, and shall accompany all his doings; and it may be, Sir, your eyes shall see as great confusion covering him, ere he go to his grave, as ever did his predecessors. Now surely, Sir, I am far from bitterness, but here I denounce the wrath of an everlasting God against him, which assuredly shall fall, except it be prevented. Sir, Dagon shall not stand before the ark of the Lord, and these names of blasphemy that he wears of arch and lord bishop, will have a fearful end. Not one book is to be given to Haman, suppose he were as great a courtier as ever he was; suppose the decree was given out, and sealed with the king's ring, deliverance will come to us elsewhere, and not by him, who has been so sore an instrument, not against our persons, that were nothing, (for I protest to you, Sir, in the sight of God, I forgive him all the evil he has done, or can do, to me) but unto Christ's poor kirk, in stamping under foot so glorious a kingdom and beauty as was once in this land; he has helped to cut Sampson's hair, and to expose him to mocking, but the Lord will not be mocked: He shall be cast away as a stone out of a sling, his name shall rot, and a malediction shall fall upon his posterity after he is gone. Let this, Sir, be a monument of it, that it was told before, that when it shall come to pass, it may be seen there was warning given him: And therefore, Sir, seeing I have not the access myself, if it would please God to move you, I wish you would deliver this hand-message to him, not as from me, but from the Lord." The man of whom he complains, and threatens so sore, was bishop Spotswood, at that time designed arch-bishop of Glasgow; and this prophecy was punctually accomplished, though after the space of forty years: For, first the bishop himself died in a strange land, and, as many say, in misery; next his son Robert Spotswood, sometime president of the session, was beheaded by the parliament of Scotland, at the market-cross of St. Andrews, in the winter after the battle of Philiphaugh, to which many thousands witnessed, and as soon as ever he came upon the scaffold, Mr. Blair, the minister of the town, told him, That now Mr. Welch's prophecy was fulfilled upon him; to which he replied in anger, That Mr. Welch and he were both false prophets. But before he left Scotland, some remarkable passages in his behaviour are to be remembered. And first, when the dispute about church-government began to warm, as he was walking upon the street of Edinburgh, betwixt two honest citizens he told them, They had in their town two great ministers, who were no great friends to Christ's cause presently in controversy, but it should be seen, the world should never hear of their repentance. The two men were Mr. Patrick Galloway and Mr. John Hall; and accordingly it came to pass, for Mr. Patrick Galloway died easing himself upon a stool; and Mr. John Hall, being at that time in Leith, and his servant woman having left him alone in his house while she went to the market, he was found dead at her return. He was sometime prisoner in Edinburgh castle before he went into exile, where one night sitting at supper with the Lord Ochiltry, who was uncle to Mr. Welch's wife, as his manner was, he entertained the company with godly and edifying discourse, which was well received by all the company, except a debauched popish young gentleman, who sometimes laughed, and sometimes mocked and made wry faces; whereupon Mr. Welch brake out into a sad abrupt charge upon all the company to be silent, and observe the work of the Lord upon that profane mocker, which they should presently behold; upon which the profane wretch sunk down and died beneath the table, to great astonishment of all the company. Another wonderful story they tell of him at the same time:--The Lord Ochiltry the captain, being both son to the good Lord Ochiltry, and Mr. Welch's uncle in law, was indeed very civil to Mr. Welch, but being for a long time, through the multitude of affairs, kept from visiting Mr. Welch in his chamber, as he was one day walking in the court, and espying Mr. Welch at his chamber window, asked him kindly how he did, and if in any thing he could serve him? Mr. Welch answered him, He would earnestly intreat his lordship, being at that time to go to court, to petition king James in his name, that he might have liberty to preach the gospel; which my lord promised to do. Mr. Welch answered, My lord, both because you are my kinsman, and for other reasons, I would earnestly intreat and bidest you not to promise, except you faithfully perform. His lordship answered. He would faithfully perform his promise; and so went for London. But though at his first arrival, he was really purposed to present the petition to the king, when he found the king in such a rage against the godly ministers, that he durst not, at that time, present it; so he thought fit to delay it, and thereafter entirely forgot it. The first time that Mr. Welch saw his face after his return from court, he asked him what he had done with his petition. His lordship answered, He had presented it to the king, but that the king was in so great a rage against the ministers at that time, he believed it had been forgotten, for he had got no answer. Nay, said Mr. Welch to him, My lord, you should not lie to God, and to me; for I know you never delivered it, though I warned you to take heed not to undertake it, except you would perform it; but because you have dealt so unfaithfully, remember God shall take from you both estate and honours, and give them to your neighbour in your own time: which accordingly came to pass, for both his estate and honours were in his own time translated to James Stuart, son of captain James, who was indeed a cadet, but not the lineal heir of the family. While he was detained prisoner in Edinburgh castle, his wife used for the most part to stay in his company, but upon a time fell into a longing to see her family in Ayr, to which with some difficulty he yielded; but when she was to take her journey, he strictly charged her not to take the ordinary way to her own house, when she came to Ayr, nor to pass by the bridge through the town, but to pass the river above the bridge, and so get the way to his own house, and not to come into the town, for, said he, before you come thither, you shall find the plague broken out in Ayr, which accordingly came to pass. The plague was at that time very terrible, and he being necessarily separate from his people, it was to him the more grievous; but when the people of Ayr came to him to bemoan themselves, his answer was, that Hugh Kennedy, a godly gentleman in their town, should pray for them, and God should hear him. This counsel they accepted, and the gentleman conveening a number of the honest citizens, prayed earnestly for the town, as he was a mighty wrestler with God, and accordingly after that the plague decreased. Now the time is come when he must leave Scotland, and never to see it again. So upon the 7th of November 1606, in the morning he with his neighbours took ship at Leith, and though it was but two o'clock in the morning, many were waiting on with their afflicted families, to bid them farewel[51]. After prayer, they sung the 23d psalm, and so to the great grief of the spectators, set sail for the south of France, and landed in the river of Bourdeaux. Within fourteen weeks after his arrival, such was the Lord's blessing upon his diligence, he was able to preach in French, and accordingly was speedily called to the ministry, first in one village, then in another; one of them was Nerac, and thereafter was settled in St. Jean d' Angely, a considerable walled town, and there he continued the rest of the time he sojourned in France, which was about sixteen years. When he began to preach, it was observed by some of his hearers, that while he continued in the doctrinal part of his sermon, he spoke very correct French, but when he came to his application, and when his affections kindled, his fervor made him sometimes neglect the accuracy of the French construction: But there were godly young men who admonished him of this, which he took in very good part, so for preventing mistakes of that kind, he desired the young gentlemen, when they perceived him beginning to decline, to give him a sign, _viz._ that they were to stand up; and thereafter he was more exact in his expression through his whole sermon: So desirous was he, not only to deliver good matter, but to recommend it in neat expression. There were many times persons of great quality in his auditory, before whom he was just as bold as ever he had been in a Scots village; which moved Mr. Boyd of Trochrig once to ask him (after he had preached before the university with Saumur with such boldness and authority as if he had been before the meanest congregation), How he could be so confident among strangers, and persons of such quality? To which he answered, That he was so filled with the dread of God, he had no apprehensions from man at all; and this answer, said Mr. Boyd, did not remove my admiration, but rather increase it. There was in his house, amongst many others who boarded with him for good education, a young gentleman of great quality, and suitable expectations, and this was the heir of Lord Ochiltry, captain of the Castle of Edinburgh. This young nobleman, after he had gained very much upon Mr. Welch's affections, fell ill of a grievous sickness, and after he had been long wasted with it, closed his eyes, and expired, to the apprehension of all spectators, and was therefore taken out of his bed, and laid on a pallet on the floor, that his body might be the more conveniently dressed. This was to Mr. Welch a very great grief, and therefore he stayed with the dead body full three hours, lamenting over him with great tenderness. After twelve hours, the friends brought in a coffin, whereinto they desired the corpse to be put, as the custom is; but Mr. Welch desired, that for the satisfaction of his affections, they would forbear it for a time, which they granted, and returned not till twenty-four hours after his death were expired; then they desired, with great importunity, that the corpse might be coffined, and speedily buried, the weather being extremely hot; yet he persisted in his request, earnestly begging them to excuse him once more; so they left the corpse upon the pallet for full thirty-six hours; but even after all that, though he was urged, not only with great earnestness, but displeasure, they were constrained to forbear for twelve hours more. After forty-eight hours were past, Mr. Welch still held out against them, and then his friends perceiving that he believed the young man was not really dead, but under some apoplectic fit, proposed to him, for his satisfaction, that trial should be made upon his body by doctors and chirurgeons, if possibly any spark of life might be found in him, and with this he was content.--So the physicians are let to work, who pinched him with pincers in the fleshy parts of his body, and twisted a bow-string about his head with great force, but no sign of life appearing in him, the physicians pronounced him stark dead, and then there was no more delay to be made; yet Mr. Welch begged of them once more, that they would but step into the next room for an hour or two, and leave him with the dead youth; and this they granted. Then Mr. Welch fell down before the pallet, and cried to the Lord with all his might, and sometimes looked upon the dead body, continuing in wrestling with the Lord, till at length the dead youth opened his eyes, and cried out to Mr. Welch, whom he distinctly knew, O Sir, I am all whole, but my head and legs; and these were the places they had sore hurt with their pinching. When Mr. Welch perceived this, he called upon his friends, and shewed them the dead young man restored to life again, to their great astonishment. And this young nobleman, though he lost the estate of Ochiltry, lived to acquire a great estate in Ireland, and was Lord Castle-Stuart, and a man of such excellent parts, that he was courted by the earl of Stafford to be a councellor in Ireland; which he refused to be, until the godly silenced Scottish ministers, who suffered under the bishops in the north of Ireland, were restored to the exercise of their ministry, and then he engaged, and continued to for all his life, not only in honour and power, but in the profession and practice of godliness, to the great comfort of the country where be lived. This story the nobleman himself communicated to his friends in Ireland. While Mr. Welch was minister in one of these French villages, upon an evening a certain popish friar travelling through the country, because he could not find lodging in the whole village, addressed himself to Mr. Welch's house for one night. The servants acquainted their master, and he was content to receive this guest. The family had supped before he came, and so the servants convoyed the friar to his chamber, and after they had made his supper, they left him to his rest. There was but a timber partition betwixt him and Mr. Welch, and after the friar had slept his first sleep, he was surprized with the hearing of a silent, but constant whispering noise, at which he wondered very much, and was not a little troubled. The next morning he walked in the fields, where he chanced to meet with a country man, who saluting him because of his habit, asked him, Where he had lodged that night? The friar answered, He had lodged with the hugenot minister. Then the country man asked him, what entertainment he had? The friar answered, Very bad: for, said he, I always held, that devils haunted these ministers houses, and I am persuaded there was one with me this night, for I heard a continual whisper all the night over, which I believe was no other thing, than the minister and the devil conversing together. The country man told him, he was much mistaken, and that it was nothing else than the minister at his night prayer. O, said the friar, does the minister pray any? Yes, more than any man in France, answered the country man, and if you please to stay another night with him you may be satisfied. The friar got home to Mr. Welch's house, and pretending indisposition, intreated another night's lodging, which was granted him. Before dinner, Mr. Welch came from his chamber, and made his family exercise, according to his custom. And first he sung a psalm, then read a portion of scripture, and discoursed upon it, thereafter he prayed with great fervor, to all which the friar was an astonished witness. After exercise they went to dinner, where the friar was very civilly entertained, Mr. Welch forbearing all question and dispute with him for the time; when the evening came, Mr. Welch made exercise as he had done in the morning, which occasioned more wonder to the friar, and after supper they Went to bed; but the friar longed much to know what the night whisper was, and therein he was soon satisfied, for after Mr. Welch's first sleep, the noise began; then the friar resolved to be certain what it was, and to that end he crept silently to Mr. Welch's chamber-door, and there he heard not only the sound, but the words distinctly, and communications betwixt man and God, such as he thought, had not been in this world. The next morning, as soon as Mr. Welch was ready, the friar went to him, and told him, that he had lived in ignorance the whole of his life, but now he was resolved to adventure his soul with Mr. Welch, and thereupon declared himself protestant: Mr. Welch welcomed and encouraged him, and he continued a protestant to his death. When Lewis XIII. king of France made war upon the protestants there, because of their religion, the city of St. Jean d' Angely was besieged by him with his whole army, and brought into extreme danger. Mr Welch was minister of the town, and mightily encouraged the citizens to hold out, assuring them, God would deliver them. In the time of the siege, a cannon ball pierced the bed where he was lying, upon which he got up, but would not leave the room, till he had, by solemn prayer, acknowledged his deliverance. During this siege, the townsmen made stout defence, till one of the king's gunners planted a great gun so conveniently upon a rising ground, that therewith he could command the whole wall upon which the townsmen made their greatest defence. Upon this, they were constrained to forsake the whole wall in great terror, and tho' they had several guns planted upon the wall, no man durst undertake to manage them. This being told to Mr. Welch, he notwithstanding encouraged them still to hold out, and running to the wall, found the cannonier, who was a Burgundian, near the wall, him he entreated to mount the wall, promising to assist him in person. The cannonier told Mr. Welch, that they behoved to dismount the gun upon the rising ground, else they were surely lost; Mr. Welch desired him to aim well, and he would serve him, and God would help him; the gunner fell to work, and Mr. Welch ran to fetch powder for a charge, but, as he was returning, the king's gunner fired his piece, which carried the laddle with the powder out of his hands: This did not discourage him, for having left the laddle, he filled his hat with powder, wherewith the gunner dismounted the king's gun at the first shot, and the citizens returned to their post of defence. This discouraged the king so much, that he sent to the citizens to offer them fair conditions, _viz._ That they should enjoy the liberty of their religion, their civil privileges, and their walls should not be demolished; the king only desired that he might enter the city in a friendly manner with his servants. This the city thought fit to grant, and the king with a few more entered the city for a short time. While the king was in the city, Mr. Welch preached as usual, which offended the French court, for while he was at sermon the king sent the duke de Espernon to fetch him out of the pulpit into his presence. The duke went with his guard, and when he entered the church where Mr. Welch was preaching, Mr. Welch commanded to make way, and to place a seat that the duke might hear the word of the Lord. The duke instead of interrupting him, sat down, and gravely heard the sermon to an end, and then told Mr. Welch he behoved to go with him to the king, which he willingly did. When the duke came to the king, the king asked him why he brought not the minister with him; and why he did not interrupt him? The duke answered, Never man spake like this man, but he had brought him along with him. Whereupon Mr. Welch is called, and when he had entered the king's room, he kneeled and silently prayed for wisdom and assistance. Thereafter the king challenged him, how he durst preach in that place, since it was against the laws of France, that any man should preach within the verge of his court? Mr. Welch answered, Sir, if you did right, you would come and hear me preach, and make all France hear me likewise. For, said he, I preach you must be saved by the death and merits of Jesus Christ, and not your own; and I preach, that as you are king of France, you are under the authority of no man on earth: Those men, he said, whom you hear, subject you to the Pope of Rome, which I will never do. The king replied, Well, well, you shall be my minister; and, as some say, called him father, which is an honour bestowed upon few of the greatest prelates in France: However, he was favourably dismissed at that time, and the king also left the city in peace. But within a short time thereafter the war was renewed, and then Mr. Welch told the inhabitants of the city, That now their cup was full, and they should no more escape; which accordingly came to pass, for the king took the town, and commanded Vitry the captain of his guard to enter and preserve his minister from all danger; then horses and waggons were provided for Mr. Welch, to transport him and his family for Rochelle, whither he went, and there sojourned for a time. After his flock in France was scattered, he obtained liberty to return to England, and his friends intreated that he might have permission to come to Scotland, because the physicians declared there was no other method to preserve his life, but by the freedom he might have in his native air. But to this king James would never yield, protesting he would be unable to establish his beloved bishops in Scotland, if Mr. Welch was permitted to return thither; so he languished at London a considerable time; his disease was considered by some to have a tendency to a sort of leprosy, physicians said he had been poisoned; a languor he had together with a great weakness in his knees, caused by his continual kneeling at prayer, by which it came to pass, that though he was able to move his knees, and to walk, yet he was wholly insensible in them, and the flesh became hard like a sort of horn. But when in the time of his weakness, he was desired to remit somewhat of his excessive painfulness, his answer was, He had his life of God, and therefore it should be spent for him. His friends importuned king James very much, that if be might not return to Scotland, at least he might have liberty to preach in London, which he would not grant, till he heard all the hopes of life were past, and then he allowed him liberty to preach, not fearing his activity. Then as soon as ever he heard he might preach, he greedily embraced this liberty, and having access to a lecturer's pulpit, he went and preached both long and fervently: which was his last performance: For after he had ended his sermon, he returned to his chamber, and within two hours, quietly and without pain, he resigned his spirit into his Maker's hands, and was buried near Mr. Deering, the famous English divine, after he had lived little more than fifty two years. During his sickness, he was so filled and overcome with the sensible enjoyment of God, that he was overheard to utter these words, "O Lord, hold thy hand, it is enough, thy servant is a clay vessel, and can hold no more."---- If his diligence was great, so it may be doubted whether his sowing in painfulness, or his harvest in success was greatest; for if either his spiritual experiences in seeking the Lord, or his fruitfulness in converting souls be considered, they will be found unparallelled in Scotland; And many years after Mr. Welch's death, Mr. David Dickson, at that time a flourishing minister at Irvine, was frequently heard to say, when people talked to him of the success of his ministry, That the grape-gleanings in Ayr, in Mr. Welch's time, were far above the vintage of Irvine in his own. Mr. Welch in his preaching was spiritual and searching, his utterance tender and moving, he did not much insist upon scholastic purposes and made no shew of his learning. One of his hearers, who was afterward minister at Moor-kirk in Kyle, used to say, That no man could hear him and forbear weeping, his conveyance was so affecting. There is a large volume of his sermons now in Scotland, only a few of them have come to the press, nor did he ever appear in print, except in his dispute with Abbot Brown, wherein he makes it appear, his learning was not behind other virtues; and in another called Dr. Welch's Armagaddon, supposed to have been printed in France, wherein he gives his meditation upon the enemies of the church, and their destruction; but the piece itself rarely to be found. _The Life of Mr. ROBERT BOYD._ He was first settled minister at Vertal in France, but was afterwards by the interest of Sieur du Plessis translated to be professor of divinity at Saumur, and some time after was invited home by king James and settled principal of the college of Glasgow and minister of Govan, at which place he ordinarily wrote his sermons in full, and yet when he came to the pulpit he appeared with great life and power of affection. While he was in France the popish controversy employed his thoughts, but the church of Scotland engrossed almost his whole attention after his return home, and he became a zealous friend and supporter of the more faithful part of the ministry, against the usurpation of the bishops and their ceremonies. But the prelatists knowing that the eminency of his place, his piety and learning would influence many to take part with that way, they therefore laboured with great assiduity, both by intreaties, threatenings and the persuasions of some of his friends, in so much that he gave in a paper to Law arch-bishop of Glasgow, in which he seemed in some sort to acknowledge the pre-eminence of bishops, but he got no rest the next night after this, being sore troubled for what he had done, he went back and sought his paper again with tears, but the bishop pretended that he had already sent it up to the king, so that he could not obtain it. Mr. Boyd, finding that from this time forward he could enjoy no peace in this place, he demitted both, and was chosen principal of the college of Edinburgh, and one of the ministers of that city; Dr. Cameron came into his places at Glasgow in October 1622. Some of the other ministers of Edinburgh, particularly one Ramsay, envied him on account of his high reputation both as a preacher, and as a teacher (the well-affected part of the people both in town and country crowding to his church), and gave the king information against him as a non-conformist: the king sent a letter December the 13th to the magistrates of the town, rebuking them for admitting him, and commanding him to be removed: The magistrates were not obedient to the command, and by a courtier intreated he might be continued, but the king would not grant their request. Accordingly on the last of January 1623, he renewed the order to remove him, and he was in a little time after that turned out of his place and office. Some short time after this, bishop Law was again prevailed on to admit Mr. Boyd to be minister of Paisley, for although no man was more opposite to the Perth articles than Mr. Boyd, as he had refused conformity to them both at Glasgow and Edinburgh, yet his learning and prudence recommended him to the bishop's esteem. Here he remained in security and peace until the earl of Abercorn's brother (a zealous papist) dispossessed him on a Sabbath afternoon while he was preaching, and threw all his books out of the house where he had his residence. Upon complaining to the privy-council the offender was imprisoned, and the court and bailies of Paisley having undertaken to repossess Mr. Boyd again, and the gentleman professing his sorrow for what he had done, Mr. Boyd interceeding with them for him, the council passed the matter over. But no sooner went he to take possession, than he found the church doors secured, so that no access could be had, and though the magistrates would have broke them open, yet the mob (urged on as was supposed by the earl's mother) pressed so hard upon the good man, not only by opprobrious speeches, but also threw stones at him as if he had been a malefactor, that he was forced to fly to Glasgow, and afterwards, seeing no prospect of a peaceable settlement at Paisley, he returned to his own house at Trochrig in Carrick, where he (probably) continued to his death, which was some years after. He was a man of great learning for that time, as his commentary on the Ephesians testifies. He would sometimes say, If he had his choice of languages wherein to deliver his sentiments it would be in Greek. He was of an austere countenance and carriage, and yet very tender-hearted. He had but a mean opinion of himself, but a high esteem of others in whom he perceived any signs of grace and ingenuity. In the time of that convincing and converting work of the Lord (commonly called Stuarton sickness) he came from his own house in Carrick, and met with many of the people; and having conversed with them, he heartily blessed the Lord for the grace that was given unto them. _The Life of Mr. ROBERT BRUCE._ Mr. Robert Bruce was born about the year 1554. He was second son to the laird of Airth (of whom he had the estate of Kinnaird), who being at that time a baron, of the best quality in the kingdom, educated Mr. Robert with intention of being one of the lords of session, and for his better accomplishment, sent him to France to study the civil law. After his return home, his father injoined him to wait upon some affairs of his that were then before the court of session, as he had got a patent insured for his being one of these lords. But God's thoughts being not as mens thoughts, and having other designs with him, he began then to work mightily upon his conscience, that he could get no rest till he was suffered to attend Mr. Andrew Melvil at St. Andrews to study divinity under him; but to this his mother was averse, for she would not condescend until he first gave up some lands and casualities wherein he was infest: This he most willingly did, and shaking off all impediments he fully resolved upon an employment more fitted to the serious turn of his mind. He went to St. Andrews sometime before Mr. Andrew Melvil left the country, and continued there until his return. Here he wanted not some sharp conflicts on this head, insomuch that upon a certain time, walking in the fields with that holy and religious man Mr. James Melvil, he said to him, "Before I throw myself again into such torment of conscience which I have had in resisting the call to the ministry, I would rather choose to walk through a fire of brimstone, even tho' it were half a mile in length." After he was accomplished for the ministry, Mr. Andrew Melvil perceiving how the Lord wrought with him, brought him over to the general assembly in 1587, and moved the church of Edinburgh to call him to a charge there. And although he was moved by some brethren to accept the charge of the ministry in place of Mr. James Lawson, yet he could not be prevailed upon to take the charge _simpliciter_ (although he was willing to bestow his labour thereon for a time), until by the joint advice of the ministry of the city, and this stratagem, he was as it were trapped into it: thus, on a time, when the sacrament was to be dispensed at Edinburgh, one of the ministers desired Mr. Bruce, who was to preach in the afternoon, to sit by him, and after he had served two or three tables, he went out of the church, as if he had been to return in a little, but instead of that he sent notice to Mr. Bruce, that unless he served the rest of the tables the work behoved to stop; Mr. Bruce not knowing but the minister had been seized on a sudden with some kind of sickness, and, the eyes of all the people being fixed on him, many intreating him to supply the minister's place, he proceeded to the administration of the remainder, and that with such assistance to himself and emotion amongst the people, that the like had never before been seen in that place. When he was afterward urged by the rest of his brethren to receive, in the ordinary way, the imposition of hands, he refused it, because he wanted not the material part of ordination, _viz._ the call of the people and the approbation of the ministry, and besides he had already celebrated the sacrament of the supper, which was not, by a new ordination to be made void.----So having made trial of the work, and found the blessing of God upon his labours, he accepted the charge, and was from that time forth principal actor in the affairs of the church, and a constant and strenuous maintainer of the established doctrine and discipline thereof. While he was minister at Edinburgh he shined as a great light through all these parts of the land, the power and efficacious energy of the Spirit accompanying the word preached by him in a most sensible manner, so that he was a terror to evil doers, the authority of God appearing with him, in so much that he forced fear and respect even from the greatest in the land. Even king James himself and his court had such high thoughts of him, that when he went to bring home his queen _anno_ 1590, at his departure, he expressly desired Mr. Bruce to acquaint himself with the affairs of the country and the proceedings of the council, professing that he reposed more in him than the rest of his brethren, or even all his nobles; and indeed in this his hopes were not disappointed, for the country was more quiet during his absence than either before or afterward: In gratitude for which Mr. Bruce received a congratulatory letter dated February 19th, 1590, wherein the king acknowledgeth, "He would be obligated to him all his life for the pains he had taken in his absence to keep his subjects in good order." Yea, it is well known that the king had that esteem for Mr. Bruce, that, upon a certain time before many witnesses, he gave him this testimony, That he judged him worthy of the half of his kingdom; but he proved in this, as in others of his fair promises, no slave to his word, for not many year's after he obliged this good man, for his faithfulness, to depart and leave the kingdom. Mr. Bruce being a man of public spirit and heroic mind, was always on that account pitched upon to deal in matters of high moment, and amongst other things, upon the 19th of November 1596, he, Messrs. Andrew Melvil and John Davidson, were directed by the counsel of the brethren, to deal with the queen concerning her religion, and, for want of religious exercises and virtuous occupation amongst her maids to move her to hear now and then the instructions of godly and discreet men; they went to her, but were refused admittance until another time. About the same time he was sent to the king then sitting with the lords in session, to present some articles for redress of the wrongs then done to the church; but, in the mean time, a bustle falling out at Edinburgh by the mob, he removed to Linlithgow. Upon the Sabbath following, Mr. Bruce preaching upon the 51st psalm said, "The removal of your ministers is at hand, our lives shall be bitterly fought after, but ye shall see with your eyes, that God shall guard us, and be our buckler and defence &c." and the day following, this was in part accomplished, for the king sent a charge from Linlithgow to Mr. Bruce and the rest of the ministers of Edinburgh, to enter in ward at the castle there within six hours after the proclamation, under pain of horning. The rest of the ministers, knowing the king's anger was kindled against them, thought proper to withdraw, but Mr. Bruce knowing his own innocency, stayed, and gave in an apology for himself and the rest of his faithful brethren. In April 13th 1599, the king returned to Edinburgh, and was entertained in the house of Mr. Bruce, although he himself was not yet released. But all this was nothing more than the drops before the shower, or as the gathering of waters before an inundation breaks forth, for the king, having for some time laboured to get prelacy established in Scotland, and because Mr. Bruce would not comply with his measures, and refused to give praise to God in public for the kings deliverance from the pretended conspiracy in the year 1600, until he was better ascertained of the fact, he not only discharged him from preaching in Edinburgh, but also obliged him to leave the kingdom. When he embarked at the queen's ferry on the 3d of November the same year, there appeared such a great light as served him and the company to sail, although it was near midnight. He arrived at Dieppe on the eight of November. And although, by the king's permission, he returned home the year following, yet because he would not, (1.) Acknowledge Gowrie's conspiracy; (2.) Purge the king in such places as he should appoint; and (3.) Crave pardon of the king for his long distrust and disobedience, &c. he could not be admitted to his place and office again, but was commanded by the king to keep ward in his own house of Kinnaird. After the king's departure to England, he had some respite for about a year or more, but in the year 1605, he was summoned to compear at Edinburgh on the 29th of February, before the commission of the general assembly, to hear and see himself removed from his function at Edinburgh; they had before, in his absence, decerned his place vacant, but now they intimated the sentence, and Livingston had a commission from the king to see it put in execution; he appealed; they prohibited him to preach; but he obeyed not. In July thereafter, he was advertized by chancellor Seaton, of the king's express order, discharging him to preach any more, and said, He would not use his authority in this, but only request him to desist for nine or ten days; to which he consented, thinking it but of small moment for so short a time. But he quickly knew, how deep the smallest deviation from his Master's cause and interest might go; for that night (as he himself afterward declared) his body was cast into a fever, with such terror of conscience, that be promised and fully resolved to obey their commands no more. Upon the 18th of August following, he was charged to enter in ward at Inverness, within the space of ten days, under pain of horning, which he obeyed upon the 17th following. And in this place he remained for the space of four years, teaching every Wednesday and Sabbath forenoon, and was exercised in reading public prayers every other night, in which his labours were blessed, for this dark country was wonderfully illuminated, and many brought to Christ by means of his ministry, and a seed sown in these remote places, which remained for many years afterwards. When he returned from Inverness to his own house, and though his son had obtained a licence for him, yet here he could find nothing but grief and vexation, especially from the ministers of the presbyteries of Stirling and Linlithgow, and all for curbing the vices some of them were subject to.--At last he obtained liberty of the council to transport his family to another house he had at Monkland, but, because of the bishop of Glasgow, he was forced to retire back again to Kinnaird. Thus this good man was tossed about, and obliged to go from place to place. In this manner he continued, until he was by the king's order summoned before the council in September the 19th, 1621, to answer for transgressing the law of his confinement, &c. When he compeared, he pleaded the favour granted him by his majesty when in Denmark, and withal purged himself of the accusation laid against him, and yet notwithstanding of all these (said he), the king hath exhausted both my estate and person, and has left me nothing but my life, and that apparently he is seeking; I am prepared to suffer any punishment, only I am careful not to suffer as a malefactor or evil doer.----A warrant was delivered to him to enter in ward in the castle of Edinburgh, where he continued till the first January; the bishops absented from the council that day, however they were his delators. He was again brought before the council, where the king's will was intimate to him, _viz._ That he should return to his own house until the 21st of April, and then transport himself again to Inverness, and remain within four miles thereof during the king's pleasure. Here he remained, for the most part, until September 1624, when he obtained licence again to return from his confinement to settle some of his domestic affairs; the condition of his licence was so strait, that he purposed with himself to return back to Inverness, but in the mean time the king died, and so he was not urged to go back to his confinement; and although king Charles I. did again renew this charge against him some years after this, yet he continued mostly in his own house, preaching and teaching wherever he had occasion. About this time the parish of Larber, having neither church nor stipend, Mr. Bruce repaired the church and discharged all the parts of the ministry there, and many besides the parish attended upon his ministry at that place with great success; and it would appear, that about this time Mr. Henderson then minister at Leuchars, (afterward the famous Henderson) was at first converted by his ministry. At this place it was his custom after the first sermon to retire by himself some time for private prayer, and on a time some noblemen who had far to ride, sent the beadle to learn if there was any appearance of his coming in;--the man returned, saying, I think he shall not come out this day, for I overheard him say to another, "I protest, I will not go unless thou goest with me." However, in a little time he came, accompanied by no man, but in the fulness of the blessing of the gospel of Christ; for his very speech was with much evidence and demonstration of the Spirit. It was easy for his hearers to perceive that he had been in the mount with God, and that indeed he had brought that God whom had met in private, _unto his mother's house, and unto the chambers of her that conceived him_. Mr. Bruce was also a man who had somewhat of the spirit of discerning future events, and did prophetically speak of several things that afterward came to pass, yea, and divers persons distracted (says an author[52]) and those who were past recovery with the epileptical disease, or falling sickness, were brought to Mr. Bruce, and were, after prayer by him in their behalf, fully restored from that malady. This may seem strange (but true), for he was such a wrestler with God, and had more than ordinary familiarity with him. Some time before his death, being then at Edinburgh, where through weakness he often kept his chamber, whither a meeting of godly ministers, anent some matter of church-concernment, (hearing he was in town), came and gave him an account of the prelates actings. After this, Mr. Bruce prayed, in which he repeated over again to the Lord the very substance of their discourse (which was a very sad representation of the case of the church), all which time there was an extraordinary motion in all present, and such a sensible down-pouring of the Spirit, that they could hardly contain themselves. Mr. Weemes of Lathockar being occasionally present, at departing said, O how strange a man is this, for he knocketh down the Spirit of God upon us all; this he said, because Mr. Bruce, in the time of that prayer, divers times knocked with his fingers upon the table. About this time he related a strange dream; how he had seen a long broad book with black boards, flying in the air, with many black fowls like Crows flying about it; and as it touched any of them, they fell down dead; upon which he heard an audible voice speak to him, saying, _Hæc est ira Dei contra pastores ecclesiæ Scoticanæ_; upon which he fell a-weeping and praying that he might be kept faithful, and not be one of these who were thus struck down by a torch of his wrath, through deserting the truth. He said, when he awakened, he found his pillow all wet and drenched with tears.--The accomplishment of this dream, I need not describe: all acquainted with our church-history, know, that soon after that, prelacy was introduced into Scotland. Bishops set up, and with them ushered in Popish and Arminian tenets, with all manner of corruptions and profanity, which continued in Scotland a number of years. One time, says Mr. Livingston, I went to Edinburgh to see him, in the company of the tutor of Bonington. When we called on him at eight o'clock in the morning, he told us, He was not for any company, and when we urged him to tell us the cause, he answered, That when he went to bed he had a good measure of the Lord's presence, and that he had wrestled with him about an hour or two before we came in, and had not yet got access; and so we left him. At another time I went to his house, but saw him not till very late; when he came out of his closet, his face was foul with weeping, and he told me, That, that day, he had been thinking on what torture and hardships Dr. Leighton our country-man had been put to at London[53]; and added, If I had been faithful, I might have had the pillory, and some of my blood shed for Christ as well as he; but he hath got the crown from us all. I heard him once say, faith be, I would desire no more at my first appeal from king James, but one hour's converse with him: I know he hath a conscience; I made him once weep bitterly at Holyrood-house. About the year----, I heard him say, I wonder how I am kept so long here; I have lived two years already in violence; meaning that he was then much beyond seventy years of age[54]. When the time of his death drew near (which was in the month of August 1631), through age and infirmity he was mostly confined to his chamber, where he was frequently visited by his friends and acquaintances; and being on a certain time asked by one of them, How matters stood betwixt God and his soul? He made this return, "When I was young, I was diligent, and lived by faith on the Son of God; but now I am old, and am not able to do so much, yet he condescends to feed me with lumps of sense." And that morning before he was removed, his sickness being mostly a weakness through age, he came to breakfast and having as usual eaten an egg, he said to his daughters "I think I am yet hungry, ye may bring me another egg." But instantly thereafter, falling into deep meditation, and after having mused a little he said, "Hold, daughter, my Master calls me." With these words his sight failed him; and called for his family bible, but finding his sight had failed him, he said, "Cast up to me the eight chapter of the epistle to the Romans, and set my fingers on these words, _I am persuaded that neither death nor life_, &c. _shall be able to separate me from the love of God which is in Christ Jesus my Lord._ Now, said he, is my finger upon them?" and being told it was, he said, "Now God be with you my children; I have breakfasted with you, and shall sup with my Lord Jesus Christ this night." And so like Abraham of old, he gave up the ghost in a good age[55], and was gathered to his people. In this manner did this occidental star set in our horizon. There was none, in his time, who did speak with such evidence of the power of the Spirit; and no man had more seals of his ministry, yea many of his hearers thought, that no man since the apostles days ever spoke with such power. And although he was no Boanerges (as being of a slow but grave delivery), yet he spoke with such authority and weight as became the oracles of the living God: so that some of the most stout-hearted of his hearers were ordinarily made to tremble, and by having this door which had formerly been shut against Jesus Christ, as by an irresistable power broke open and the secrets of their hearts made manifest, they often times went away under deep convictions. He had a very majestic countenance, in prayer he was short, especially when in public, but every word or sentence he spoke was as a bolt shot from heaven; he spent much of his time in private prayer. He had a very notable faculty in searching the scriptures, and explaining the most obscure mysteries therein, and was a man who had much inward exercise of conscience anent his own personal case, and was oftentimes assaulted anent that grand fundamental truth, The being of a God, insomuch that it was almost customary to him to say when he first spoke in the pulpit, "I think it a great matter to believe there is a God," and by this he was the more fitted to deal with others under the like temptations.[56] Mr. Bruce was also an eloquent and substantial writer, as the forementioned apology, and his excellent letters to M. Espignol, the duke of Parma, Col. Semple, &c. doth copiously evidence, Argal's sleep, &c. He was also deeply affected with the public cause and interest of Jesus Christ, and much depressed in spirit when he beheld the naughtiness and profanity of many ministers then in the church, and the unsuitable carriage and deportment of others to so great a calling, which made him express himself with much fear, that the ministry in Scotland would prove the greatest persecutors it had, which so lately came to pass. _The Life of Mr. JOSIAS WELCH._ Mr. Josias Welch was a younger son to the famous Mr. John Welch sometime minister of the gospel at Ayr, and Elizabeth Knox daughter to the great Mr. John Knox, who was minister at Edinburgh, from whom he received a most liberal and religious education. But what enhanced his reputation more, was, that he was, heir to his father's graces and virtues. And although he had received all the branches of useful learning in order for the ministry, yet, prelacy being then prevalent in Scotland, he was detained for some time from that function, seeing he was not clear in his own mind to enter into that office by the door of episcopacy. But some time after, it so fell out, that meeting with worthy Mr. Blair, (who was then settled a minister at Bangor in Ireland) he finding how zealous a spirit Mr. Welch was of, exhorted and solicited him much to hasten over there, where he would find work enough, and he hoped success likewise, which accordingly came to pass, for upon his going thither he was highly honoured and provided of the Lord to bring the covenant of grace to the people at the six-mile water, (on whom Mr. Glendining formerly minister there had wrought some legal convictions) and having preached sometime at Oldstone, he was settled at Temple-Patrick, where he with great vigilance and diligence exercised his office, which by the blessing of God upon his labours, gained him many seals of his ministry. But the devil envying the success of the gospel in that quarter, stirred up the prelatical clergy, whereupon the bishop of Down, in May 1632, caused cite him, Messrs. Blair, Livingston and Dumbar before him, and urged them to conform and give their subscription to that effect, but they answered with great boldness, That there was no law nor canon in that kingdom requiring this; yet notwithstanding they were all four deposed by him from the office of the holy ministry. After this, Mr. Welch continued for some time preaching in his own house, where he had a large auditory, and such was his desire to gain souls to Christ, that he commonly stood in a door looking towards a garden, that so he might be heard without as well as within, by means of which, being of a weakly constitution, he contracted such a cold as occasioned his death in a short time thereafter. He continued in this way, until May 1634, when by the intercession of Lord Castle-Stuart with the king in their behalf, the foresaid ministers received a grant from the bishop of six months liberty, which freedom none more willingly embraced than Mr. Welch, but he had preached only a few weeks in his own pulpit before he sickened, and the Sabbath afternoon before his death, which was on the Monday following. "I heard of his sickness," saith Mr. Livingston, "and came to him about eleven o'clock at night, and Mr. Blair came about two hours thereafter. He had many gracious discourses, as also some wrestling and exercise of mind. One time cried out, Oh for hypocrisy; on which Mr. Blair said, See how Satan is nibbling at his heels before he enter into glory. A very little before he died, being at prayer by his bed-side, and the word victory coming out of my mouth, he took hold of my hand and desiring me to forbear a little, and clapping his hands, cried out, Victory, victory, victory for ever more, then he desired me to go on, and in a little expired--on the 23d of June 1634." Thus died the pious and faithful Mr. Josias Welch, in the flower of his youth, leaving only one son behind him, _viz._ Mr. John Welch, who was afterward minister at Irongray in Galloway. _The Life of JOHN GORDON VISCOUNT KENMUIR._ John Gordon of Lochinvar (afterwards viscount Kenmuir) was born about the year 1599. He received a reasonable measure of education, and yet, through the circumstance of his birth, the corruption of the age, but above all the depravity of nature, and want of restraining grace in his younger years, he became somewhat irreligious and profane, which, when he arrived at manhood, broke out into more gross acts of wickedness, and yet all the while the Lord never left him altogether without a check or witness in his conscience, yet sometimes when at ordinances, particularly sacramental occasions, he would be filled with some sense of sin, which being borne powerfully in upon his soul, he was scarce able to hold out against it. But for a long time he was a stranger to true and saving conversion. The most part of his life after he advanced in years, he spent like the rich man in the gospel, casting down barns and building greater ones, for at his houses of Rusco and Kenmuir he was much employed in building, parking, planting, and seeking worldly honours. About the year 1628, he was married to that virtuous and religious lady, Jean Campbel sister to the worthy marquis of Argyle, by whom he had some children, two at least, one of whom it appears died about the beginning of the year 1635, for we find Mr. Rutherford in one of his letters, about that time, comforting this noble lady upon such a mournful occasion. In the year 1633, Charles I. to honour his coronation, in the place of his birth and first parliament, dignified many of the Scots nobility and gentry with higher titles, and places of office and honour, among whom was Sir John Gordon, who upon the eighth of May was created Viscount Kenmuir and Lord Gordon of Lochinvar[57]. Accordingly the viscount came to the parliament which sat down at Edinburgh June 16th 1633, and was present the first day, but stayed only a few days thereafter, for being afraid to displease the king, from whom he had both received some, and expected more honours, and not having the courage to glorify God by his presence, when his cause was at stake, deserted the parliament under pretence of indisposition of body, and returned home to his house at Kenmuir in Galloway, and there slept securely for about a year without check of conscience, till August 1634, that his affairs occasioned his return to Edinburgh, where he remained some days, not knowing that with the ending of his affairs he was to end his life. He returned home with some alteration of bodily health, and from that day his sickness increased until September 12th ensuing, which was the day of his death. But the Lord had other thoughts than that this nobleman should die without some sense of his sin, or yet go out of this world unobserved.--And therefore it pleased him with his bodily affliction to shake his soul with fears, making him sensible of the power of eternal wrath, for his own good, and for an example to others in after-ages never to wrong their own consciences, or to be wanting to the cause or interest of God, when he gives them an opportunity to that purpose. Upon the Sabbath August 31st, being much weakened, he was visited by a religious and learned minister who then lived in Galloway not far from the house of Kenmuir, his lordship much rejoiced at his coming, observing the all-ruling providence in sending him such a man (who had been abroad from Galloway some time) sooner home than he expected. After supper his lordship drew on a conference with the minister, shewing he was much taken up with the fears of death, and extremity of pain. "I never dreamed, said he, that death had such a terrible, austere and gloomy countenance. I dare not die, howbeit I know I must die. What shall I do, for I dare not venture in gripes with death, because I find my sins grievous and so many that I fear my account is out of order, and not so as becomes a dying man." The minister for some time discoursed to him anent this weakness of nature, which was in all men, believers not excepted, which made them afraid of death, but he hoped Christ would be his second in the combat, willing him to rely upon the strength of Christ; but withal said, "My lord, I fear more the ground of your fear of death, which is (as you say) the consciousness of your sins, for there can be no plea betwixt you and your Lord if your sins be not taken away in Christ, and therefore make that sure, and fear not." My lord answered, "I have been too late in coming to God, and have deferred the time of making my account, so long that I fear I have but the foolish virgins part of it, who came and knocked at the door of the bridegroom so late, and never got in." The minister having resumed somewhat both of his own and his father's sins, particularly their cares for this world and worldly honours, and thinking his lordship designed to extenuate his fault in this, he drew several weighty propositions in way of conference about the fears of death and his eternal all, which depended upon his being in or out of Christ, and obtested him in these words,--"Therefore I intreat you, my lord, by the mercies of God, by your appearing before Christ your Judge, and by the salvation of your soul, that you would look ere you leap, and venture not into eternity without a certificate under Jesus Christ's hand, because it is said of the hypocrite, Job xx. 11. _He lieth down in the grave, and his bones are full of the sins of his youth._" My lord replied, "When I begin to look upon my life, I think all is wrong in it, and the lateness of my reckoning affrighteth me, therefore stay with me, and shew me the marks of a child of God, for you must be my second in this combat and wait upon me." His lady answered, "You must have Jesus Christ to be your second," to which he heartily said "Amen--but, continued he, how shall I know that I am in the state of grace, for while I be resolved my fears will still overburthen me." The minister said, "My lord, scarcely or never doth a cast-a-way anxiously and carefully ask the question, Whether he be a child of God or not?" But my lord excepted against that saying, "I do not think there is any reprobate in hell, but he would with all his heart have the kingdom of heaven." The minister having explained the different desires in reprobates, his lordship said, "You never saw any tokens of true grace in me, and that is my great and only fear." The minister said, "I was indeed sorry to see you so fearfully carried away with temptation, and you know, I gave you faithful warning that it would come to this. I wish your soul was deeply humbled for sin; but to your demand, I thought you ever had a love for the saints, even to the poorest, who carried Christ's image, altho' they could never serve nor profit you in any way, 1 John iii. 14. _By this we know we are translated from death unto life_, &c." And at last with this mark after some objections he seemed convinced. The minister asked him, "My lord, dare you now quit your part in Christ, and subscribe an absolute resignation of him?" My lord said, "O Sir, that is too hard, I hope he and I have more to do together, and I will be advised ere I do that," and then asked, "What mark is it to have judgment to discern a minister called and sent of God from an hirling?" The minister allowed it to be a good mark, and cited John x. 4. _My sheep know my voice._ At the second conference the minister urged deep humiliation. He acknowledged the necessity thereof, but said, "Oh! if I could get him! But sin causeth me to be jealous of his love, to such a man as I have been." The minister advised him "to be jealous of himself, but not of Jesus Christ, there being no meeting betwixt them without a sense of sin," Isa. lxi. 2, 3. Whereupon my lord said with a deep sigh accompanied with tears, "God send me that," and thereafter reckoned out a certain number of his sins, which were as serpents or crocodiles before his eyes. The minister told him, "that death and him were yet strangers, and hoped he would tell another tale ere all the play be ended, and you shall think death a sweet messenger to carry you to your Father's house." He said with tears, "God make it so," and desired him to pray. At the third conference he said, "Death bindeth me strait. O how sweet a thing it is to seek God in health, and in time of prosperity to make our accounts, for now I am so distempered that I cannot get my heart framed to think on my account, and the life to come." The minister told him, "He behoved to fight against sickness and pain, as well as sin and death, seeing it is a temptation."----He answered, "I have taken the play long. God hath given me thirty-five years to repent, but alas! I have mispent it:" and with that he covered his face and wept. The minister assured him, that although his day was far spent, yet he behoved in the afternoon, yea when near evening, to run fast, and not to lie in the field, and miss his lodging, upon which he, with uplifted eyes, said, "Lord, how can I run? Lord, draw me, and I shall run," Cant. i. 4. The minister hearing this, desired him to pray, but he answered nothing; yet within an hour he prayed before him and his own lady very devoutly, and bemoaned his own weakness both inward and outward, saying, "I dare not knock at thy door, I ly at it scrambling as I may, till thou come out and take me in; I dare not speak; I look up to thee, and look for one kiss of Christ's fair face. O when wilt thou come!" At the fourth conference he charged the minister to go to a secret place and pray for him, and do it not for the fashion; I know, said he, prayer will pull Christ out of heaven. The minister said, "What shall we seek, give us a commission." He answered, "I charge you to tell my beloved, _that I am sick of love_." The minister desired if they should seek life or recovery, he said, "Yea, if it be God's good pleasure, for I find my fear of death now less, and I think God is now loosing the root of the deep-grown tree of my soul so firmly fastened to this life." The minister told him, If it were so, he behoved to covenant with God in dedicating himself and all he had to God and his service, to which he heartily consented, and after the minister had recited several scriptures for that purpose, such as Psal. lxxviii. 36. &c. He took the Bible, and said, Mark other scriptures for me, and he marked 2 Cor. v. Rev. xxi. and xxii. Psal. xxxviii. John xv. These places he turned over, and cried often for one love blink, "O Son of God, for one sight of thy face." When the minister told him his prayers were heard, he took hold of his hand and drew him to him, and said with a sigh, Good news indeed, and desired him and others to tell him what access they had got to God in Christ for his soul,--They told him they had got access, at which he rejoiced, and said, "Then will I believe and wait on, I cannot think but my beloved is coming leaping over the hills." When friends or others came to visit him, whom he knew feared God, he would cause them go and pray for him, and sent some of them expresly to the wood of Kenmuir on that errand. After some cool of a fever (as was thought), he caused one of his attendants call for the minister, to whom he said smiling, "Rejoice now, for he is come. O! if I had a tongue to tell the world what Jesus Christ hath done for my soul." And yet after all this, conceiving hopes of recovery, he became more careless, remiss, and dead, for some days, and seldom called for the minister (though, he would not suffer him to go home to his flock), which his lady and others perceiving went to the physician, and asked his judgment anent him.----He plainly told them, There was nothing but death for him if his flux returned, as it did. This made the minister go to him and give him faithful warning of his approaching danger, telling him, his glass was shorter than he was aware of, and that Satan would be glad to steal his soul out of the world sleeping; this being seconded by the physician, he took the minister by the hand, thanked him for his faithful and plain dealing, and acknowledged the folly of his deceiving heart in looking over his affection to this life when he was so fairly once on his journey toward heaven; then ordered them all to leave the chamber except the minister, and causing him to shut the door, he conferred with him anent the state of his soul. After prayer the minister told him, He feared that his former joy had not been well grounded, neither his humiliation deep enough, and therefore desired him to dig deeper, representing his offence both against the first and second table of the law, &c. whereupon his lordship reckoned out a number of great sins, and, amongst the rest, freely confessed his sin in deserting the last parliament, saying, "God knoweth I did it with fearful wrestling of conscience, my light paying me home within, when I seemed to be glad and joyful before men, &c." The minister being struck with astonishment at this reckoning after such fair appearance of sound marks of grace in his soul, stood up and read the first eight verses in the 6th of the epistle to the Hebrews and discoursed thereon, then cited Rev. xxi. _But the fearful and unbeliever_, &c. and told him he had not one word of mercy from the Lord to him, and so turned his back, at which he cried out with tears (that they heard him at some distance) saying, "God armed is coming against me to beat out my brains; I would die; I dare not die; I would live; I dare not live; O what a burthen is the hand of an angry God! Oh! what shall I do! Is there no hope of mercy?" In this agony he lay for some time. Some said, The minister would kill him,--Others, He would make him despair. But he bore with them, and went to a secret place, where he sought words from God to speak to this patient. After this another minister came to visit him, to whom he said, "He hath slain me," and before the minister could answer for himself said, "Not he, but the Spirit of God in him." The minister said, Not I, but the law hath slain you, and withal told him of the process the Lord had against the house of Kenmuir. The other minister read the history of Manasseh, and of his wicked life, and how the Lord was intreated of by him. But the former minister[58] went still upon wrath, telling him, He knew he was extremely pained both in body and mind, but what would he think of the lake of fire and brimstone, of everlasting burning and of utter darkness with the devil and his angels. My lord answered, "Woe is me, if I should suffer my thoughts to dwell upon it any time, it were enough to cause me go out of my senses, but I pray you, what shall I do?" The minister told him he was still in the same situation, only the sentence was not given out, and therefore desired him to mourn for offending God. And farther said, What, my lord, if Christ had given out the sentence of condemnation against you, and come to your bed-side and told you of it, would you not still love him, trust in him, and hang upon him? He answered, "God knoweth I durst not challenge him, howbeit he should slay me, I will still love him; yea though the Lord should slay me, yet will I trust in him, I will ly down at God's feet, let him trample upon me, I will die, if I die, at Christ's feet." The minister, finding him claiming kindness to Christ, and hearing him often cry, O Son of God, where art thou, when wilt thou come to me! Oh! for a love-look! said, Is it possible, my lord, that you can love and long for Christ, and he not love and long for you? Can love and kindness stand only on your side? Is your poor love more than infinite love, seeing he hath said Isa. xlix. 15. _Can a woman forget_, &c.? My lord, be persuaded yourself, you are graven upon the palms of God's hands. Upon this, he, with a hearty smile, looked about to a gentleman (one of his attendants) and said, I am written, man, upon the palms of Christ's hands, he will not forget me, is not this brave talking. Afterwards the minister, finding him weaker, said, My lord, the marriage day is drawing near; make ready; set aside all care of your estate and the world, and give yourself to meditation and prayer and spiritual conference. After that he was observed to be still upon that exercise, and when none were near him, he was found praying; yea, when to appearance sleeping, he was overheard to be engaged in that duty. After some sleep, he called for one of his kinsmen with whom he was not reconciled, and also for a minister who had before offended him, that they might be friends again, which was done quickly. To the preacher he said, "I have ground of offence against you, as a natural man, and now I do to you that which all men breathing could not have moved me to do; but now because the Holy Spirit commands me, I must obey, and therefore freely forgive you as I would wish you to forgive me. You are in an eminent station, walk before God and be faithful to your calling; take heed to your steps; walk in the right road; hold your eye right; for all the world decline not from holiness; and take example by me." To his cousin he said, "Serve the Lord, and follow not the footsteps of your father-in-law" (for he had married the bishop of Galloway's daughter); "learn to know that you have a soul, for I say unto you the thousandth part of the world know not that they have a soul: The world liveth without any sense of God." He desired the minister to sleep in a bed made upon the ground in the chamber by him, and urged him to take a sleep, saying, "You and I have a far journey to go; make ready for it." Four nights before his death, he would drink a cup of wine to the minister, who said, "Receive it, my lord, in hope you shall drink of the pure river of the water of life, proceeding from the throne of God and from the Lamb." And when the cup was in his hand, with a smiling countenance he said "I think I have good cause to drink with a good will to you." After some heaviness the minister said, "My lord, I have good news to tell you.----Be not afraid of death and judgment, because the process that your Judge had against you is cancelled and rent in pieces, and Christ hath trampled it under his feet."----My lord answered with a smile, "Oh! that is a lucky tale, I will then believe and rejoice, for sure I am, that Christ and I once met, and will he not come again." The minister said, "You have gotten the first fruit of the Spirit, the earnest thereof, and Christ will not lose his earnest, therefore the bargain betwixt him and you holdeth." Then he asked, What is Christ like, that I may know him? The minister answered, He is like love, and altogether lovely, Cantic. v. &c. The minister said, "My lord, if you had the man Christ in your arms, would your heart, your breast and sides be pained with a stitch?" He answered, "God knoweth I would forget my pain, and thrust him to my heart, yea if I had my heart in the palm of my hand I would give it to him, and think it a gift too unworthy of him." He complained of Jesus Christ in coming and going--"I find, said he, my soul drowned in heaviness; when the Lord cometh he stayeth not long." The minister said, "Wooers dwell not together, but married folk take up house and sunder not, Jesus Christ is now wooing and therefore he feedeth his own with hunger; which is as growing meat as the sense of his presence." He said often, "Son of God, when wilt thou come; God is not a man that he should chance, or as the son of man that he should repent. Them that come to Christ he casteth not away, but raiseth them up at the last day." He was heard to say in his sleep, "My beloved is mine, and I am his." Being asked if he had been sleeping? he said, he had, but he remembered he had been giving a claim to Christ &c. He asked, "When will my heart be loosed and my tongue untied, that I may express the sweetness of the love of God to my own soul;" and before the minister answered any thing, he answered himself, "Even when the wind bloweth." At another time, being asked his judgment anent the ceremonies then used in the church; he answered, "I think and am persuaded in my conscience they are superstitious, idolatrous and antichristian, and come from hell. I repute it a mercy that my eyes shall not see the desolation that shall come upon this poor church. It is plain popery that is coming among you. God help you, God forgive the nobility, for they are either very cold in defending the true religion, or ready to welcome popery, whereas they should resist; and woe be to a dead time-serving and profane ministry." He called his lady, and a gentleman come from the east country to visit him, and caused shut the door; then from his bed directed his speech to the gentleman thus, "I ever found you faithful and kind to me in my life, therefore I must now give you a charge which you shall deliver to all noblemen you are acquainted with; go through them and show them from me that I have found the weight of the wrath of God for not giving testimony for the Lord my God, when I had occasion once in my life at the last parliament, for which fault how fierce have I found the wrath of the Lord! My soul hath raged and roared; I have been grieved at the remembrance of it. Tell them that they will be as I am now, encourage my friends that stood for the Lord; tell them that failed, if they would wish to have mercy when they are as I am, now, they must repent and crave mercy of the Lord. For all the earth I would not do as I have done." To a gentleman one of his kinsmen, he said, "I love you soul and body, you are a blessed man if you improve the blessed means of the word preached beside you. I would not have you drown yourself so much with the concerns of this world (as I did). My grief is, that I had not the occasion of good means as you have, and if you yourself make not a right use of them, one day they shall be a witness against you, &c." To Lord Herries his brother-in-law he said, "Mock not at my council, my lord. In case you follow the course you are in, you shall never see the face of Jesus Christ, you are deceived with the merchandise of the whore that makes the world drunk out of the cup of her fornication; your soul is built upon a sandy foundation. When you come to my state, you will find no comfort in your religion. You know not what wrestling I have had before I came to this state of comfort. The kingdom of heaven is not gotten with a skip or leap, but with much, seeking and thrusting, &c." To his own sister he said, "Who knows, sister, but the words of a dying brother may prevail with a loving sister. Alas; you incline to a rotten religion; cast away these rotten rags, they will not avail you when you are brought to this case, as I am. The half of the world are ignorant, and go to hell, and know not that they have a soul. Read the Scriptures, they are plain easy language to all who desire wisdom from God, and to be led to heaven." To a gentleman, his neighbour, he said, "Your soul is in a dangerous case, but you see it not. Leave these sinful courses. There are small means of instruction to be had seeing the most part of the ministry are profane and ignorant. Search God's word for the good old way, and search and find out all your own ways." To a gentleman his cousin he said, "You are a young man, and know not well what you are doing. Seek God's direction for wisdom in your affairs, and you shall prosper; and learn to know that you have need of God to be your friend." To another cousin he said, "David, you are an aged man, and you know not well what an account you have to make. I know you better than you believe, for you worship God according to men's devices; you believe lies of God; your soul is in a dreadful case; and till you know the truth you shall never see your own way aright." To a young man his neighbour, "Because you are but young, beware of temptation and snares; above all, be careful to keep yourself in the use of means; resort to good company, and howbeit you be named a puritan and mocked, care not for that, but rejoice, and be glad that they would admit you to their society, for I must tell you, when I am at this point in which you see me, I get no comfort to my soul from any other second means under heaven, but from these who are nicknamed puritans; they are the men that can give a word of comfort to a wearied soul in due season, and that I have found by experience." To one of his natural sisters, "My dove, thou art young, and alas ignorant of God. I know thy breeding and upbringing well enough, seek the Spirit of regeneration. Oh! if thou knew it, and felt the power of the Spirit as I do now. Think not all is gone because your brother is dead. Trust in God, and beware of the follies of youth. Give yourself to reading and praying, and be careful in hearing God's word, and take heed whom you hear, and how you hear, and God be with you." To a minister he said, "Mr. James, it is not holiness enough to be a minister, for you ministers have your own faults, and those more heinous than others. I pray you, be more painful in your calling, and take good heed of the flock of God, know that every soul that perisheth by your negligence, shall be counted to your soul, murdered before God. Take heed in these dangerous days how you lead the people of God, and take heed to your ministry." To Mr. George Gillespie, then his chaplain, "You have carried yourself discreetly to me, so that I cannot blame you. I hope you shall prove an honest man; if I have been at any time harsh to you, forgive me. I would I had taken better heed to many of your words, I might have gotten good by the means God gave me, but I made no use of them, &c. I am grieved for my ingratitude against my loving Lord, and that I should have sinned against him who came down from heaven to the earth for my cause, to die for my sins; the sense of this love borne in upon my heart hath a reflex, making me love my Saviour, and grip to him again." To another kinsman he said, "Learn to use your time Well. Oh alas! the ministry in this country are dead, God help you, ye are not led right, ye had need to be busy among yourselves. Men are as careless in the practice of godliness as it were but words, fashions, signs and shews, but all these will not do the turn. Oh! but I find it hard now to trust in and take the kingdom of heaven by force." To two neighbouring gentlemen he said, "It is not rising soon in the morning, and running to the park or stone-dyke, that will bring peace to the conscience, when it comes to this part of the play. You know how I have been beguiled with this world, I would counsel you to seek that one thing necessary, even the salvation of your souls, &c." To a cousin, bailie of Ayr, he said, "Robert, I know you have light and understanding, and though you need not be instructed by me, yet you need be incited. Care not over-much for the world, but make use of good means which you have in your country, for here is a pack of dumb dogs that cannot bark, they tell over a clash of terror, and clatter of comfort without any sense or life." To a cousin and another gentleman who was along with him he said, "Ye are young men and have far to go, and it may be some of you have not far to go, and tho' your journey be short, howsoever it is dangerous. Now are you happy, because you have time to lay your accounts with Jesus Christ. I intreat you to give your youth to Christ, for it is the best and most acceptable gift you can give him. Give not your youth to the devil and your lusts, and then reserve nothing to Jesus Christ but your rotten bones, it is to be feared that then he will not accept you. Learn therefore to watch and take example by me." He called Mr. Lamb, who was then bishop of Galloway, and commanding all others to leave the room, he had a long conference with him, exhorting him earnestly not to molest or remove the Lord's servants, or enthrall their consciences to receive the five articles of Perth, or do any thing against their consciences, as he would wish to have mercy from God.----The bishop answered, "My lord, our ceremonies are, of their own nature, but things indifferent, and we impose them for decency and order in God's kirk. They need not stand so scrupulously on them as matter of conscience in God's worship."----My lord replied, "I will not dispute with you, but one thing I know and can tell you from dear experience, that these things indeed are matters of conscience, and not indifferent, and so I have found them. For since I lay on this bed, the sin that lay heaviest on my soul, was withdrawing myself from the parliament, and not giving my voice for the truth against these things which they call indifferent, and in so doing I have denied the Lord my God." When the bishop began to commend him for his well-led life, putting him in hopes of health, and praised him for his civil carriage and behaviour, saying, He was no oppressor, and without any known vice;--he answered, "No matter, a man may be a good civil neighbour, and yet go to hell."----The bishop answered, "My lord, I confess we have all our faults," and thereafter he insisted so long, that my lord thought him impertinent; this made him interrupt the bishop, saying, "What should I more, I have got a grip of Jesus Christ, and Christ of me, &c." On the morrow the bishop came to visit him, and upon asking how he did, he answered, I thank God, as well as a saved man hastening to heaven can. After he had given the clerk of Kirkudbright some suitable advice anent his Christian walk and particular calling, he caused him swear in the most solemn terms, that he should never consent to, but oppose the election of a corrupt minister and magistrate.--And to his coachman he said, You will go to any one who will give you the most hire, but do not so, go where you can get the best company; though you get less wages, yet you will get the more grace. Then he made him hold up his hand, and promise before God so to do.--And to two young serving-men, who came to him weeping to get his last blessing, he said, Content not yourselves with a superficial view of religion, blessing yourselves in the morning only for a fashion, yea though you would pray both morning and evening, yet that will not avail you, except likewise ye make your account every day. Oh! ye will find few to direct or counsel you; but I will tell you what to do, first pray to the Lord fervently to enlighten the eyes of your mind, then seek grace to rule your affections; you will find the good of this when you come to my situation. Then he took both their oaths to do so. He gave many powerful exhortations to several persons, and caused each man to hold up his hand and swear in his presence that by God's grace they should forbear their former sins and follow his counsel, &c. When giving a divine counsel to a friend, he rested in the midst of it, and looked up to heaven, and prayed for a loosened heart and tongue, to express the goodness of God to men, and thereafter went on in his counsel (not unlike Jacob, Gen. xlix. 18. who in the midst of a prophetical testament, rested a little and said, _I have waited for thy salvation._) He gave his lady divers times openly an honourable and ample testimony of holiness, goodness and respective kindness to him, and earnestly craved her forgiveness wherein he had offended her, and desired her to make the Lord her comforter, and said, He was but gone before, and it was but fifteen or sixteen years up or down[59]. He spoke to all the boys of the house, the butler, cook, &c. omitting none, saying, Learn to serve and fear the Lord, and use carefully the means of your salvation. I know what is ordinarily your religion, ye go to kirk, and when ye hear the devil or hell named in the preaching, ye sigh and make a noise, and it is forgot by you before you come home, and then ye are holy enough. But I can tell you, the kingdom of heaven is not got so easily. Use the means yourself, and win to some sense of God, and pray as you can, morning and evening. If you be ignorant of the way to salvation, God forgive you, for I have discharged myself in that point towards you, and appointed a man to teach you, your blood be upon yourselves. He took an oath of his servants, that they should follow his advice, and said to them severally, If I have been tough to or offended you, I pray you for God's sake to forgive me; and amongst others one to whom he had been rough said, Your lordship never did me wrong, I will never get such a master again. Yet he urged the boy to say, My lord, I forgive you; howbeit the boy was hardly brought to utter these words. He said to all the beholders about him, Sirs, behold, how low the Lord hath brought me. To a gentleman burthened in his estate he said, "Sir, I counsel you to cast your burthen upon the Lord your God."----A religious gentleman of his own name coming to visit him four days before his death, when he beheld him he said, Robert, come to me and leave me not till I die. Being much comforted with his speeches, he said, Robert, you are a friend to me both in soul and body.--The gentleman asked him, What comfort he had in his love towards the saints?--He answered, I rejoice at it.--Then he asked him, What comfort he had in bringing the minister who attended him from Galloway? He answered, God knoweth that I rejoice, that ever he put it in my heart so to do, and now because I aimed at God's glory in it, the Lord hath made me find comfort to my soul in the end; the ministers of Galloway murdered my father's soul, and if this man had not come they had murdered mine also. Before his sister lady Herries, who was a papist, he testified his willingness to leave the world, That papists may see, said he, that those who die in this religion, both see and know whither they go, for the hope of our father's house. When letters were brought him from friends, he caused deliver them to his lady, saying, "I have nothing to do with them. I had rather hear of news from heaven concerning my eternal salvation." It was observed that when any came to him anent any worldly business, before they were out of doors he was returned to his spiritual exercises, and was exceeding short in dispatching all needful writes. He recommended the poor's case to his friends. Upon coming out of a fainting fit, into which his weakness had thrown him, he said with a smiling countenance to all about him, "I would not exchange my life with you all: I feel the smell of the place where I am going." Upon Friday morning, the day of his departure from this life, he said, "This night must I sup with Jesus Christ in paradise." The minister read to him 2 Cor. v. Rev. xxii. and some observations on such places as concerned his state. After prayer, he said, "I conceive good hopes that God looketh upon me when he granteth such liberty to pray for me. Is it possible that Jesus Christ can lose his grip of me? neither can my soul get itself plucked from Jesus Christ." He earnestly desired a sense of God's presence; and the minister said, What, my lord, if that be suspended, till you come to your own home, and be before the throne clothed in white, and get your harp in your hand, to sing salvation to the Lamb, and to him that sitteth on the throne, for that is heaven; and who dare promise it to you upon earth? There is a piece of nature in desiring a sense of God's love, it being an apple that the Lord's children delight to play with. But, my Lord, if you would have it only as a pledge of your salvation, we shall seek it from the Lord for you, and you may lawfully pray for it.--Earnest prayers were made for him, and he testified that he was filled with the sense of the Lord's love. Being asked, What he thought of the world? he answered, "It is more bitter than gall or wormwood." And being demanded, if he now feared death, he answered, I have tasted death, now it is more welcome, the messenger of Jesus Christ, &c. The minister said, There is a process betwixt the Lord and your father's house, but your name is taken out of it. How dear was heaven bought for you by Jesus Christ? he frequently said, "I know there is wrath against it, but I shall get my soul for a prey."----Oftimes he said, "It is a sweet word God saith, _As I live, I delight not in the death of a sinner._ I will not let go the hold I have got of Jesus Christ; _though he should slay me, yet will I trust in him._" In deep meditation on his change, he put this question, What will Christ be like when he cometh? It was answered, Altogether lovely. Before he died, he was heard praying very fervently, and said to the doctor, "I thought to have been dissolved ere now."--The minister said, Weary not of the Lord's yoke, Jesus Christ is posting fast to be at you, he is within a few miles.--He answered, This is my infirmity. I will wait on, he is worth the onwaiting, though he be long in coming, yet I dare say he is coming, leaping over the mountains and skipping over the hills.----The minister said, Some have gotten their fill of Christ in this life, howbeit he is often under a mask to his own. Even his best saints, Job, David, Jeremiah, &c. were under desertions.--My lord said, But what are these examples to me? I am not in holiness near to them. The minister said, It is true you cannot take so wide steps as they did, but you are in the same way with them. A young child followeth his father at the back, though he cannot take such wide steps as he.--My lord, your hunger overcometh your faith, only but believe his word;--you are longing for Christ, only believe he is faithful, and will come quickly. To which he answered, "I think it is time--Lord Jesus, come." Then the minister said, My lord, our nature is anxious for our own deliverance, whereas God seeketh first to be glorified in our faith, patience and hope. He answered, Good reason to be first served. Lord, give me to wait on; only, Lord, turn me not to dross. Another said, Cast back your eyes, my lord, on what you have received, and be thankful.--At the hearing of which he brake forth in praising of God, and finding himself now weak, and his speech failing more than an hour before his death, he desired the minister to pray. After prayer, the minister cried in his ear, "My lord, may you now sunder with Christ?" To which he answered nothing, nor was it expected that he would speak any more.--Yet in a little the minister asked, Have you any sense of the Lord's love?--He answered, I have. The minister said, Do you now enjoy?--He answered, I do enjoy. Thereafter he asked him, Will ye not sunder with Christ?----He answered, By no means:--This was his last word, not being able to speak any more. The minister asked if he should pray, and he turned his eyes towards him. In the time of the last prayer he was observed joyfully smiling and looking upward. He departed this life about sun setting, September 12, 1634. aged 35 years. It was observed, that he died at the same instant that the minister concluded his prayer. Mr. Rutherford in one of his letters to the viscountess of Kenmuir a little after the death of her husband, to comfort her, among other things lets fall this expression, "In this late visitation that hath befallen your ladyship, ye have seen God's love and care in such a measure, that I thought our Lord brake the sharp point of the cross, and made us and your ladyship see Christ take possession and infestment upon earth, of him who is now reigning and triumphing with the hundred and forty and four thousand who stand with the Lamb on mount Zion, &c." * * * * * Some may object, what did this nobleman for the cause of Christ, or Scotland's covenanted work of reformation, that he should be inserted among the Scottish worthies? To this it may be answered, What did the most eminent saint that ever was in Scotland, or any where else, until they were enabled by the grace of God. So it was with reference to him; for no sooner was he made partaker of this, than he gave a most ample and faithful testimony for his truths and interest; and although the Lord did not see it proper that he should serve him after this manner, in his day and generation, yet he no doubt accepted of the will for the deed, and why should we not inroll his name among these worthies on earth, seeing he hath written his name among the living in Jerusalem. _The Life of Mr. ROBERT CUNNINGHAM._ After Mr. Robert Cunningham had received a good education, he became chaplain to the duke of Buccleugh's regiment in Holland, and was afterward settled minister at Holywood in Ireland, sometime before Mr. Blair was settled at Bangor, and with whom Mr. Blair, after his settlement in that place, contracted such an acquaintance as was comfortable to them both. He applied himself close unto the work of the ministry, which no doubt to him was the most desireable of all employments, being in the pulpit in his own element, like a fish in the water, or bird in the air, always judging that therein a Christian might enjoy much fellowship with Christ and have an opportunity of doing him the best of services, considering what Christ said to Peter, John xxi. 15. &c. _Lovest thou me more than these----feed my lambs----feed my sheep._ Here he continued to exercise his office as a faithful pastor over the flock to whom he was appointed overseer, until the time that several of his faithful brethren were deposed and ejected by the bishops, at which time the bishop of Down threatening Mr. Blair with a prosecution against him, Mr. Cunningham and some others; to whom Mr. Blair said, "Ye may do with me and some others as you please, but if ever ye meddle with Mr. Cunningham your cup will be full," and indeed he was longer spared than any of the rest, which was a great benefit to their flocks, for when they were deposed, he preached every week in one or other of their kirks. So with great pains both at home and abroad he wore out his body which before was not very strong. When Mr. Blair and Mr. Livingston were summoned before the bishop to be deposed, they went the night before their appearance, to take their leave of Mr. Cunningham, but the next day as they were going to the church of Parphilips, he came up to them, whereat being surprised they asked, Why he came thither? To which he answered, "All night I have been troubled with that place, _at my first answer no man stood with me_, therefore I am come to stand by you." But being the eye-sore of the devil and the prelatical clergy in that part of the country, he could not be suffered long to exercise his ministry, and in August 1636, he, with other of his faithful brethren, was thrust out and deposed. He continued mostly after this with the rest of his suffering brethren, until after the defeat of their enterprise to New-England, that they were obliged to leave Ireland and come over to Scotland, and not long after he took his last sickness in Irvine, whereof he soon after died. During his sickness, besides many other gracious expressions, he said, "I see Christ standing over death's head, saying, Deal warily with my servant, loose thou this pin, then that pin, for his tabernacle must be set up again." The day before his death, the members of the presbytery of Irvine made him a visit, whom he exhorted to be faithful to Christ and his cause, and to oppose the service-book (then pressed upon the church). "The bishop," said he, "hath taken my ministry from me, and I may say, my life also, for my ministry is dearer to me than my life." A little before his departure, his wife sitting by his bed-side with his hand in hers, he did by prayer recommend the whole church of Ireland, the parish of Holywood, his suffering brethren in the ministry, and his children to God, and withal added, "Lord, I recommend this gentlewoman to thee, who is no more my wife:"--and with that he softly loosed his hand from hers, and thrust it a little from him, at which she and several of the company fell a-weeping, he endeavoured to comfort them with several gracious expressions, and with the Lord's servant of old, mentioned, Acts xiii. 36. _Having served his own generation by the will of God, he fell on sleep_, March 27. 1637. Mr. Cunningham was a man mostly under deep exercises of mind, and although in public preaching he was to his own sense sometimes not so assisted as ordinarily, yet even then the matter he treated of was edifying and refreshful, being still carried through with a full gale, using more piercing expressions than many others. For meekness he was Moses-like, and in patience another Job,--"to my discerning (says one of our Scots worthies[60]) he was the man, who most resembled the meekness of Jesus Christ in all his carriage, that ever I saw, and was so far reverenced of all, even by the wicked, that he was often troubled with that scripture, _Wo to you when all men speak well of you._" _The Life of Mr. JAMES MITCHEL._ He was son to James Mitchel of Dykes in the parish of Ardrossan, and was born about the year 1621. His father, being factor to the earl of Eglinton and a very religious man himself, gave his son a most liberal and religious education.----For, being sent to the university of St. Andrews, when very young, he profited to such a degree, that by the time that he was eighteen years of age he was made master of arts. After this he returned home to his father's house, where he studied for near two years and a half, the Lord in a good measure blessing his pains and endeavours therein. Mr. Robert Bailie, then minister at Kilwinning, shewed him no small kindness, both by the loan of his books, by his counsel, and by superintending his studies. Thereafter he was called by the lady Houston to attend her eldest son at the college, in which employment he continued other two years and a half, in the which time the Lord blessed his studies there exceedingly, and the great pains taken upon him by Mr. David Dickson (then professor of the university of Glasgow), Mr. Bailie and others, had such a blessing from heaven that he passed both his private and public trials in order for the ministry to their great contentment. After he was licensed, he came west and preached in Kilwinning and Stevenson, to the satisfaction of all who heard him, so that they blessed God in his behalf, and were very hopeful of his great abilities. But before Martinmas 1643, he went back to Glasgow, where he both attended his studies and his pupil. He preached some few times in Glasgow, wherewith all those who loved Christ, and his cause and gospel were exceeding well pleased. At this time, Mr. Dickson, Mr. Bailie, and Mr. Robert Ramsay having great hopes of his gifts in preaching told his father, that he had great reason to bless God for the gifts and graces bestowed upon him above all their expectation, for besides these, the Lord had taken him truly by the heart, and wrought graciously with his soul. He had given himself much up to fasting and prayer, and the study of the word of God and reading thereof was now become his delight. But the Lord having other thoughts concerning him, in a short time all their great expectations of him in the ministry were frustrated. For by his extreme abstinence, drinking of water, and indefatigable pains, he contracted that sickness, of which he died soon after. His body began to languish, his stomach to refuse all meat, and his constitution to alter. Mr. Dickson laid his condition much to heart (Mr. Bailie being at London) and kept him fifteen days with him; thereafter he went to Houston, and stayed as long there, where the lady and her daughter shewed more love and kindness than can be expressed, and that not only for the care he had of her son, but also for the rare gifts and graces God had bestowed on him. His father having sent for them he returned home.----The first night on his journey, he was with Ralston, and the laird of Ducathall, being there occasionally, attended him all the rest of the way homeward; for not being able to ride two miles together, he behoved to go into a house to rest himself for an hour, such was his weakly condition. After his arrival at home, he put on his clothes every day for fifteen days, and after that lay bedfast for ten weeks until the day of his death, during which time the Lord was very merciful and gracious to him, both in an external and internal way.----For his body by degrees daily languished till he became like a skeleton, and yet his face remained ever pleasant, beautiful and well-coloured, even to his last. The last five or six weeks he lived, there were always three or four waiting on him and sometimes more, yet they never had occasion to weary of him, but were rather refreshed with every day's continuance, by the many wise, sweet and gracious discourses which proceeded out of his mouth. In the time of his sickness the Lord was graciously pleased to guard his mind and heart from the malice of Satan, so that his peace and confidence in God was not much disturbed, or if the Lord was pleased to suffer any little assault, it soon evanished. His feeling and sense was not frequent nor great, but his faith and confidence in God through Jesus Christ was ever strong, which he told his father divers times was more sure and solid than the other. He said, that the Lord before his sickness, had made fast work with him about the matters of his soul, and that before that, he had been under sore exercises of mind, by the sense of his own guiltiness for a long time, before ever he had solid peace and clear confidence, and often said, "Unworthy I and naughty I, am freely beloved of the Lord, and the Lord knows, my soul dearly loves him back again." And that the Lord knew his weakness to encounter with a temptation, and so out of tender compassion thus pitied him. He was also possest of all manner of patience and submission under all this sore trouble, and never was heard to murmur in the least, but often thought his Master's time well worth the waiting on, and was frequently much refreshed with the seeing and hearing of honest and gracious neighbours, who came to visit him, so that he had little reason with Heman to complain, Psal. lxxxviii. 8. _Lovers and friends hast thou put far from me, and mine acquaintance unto darkness._ Among other of his gracious discoveries, he declaimed much against unprudent speaking, wishing it might be amended, especially in young scholars and young ministers, as being but the froth and vanity of the foolish mind. Among other things he lamented the pride of many young preachers and students, by usurping priority of place, &c. which became them not, and exclaimed frequently against himself for his own practice, yet he said he was in the strength of God brought to mortify the same. He frequently exhorted his parents to carry themselves to one another as the word of God required, and above all things to fear God and delight in his word, and often said, That he dearly loved the book of God, and sought them to be earnest in prayer, showing that it was an unknown thing, and a thing of another world, and that the influence of prayer behoved to come out of heaven, therefore the Spirit of supplication must be wrestled for, or else all prayer would be but lifeless and natural, and said, That being once with the Lady Houston and some country gentlemen at Bagles, the Spirit of prayer and supplication was poured upon him, in such a powerful and lively manner, two several days before they went to dinner that all present were much affected, and shed tears in abundance, and yet at night he found himself so emptied and dead that he durst not adventure to pray any at all these two nights, but went to bed, and was much vexed and cast down, none knowing the reason. By this he was from that time convinced that the dispensation and influence of spiritual and lively prayer came only from heaven, and from no natural abilities that were in man. The laird of Cunningham coming to visit him (as he did frequently), he enumerated all the remarkable passages of God's goodness and providence to him (especially since he contracted sickness), as in shewing infinite mercies to his soul, tender compassion towards his body and natural spirits, patience and submission to his will without grudging, calmness of spirit without passion, solid and constant peace within and without, &c.:--This is far beyond the Lord's manner of dealing with many of his dear saints, &c. "Now Sir, think ye not but I stand greatly indebted to the goodness and kindness of God, that deals thus graciously and warmly with me every way;" and then he burst out in praise to God in a sweet and lively manner. At another time, the laird being present, May 26, looking out of his bed to the sun shining brightly on the opposite side of the house, he said, "O what a splendor and glory will all the elect and redeemed saints have one day, and O! how much more will the glory of the Creator be, who shall communicate that glory to all his own, but the shallow thoughts of silly men are not able to conceive the excellency thereof, &c." Again, Mr. Macqueen being present, his father inquired at him, Wherein our communion with God stood? He said, In reconciliation and peace with him, which is the first effect of our justification, then there was access and love to God, patience and submission to his will, &c. then the Lord's manifestation of himself to us, as Christ says, John xiv. 21. See the 20th verse which he instanced. He said one morning to Hugh Macgaven and his father, "I am not afraid of death, for I rest on infinite mercy, procured by the blood of the Lamb." Then he spake as to himself, "Fear not, little flock, it is the Father's will to give you the kingdom. Then he said, What are these who are of this little flock? Even sinners. I came not to call the righteous, but sinners to repentance;" but what kind of sinners? Only those who are sensible of sin and wrath, and see themselves to be lost, therefore, says Christ, "I came to seek and to save them who are lost." There are two words here, seeking and saving; and who are these? Even those who are lost bankrupts, who have nothing to pay. These are they whom Christ seeks, and who are of his flock. To John Kyle another morning he said twice over, "My soul longeth for the Lord more than they that watch for the morning." And at another time, perceiving his father weeping, he said, "I cannot blame you to mourn, for I know you have thought that I might (with God's blessing) have proved a comfortable child to you, but comfort yourself in this, that ere it be long I will be at a blessed rest, and in a far better state than I can be in this life, free from sin and every kind of misery, and within a short time ye will follow after me. And in the mean time encourage yourself in the Lord, and let not your mourning be like those who have no hope. The Lord by degrees will assuage your grief, for so he has appointed, else we would be swallowed up and come to nought, &c. for I could never have been removed out of this life in a more seasonable time than now, having both the favour of God and man (being hopeful that my name shall not be unsavoury when I am gone) for none knoweth what affronts, grief and calamities I might fall into, had I lived much longer in this life.----And for crosses and trouble, how might my life have been made bitter to me, for when I think what opposition I might have ere I was an actual minister, by divisions of the people, the patron and the presbytery, it could not but overwhelm me, and then being entered, what a fighting life, with a stubborn people, might be my lot I know not, and then what discontentment I might have in a wife, (which is the lot of many an honest man,) is uncertain, then cares, fears, straits of the world, reproaches of men, personal desires and the devil and an evil world to fight with, these and many more cannot but keep a man in a struggling state in this life. And now lest this should seem a mere speculation, I could instance these things in the persons of many worthy men, I pass all, and only point out one whose gifts and graces are well known to you, _viz._ Mr. David Dickson, who I am sure, God has made the instrument of the conversion of many souls, and of much good to the country, and yet this gracious person has been tossed to and fro.--And you know that the Lord made him a gracious instrument in this late reformation, and yet he has in a great measure been slighted by the state and the kirk also. What reason have I then to bless God, that in mercy is timeously removing me from all trouble, and will make me as welcome to heaven as if I had preached forty years, for he knows it was my intention (by his grace) to have honoured him in my ministry, and seeing he has accepted the will for the deed, what reason have I to complain, for now I am willing and ready to be dissolved and to be with Christ, which is best of all, wherefore dear father, comfort yourself with this." One time in conference concerning the sin in the godly, his father said to him, "I am sure you are not now troubled with corruption, being so near death. He answered, Ye are altogether deceived, for so long as my foot remaineth on this earth, though the other were translated above the clouds, my mind would not be free of sinful motions." Whereupon he regretted that he could not get his mind and his affections so lifted up, to dwell or meditate on God, his word, or that endless life, as he could have wished, and that he could not find that spirituality by entertaining such thoughts of God's greatness and goodness as became him, and was often much perplexed with vain thoughts, but he was confident that the Lord in his rich mercy would pity and pass by this his weakness and infirmity, &c. Some time before his death, he fell into several fainting fits, and about ten or twelve days before his dissolution, he fell into one, and was speechless near an hour, so that none present had any hopes that he would again recover; but in the mean time, he was wrapt up in divine contemplation. At last he began to recover, and his heart being enlarged, he opened his mouth with such lively exhortations as affected all present, and directing his speech to his father, he said, "Be glad, Sir, to see your son, yea, I say, your second son, made a crowned king." And to his mother he said, "Be of good courage, and mourn not for want of me, for ye will find me in the all-sufficiency of God." Then he said, "O death, I give thee a defiance through Jesus Christ," and then again he said to on-lookers, "Sirs, this will be a blythe and joyful goodnight." In the mean time Mr. Bell came in, to whom he said, "Sir, you are welcome to be witness to see me fight out my last fight." After which he fell quiet, and got some rest. Within two days, Mr. Bell being come to visit him, he said, "O Sir, but I was glad the last night when you was here, when I thought to be dissolved, that I might have met with my Master, and have enjoyed his presence for ever, but I was much grieved when I perceived a little reverting, and that I was likely to live longer, &c." To Mr. Gabriel Cunningham, when conferring about death and the manner of dissolution, he said, "O! how sweet a thing it were, for a man to sleep till death in the arms of Christ."----He had many other lively and comfortable speeches which were not remembered, the day never passing, in the time of his sickness, but the onwaiters were refreshed by him. The night before his departure, he was sensible of great pain, whereupon he said, "I see it is true, that we must enter into heaven through trouble, but the Lord will help us through it."--Then he said, "I have great pain, but mixed with great mercy and strong confidence." He called to mind that saying of Mr. John Knox on his death-bed, "I do not esteem that pain, which will be to me an end of all trouble, and the beginning of eternal felicity." His last words were these, "Lord, open the gates that I may enter in," and a little after his father asked, What he was doing? Whereupon he lifted up his hands, and caused all his fingers shiver and twinkle, and in presence of many honest neighbours he yielded up his spirit and went to his rest a little after sun-rising, upon the 11th of June, 1643, being 23 years of age. Thus, in the bloom of youth, he ended his Christian warfare, and entered into the heavenly inheritance, a young man, but a ripe Christian. There were three special gifts vouchsafed to him by the Lord, a notable invention, a great memory, with a ready expression. Among other fruits of his meditation and pains, he drew up a model of and frame of preaching, which he intituled, The method of preaching. Many other manuscripts he left behind him, (as evidences of his indefatigable labour) which if yet preserved in safe custody, might be of no small benefit to the public, as it appears that they have not hitherto been published. _The Life of Mr. ALEXANDER HENDERSON._ When Mr. Alexander Henderson had passed his degrees at the university with great applause, he was by the bishop of St. Andrews, about the year 1620, preferred to be minister of Leuchars, in the shire of Fyfe. But being brought in there against the consent of that parish unto such a degree, that on the day of his ordination, the church-doors were shut so fast by the people, that they were obliged to break in by a window. And being very prelatical in his judgment at this time, until a little after, that upon the report of a communion to be in the neighbourhood, where Mr. Bruce was to be an helper, he went thither secretly, and placed himself in a dark corner of the church, where he might not be readily seen or known. When Mr. Bruce was come to the pulpit, he did for some time keep silence (as his usual manner was) which did astonish Mr. Henderson, but it astonished him much more, when he heard him begin with these words, _He that entereth not in by the door, but climbeth some other way, the same is a thief and a robber_--which words, by the blessing of God, and the effectual working of the Holy Spirit, took such hold on him at that very instant, and made such impressions on his heart afterward, as proved the very first mean of his conversion unto Christ. After this he became not only a most faithful and diligent minister of the gospel, but also a staunch presbyterian, and had a very active hand in carrying on the covenanted work of reformation, from the year 1638, to the day of his death, and was among the very first who got a charge of horning from the bishop of St. Andrews, for refusing to buy and use the service-book, and book of canons then imposed by the king upon the church; which occasioned him and some others to give in several petitions and complaints to the council, both craving some mitigation therein, and shewing the sinfulness thereof, for which and some other considerations and overtures for relief, (mostly compiled by Mr. Henderson) they were by order of proclamation charged, within twenty-four hours, to leave the town of Edinburgh under the pain of rebellion. Again in the year 1638, when the national confession or covenant was agreed upon and sworn unto by almost all ranks in the land, the marquis of Hamilton being sent by the king to suppress the covenanters, who having held several conferences with him to little or no purpose, at last, he told them that the book of canons and liturgy should be discharged, on condition they should yield up their covenants, which proposition did not only displease them, but also made them more vigilant to support and vindicate that solemn deed. Whereupon Mr. Henderson was again set to work, and in a short time savoured the public with sufficient grounds and reasons why they could not recede from any part of that covenant. Some time after this, the table (so called) which was erected at Edinburgh for carrying on the reformation, being sorry that the town and shire of Aberdeen, (excited by the persuasion of their doctors) stood out and opposed the covenant and work of reformation, sent some earls with Messrs. Henderson, Dickson and Cant, to deal with them once more, and to see if they could reclaim that town and country.----But upon their arrival there, they could have no access to preach in any church; whereupon the three ministers resolved to preach in the earl of Marshal's close and hall as the weather favoured them. Accordingly they preached by turns, Mr. Dickson preached in the morning to a very numerous multitude, at noon Mr. Cant preached, and Mr. Henderson preached at night to no less an auditory than in the morning; and all of them pressed and produced arguments for subscribing the covenant; which had such effect upon the people, that, after public worship was over, about 500 persons subscribed the covenant, at one table there, of whom severals were people of the best quality in that place.[61] And here one thing was very observable, that while Mr. Henderson preached, the crowd being very great, there were several mockers, and among the rest, one John Logie a student threw clods at the commissioners, but it was remarked, that within a few days after, he killed one Nicol Torrie, a young boy, because the boy's father had beat him for stealing his pease, and though at that time he escaped justice, yet he was again taken and executed in the year 1644. Such was the consequence of disturbing the worship of God, and mocking at the ambassadors of Jesus Christ. In the same year, at that famous general assembly convened at Glasgow (where many of the nobility were present) Mr. Henderson, without one contrary vote, was chosen moderator, when he did by solemn prayer, constitute that assembly _de novo_ in the name of the Lord Jesus Christ; for "among that man's other qualifications (saith Mr. Bailey) he had a faculty of grave, good and fervent prayer, which he exercised without fainting unto the end of that assembly[62]." It was in the 20th session of this assembly, that Mr. Henderson the moderator, after a most pious and learned sermon (to a very great auditory) from Psal. cx. 1. _The Lord said to my Lord, Sit thou on my right hand_, &c. did in a most grave and solemn manner, excommunicate and depose the bishops, according to the form published among the printed acts of that assembly. In the 21st session, a supplication was given in for liberty to transport him from Leuchars to Edinburgh, but this he was unwilling to do, having been near eighteen years minister there.--He pled that he was now too old a plant to take root in another soil, &c. yet, after much contest betwixt the two parties for some day, Edinburgh carried it by 75 votes, very much against his own inclination. However he submitted, on condition that when old age should overtake him, he should be again removed to a country charge. At the conclusion of this assembly he said, "We have now cast down the walls of Jericho (meaning prelacy) let him that buildeth them beware of the curse of Hiel the Bethelite, &c." In the year 1639. he was one of those commissioned for the church, to treat upon the articles of pacification[63] with the king and his commissioners at Birks near Berwick, where he behaved with great prudence and candor. And when the general assembly, the same year, sat down at Edinburgh, _August_ 12, Mr. Henderson (having been the former moderator) preached to them from Acts v. 33 when _they heard that, they were cut to the heart_, &c. did towards the close of his discourse, address John earl of Traquair, his majesty's commissioner, in these words,--"We beseech your grace to see that Cæsar have his own, but let him not have what is due to God, by whom kings reign. God hath exalted your grace unto many high places, within these few years, and is still doing so. Be thankful and labour to exalt Christ's throne.----Some are exalted like Haman, some like Mordecai, &c. When the Israelites came out of Egypt, they gave all the silver and gold they had carried thence for the building of the tabernacle: in like manner, your grace must employ all your parts and endowments for the building up the church of God in this land, &c." And to the members chosen, he said, "Right honourable, worshipful, and reverend, go on in your zeal and constancy: true zeal doth not cool, but the longer it burns, the more fervent it will grow: if it shall please God that by your means the light of the gospel shall be continued, and that you have the honour of being instrumental of a blessed reformation, it shall be useful and comfortable to yourselves and your posterity. But let your zeal be always tempered with moderation; for zeal is a good servant but a bad master; like a ship that hath a full sail but no rudder. We had much need of Christian prudence, for we know what advantage some have attempted to take of us this way. For this reason let it be seen to the world, that presbytery, the government we contend for in the church, can consist very well with monarchy in the state; and thereby we shall gain the favour of our king, and God shall get the glory." After this discourse and the calling of the commissions, Traquair desired that Mr. Henderson might be continued moderator. Whether this was to corroborate his master's design, or from a regard to Mr. Henderson's abilities (as he himself professed) is not certain, but the assembly opposed this as favouring too much of the constant moderator, the first step taken of late to introduce prelacy; and no man opposed Traquair's motion more than Mr. Henderson himself, and by that means it was over-ruled. Mr. Henderson was one of those ministers who went with the Scots army to England in the year 1640, every regiment having one of the most able ministers in the bounds where they were raised as chaplain, and when the treaty was set on foot which began at Rippon, and ended at London, he was also one nominated as commissioner for the church, the duties of which he discharged with great prudence and advantage, and the very next year, he was, by the commission of the general assembly, authorized to go with lord Loudon, Warriston and Barclay, to the king, to importune him to call his English parliament, as the only and best expedient to obtain an honourable and lasting peace; but his embassy had not the desired effect. After his return, he was chosen moderator to the general assembly _anno_ 1643, and when the English commissioners, _viz._ Sir William Armyn, Sir Harry Vane the younger, Mr. Hatcher and Mr. Darly from the parliament, and two ministers, Mr. Stephen Marshal a presbyterian, and Philip Nye an independent, from the general assembly of divines at Edinburgh, where the general assembly of the church of Scotland was then fitting, craving their aid and counsel upon such an emergent occasion, he was among the first of those nominated as commissioners to go up to the parliament and assembly of England. And so in a little after, Mr. Henderson and Mr. Gillespie, with Mr. Hatcher and Mr. Nye, set out for London to get the solemn league ratified there (the rest of the commissioners staying behind until it should be returned). Upon their arrival at London, and having received a warrant from the parliament to sit in the next assembly (which warrant was presented by Mr. Henderson), the assembly sent out three of their number to introduce them; at their entry Dr. Twisse the prolocutor welcomed them unto the assembly, and complimented them for the hazard they had undergone on their account both by sea and land, in such a rigorous season (it being then November); after which they were led to a place the most convenient in the house, which they kept ever after[64]. Again in the year 1646, being sent down from London to attend the king, then with the Scots army at Newcastle, at which time the general Assembly appointed also Messrs. Robert Blair, James Guthrie, Robert Douglas, and Andrew Cant, to wait on his majesty; here Mr. Henderson officiated for some time as his chaplain; and although he and Mr. Blair, of all the presbyterians were the best beloved of the king, yet they could by no means prevail upon him to grant the first demand of his subjects, yea, he obstinately refused, though they besought him on their knees. In the interval of these affairs, a series of letters was continued betwixt the king, assisted by Sir Robert Murray on the one hand, and Mr. Henderson on the other; the one in defence of Episcopacy, and the other of Presbytery, which were exchanged from the 10th of May to the midst of July as each person was in readiness. But during this controversy, Mr. Henderson's constitution much worn out with much fatigue and travel, he was obliged to break off an answer to the king's last paper, and to return to Edinburgh, where, in a little time after his arrival, he laid down his earthly tabernacle in exchange for an heavenly crown, about the middle of August 1646. Some of the abettors of prelacy, sensible of his great abilities, were earnestly desirous to bring him over to their side at his death[65], and for that purpose palmed upon the world most groundless stories of his changing his principles at his last hours; yea, the anonymous author of the civil wars of Great Britain goes farther, when he says, page 200. "Mr. Henderson had the honour to be converted by his majesty's discourse at Newcastle, and died reconciled to the church of England." But from these false calumnies he hath been sufficiently vindicated a long time ago, by a declaration of the 9th act of the general assembly in 1648. See also Mr. Logan's letter in vindication of Mr. Henderson, from these aspersions cast on him by Messrs. Sage and Ruddiman. Some time after his death a monument was erected on his grave in the Gray-friar's church-yard of Edinburgh, in form of a quadrangular urn, inscribed on three sides; and because there was some mention thereon of the solemn league and covenant (or rather because Mr. Henderson had done much for and in behalf of the covenant), commissioner Middleton, some time in the month of June or July 1662, stooped so low as to procure an order of parliament, to raze and demolish said monument, which was all the length their malice could go against a man who had been near sixteen years in his grave. Hard enough, if he had died in the prelatical persuasion, from those who pretended to be the prime promoters of the same[66]. Mr. Henderson was a man who spared no pains in carrying on the work of reformation in that period.----For whether he was called forth to church-judicatories, to the pulpit, or any other business, no trouble or danger could make him decline the work. One of his colleagues and intimate acquaintances give him no mean testimony, when he says, "May I be permitted to conclude with my earnest wish, that that glorious soul of worthy memory, who is now crowned with the reward of all his labours for God and us, may be fragrant among us as long as free and pure assemblies remain in this land, which, I hope, shall be to the coming of our Lord. You know he spent his strength, wore out his days, and that he did breathe out his life in the service of God, and of this church; this binds it on us and posterity, to account him the fairest ornament after Mr. John Knox of incomparable memory, that ever the church of Scotland did enjoy[67]." Beside the forenamed papers, with another intitled the remonstrance of the nobility, &c. a tract on church government, and an instruction for defensive arms, &c. the general assembly appointed him, Mr. Calderwood and Mr. Dickson, to prepare a directory for the worship of God, which not only had the desired effect, but at length brought about uniformity in all our churches. There are also some few of his sermons in print, some of which were preached before the parliament. _The Life of Mr. GEORGE GILLESPIE._ Mr. George Gillespie was son to Mr. John Gillespie, sometime minister of the gospel at Kirkaldy. After Mr. George had been some time at the university (where he surpassed the most part of his fellow-students) he was licensed to preach some time before the year 1638, but could have no entry into any parish because the bishops had then the ascendant in the affairs of the church. This obliged him to remain for some time chaplain[68], in the family of the earl of Cassils.----And here it was, that he wrote that elaborate piece (though he was scarce twenty-five years of age) intitled, a dispute against the English popish ceremonies, &c. which book was, in the year 1637, discharged, by order of proclamation, to be used, as being of too corrosive a quality to be digested by the bishops weak stomachs. After this he was ordained minister of Weemes, by Mr. Robert Douglas, _April 26, 1638_, being the first who was admitted by a presbytery in that period, without an acknowledgment of the bishops.----And now Mr. Gillespie began in a more public way to exert himself in defence of the presbyterian interest, when at the 11th session of that venerable assembly held at Glasgow 1638, he preached a very learned and judicious sermon from these words, _The king's heart is in the hand of the Lord_, &c. in which sermon, the earl of Argyle thought that he touched the royal prerogative too near, and did very gravely admonish the assembly concerning the same, which they all took in good part, as appeared from a discourse then made by the moderator for the support of that admonition. At the general assembly held at Edinburgh 1641, Mr. Gillespie had a call tabled from the town of Aberdeen, but the lord commissioner and himself here pled his cause so well, that he was for sometime continued at Weemes----Yet he got not staying there long, for the general assembly in the following year ordered him to be transported to the city of Edinburgh, where it appears he continued until the day of his death, which was about six years after. Mr. George Gillespie was one of those four ministers who were sent as commissioners from the church of Scotland to the Westminster assembly in the year 1643, where he displayed himself to be one of great parts and learning, debating with such perspicuity, strength of argument, and calmness of spirit, that few could equal, yea none excel him, in that assembly.----As for instance, One time when both the parliament and the assembly were met together, and a long studied discourse being made in favours of Erastianism to which none seemed ready to make an answer, and Mr. Gillespie being urged thereunto by his brethren the Scots commissioners, repeated the subject-matter of the whole discourse, and refuted it, to the admiration of all present,--and that which surprised them most was, that though it was usual for the members to take down notes of what was spoken in the assembly for the help of their memory, and that Mr. Gillespie seemed to be that way employed during the time of that speech unto which he made answer, yet those who sat next him declared, that having looked into his note-book, they found nothing of that speech written, but here and there, "Lord, defend thine light,----Lord, give assistance,----Lord, defend thine own cause, &c." And although the practice of our church gave all our Scots commissioners great advantages (the English divines having so great a difference) that they had the first forming of all these pieces[69] which were afterward compiled and approved of by that assembly, yet no one was more useful at supporting them therein than Mr. Gillespie the youngest of them.----"None (says one of his colleagues who was there present) in all the assembly, did reason more, nor more pertinently, than Mr. Gillespie,--he is an excellent youth, my heart blesses God in his behalf." Again, when Acts xvii. 28. was brought for the proof of the power of ordination, and keen disputing arose upon it, "The very learned and accurate Gillespie, a singular ornament to our church, than whom not one in the assembly spoke to better purpose, nor with better acceptance of all the hearers, shewed that the Greek word of purpose, by the Episcopals, translated ordination, was truly choosing, importing the people's suffrage in electing their own office-bearers." And elsewhere says, "We get good help in our assembly debates of lord Warriston (an occasional commissioner), but of none more than that noble youth Mr. Gillespie. I admire his gifts, and bless God, as for all my colleagues, so for him in particular, as equal in these to the first in the assembly[70]." After his return from the Westminster assembly, he was employed mostly in the public affairs of the church, until the year 1648, when he was chosen moderator to the general assembly, in which assembly several famous acts were made in favour of the covenanted work of reformation, particularly that against the unlawful engagement then made against England by the duke of Hamilton, and those of the malignant faction. In this assembly, he was one of these nominated to prosecute the treaty of uniformity in religion with England, but in a short time after this, the sickness seized him, whereof he died about the 17th of December following. Says Mr. Rutherford to him in a letter when on his death bed; "Be not heavy, the life of faith is now called for; doing was never reckoned on your accounts (though Christ in and by you hath done more then by twenty, yea, an hundred grey haired and godly pastors.) Look to that word, Gal. ii. 20. _Nevertheless, I live; yet not I, but Christ liveth in me_, &c." In his life-time he was always firmly attached to the work of reformation, and continued so to the end of his life.--For about two months before his decease, he sent a paper to the commission of the general assembly, wherein he gave faithful warning against every sin and backsliding that he then perceived to be on the growing hand both in church and state, and last of all, he emitted the following faithful testimony against association and compliance with the enemies of truth and true godliness, in these words. "Seeing now in all appearance, the time of my dissolution draweth near, although I have, in my latter will, declared my mind of public affairs, yet I have thought good to add this further testimony, that I esteem the malignant party in these kingdoms to be the seed of the Serpent, enemies to piety and presbyterial government (pretend what they will to the contrary), a generation who have not set God before them. With the malignant are to be joined the profane and scandalous, from all which, as from heresy and error, the Lord, I trust, is about to purge his church. I have often comforted myself (and still do) with the hopes of the Lord's purging this polluted land. Surely the Lord hath begun and will carry on that great work of mercy, and will purge out the rebels. I know there will be always a mixture of hypocrites, but that cannot excuse the conniving at gross and scandalous sinners, &c. I recommend to them that fear God, seriously to consider, that the holy scriptures do plainly hold forth, 1. That the helping of the enemies of God, joining or mingling with wicked men is a sin highly displeasing. 2. That this sin hath ordinarily insnared God's people into divers other sins. 3. That it hath been punished of God with grievous judgments. And, 4. That utter destruction is to be feared, when a people, after great mercies and judgments, relapse into this sin, Ezra ix. 13, 14. "Upon these and the like grounds, for my own exoneration, that so necessary a truth want not the testimony of a dying witness of Christ, altho' the unworthiest of many thousands, and that light may be held forth, and warning given, I cannot be silent at this time, but speak by my pen when I cannot by my tongue, yea now also by the pen of another when I cannot by my own, seriously, and in the name of Jesus Christ, exhorting and obtesting all that fear God, and make conscience of their ways, to be very tender and circumspect, to watch and pray, that he be not ensnared in that great and dangerous sin of compliance with malignant or profane enemies of the truth, &c. which if men will do, and trust God in his own way, they shall not only not repent it, but to the greater joy and peace of God's people, they shall see his work go on and prosper gloriously. In witness of the premises, I have subscribed the same. At Kircaldy December 5th, 1648, before these witnesses, &c." And in about two days after, he gave up the ghost, death shutting his eyes, that he might then see God, and be for ever with him. Thus died Mr. George Gillespie, very little past the prime of life. A pregnant divine, a man of much boldness, and great freedom of expression, He signalized himself on every occasion where he was called forth to exercise any part of his ministerial function. No man's death, at that time, was more lamented than his, and such was the sense the public had of his merit, that the committee of estates, by an act dated December 20th, 1648, did, "as an acknowledgment for his faithfulness in all the public employments entrusted to him by this church, both at home and abroad, his faithful labours and indefatigable diligence in all the exercises of his ministerial calling, for his master's service, and his learned writings published to the world, in which rare and profitable employments, both for church and state, he truly spent himself, and closed his days,--ordain, That the sum of one thousand pounds sterling be given to his widow and children, &c." And though the parliament did, by their act dated June 8th, 1650, unanimously ratify the above act, and recommended to their committee, to make the same effectual; yet, the Usurper presently over-running the country, this good design was frustrated, as his grandson the Rev. Mr. George Gillespie minister at Strathmiglo did afterwards declare[71]. Besides the English popish ceremonies already mentioned, he wrote also Aaron's rod blossoming, &c. and his miscellany questions first printed 1649, all which with the forecited testimony and some other papers, shew that he was a man of most profound parts, learning and abilities. _The Life of Mr. JOHN M'CLELLAND._ Mr. John M'Clelland having gone through several branches of useful learning, kept a school for some time at Newton in Ireland, where he became instrumental in training up several hopeful young men for the university. Afterwards he was tried and approven of by the honest ministers in the county of Down, and being licensed, he preached in their churches, until (among others) for faithfulness, he was deposed and excommunicated by the bishops. He was also engaged with the rest of his faithful brethren in their intended voyage to New England in the year 1636, but that enterprise proving abortive (by reason of a storm which forced them to return back to Ireland), he preached for some time through the counties of Down, Tyron and Dunnegal in private meetings, till being pursued by the bishop's official, he was obliged to come over in disguise to Scotland, where about the year 1638, he was admitted minister at Kirkcudbright, in which place he continued until the day of his death. It would appear that he was married to one of Mr. Livingston's wife's sisters, and the strictest friendship subsisted betwixt these two worthy men, both while in Ireland, and after their return to Scotland. While he was minister at Kirkcudbright, he discovered more than ordinary diligence, not only in testifying against the corruptions of the time, but also for his own singular walk and conversation, being one who was set for the advancement of all the practical parts of religion, and that as well in private duties as in public.----For instance, When Mr. Henry Guthrie then minister at Stirling (but afterwards bishop of Dunkeld), thought to have brought in a complaint to the general assembly 1639, against private society meetings (which were then become numerous through the land), yet some of the leading members, knowing that Mr. Guthrie did it partly out of resentment against the laird of Leckie (who was a great practiser and defender of these meetings), thought proper, rather than it should come to the assembly, to yield that Mr. Guthrie should preach up the duty of religious exercise in families, and that Messrs. M'Clelland, Blair and Livingston should preach against night-meetings (for they were so called then because mostly kept in the night) and other abuses, but these brethren endeavoured by conference to gain such as had offended by excess in this matter, but by no means could be prevailed with to preach against them, which so offended Mr. Guthrie, that he gave in a charge or complaint to the general assembly 1640, wherein he alledged these three ministers were the only encouragers of these meetings, Mr. M'Clelland roundly took him up, and craved that a committee might be appointed to try these disorders, and to censure the offenders, whether those complained of or the complainers, which so nettled Mr. Guthrie, the earl of Seaforth and others of their fraternity, that nothing was heard in the assembly for sometime for confusion and noise stirred up by them. Mr. M'Clelland was also one who was endued with the Spirit of discerning what should afterwards come to pass, as is evident from some of his prophetical expressions, particularly that letter which he wrote to John Lord of Kirkcudbright dated February 20th, 1649, a little before his death, an abstract of which may not be improper, and is as follows, "_My noble Lord_, "I have received yours, and do acknowledge my obligation to your lordship is redoubled. I long much to hear what decision followed on that debate concerning patronages[72]. Upon the most exact trial they will be found a great plague to the kirk, an obstruction to the propagation of religion. I have reason to hope that such a wise and well-constitute parliament will be lothe to lay such a yoke upon the churches, of so little advantage to any man, and so prejudicial to the work of God as hath been many times represented. Certainly the removing it were the stopping the way of simony, except we will apprehend that whole presbyteries will be bribed for patronage. I can say no more but what Christ said to the Pharisees. It was not so from the beginning, the primitive church knew nothing of it. "But as for their pernicious disposition to a rupture among sectaries, I can say nothing to them, only this, I conclude their judgment sleeps not: _Shall they escape, shall they break the covenant, and be delivered?_ &c. Ezek. xvii. 16, &c. which I dare apply to England, I hope, without wresting of scripture, _And therefore thus saith the Lord God, as I live, surely mine oath that he hath despised, and my covenant that he hath broken, even it will I recompense on his own head_, &c. This covenant was made with Nebuchadnezzar, the matter was civil, but the tie was religious, wherefore the Lord owns it as his covenant, because God's name was invoked and interponed in it, and he calls England to witness. England's covenant was not made with Scotland only, but with the high and mighty God, principally for the reformation of his house, and it was received in the most solemn manner that I have heard, so that they may call it God's covenant both formally and materially; and the Lord did second the making of it with more than ordinary success to that nation. Now it is manifestly despised and broken in the sight of all nations, therefore it remains that the Lord avenge the quarrel of his covenant[73].----England hath had to do with the Scots, French, Danes, Picts, Normans and Romans, but they never had such a party to deal with as the Lord of armies, pleading for the violation of his covenant, &c. Englishmen shall be made spectacles to all nations for a broken covenant, when the living God swears, _As I live, even the covenant that he hath despised, and the oath that he hath broken will I recompense upon his own head._ There is no place left for doubting. _Hath the Lord said it_, hath the Lord sworn it? _and will he not do it?_ His assertion is a ground for faith, his oath a ground of full assurance of faith, if all England were as one man united in judgment and affection, and if it had a wall round about it reaching to the sun, and if it had as many armies as it has men, and every soldier had the strength of Goliah, and if their navies could cover the ocean, and if there were none to peep out or move the tongue against them, yet I dare not doubt of their destruction, when the Lord hath sworn by his life, that he will avenge the breach of covenant. When, and by whom, and in what manner, he will do it, I do profess ignorance, and leave it to his glorious majesty, his own latitude, and will commit it him, &c. "My lord, I live and will die, and if I be called home before that time, I am in the assured hopes of the ruin of all God's enemies in the land, so I commit your lordship and your lady to the grace of God. JOHN M'CLELLAND." A very little after he wrote this letter, in one of his sermons he exprest himself much to the same purpose, thus, "The judgments of England shall be so great, that a man shall ride fifty miles through the best plenished parts of England, before they hear a cock crow, a dog bark, or see a man's face." Also he further asserted, "That if he had the best land of all England, he would make sale of it for two shillings the acre, and think he had come to a good market[74]." And although this may not have had its full accomplishment as yet, yet there is ground to believe that it will be fulfilled, for the Lord will not alter the word that is gone out of his mouth. Mr. M'Clelland continued near twelve years at Kirkcudbright. About the year 1650, he was called home to his Father's house, to the full fruition of that which he had before seen in vision. He was a man most strict and zealous in his life, and knew not what it was to be afraid of any man in the cause of God, being one who was most nearly acquainted with him, and knew much of his Master's will. Surely the Lord doth nothing but what he revealeth to his servants the prophets. A little before his death he made the following epitaph on himself. Come, stingless death, have o'er, lo! here's my pass, In blood character'd, by his hand who was And is and shall be. Jordan cut thy stream, Make channels dry. I bear my Father's name Stampt on my brow. I'm ravish'd with my crown. I shine so bright, down with all glory, down, That world can give. I see the peerless port, The golden street, the blessed soul's resort, The tree of life, floods gushing from the throne Call me to joys. Begone, short woes, begone, I lived to die, but now I die to live, I do enjoy more than I did believe. The promise me unto possession sends, Faith in fruition, hope, in having, ends. _The Life of Mr. DAVID CALDERWOOD._ Mr. David Calderwood, having spent some time at the grammar-school, went to the university to study theology, in order for the ministry, where after a short space, being found fit for that office, he was made minister at Crelling near Jedburgh, where, for some considerable time, he preached the word of God with great wisdom, zeal and diligence, and as a faithful wise harvest man, brought in many sheaves into God's granary. But it being then a time, when prelacy was upon the advance in the church, and faithful ministers every where thrust out and suppressed, he, among the rest, gave in his declinature in the year 1608, and thereupon took instruments in the hands of James Johnston notary public, in presence of some of the magistrates and council of the town, whereupon, information being sent to the king by the bishops, a direction was sent down from him to the council, to punish him (and another minister who declined) exemplarily, but by the earnest dealing of the earl of Lothian with the chancellor in favours of Mr. Calderwood, their punishment resolved only in a confinement within their own parish, &c. Here he continued until June 1617, that he was summoned to appear before the high commission court at St. Andrews, upon the 8th of July following. Being called upon (the king being present) and his libel read and answered, the king among other things said, "What moved you to protest?"----"An article concluded among the lords of the articles," Mr. David answered. "But what fault was there in it," said the king.----"It cutteth off our general assemblies," answered Mr. Calderwood. The king, having the protestation[75] in his hand, challenged him for some words of the last clause thereof.----He answered, "Whatsoever was the phrase of speech, they meant no other thing but to protest, that they would give passive obedience to his majesty, but could not give active obedience unto any unlawful thing which should flow from that article." "Active and passive obedience!" said the king.--"That is, we will rather suffer than practise," said Mr. David. "I will tell thee, said the king, what is obedience man,----What the centurion said to his servant, _To this man, Go, and he goeth, and to that man, Come, and he cometh_, that is obedience."----He answered, "To suffer, Sir, is also obedience, howbeit not of the same kind, and that obedience was not absolute but limited with exception, of a countermand from a superior power." "I am informed, said the king, ye are a refractor, the bishop of Glasgow your ordinary, and bishop of Caithness the moderator and your presbytery, testify ye have kept no order, ye have repaired to neither presbytery nor synod, and are no way conform." He answered, "I have been confined these eight or nine years, so my conformity or non-conformity in that point could not well be known." "Gude faith, thou art a very knave," said the king, "see these same false puritans, they are ever playing with equivocations."--The king asked, If he was relaxed if he would obey or not?--He answered, "I am wronged, in that I am forced to answer such questions, which are besides the libel, &c." after which he was removed. When called in again, it was intimated to him, that if he did not repair to synods and presbyteries between this and October, conform in the time, and promise obedience in all time coming, the bishop of Glasgow was to deprive him. Then Mr. David begged leave to speak to the bishops, which being granted, he reasoned thus, "Neither can ye suspend or deprive me, in this court of high commission, for ye have no power in this court, but by commission from his majesty; his majesty cannot communicate that power to you, which he claims not to himself." At which the king wagged his head, and said to him, "Are there not bishops and fathers in the church, &c. persons clothed with power and authority to suspend and depose."--"Not in this court," answered Mr. Calderwood. At which word there arose a confused noise, so that he was obliged to extend his voice, that he might be heard. In the end the king asked him, If he would obey the sentence?--To which he answered, Your sentence is not the sentence of the kirk, but a sentence null in itself, and therefore I cannot obey it. At which some reviling called him proud knave. Others were not ashamed to shake his shoulders in a most insolent manner, till at last he was removed a second time. Being again called in, the sentence of deprivation was pronounced, and he ordained to be committed to close ward in the tolbooth of St. Andrews, till afterward that farther orders were taken for his banishment, after which he was upbraided by the bishop, who said, That he deserved to be used as Ogilvy the Jesuit who was hanged. When he would have answered, the bishops would not allow him, and the king, in a rage, cried, Away with him:--And lord Scoone taking him by the arm, led him out, where they staid some time waiting for the bailiffs of the town. In the mean time Mr Calderwood said to Scoone, "My lord, this is not the first like turn that hath fallen into your hands."----"I must serve the king," said Scoone. And to some ministers then standing by he said, "Brethren, ye have Christ's cause in hand at this meeting, be not terrified with this spectacle, prove faithful servants to your master." Scoone took him to his house till the keys of the tolbooth were had. By the way one demanded, "Whither with the man, my lord?"----"First to the tolbooth, and then to the gallows," said Scoone. He was committed close prisoner, and the same afternoon a charge was given to transport him to the jail of Edinburgh. After the charge, he was delivered to two of the guard to be transported thither, although severals offered to bail him, that he might not go out of the country. But no order of council could be had for that end, for the king had a design to keep him in close ward till a ship was ready to convey him first to London and then to Virginia, but providence had ordered otherwise, for upon several petitions in his behalf he was liberate out of prison, upon lord Cranston's being bail that he should depart out of the country. After this Mr. Calderwood went with lord Cranston to the king at Carlisle, where the said lord presented a petition to him, that Mr. David might only be confined to his parish, but the king inveighed against him so much, that at last he repulsed Cranston with his elbow. He insisted again for a prorogation of time for his departure till the last of April, because of the winter season, that he might have leisure to get up his years stipend.--The king answered, Howbeit he begged it were no matter, he would know himself better the next time, and for the season of the year, if he drowned in the seas, he might thank God that he had escaped a worse death. Yet Cranston being so importunate for the prorogation, the king answered, I will advise with my bishops. Thus the time was delayed until the year 1619, that he wrote a book called Perth Assembly, which was condemned by the council in the month of December that same year,--but as he himself says[76], Neither the book nor the author could be found, for in the month of August preceding, he had embarked for Holland. During his abode there, one Patrick Scot a landed gentleman near Falkland, having wasted his patrimony, had no other means to recover his state, but by some unlawful shift at court, and for that end in the year 1624, he set forth a recantation under the name of a banished minister, _viz._ Mr. David Calderwood, who, because of his long sickness before, was supposed by many to have been dead. The king (as he had alledged to some of his friends) furnished him with the matter, and he set it down in form. This project failing, he went over to Holland, and sought Mr. Calderwood in several towns, particularly in Amsterdam, in the month of November, in order to dispatch him, as afterward appeared. After he had stayed twenty days in Amsterdam, making all the search he could, he was informed that Mr. Calderwood had returned home privately to his native country, which frustrated his intention.----After the death of king James he put out a pamphlet full of this, intitled _vox vera_, and yet notwithstanding of all his wicked and unlawful pursuits, he died soon after, so poor, that he had not wherewith to defray the charges of his funeral. Mr. Calderwood, being now returned home after the death of king James, remained as private as possible, and was mostly at Edinburgh (where he strengthened the hands of non-conformists, being also a great opposer of sectarianism) until after the year 1638, that he was admitted minister at Pancaitland in East Lothian. He contributed very much to the covenanted work carried in that period; for first he had an active hand in drawing up several excellent papers, where were contained the records of church-policy betwixt the year 1576 and 1596, which were presented and read by Mr. Johnston the clerk at the general assembly at Glasgow _anno_ 1638, as also by recommendation of the general assembly 1646, he was ordered to consider the order of the visitation of kirks, and trials of presbyteries, and to make report thereof unto the next general assembly; and likewise at the general assembly 1648, a further recommendation was given him to draw a draught of the form of visitation of particular congregations, against the next assembly; and was also one of those appointed with Mr. David Dickson, to draw up the form of the directory for the public worship of God, by the general assembly 1643[77]. After he had both spent and been spent, with the apostle, for the cause and interest of Jesus Christ, when the English army lay at Lothian _anno_ 1651, he went to Jedburgh, where he sickened and died in a good old age. He was another valiant champion for the truth, who, in pleading for the crown and interest of Jesus Christ, knew not what it was to be daunted by the face and frowns of the highest and most incensed adversaries. Before he went to Holland, he wrote the book intitled, Perth Assembly. While in Holland he wrote that learned book called, _Altare Damascenum_ with some other pieces in English, which contributed somewhat to keep many straight in that declining period. After his return he wrote the history of our church as far down as the year 1625, of which the printed copy that we have is only a short abstract of that large written history, which both as to the stile and the manner wherein it is executed, is far preferable to the printed copy; and whoever compares the two or the last with his _Altare Damascenum,_ both of which are yet in the hands of some, will readily grant the truth of this assertion; and yet all this derogates nothing from the truth of the facts reported in the printed copy, and therefore no offence need be taken at the information, that there is a more full and better copy than is yet extant. See the note on the 78th page of Mr. Livingston's life and memorable characteristics, &c. _The Life of Mr. HUGH BINNING._ He was son to John Binning of Dalvennan, and Margaret M'Kell daughter of Mr. Matthew M'Kell minister at Bothwel, and sister to Mr. Hugh M'Kell one of the ministers of Edinburgh, His father's worldly circumstances were so good (being possest of no inconsiderable estate in the shire of Ayr), that he was enabled to give his son Hugh a very liberal education, the good effects of which appeared very early upon him;--for the greatness of his spirit and capacity of judgment, gave his parents good grounds to conceive the pleasing hopes of his being a promising child. When he was at the grammar-school, he made so great proficiency in the knowledge of the Latin tongue, and the Roman authors, that he out-stripped his fellow-scholars, even such as were by some years older than himself. When they went to their diversions he declined their society, and choosed to employ himself either in secret duty with God, or conference with religious people, thinking time was too precious to be lavished away in these things. He began to have sweet familiarity with God, and to live in near communion with him, before others began seriously to lay to heart their lost and undone state and condition by nature, &c. so that before he arrived at the 13th or 14th year of his age, he had even attained to such experience in the way of God, that the most judicious and exercised Christians in the place confessed they were much edified, strengthened and comforted by him, nay that he provoked them to diligence in the duties of religion, being abundantly sensible that they were much out-run by such a youth. Before he was fourteen years of age, he entered upon the study of philosophy in the university of Glasgow, wherein he made a very considerable progress, by which means he came to be taken notice of in the college by the professors and students, and at the same time he advanced remarkably in religion also. The abstruse depths of philosophy, which are the torture of a slow genius and a weak capacity, he dived into without any pain or trouble, so that by his ready apprehension of things, he was able to do more in one hour than others could do in many days by hard study and close application; and yet he was ever humble, and never exalted with self-conceit, the common foible of young men. As soon as his course of philosophy was finished, he commenced master of arts with great applause. He began the study of divinity with a view to serve God in the holy ministry, at which time there happened to be a vacancy in the college of Glasgow, by the resignation of Mr. James Dalrymple[78] of Stair, who had some time been his master. And though Mr. Binning was but lately his scholar, yet he was determined, after much intreaty, to stand as a candidate for that post. According to the usual laudable custom, the masters of the college emitted a program, and sent it to all the universities of the kingdom, inviting such as had a mind for a profession of philosophy, to sift themselves before them, and offer themselves to compete for that preferment, giving assurance that without partiality the place should be conferred upon him who should be found _dignior et doctior_. The ministers of the city of Glasgow, considering how much it was the interest of the church that well-qualified persons be put into the profession of philosophy, &c. and knowing that Mr. Binning was eminently pious, and of a bright genius, as well as solid judgment, let upon him to sift himself among the other competitors; but they had difficulty to overcome his modesty. They at last prevailed upon him to declare his willingness to undertake the dispute before the masters. Among others, there were other two candidates, one of whom had the advantage of great interest with Dr. Strang principal of the college at that time, and the other a scholar of great abilities, yet Mr. Binning so managed the dispute, and acquitted himself in all parts of his trial, that to the conviction of the judges, he darkened his rivals. But the doctor and some of the faculty who joined him, though they could not pretend the person they inclined to prefer, had an equality, much less a superiority in the dispute, yet they argued, _cæteris paribus_, that this person they intended was a citizen's son, of a competency of learning, and a person of more years, and by that means had greater experience than what Mr. Binning, who was in a manner but of yesterday, could be supposed to have.----But to this it was replied, That Mr. Binning was such a pregnant scholar, so wise and sedate, as to be above all the follies and vanities of youth, and what was wanting in years was made up sufficiently by his more than ordinary and singular endowments. Whereupon a member of the faculty, perceiving the struggle to be great, (as indeed there were plausible reasons on both sides), proposed a dispute between the two candidates _ex tempore_, upon any subject they should be pleased to prescribe. This being considered, soon put a period to the division amongst them, and those who had opposed him not being willing to engage their friend with such an able antagonist a second time, Mr. Binning was elected. Mr. Binning was not quite 19 years of age when he commenced regent and professor of philosophy, and, though he had not time to prepare a system of any part of his profession, as he had instantly to begin his class, yet such was the quickness and fertility of his invention, the tenaciousness of his memory and the solidity of his judgment, that his dictates to his scholars had a depth of learning and perspicuity of expression, and was among the first in Scotland, that began to reform philosophy from the barbarous terms and unintelligible jargon of the school-men. He continued in this profession three years, and discharged his trust so as to gain the general applause of the university for academical exercises:--And this was the more remarkable, that having turned his thoughts towards the ministry, he carried on his theological studies at the same time, and made great improvements therein, for his memory was so retentive, that he scarcely forgot any thing had heard or read. It was easy and ordinary for him to inscribe any sermon, after he returned to his chamber, at such a length, that the intelligent and judicious reader, who had heard it preached, would not find one sentence wanting. During this period, he gave full proof of his progress and knowledge in divinity, by a composition from 2 Cor. v. 14 _For the love of Christ constraineth us_, &c. Which performance he sent to a gentlewoman who had been some time at Edinburgh, for her private edification, who having perused the same, judged it to have been a sermon of some eminent minister in the west of Scotland, and put it into the hands of the then provost of Edinburgh, who judged of it in the same manner. But when she returned to Glasgow, she found her mistake by Mr. Binning's asking it at her:----This was the first discovery he had given of his dexterity and abilities in explaining the scripture. At the expiration of three years as a professor of philosophy, the parish of Govan, which lies adjacent to the city of Glasgow, happened to be vacant, and before this whoever was principal of the college of Glasgow was also minister there; but this being attended with inconveniencies, an alteration was made, and the presbytery having a view to supply that vacancy with Mr. Binning, they took him upon trials, in order to be licensed a preacher;--and preaching there to the great satisfaction of that people, he was some time after called to be minister of that parish, which call the presbytery approved of, and entered him upon trials for ordination about the 22d year of his age, and went through them to the unanimous approbation of the presbytery, giving their testimony of his fitness to be one of the ministers of the city upon the first vacancy,----having a view at the same time to bring him back to the university, whenever the profession of divinity should be vacant. He was, considering his age, a prodigy of learning. For before he had arrived at the 26th year of his life, he had such a large stock of useful knowledge, as to be _philologus, philosophus et theologus eximius_, and might well have been an ornament to the most famous and flourishing university in Europe. This was the more surprising, considering his weakness and infirmity of body, as not being able to read much at a time, or to undergo the fatigue of continual study, in so much that his knowledge seemed rather to have been born with him, than to have been acquired by hard and laborious study. Though he was bookish, and much intent upon the fulfilling his ministry, yet he turned his thoughts to marriage, and did espouse a virtuous and excellent person Mrs. Barbara Simpson, daughter to Mr. James Simpson a minister in Ireland. Upon the day he was to be married, he went accompanied with his friend (and some others, among whom were several worthy ministers) unto an adjacent country congregation, upon the day of their weekly sermon. The minister of the parish delayed sermon till they would come, hoping to put the work upon one of the ministers whom he expected to be there, but all declining it, he tried next to prevail on the bridegroom, with whom he succeeded, though the invitation was not expected. It was no difficult task to him to preach upon a short warning; he stepped aside a little to pre-meditate and implore his Master's presence and assistance (for he was ever afraid to be alone in this work), and entered the pulpit immediately, and preached upon 1 Pet. i. 15. _But as he that hath called you is holy_, &c. At which time he was so remarkably helped, that all acknowledged that God was with him of a truth, &c. When the unhappy differences betwixt the resolutioners and protesters fell out, among whom Mr. Binning was of the last denomination, this distinction proved to be of fatal consequence. He saw some of the evils of it in his own time, and being of a catholic and healing spirit, with a view to the cementing of differences, he wrote an excellent treatise of Christian love, which contains very strong and pathetic passages most apposite to this subject. He was no fomenter of factions, but studious of the public tranquillity. He was a man of moderate principles and temperate passions, never imposing or overbearing upon others but willingly hearkened to advice, and always yielded to reason. The prevailing of the English sectarians under Oliver Cromwel[79] to the overthrow of the presbyterian interest in England, and the various attempts which they made in Scotland on the constitution and discipline of this church was one of the greatest difficulties, which the ministers had then to struggle with. Upon this he hath many excellent reflections in his sermons, particularly in that sermon from Deut. xxxii. 4, 5. See his works, page 502, 557, &c. After he had laboured four years in the ministry, serving God with his spirit in the gospel of his Son, he died in the year 1653, of a consumption, when he was scarce come to the prime and vigour of his life, being only in the 26th year of his age, leaving behind him a sweet favour and an epistle of commendation upon the hearts of those who were his hearers. He was a person of singular piety, of a humble, meek, and peaceable temper, a judicious and lively preacher, nay so extraordinary a person, that he was justly accounted a prodigy of human learning and knowledge of divinity. From his childhood he knew the scriptures, and from a boy had been much under deep and spiritual exercise, until the time (or a little before) that he entered upon the office of the ministry, when he came to a great calm and tranquillity of mind, being mercifully relieved from all these doubtings, which for a long time he had been exercised with, and though he studied in his discourses to condescend to the capacity of the meaner sort of hearers, yet it must be owned that his gift of preaching was not so much accommodated to a country congregation, as it was to the judicious and learned. Mr. Binning's method was peculiar to himself, much after the haranguing way; he was no stranger to the rules of art, and knew well how to make his matter subservient to the subject he handled. His diction and language was easy and fluent, void of all affectation and bombast, and has a kind of undesigned negligent elegance which arrests the reader's attention. Considering the time he lived in, it might be said, that he carried the orator's prize from his contemporaries in Scotland, and was not at that time inferior to the best pulpit orator in England. While he lived he was highly esteemed, having been a successful instrument of saving himself, and them that heard him, of turning sinners unto righteousness and of perfecting the saints. He died much lamented by all good people who had the opportunity of knowing him. That great divine Mr. James Durham gave him this verdict, "That there was no speaking after Mr. Binning;" and truly he had the tongue of the learned, and knew how to speak a word in season. Besides his works which are bound up in one quarto volume, and that wrote upon occasion of the public resolutioners, which has been already mentioned, some other little pieces of his have been published since. There is also a book in quarto said to be his, intitled, An useful case of conscience learnedly and acutely discussed and resolved, concerning association and confederacies with idolators, heretics, malignants, &c. first printed _anno_ 1693, which was like to have had some influence at that time upon king William's soldiers while in Flanders, which made him suppress it. And raise a persecution against Mr. James Kid for publishing the same at Utrecht in the Netherlands. _The Life of Mr. ANDREW GRAY._ Mr. Andrew Gray (by the calculation of his age and the date of his entry into the ministry) seems to have been born about the year 1634, and being very early sent to school, where he learned so fast, that in a short time he was sent to the university, and here, by the vivacity of his parts and ready genius, he made such proficiency both in scholastic learning and divinity, that before he was twenty years of age he was found accomplished for entering into the holy office of the ministry. From his very infancy he had studied to be acquainted with the scriptures, and, like another young Samson, the Spirit of God began very early to move him, there being such a delightful gravity in his young conversation, that what Gregory Nazianzen once said of the great Bazil, might be applied to him,--"That he held forth learning beyond his age, and fixedness of manners beyond his learning." This earthly vessel being thus filled with heavenly treasure, he was quickly licensed to preach, and got a call to be minister of the outer kirk of the high church of Glasgow, though he was scarce twenty years of age complete (far below the age appointed by the constitution of this church unless in cases extraordinary). No sooner was this young servant of Christ entered into his Master's vineyard, than the people from all quarters flocked to attend his sermons, it being their constant emulation who should be most under the refreshing drops of his ministry, in so much that as he and his learned colleague Mr. Durham were one time walking together, Mr. Durham, observing the multitude thronging into that church where Mr. Gray was to preach, and only a very few going into the church in which he was to preach, said to him, "Brother, I perceive you are to have a throng church to-day."--To which he answered, "Truly, brother, they are fools to leave you and come to me."----Mr. Durham replied, "Not so dear brother, for none can receive such honour and success in his ministry, except it be given him from heaven, I rejoice that Christ is preached and that his kingdom and interest is getting ground, for I am content to be any thing or nothing that Christ may be all and all." And indeed Mr. Gray had a notable and singular gift in preaching, being one experienced in the most mysterious points of a Christian practice and profession; and in handling of all his subjects, free of youthful vanity, or affectation of human literature, though he had a most scholastic genius and more than ordinary abilities; that he did outstrip many that entered into the Lord's vineyard before him, his experience being every way warm and rapturous, and well adapted to affect the hearts of his hearers, yea he had such a faculty, and was so helped to press home God's threatenings upon the consciences of his hearers, that his contemporary the foresaid Mr. Durham observed, That many times he caused the very hairs of their head to stand up. Among his other excellencies in preaching (which were many) this was none of the least, that he could so order his subject as to make it relish every palate. He could so dress a plain discourse as to delight a learned audience, and at the same time preach with a learned plainness, having so learned to conceal his art. He had such a clear notion of high mysteries, as to make them stoop to the meanest capacity. He had so learned Christ, and being a man of a most zealous temper, the great bent of his spirit and that which he did spend himself anent, was to make people know their dangerous state by nature, and to persuade them to believe and lay hold of the great salvation. All which singularities seem to have been his peculiar mercy from the Lord, to make him a burning and shining light in the western climate, for about the space of two years[80] only, the Spirit of the Lord as it were stirring up a lamp unto a sudden blaze, that was not to continue long in his church. On which a late prefacer of some of his sermons has very pertinently observed,----"Yea, how awakening, convincing and reproving may the example of this very young minister be to many ministers of the gospel, who have been many years in the vineyard, but fall far short of his labours and progress! God thinks fit now and then to raise up a child to reprove the sloth and negligence of many thousands of advanced years, and shews that he can perfect his own praise out of the mouth of babes, &c." His sermons are now in print, and well known in the world. His works do praise him in the gates, and though they are free from the metaphysical speculations of the schools, yet it must be granted that the excellencies of the ancient fathers and school-men do all concenter in them: For his doctrine carries light, his reproofs are weighty, and his exhortations powerful, and though they are not in such an accurate or grammatical style as some may expect, yet that may be easily accounted for, if we consider, (1.) The great alteration and embellishment in the style of the English language since his time. And (2.) There can be no ground to doubt but they must be far inferior unto what they were when delivered by the author, who neither corrected, nor, as appears, intended that they should ever be published, and yet all this is sufficiently made up otherwise, for what is wanting in symmetry of parts or equality of style, in the pleasure of variety, like the grateful odours of various flowers, or the pleasant harmony of different sounds, for so is truth in its own native dress. It hath been often said that Mr. Gray many times longed for the 22d year of his age, wherein he expected to rest from his labours by a perpetual jubilee, to enjoy his blessed Lord and Master. However it is certain that in his sermons we often find him longing for his majority, that he might enter into the possession of his heavenly Father's inheritance prepared for him before the foundations of the world were laid. He escaped death very narrowly, when going to Dundee in company with Mr. Robert Fleming (some time minister at Cambuslang) which remarkable sea-deliverance was matter of his thankfulness to God all his life after. There is one thing that may be desiderated by the inquisitious, _i. e._ what Mr. Gray's sentiments were concerning the public resolutions, seeing he entered the ministry about the third year after these resolutions took place.----Whatever his contentions in public were, it is creditably reported, that he debated in private against these defections with his learned colleague Mr. Durham, who afterwards on his death-bed asked, What he thought of these things?--He answered, That he was of the same mind with what he had formerly heard--and did much regret that he had been so sparing in public against these woeful resolutions, speaking so pathetically of their sinfulness and the calamities they would procure, that Mr. Durham, contrary to his former practice, durst never after speak in defence of them. But the time now approaching that the Lord was about to accomplish the desire of his servant, he fell sick, and was cast into a high fever for several days. He was much tossed with sore trouble, without any intermission, and all the time continued in a most sedate frame of mind. It is a loss that his last dying words were neither wrote nor remembered, only we may guess what his spiritual exercises were, from that short but excellent letter sent from him, a little before his death, to lord Warriston, bearing date Feb. 7, 1656, wherein he shows that he not only had a most clear discovery of the toleration then granted by Cromwel, and the evils that would come upon these lands for all these things, but also was most sensible of his own case and condition, as appears from the conclusion of that letter, where he accosts his lordship thus, "Now, not to trouble your lordship, whom I highly reverence, and my soul was knit to you in the Lord, but that you will bespeak my case to the great Master of requests, and lay my broken state before him who hath pled the desperate case of many according to the sweet word in Lam. iii. 5, 6. _Thou hast heard my voice, hide not thine ear_, &c. This is all at this time from one in a very weak condition, in a great fever, who, for much of seven nights, hath sleeped little at all, with many other sad particulars and circumstances." Thus in a short time, according to his desire, it was granted to him, by death, to pass unto the author of life, his soul taking its flight into the arms of his blessed Saviour, whom he had served faithfully in his day and generation (being about twenty-two years old). He shone too conspicuous to continue long, and burned so intensely, he behoved soon to be extinguished, but now shines in the kingdom of his Father, in a more conspicuous refulgent manner, even as the brightness of the firmament and the stars for ever and ever. He was in his day a most singular and pious youth, and though he died young, yet was old in grace, having lived long, and done much for God in a little time, being one, both in public and private life, who possessed in a high degree, every domestic and social virtue that could adorn the character of a most powerful and pathetic preacher, a loving husband[81], an affable friend, ever cheerful and agreeable in conversation, always ready to exert himself for the relief of all who asked or stood in need of his assistance, which uncommon talents not only endeared him to his brethren the clergy, but also to many others from the one extremity of the lands to the other (that heard or knew any thing of him) who considered and highly esteemed him as one of the most able advocates for the propagation and advancement of Christ's kingdom. His well-known sermons are printed in several small pieces. Those called his works are bound in one volume octavo. To the eleven sermons printed sometime ago, are lately published a large collection to the number of fifty-one, intitled his select sermons, whereof only three, for connection sake, and his letter to lord Warriston are inserted, which were before published in his works. So that by this time most (if not all) of the sermons are now in print that ever were preached by him. _The Life of Mr. JAMES DURHAM._ Mr. James Durham was born about the year 1622, and lineally descended from the ancient and honourable family of Grange Durham, in the parish of Monuseith in the shire of Angus. He was the eldest son of John Durham of Easter Powrie, Esq; now called Wedderburn after the gentleman's name who is the present professor thereof. Having gone through all the parts of useful learning with success and applause, he left the university before he was graduate, and for sometime lived as a private gentleman at his own dwelling house in the country, without any thought then of farther prosecuting his studies especially for the ministry, and though he was always blameless and moral in his life, both in the university and when he left it, yet he was much a stranger to religion in the serious exercise and power of it, and, through prejudice of education, did not stand well affected to the presbyterial government. He first married a daughter of the laird of Duntervie: his wife and her mother were both very pious women. His conversion to the Lord was very remarkable. For going with his lady to visit her mother in the parish of Abercorn, some miles west from Edinburgh,--it happened, that at this time the sacrament was to be administered in that parish upon Saturday,--his mother-in-law earnestly pressed them to go with them to church and hear sermon; at first he shewed much unwillingness, but partly by their persuasion, and partly by his complaisant disposition, he went along with them. The minister that preached that day was extremely affectionate and serious in his delivery, and though the sermon was a plain familiar discourse, yet his seriousness fixed Mr. Durham's attention very closely, and he was much affected therewith. But the change was reserved till the morrow. When he came home, he said to his mother-in-law, The minister hath preached very seriously this day, I shall not need to be pressed to go to church to-morrow. Accordingly on Sabbath morning, rising early, he went to church, where Mr. Melvil preached from 2 Pet. ii. 7. _To you that believe he is precious_, &c. where he so sweetly and seriously opened up the preciousness of Christ, and the Spirit of God wrought so effectually upon his spirit, that in hearing of this sermon, he first closed with Christ, and then went to the Lord's table, and took the seal of God's covenant. After this he ordinarily called Mr. Melvil father when he spoke of him. Afterward he made serious religion his business both in secret and in his family, and in all places and companies where he came, and did cordially embrace the interest of Christ and his church as then established, and gave himself much up to reading; for which reason, that he might be free of all disturbance, &c. he caused build a study for himself; in which little chamber, he gave himself to prayer, reading and meditation, and was so close a student there, that he often forgot to eat his bread, being sometimes so intent upon his studies, that servants who were sent to call him down, often returned without answer, yea, his lady frequently called on him with tears, before he would come:--Such sweet communion he had with the Lord sometimes in that place. He made great proficiency in his studies, and not only became an experimental Christian, but also a very learned man. One evidence of which he gave in a short dispute with one of the then ministers of Dundee, while he was in that town: He met (in a house where he was occasionally) with the parson of the parish (for so the ministers were then called), who knew not Mr. Durham. After some discourse he fell upon the Popish controversy with him, and so put him to silence, that he could not answer a word but went sneakingly out of the room from Mr. Durham to the provost, craving his assistance to apprehend Mr. Durham as a Jesuit, assuring the provost, that if ever there was a jesuit in Rome he was one, and that if he were suffered to remain in the town or country, he might pervert many from the faith.----Upon which the provost, going along with him to the house where the pretended jesuit was, and entering the room, he immediately knew Mr. Durham, and saluted him as laird of Easter Powrie, craving his pardon for their mistake, and turning to the parson, asked where the person was he called the jesuit?--Mr. Durham smiled, and the parson ashamed, asked pardon of them both, and was rebuked by the provost, who said, Fy, fy! that any country gentleman should be able to put our parson thus to silence. His call and coming forth to the ministry was somewhat remarkable, for in the time when the civil wars broke forth, several gentlemen being in arms for the cause of religion, among whom he was chosen and called to be a captain, in which station he behaved himself like another Cornelius, being a devout man, and one that feared God with all his house, and prayed to God always with his company, &c. When the Scots army were about to engage with the English, he judged meet to call his company to prayer before the engagement, and as he began to pray, Mr. David Dickson, then professor of divinity at Glasgow coming past the army, seeing the soldiers addressing themselves to prayer, and hearing the voice of one praying, drew near, alighted from his horse, and joined with them; and was so much taken with Mr. Durham's prayer, that he called for the captain, and having conversed with him a little, he solemnly charged him, that as soon as this piece of service was over, he should devote himself to serve God in the holy ministry, for to that he judged the Lord called him. But though, as yet, Mr. Durham had no clearness to hearken to Mr. Dickson's advice, yet two remarkable providences falling out just upon the back of this solemn charge, served very much to clear his way to comply with Mr. Dickson's desire:--The first was, In the engagement his horse was shot under him, and he was mercifully preserved: the second was, In the heat of the battle, an English soldier was on the point of striking him down with his sword, but apprehending him to be a minister by his grave carriage, black cloth and band (as was then in fashion with gentlemen), he asked him if he was a priest? To which Mr. Durham replied, I am one of God's priests;--and he spared his life. Mr. Durham, upon reflecting how wonderfully the Lord had spared him, and preserved his life, and that his saying he was a priest had been the mean thereof, resolved therefore, as a testimony of his grateful and thankful sense of the Lord's goodness to him, henceforth to devote himself to the service of God in the holy ministry, if the Lord should see meet to qualify him for the same. Accordingly, in pursuance of this resolution, he quickly went to Glasgow, and studied divinity under Mr. David Dickson then professor there, and made such proficiency therein, that in a short time (being called thereto) he humbly offered himself to trials _anno_ 1646, and so was licensed by the presbytery of Irvine to preach the gospel, and next year, upon Mr. Dickson's recommendation, the session of Glasgow appointed Mr. Ramsay one of their ministers, to intreat Mr. Durham so come and preach in Glasgow. Accordingly he came and preached two sabbath days and one week day. The session being fully satisfied with his doctrine and the gifts bestowed on him by the Lord for serving him in the holy ministry, did unanimously call him to the ministry of the Black-friar church then vacant, in consequence of which he was ordained minister there in November 1647. He applied himself to the work of the ministry with great diligence, so that his profiting did quickly appear to all; but considering that no man that warreth entangleth himself with the affairs of this life, he obtained leave of his people to return to his own country for a little time to settle his worldly affairs there; yet he was not idle here, but preached every sabbath. He first preached at Dundee, before a great multitude, from Rom. i. 16. _I am not ashamed of the gospel of Christ_, and shewed that it was no disparagement for the greatest to be a gospel-minister; and a second time he preached at Ferling (in his own country) upon 2 Cor. v. 18. _He hath given to us the ministry of reconciliation_, &c.; and a third time at Monuseith, at the desire of the minister there, he preached from 2 Cor. v. 20. _We then are ambassadors for Christ_, &c. In both places he indeed acted like an ambassador for Christ, and managed the gospel-treaty of peace to good purpose. The next sabbath he designed to have preached at Murrose, but receiving an express to return to Glasgow in haste, his wife being dangerously sick, he came away, leaving his affairs to the care of his friends, and returned to Glasgow, where, in a few days, his wife, who had been the desire of his eyes, died. His Christian submission under this afflicting dispensation was most remarkable. After a short silence, he said to some about him, "Now, who could persuade me that this dispensation of God's providence was good for me, if the Lord had not said it was so," He was afterward married to Margaret Muir relict of Mr. Zechariah Boyd, minister of the Barony of Glasgow. In the year 1650, Mr. Dickson professor of divinity in the college of Glasgow, being called to be professor of divinity in the university of Edinburgh, the commissioners of the general assembly authorized for visiting the university of Glasgow, unanimously designed and called Mr. Durham to succeed Mr. Dickson as professor there. But before he was admitted to that charge, the general assembly of this church, being persuaded of his eminent piety and stedfastness, prudence and moderation, &c. did, after mature deliberation, that same year, pitch upon him, though then but about twenty-eight years of age, as among the ablest and best accomplished ministers then in the church, to attend the king's family as chaplain. In which station, tho' the times were most difficult, as abounding with snares and temptations, he did so wisely and faithfully acquit himself, that there was a conviction left upon the consciences of all who observed him. Yea, during his stay at court, and, whenever he went about the duty of his place, they did all carry gravely, and did forbear all lightness and profanity, none allowing themselves to do any thing offensive before him. So that while he served the Lord in the holy ministry, and particularly in that post and character of the king's chaplain, his ambition was to have God's favour, rather than the favour of great men, and studied more to profit and edify their souls, than to tickle their fancy, as some court-parasites in their sermons do: One instance whereof was, that being called to preach before the parliament, where many rulers were present, he preached from John iii. 10. _Art thou a master in Israel, and knowest not these things?_ when he mostly insisted that it was a most unaccountable thing for rulers and nobles in Israel, &c. to be ignorant of the great and necessary things of regeneration, and being born again of the Spirit; and did most seriously press all, from the king to the beggar, to seek and know experimentally these things. A good pattern for all ministers who are called to preach on the like occasion. He continued with the king till he went to England, and then returned. Towards the end of January 1651, the common session of Glasgow, appointed Mr. Patrick Gillespie to write a letter to Mr. Durham, concerning Mr. Robert Ramsay's being professor of divinity in place of the said Mr. James Durham, in the university of Glasgow. In consequence of which, Mr. Durham came to Glasgow, for he is mentioned present in the session in the beginning of April next. At the same time, Cromwel and his army were in Glasgow, and on the Lord's day Cromwel heard Mr. Durham preach, when he testified against his invasion to his face. Next day he sent for Mr Durham, and told him, He always thought he had been a wiser man, than to meddle with matters of public concern in his sermons.--To which he answered, It was not his practice, but that he judged it both wisdom and prudence to speak his mind on that head seeing he had the opportunity to do it in his presence.----Cromwell dismissed him very civilly, but desired him to forbear insisting on that subject in public; and at the same time sundry ministers both in town and country met with Cromwel and his officers, and represented in strong terms the injustice of his invasion. It would appear that Mr. Durham, some time after this, had withdrawn from Glasgow, and therefore a letter was, in August next, ordered to be sent to him to come and visit them and preach; and in September next, there being a vacancy in the inner kirk by the death of Mr. Ramsay, the common session gave an unanimous call (with which the town-council agreed) to Mr Durham to be minister there. And some time after this he was received minister in the inner kirk, Mr. John Carstairs his brother-in-law being his colleague in that church. In the whole of his ministry he was a burning and shining light, and particularly he shined in humility and self-denial. An instance of which was, Upon a day when Mr. Andrew Gray and he were to preach, being walking together, Mr. Durham observing multitudes thronging to Mr. Gray's church, and only a few into his, said to Mr. Gray, "Brother, you are like to have a throng church to-day." To which Mr. Gray answered, "Truly, brother, they are fools to leave you and come to me."--"Not so, dear brother, replied Mr. Durham, for a minister can receive no such honour and success in his ministry, except it be given him from heaven. I rejoice that Christ is preached, though my esteem in people's hearts should decrease and be diminished; for I am content to be any thing so that Christ be all in all." He was also a person of the utmost gravity, and scarce smiled at any thing. Once when Mr. William Guthrie being exceeding merry, made Mr. Durham smile with his pleasant, facetious and harmless conversation, at which Mr. Durham was at first a little disgusted, but it being the laudable custom of that family to pray after dinner, which Mr. Guthrie did, upon being desired, with the greatest measure of seriousness and fervency, to the astonishment of all present: when they arose from prayer, Mr. Durham embraced him and said, "O William, you are a happy man, if I had been so merry as you have been, I could not have been in such a serious frame for prayer for the space of forty-eight hours." As Mr. Durham was devout in all parts of his ministerial work, so more eminently at communion occasions. Then he endeavoured through grace to rouse and work up himself to such a divineness of frame, as very much suited the spiritual state and majesty of that ordinance. Yea, at some of these solemn and sweet occasions, he spoke some way as a man that had been in heaven commending Jesus Christ, making a glorious display of free grace, &c. and brought the offers thereof so low that they were made to think the rope or cord of the salvation offered, was let down to sinners, that those of the lowest stature might catch hold of it. He gave himself much up to meditation, and usually said little to persons that came to propose their cases to him, but heard them patiently, and was sure to handle their case in his sermons. His healing disposition and great moderation of spirit remarkably appeared when this church was grievously divided betwixt the resolutioners and protestors; and as he would never give his judgment upon either side, so he used to say, That division was worse by far than either of the sides. He was equally respected by both parties, for at a meeting of the synod in Glasgow, when those of the different sides met separately, each of them made choice of Mr. Durham for their moderator, but he refused to join either of them, till they would both unite together, which they accordingly did. At this meeting he gave in some overtures for peace, the substance of which was, that they should eschew all public awakening or lengthening out the debate either by preaching or spreading of papers on either side, and that they should forbear practising, executing or pressing of acts made in the last assembly at St. Andrews and Dundee, and also pressing or spreading appeals, declinatures, &c. against the same, and that no church-officer should be excepted at on account of these things, they being found otherwise qualified, &c.[82] So weighty was the ministerial charge upon his spirit, that if he were to live ten years longer, he would choose to live nine years in study, for preaching the tenth; and it was thought his close study and thoughtfulness cast him into that decay whereof he died. In the time of his sickness, the better part being afraid that the magistrates and some of the ministry who were for the public resolutions, would put in one of that stamp after his death, moved Mr. Carstairs his colleague, in a visit to desire him to name his successor, which after some demur, injoining secrecy till it was nearer his death, he at last named Mr. David Vetch then minister of Govan; but afterwards when dying, to the magistrates, ministers and some of the people, he named other three to take any of them they pleased.--This alteration made Mr. Carstairs inquire the reason after the rest were gone, to whom Mr. Durham replied, O Brother, Mr. Vetch is too ripe for heaven to be transported to any church on earth; he will be there almost as soon as I.--Which proved so; for Mr. Durham died the Friday after, and next Sabbath Mr. Vetch preached, and (though knowing nothing of this) told the people in the afternoon it would be his last sermon to them, and the same night taking bed, he died next Friday morning about three o'clock; the time that Mr. Durham died, as Dr. Rattray, who was witness to both, did declare.--When on his death-bed, he was under considerable darkness about his state, and said to Mr. John Carstair's brother, "For all that I have preached or written, there is but one scripture I can remember or dare gripe unto; tell me if dare lay the weight of my salvation upon it, _Whosoever cometh unto me, I will in no wise cast out._"--Mr. Carstairs answered, "You may depend on it, though you had a thousand salvations at hazard." When he was drawing towards his departure in a great conflict and agony, finding some difficulty in his passage, yet he sensibly, through the strength of God's grace, triumphantly overcame; he cried out in a rapture of holy joy some little time before he committed his soul to God, "Is not the Lord good! Is he not infinitely good! See how he smiles! I do say it, and I do proclaim it." He died on Friday the 25th of June 1658, in the thirty-sixth year of his age. Thus died the eminently pious, learned and judicious Mr. James Durham, whose labours did always aim at the advancement of practical religion, and whose praise in the gospel is throughout all the churches both at home and abroad. He was a burning and a shining light, a star of the first magnitude, and of whom it may be said (without derogating from the merit of any), that he attained unto the first three and had a name among the mighty. He was also one of great integrity and authority in the country where he lived, insomuch, that when any difference fell out, he was always chosen by both parties as their great referee or judge, unto whose sentence all parties submitted. Such was the quality of his calm and healing spirit. His colleague Mr. John Carstairs, in his funeral sermon from Isa. lvii. 1, 2. _The righteous man perisheth, and no one layeth it to heart,_ &c. gives him this character,--"Know ye not that there is a prince among pastors fallen to-day! a faithful and wise steward, that knew well how to give God's children their food in due season, a gentle and kind nurse, a faithful admonisher, reprover, &c. a skilful counsellor in all straits and difficulties; in dark matters he was eyes to the blind, feet to the lame, a burning and shining light in the dark world, an interpreter of the word among a thousand, to him men gave ear, and after his words no man spake again." His learned and pious works, (wherein all the excellencies of the primitive and ancient fathers seem to concenter) are a commentary on the Revelation; seventy-two sermons on the fifty-third chapter of the prophecy of the prophet Isaiah; an exposition of the ten commandments; an exposition of the Song of Solomon; his sermons on death; on the unsearchable riches of Christ; his communion sermons, sermons on godliness and self-denial; a sermon on a good conscience. There are also a great many of his sermons in manuscript (never yet published), _viz._ three sermons upon resisting the Holy Ghost from Acts vii 51.; eight on quenching the Spirit; five upon giving the Spirit; thirteen upon trusting and delighting in God; two against immoderate anxiety; eight upon the one thing needful; with a discourse upon prayer, and several other sermons and discourses from Eph. v. 15. 1 Cor. xi. 24. Luke i. 6. Gal. v. 16, Psal. cxix. 67. 1 Thess. v. 19. 1 Pet. iii. 14. Matth. viii. 7. There is also a treatise on scandal, and an exposition by way of lecture upon Job said to be his, but whether these, either as to style or strain, co-here with the other works of the laborious Mr. Durham, must be left to the impartial and unbiased reader. _The Life of Mr. SAMUEL RUTHERFORD._ Mr. Samuel Rutherford a gentleman by extraction, having spent sometime at the grammar-school, went to the university of Edinburgh, where he was so much admired for his pregnancy of parts, and deservedly looked upon as one from whom some great things might be expected, that in a short time (though then but very young) he was made professor of philosophy in that university. Sometime after this he was called to be minister at Anwoth, in the shire of Galloway, unto which charge he entered by means of the then viscount of Kenmuir, without any acknowledgment or engagement to the bishops. There he laboured with great diligence and success, both night and day, rising usually by three o'clock in the morning, spending the whole time in reading, praying, writing, catechising, visiting, and other duties belonging to the ministerial profession and employment. Here he wrote his _exercitationes de gratia_, &c. for which he was summoned (as early as June 1630) before the high commission court, but the weather was so tempestuous as to obstruct the passage of the arch-bishop of St. Andrews hither, and Mr. Colvil one of the judges having befriended him, the diet was deserted. About the same time his first wife died after a sore sickness of thirteen months, and he himself being so ill of a tertian fever for thirteen weeks, that then he could not preach on the Sabbath day, without great difficulty. Again in April 1634, he was threatened with another prosecution at the instance of the bishop of Galloway, before the high commission court, and neither were these threatenings all the reasons Mr. Rutherford had to lay his account with suffering, and as the Lord would not hide from his faithful servant Abraham the things he was about to do, neither would he conceal from this son of Abraham what his purposes were concerning him; for in a letter to the provost's wife of Kirkcudbright, dated April 20, 1633, he says, "That upon the 17th and 18th of August he got a full answer of his Lord to be a graced minister, and a chosen arrow hid in his quiver[83]." Accordingly the thing he looked for came upon him, for he was again summoned before the high commission court for his non-conformity, his preaching against the five articles of Perth, and the forementioned book of _exercitationes apologetica pro divina gratia_, which book they alledged did reflect upon the church of Scotland, but the truth was, says a late historian[84], The argument of that book did cut the sinews of Arminianism, and galled the Episcopal clergy to the very quick, and so bishop Sydresert could endure him no longer. When he came before the commission court he altogether declined them as a lawful judicatory, and would not give the chancellor (being a clergyman) and the bishops their titles by lording of them, yet some had the courage to befriend him, particularly, the lord Lorn (afterwards the famous marquis of Argyle), who did as much for him as was within his power to do; but the bishop of Galloway, threatening that if he got not his will of him, he would write to the king; it was carried against him, and upon the 27th of July 1636, he was discharged to exercise any part of his ministry within the kingdom of Scotland, under pain of rebellion, and ordered within six months to confine himself within the city of Aberdeen, &c. during the king's pleasure, which sentence he obeyed, and forthwith went toward the place of his confinement. From Aberdeen he wrote many of his famous letters, from which it is evident that the consolation of the Holy Spirit did greatly abound with him in his sufferings, yea, in one of these letters, he expresses it in the strongest terms, when he says, "I never knew before, that his love was in such a measure. If he leave me, he leaves me in pain, and sick of love, and yet my sickness is my life and health. I have a fire within me, I defy all the devils in hell and all the prelates in Scotland to cast water on it." Here he remained upwards of a year and a half, by which time he made the doctors of Aberdeen know that the puritans (as they called them) were clergymen as well as they. But upon notice that the privy council had received in a declinature against the high commission court in the year 1638, he adventured to return back again to his flock at Anwoth, where he again took great pains, both in public and private, amongst that people, who from all quarters resorted to his ministry, so that the whole country side might account themselves as his particular flock, and it being then in the dawning of the reformation, found no small benefit by the gospel, that part of the ancient prophecy being farther accomplished, _for in the wilderness shall waters break out, and streams in the desert_, Isa. xxxv. 6. He was before that venerable assembly held at Glasgow in 1638, and gave an account of all these his former proceedings with respect to his confinement, and the causes thereof. By them he was appointed to be professor of divinity at St. Andrews, and colleague in the ministry with the worthy Mr. Blair, who was translated hither about the same time. And here God did again so second this his eminent and faithful servant, that by his indefatigable pains both in teaching in the schools and preaching in the congregation, St. Andrews the seat of the arch-bishop (and by that means the nursery of all superstition, error and profaneness) soon became forthwith a Lebanon out of which were taken cedars, for building the house of the Lord, almost through the whole land, many of whom he guided to heaven before himself (who received the spiritual life by his ministry), and many others did walk in that light after him. And as he was mighty in the public parts of religion, so he was a great practiser and encourager of the private duties thereof. Thus in the year 1640, when a charge was foisted in before the general assembly at the instance of Mr. Henry Guthrie minister at Stirling (afterward bishop of Dunkeld), against private society meetings (which were then abounding in the land), on which ensued much reasoning, the one side yielding that a paper before drawn up by Mr. Henderson should be agreed unto concerning the order to be kept in these meetings, &c. but Guthrie and his adherents opposing this, Mr. Rutherford, who was never much disposed to speak in judicatories, threw in this syllogism, "What the scriptures do warrant no assembly may discharge; but private meetings for religious exercises the scriptures do warrant, Mal. v. 16. _Then they that feared the Lord spake often one to another_, &c. James v. 16. _Confess your faults one to another, and pray one for another_, &c. These things could not be done in public meetings, &c." And although the earl of Seaforth there present, and those of Guthrie's faction upbraided this good man for this, yet it had influence upon the majority of the members, so that all the opposite party got done, was an act anent the ordering of family-worship. He was also one of the Scots commissioners appointed _anno_ 1643, to the Westminster assembly, and was very much beloved there for his unparalleled faithfulness and zeal in going about his Master's business. It was during this time that he published _lex rex_, and several other learned pieces against the Erastians, Anabaptists, Independents, and other sectaries that began to prevail and increase at that time, and none ever had the courage to take up the gauntlet of defiance thrown down by this champion[85]. When the principal business of this assembly was pretty well settled, Mr. Rutherford, on October 24, 1647, moved that it might be recorded in the scribe's book, that the assembly had enjoyed the assistance of the commissioners of the church of Scotland, all the time they had been debating and perfecting these four things mentioned in the solemn league, _viz._ Their composing a directory for worship, an uniform confession of faith, a form of church-government and discipline, and the public catechism, which was done in about a week after he and the rest returned home. Upon the death of the learned Dematius _anno_ 1651, the magistrates of Utrecht in Holland, being abundantly satisfied as to the learning, piety, and true zeal of the great Mr. Rutherford, invited him to the divinity chair there, but he could not be persuaded. His reasons elsewhere (when dissuading another gentleman from going abroad) seem to be expressed in these words:--"Let me intreat you to be far from the thoughts of leaving this land. I see it and find it, that the Lord hath covered the whole land with a cloud in his anger, but though I have been tempted to the like, I had rather be in Scotland beside angry Jesus Christ (knowing he mindeth no evil to us), than in any Eden or garden on the earth[86]." From which it is evident that he chose rather to suffer affliction in his own native country, than to leave his charge and flock in time of danger. He continued with them till the day of his death in the free and faithful discharge of his duty. When the unhappy difference fell out between those called the protesters and the public resolutioners, _anno_ 1650, and 1651, he espoused the protestors quarrel, and gave faithful warning against these public resolutions, and likewise during the time of Cromwel's usurpation he contended against all the prevailing sectaries that then ushered in with the sectaries by virtue of his toleration[87]. And such was his unwearied assiduity and diligence, that he seemed to pray constantly, to preach constantly, to catechise constantly, and to visit the sick exhorting them from house to house, to teach as much in the schools, and spend as much time with the students and young men in fitting them for the ministry, as if he had been sequestrate from all the world besides, and yet withal to write as much as if he had been constantly shut up in his study. But no sooner did the restoration of Charles II. take place, than the face of affairs began to change, and after his forementioned book _lex rex_ was burnt at the cross of Edinburgh, and at the gates of the new college of St. Andrews, where he was professor of divinity, the parliament in 1661, were to have an indictment laid before them against him, and such was their humanity (when every body knew he was a-dying) that they caused summon him to appear before them at Edinburgh, to answer to a charge of high treason[88]: But he had a higher tribunal to appear before, where his judge was his friend, and was dead before that time came, being taken away from the evil to come. When on his death-bed, he lamented much that he was with-held from bearing witness to the work of reformation since the year 1638, and upon the 28th of February he gave a large and faithful testimony[89] against the sinful courses of that time, which testimony he subscribed twelve days before his death, being full of joy and peace in believing. During the time of his last sickness, he uttered many savoury speeches and often broke out in a kind of sacred rapture, exalting and commending the Lord Jesus, especially when his end drew near. He often called his blessed Master his kingly King. Some days before his death he said, "I shall shine, I shall see him as he is, I shall see him reign and all his fair company with him, and I shall have my large share. Mine eyes shall see my Redeemer, these very eyes of mine, and none other for me. This may seem a wide word, but it is no fancy or delusion.--It is true.--Let my Lord's name be exalted, and, if he will, let my name be grinded to pieces, that he may be all in all. If he should slay me ten thousand times, I will trust."--He often repeated Jer. xv. 16. _Thy words were found and I did eat them_, &c. When exhorting one to diligence, he said, "It is no easy thing to be a Christian. For me I have got the victory, and Christ is holding out both his arms to embrace me." At another time to some friends present he said, "At the beginning of my sufferings I had mine own fears like other sinful men, lest I should faint and not be carried creditably through, and I laid this before the Lord, and as sure as ever he spoke to me in his word, as sure as his Spirit witnesseth to my heart, he hath accepted my sufferings. He said to me, Fear not, the outgate shall not be simply matter of prayer, but matter of praise. I said to the Lord, If he should slay me five thousand times five thousand I would trust in him, and I speak it with much trembling, fearing I should not make my part good, but as really as ever he spoke to me by his Spirit, he witnessed to my heart that his grace should be sufficient." The Thursday night before his death, being much grieved with the state of the public, he had this expression, "Horror hath taken hold on me." And afterwards, falling on his own condition, he said, "I renounce all that ever he made me will and do, as defiled and imperfect, as coming from me; I betake myself to Christ for sanctification as well as justification:"--Repeating these words, "_He is made of God to me wisdom, righteousness_, &c."--adding, "I close with it, let him be so, he is my all in all." March 17th, three gentlewomen came to see him, and after exhorting them to read the word, and be much in prayer, and much in communion with God, he said, "My honourable Master and lovely Lord, my great royal King hath not a match in heaven nor in earth. I have my own guilt even like other sinful men, but he hath pardoned, loved, washed, and given me joy unspeakable and full of glory. I repent not that ever I owned his cause. These whom ye call protestors, are the witnesses of Jesus Christ. I hope never to depart from that cause nor side with those that have burnt the causes of God's wrath. They have broken their covenant oftener than once or twice, but I believe _the Lord will build Zion, and repair the waste places of Jacob_. Oh! to obtain mercy to wrestle with God for their salvation. As for this presbytery, it hath stood in opposition to me these years past. I have my record in heaven I had no particular end in view, but was seeking the honour of God, the thriving of the gospel in this place, and the good of the new college, that society which I have left upon the Lord. What personal wrongs they have done me, and what grief they have occasioned to me, I heartily forgive them, and desire mercy to wrestle with God for mercy to them, and for the salvation of them all." The same day Messrs. James M'Gil, John Wardlaw, William Vilant, and Alexander Wedderburne, all members of the same presbytery with him, coming to visit him, he made them welcome, and said, "My Lord and Master is the chief of ten thousand, none is comparable to him in heaven or earth. Dear brethren, do all for him, pray for Christ, preach for Christ, feed the flock committed to your charge for Christ, do all for Christ, beware of men-pleasing, there is too much of it amongst us. The new college hath broke my heart, I can say nothing of it, I have left it upon the Lord of the house, and it hath been and still is my desire that he may dwell in this society, and that the youth may he fed with sound knowledge."--After this he said, "Dear brethren, it may seem presumptuous in me a particular man, to send a commission to a presbytery;--and Mr. M'Gill replying, It was no presumption, he continued,--Dear brethren, take a commission from me a dying man, to them to appear for God and his cause, and adhere to the doctrine of the covenant, and have a care of the flock committed to their charge, let them feed the flock out of love, preach for God, visit and catechise for God, and do all for God, beware of men-pleasing, the chief shepherd will appear shortly, &c. I have been a sinful man, and have had mine own failings, but my Lord hath pardoned and accepted my labours. I adhere to the cause and covenant, and resolve never to depart from the protestation[90] against the controverted assemblies. I am the man I was. I am still for keeping the government of the kirk of Scotland intire, and would not for a thousand worlds have had the least hand in the burning of the causes of God's wrath. Oh! for grace to wrestle with God for their salvation." Mr. Vilant having prayed at his desire, as they took their leave he renewed their charge to them to feed the flock out of love. The next morning, as he recovered out of a fainting, in which they who looked on expected his dissolution, he said, "I feel, I feel, I believe, I joy and rejoice, I feed on manna." Mr. Blair (whose praise is in the churches) being present, he took a little wine in a spoon to refresh himself, being then very weak, he said to him, "Ye feed on dainties in heaven, and think nothing of our cordials on earth."--He answered, "They are all but dung, but they are Christ's creatures, and out of obedience to his command I take them.----Mine eyes shall see my Redeemer, I know he shall stand the last day upon the earth, and I shall be caught up in the clouds to meet him in the air, and I shall be ever with him, and what would you have more, there is an end."--And stretching out his hands he said again, "There is an end."----And a little after he said, "I have been a single man, but I stand at the best pass that ever a man did, Christ is mine and I am his."--And spoke much of the white stone and new name. Mr. Blair (who loved with all his heart to hear Christ commended) said to him again--"What think ye now of Christ?--To which he answered, I shall live and adore him. Glory! glory to my Creator and my Redeemer for ever! Glory shines in Emmanuel's land." In the afternoon of that day he said, "Oh! that all my brethren in the public may know what a Master I have served, and what peace I have this day, I shall sleep in Christ, and when I awake I shall be satisfied with his likeness. This night shall close the door and put my anchor within the vail, and I shall go away in a sleep by five of the clock in the morning" (which exactly fell out). Though he was very weak, he had often this expression, "Oh! for arms to embrace him! Oh! for a well tuned harp!" He exhorted Dr. Colvil (a man who complied with prelacy afterward) to adhere to the government of the church of Scotland, and to the doctrine of the covenant, and to have a care to feed the youth with sound knowledge.----And the doctor being the professor of the new college, he told him, That he heartily forgave him all the wrongs he had done him. He spake likewise to Mr. Honeyman (afterward bishop Honeyman) who came to see him, saying, "Tell the presbytery to answer for God and his cause and covenant, saying, The case is desperate, let them be in their duty."----Then directing his speech to Mr. Colvil and Mr. Honeyman, he said, "Stick to it. You may think it an easy thing in me a dying man, that I am now going out of the reach of all that men can do, but he before whom I stand knows I dare advise no colleague or brother to do what I would not cordially do myself upon all hazard, and as for the causes of God's wrath that men have now condemned, tell Mr. James Wood from me, that I had rather lay down my head on a scaffold, and have it chopped off many times (were it possible), before I had passed from them." And then to Mr. Honeyman he said, "Tell Mr. Wood, I heartily forgive him all the wrongs he has done me, and desire him from me to declare himself the man that he is still for the government of the church of Scotland." Afterwards when some spoke to him of his former painfulness and faithfulness in the ministry, he said, "I disclaim all that, the port that I would be at, is redemption and forgiveness through his blood, _thou shalt shew me the path of life, in thy sight is fulness of joy_, there is nothing now betwixt me and the resurrection _but to-day thou shalt be with me in paradise_." Mr. Blair saying, Shall I praise the Lord for all the mercies he has done and is to do for you? He answered, "Oh! for a well tuned harp." To his child[91] he said, "I have again left you upon the Lord, it may be, you will tell this to others, that _the lines are fallen to me in pleasant places, I have got a goodly heritage_. I bless the Lord that he gave me counsel." Thus by five o'clock in the morning (as he himself foretold) it was said unto him, Come up hither, and he gave up the ghost, and the renowned eagle took its flight unto the mountains of spices. In the foresaid manner died the famous Mr. Rutherford who may justly be accounted among the sufferers of that time, for surely he was a martyr both in his own design and resolution, and by the design and determination of men. Few men ever ran so long a race without cessation, so constantly, so unweariedly, and so unblameably. Two things (rarely to be found in one man) were eminent in him, _viz._ a quick invention and sound judgment, and these accompanied with a homely but clear expression, and graceful elocution; so that such as knew him best were in a strait whether to admire him most for his penetrating wit and sublime genius in the schools, and peculiar exactness in disputes and matters of controversy, or his familiar condescension in the pulpit, where he was one of the most moving and affectionate preachers in his time, or perhaps in any age of the church.----To sum up all in a word, He seems to be one of the most resplendent lights that ever arose in this horizon. In all his writings he breathes the true spirit of religion, but in his every-way admirable letters he seems to have out-done himself, as well as every body else, which, although jested on by the profane wits of this age because of some homely and familiar expressions in them, it must be owned by all who have any relish for true piety, that they contain such sublime flights of devotion that they must at once ravish and edify every sober, serious, and understanding reader. Among the posthumous works of the laborious Mr. Rutherford are his letters; the trial and triumph of faith; Christ's dying and drawing of sinners, &c.; and a discourse on prayer; all in octavo. A discourse on the covenant; on liberty of conscience; a survey of spiritual antichrist; a survey of antinomianism; antichrist stormed; and several other controverted pieces, such as _lex rex_, the due right of church-government; the divine right of church-government; and a peaceable plea for presbytery; are for the most part in quarto, as also his summary of church discipline, and a treatise on the divine influence of the Spirit. There are also a variety of his sermons in print, some of which were preached before both houses of parliament _annis_ 1644, and 1645. He wrote also upon providence, but this being in Latin, is only in the hands of a few; as are also the greater part of his other works, being so seldom republished. There is also a volume of sermons, sacramental discourses, &c. which I have been desired to publish. _An EPITAPH on his Grave-stone._ What tongue! What pen, or skill of men Can famous Rutherford commend! His learning justly rais'd his fame, True goodness did adorn his name. He did converse with things above, Acquainted with Emmanuel's love. Most orthodox he was and sound, And many errors did confound. For Zion's King, and Zion's cause, And Scotland's covenanted laws, Most constantly he did contend, Until his time was at an end. At last he wan to full fruition Of that which he had seen in vision. _October 9th, 1735._ W. W. _The Life of the honourable ARCHIBALD CAMPBEL Marquis of Argyle._ Archibald Campbel having, after a good classical education, applied himself to the study of the holy scriptures, became well acquainted with the most interesting points of religion, which he retained and cultivated amidst his most laborious and highest employments both in church and state ever after. From his earlier years he stood well affected to the presbyterian interest, and being still a favourer of the puritans (the presbyterians then so called) when Mr. Rutherford was, for his non-conformity, brought before the high commission court _anno_ 1638, he interposed to his utmost in his behalf; concerning which Mr. Rutherford in his letters says,[92] "My Lord hath brought me a friend from the highlands of Argyle, my lord Lorn, who hath done as much as was within the compass of his power. God give me favour in his eyes." And elsewhere to the lady Kenmuir, "And write thanks to your brother, my lord of Lorn, for what he has done for me, a poor unknown stranger to him. I shall pray for him and his house while I live. It is his honour to open his mouth in the streets for his wronged and oppressed Master Christ Jesus." Nor was this all: for about the same time, he so laboured and prevailed with the bishop of Galloway, that worthy Earlston was relaxed from the sentence of banishment unto which he was assigned for the same noble cause. And no sooner did our reformation (commonly called the second reformation) begin to dawn _anno_ 1637, than he espoused the same cause himself; for we find next year, that the earl of Argyle (his father dying about that time), though a private counsellor, diligently attending all the sessions of that famous general assembly held then at Glasgow, in order to hear their debates and determinations concerning diocesan episcopacy, and the five articles of Perth, wherein he declared his full satisfaction with their decisions. And here it was that this noble peer began to distinguish himself by a concern for the Redeemer's glory, in which he continued, and was kept faithful therein, until he got the crown of martyrdom at last. At this meeting, amongst many other things, his lordship proposed an explication of the confession and covenant, in which he wished them to proceed with great deliberation, lest (said he) they should bring any under suspicion of perjury, who had sworn it in the sense he had done, which motion was taken in good part by the members, and entered upon in the 8th session of that assembly. Mr. Henderson the moderator, at the conclusion of this assembly, judging that, after all, the countenance give to their meetings by this noble peer deserved a particular acknowledgment, wished his lordship had joined with them sooner, but he hoped God had reserved him for the best times, and would honour him here and hereafter. Whereupon his lordship rose, and delivered an excellent speech _ex tempore_, before the assembly, in which amongst other things he said, "And whereas you wished I had joined you sooner; truly it was not for want of affection for the good of religion, and my own country which detained me, but a desire and hope that by staying with the court I might have been able to bring a redress of grievances, and when I saw that I could no longer stay without proving unfaithful to my God and my country, I thought good to do as I have done, &c.----I remember I told some of you that pride and avarice are two evils that have wrought much woe to the church of Christ, and as they are grievous faults in any man, they are especially so in church-men, &c.--I hope every man here, shall walk by the square and rule which is now set before him, observing duty, 1. To superiors. 2. To equals; and 3. To inferiors.--Touching our duty to superiors, there needs nothing be added to what has been wisely said by the moderator. Next, concerning equals, there is a case much spoken of in the church, _i. e._ the power of ruling elders, some ministers apprehending it to be a curbing of their power; truly it may be some elders are not so wise as there is need for.--But as unity ought to be the endeavour of us all, let neighbouring parishes and presbyteries meet together for settling the same, &c. And thirdly, for inferiors, I hope ministers will discharge their duty to their flocks, and that people will have a due regard to those that are set over them to watch for their souls, and not to think, that because they want bishops, they may live as they will, &c."[93] After this, when the Scots covenanters were obliged to take arms in their own defence, _anno_ 1639, and having marched towards the borders of England, under the command of general Leslie, this noble lord being set to guard the western coast, contributed very much by his diligence and prudence to preserve peace in these parts, and that not only in conveening the gentlemen in these quarters, and taking security of them for that purpose, but also raised four hundred men in the shire of Argyle, which he took in hand to maintain at his own charges. Which number he afterward increased to nine hundred able men, one half whereof he set on Kintyre to wait on the marquis of Antrim's design, and the rest on the head of Lorn to attend the motions of those of Lochaber, and the western isles. From thence he himself went over to Arran with some cannon, and took the castle of Brodick, belonging to Hamilton; which surrendered without resistance. He was again, in the absence of the covenanters army, _anno_ 1640, appointed to the same business, which he managed with no less success, for he apprehended no less than eight or nine of the ring-leaders of the malignant faction, and made them give bonds for their better behaviour in time coming. Which industrious and faithful conduct in this great man stirred up the malice of his and truth's adversaries, that they fought on all occasions to vent their mischief against him afterward. For, at the very next sitting down of the Scots parliament, the earl of Montrose discovered a most mischievous attempt to wound his reputation, and to set the king at perpetual variance with his lordship; and among other offensive speeches uttered by Montrose, one was, That when the earl of Athol and the other eight gentlemen taken up by him last year (for carrying arms against their country), were in his lordship's tent at the ford of Lyons, he (_viz._, Argyle) should have said publicly, "That they (meaning the parliament) had consulted both lawyers and divers others, anent the deposing of the king, and had got resolution that it might be done in three cases, _viz._ 1. Desertion. 2. Invasion; and 3. Vendition. And that they once thought to have done it at the last sitting of parliament, but would do it at the next sitting thereof." Montrose condescended on Mr. James Stuart commissary of Dunkeld, one of the foresaid eight taken by Argyle, as his informer; and some of his lordship's friends, having brought the said commissary to Edinburgh, he was so fool-hardy as to subscribe the acknowledgment of the above report to Montrose. The earl of Argyle denied the truth of this in the strongest terms, and resolved to prosecute Mr. Stuart before the court of justiciary where his lordship insisted for an impartial trial, which was granted, and according to his desire four lords of the session were added _hac vice_ to the court of justiciary. Stuart was accused upon the laws of leasing, particularly of a principal statesman, to evite the eminent danger of which he wrote to Argyle, wherein he cleared him of the charge as laid against him, and acknowledged that he himself forged them, out of malice against his lordship, &c. But though Argyle's innocency was thus cleared, it was thought necessary to let the trial go on, and the fact being proven he was condemned to die. Argyle would willingly have seen the royal clemency extended to the unfortunate wretch; but others thought the crime tended to mar the design of the late treaty, and judged it needful as a terror to others, to make an example. At his execution, he discovered a great deal of remorse for what he had done, and although this worthy nobleman was vindicated in this, yet we find that after the restoration it was made one of the principal handles against this noble martyr. During these transactions, the king disagreeing with his English parliament, made another tour to Scotland, and attended the Scots parliament there; in which parliament, (that he might more effectually gain the Scots over to his interest) he not only granted a ratification of all their former proceedings, both in their own defence, and with respect to religion, but also dignified several of the Scots nobility: and being sensible of the many great and good services done by this noble earl, he was placed at the head of the treasury, and the day before the rising of the parliament all the commissions granted to, and services and employments performed by Archibald, earl of Argyle, in the service of his country were approved of; and an act of parliament made thereon was read and voted, the king giving him this testimony in public, That he dealt over honestly with him, though he was still stiff as to the point in controversy. And on the same day, Nov, 15th, 1641, the king delivered a patent to the lion king at arms, and he to the clerk register, who read it publicly, whereby his majesty created Archibald earl of Argyle, &c. marquis of Argyle, earl of Kintyre, lord Lorn, &c. which being read, and given back to the king, his majesty delivered the same with his own hand to the marquis, who rose and made a very handsome speech in gratitude to his majesty, shewing that he neither expected nor deserved such honour or preferment. During the sitting of the foresaid parliament, another incident occurred, wherein a plot was laid to destroy this nobleman, in the following manner: Some of the nobility, envying the power, preferment and influence that he and the marquis of Hamilton had with the king, laid a close design for their lives. The earl of Crawford, colonel Cochran, and lieut. Alexander Stuart, were to have been the actors (in which it was insinuated, that his majesty, lord Almond, &c. were privy to the design), which was, that Hamilton and Argyle should be called for in the dead of the night to speak with the king; in the way they were to have been arrested as traitors, and delivered to earl Crawford, who was to wait for them with a considerable body of armed men. If any resistance was made, he was to stab them immediately, if not, carry them prisoners to a ship of war in the road of Leith, where they were to be confined until they should be tried for treason.--But this breaking out before it was fully ripe, the two noblemen the night before went off to a place of more strength, twelve miles distant, and so escaped this danger, as a bird out of the hands of the fowler. Yet such was their lenity and clemency, that upon a petition from them, the foresaid persons were set at liberty. After this, the earl (now marquis) of Argyle had a most active hand in carrying on the work of reformation, and uniformity in religion _anno_ 1643. And while he was busied among the covenanters _anno_ 1644, Montrose and some others associated themselves to raise forces for the king, intending to draw the Scots army forth of England.--To effect which, the earl of Antrim undertook to send over ten thousand Irish, under the command of one Alaster M'Donald, a Scotsman, to the north of Scotland. A considerable body was accordingly sent, who committed many outrages in Argyle's country.--To suppress this insurrection, the committee of estates _April_ 10, gave orders to the marquis to raise three regiments; which he accordingly did, and with them marched northward, took several of their principal chieftains, and dispersed the rest for some time. But Montrose being still on the field, wherein he gained several victories during this and the following year, and in the mean time plundered and murdered the greater part of Argyle-shire, and other places belonging to the covenanters, without mercy, and although he was at last defeated and totally routed by general Lesly at Philiphaugh, yet such was the cruelty of those cut-throats, that the foresaid M'Donald and his Irish band returned to Argyle-shire (in the beginning of the year 1646) and burnt and plundered the dwellings of the well-affected, in such a terrible manner, that about twelve hundred men assembled in a body under Acknalase, who brought them down to Monteith, to live upon the disaffected in that country, but the Athol men falling upon them at Calender (and being but poorly armed) several of them were killed, and the rest fled towards Stirling, where their master the noble marquis met them, and commiserating their deplorable condition, carried them through to Lennox, to live upon the lands of the lord Napier and others of the disaffected, until they were better provided for. And in the mean time went over himself to Ireland, and brought over the remains of the Scots forces, and with those landed in Argyle-shire, upon which M'Donald betook himself to the isles, and from thence returned back to Ireland; whereby peace was restored in those parts.[94] Again _anno_ 1648, when the state fell into two factions, that of the malignants was herded by the duke of Hamilton; and the other (the covenanters) by the marquis of Argyle, from which it is easy to conclude, that from the year 1643, (when he had such an active hand in calling the convention of estates, and entering into the solemn league and covenant) to 1648, he was the principal agent amongst the covenanters, and never failed on all occasions to appear in defence of the civil and religious liberties of his native country. And for what was enacted _anno_ 1649, it is well known what appearances he made, and what interest he had in the parliament, and to the utmost of his power did employ the same for bringing home Charles II. and possessing him of his crown and the exercise of his royal authority, and in this he succeeded to good purpose, as long as the king followed his counsel and advice. But afterwards taking in the malignant faction into places of power and trust, all went to shipwreck together, which was no small matter of grief to this worthy and religious nobleman. And as the king was well received then by the marquis of Argyle, so he pretended a great deal of regard and kindness for him about that time; as appears from a letter or declaration given under his own hand at St. Johnston Sept. 24, 1650, in which he says, "Having taken to my consideration the faithful endeavours of the marquis of Argyle, for restoring me to my just rights, &c.----I am desirous to let the world see how sensible I am of his real respect to me, by some particular favour to him.----And particularly I do promise that I shall make him duke of Argyle, a knight of the garter, and one of the gentlemen of my bed-chamber, and this to be performed when he shall think fit. I do further promise to hearken to his counsel, whenever it shall please God to restore me to my just rights in England, I shall see him paid the 40,000 pounds sterling which are due to him. All which I do promise to make good upon the word of a king. _C. R._" * * * * * But how all these fair promises were performed will come afterwards to be observed. For this godly nobleman taking upon him to reprove the king for some of his immoralities[95], which faithful admonition, however well it appeared to be taken off the marquis's hand for the present, yet it appeared afterwards that this godly freedom was never forgot, until it was again repaid him with the highest resentment (such was the way to hearken to his counsel); for if debauchery and dissimulation had ever been accounted among the liberal sciences, then this prince was altogether a master in that faculty[96]. In the mean time January 1. 1651, the king was crowned at Scone, where after an excellent sermon by Mr. Robert Douglas from 2 Kings ii. 17, the king took the coronation oath, then sitting down in the chair of state (after some other ceremonies were performed), the marquis of Argyle taking the crown in his hands, (Mr. Douglas prayed) he set it on the king's head; and so ascending the stage, attended by the officers of the crown, he was installed unto the royal throne by Archibald marquis of Argyle, saying, "Stand, &c. fast from henceforth the place whereof you are the lawful and righteous heir, by a long and lineal succession of your fathers, which is now delivered to you by the authority of God Almighty.[97]" Then the solemnity was concluded by a pertinent exhortation, both to king and people, wherein they were certified, that if they should conspire together against the kingdom of Jesus Christ, both supporters and supported should fall together. But the king's forces having been before that defeated by Cromwel at Dunbar, and being no longer able to make head against the English, he went for England, and here by his particular allowance the marquis of Argyle (after kissing his hand) was left at Stirling. But the king's army being totally routed on the third of September at Worcester, and from thence driven from all his dominions; in the mean time the English over-run the whole country, so that the representatives of the nation were either obliged to take the tender, or else suffer great hardships, which tender the marquis had refused at Dunbarton, whereupon they resolved to invade the highlands and the shire of Argyle, being inclosed on all hands with regiments of foot and horse. Major Dean coming to the marquis's house at Inverary where he was lying sick, presented a paper, which he behoved to subscribe against to-morrow, or else be carried off prisoner, which (though sore against his will) for his own and his vassals and tenants safety he was obliged to subscribe with some alterations, which capitulation was made a mighty handle against him afterwards. And although he had some influence upon the usurper, and was present at several meetings wherein he procured an equal hearing to the protestors at London, while he was there _anno_ 1657, yet he was rather a prisoner on demand than a free agent, and so continued until the restoration. Soon after the king's return, this noble marquis being very much solicited to repair to court, and no doubt he himself inclined to wait on a prince on whose head he had set the crown, and though some of his best friends used several arguments to divert him from his purpose till matters were better settled, yet from the testimony of a good conscience, knowing that he was able to vindicate himself from all aspersions, if he was but once admitted to the king's presence. He set out for London, where he arrived on the 8th of July, and went directly to Whitehall to salute his majesty, but whenever the king heard he was come thither (notwithstanding his former fair promises) he ordered Sir William Fleming to apprehend him, and carry him to the tower, where he continued till toward the beginning of December, that he was sent down in a man of war, to abide his trial before the parliament in Scotland. On the 20th they landed at Leith, and next day he was taken up (the streets of Edinburgh covered) betwixt two of the town-baillies to the castle, where he continued until his trial came on. On Feb. 13, 1661, his lordship was brought down from the castle in a coach, with three of the magistrates of Edinburgh, attended by the town-guard, and presented before the bar of the house, where the king's advocate Sir John Fletcher accused him in common form of high treason, and producing an indictment, craved that it might be read. The marquis himself begged liberty to speak before that was done, but the house refused his reasonable desire, and ordered it to be read, and though he intreated them to hear a petition he had to present, yet that was too great a favour to be granted. The indictment, which was more months in forming than he had days allowed at first to bring his defence, consisted of fourteen articles, the principal of which were, his entering into the solemn league and covenant with England; and his complying with Oliver Cromwel, &c.; all the rest being a heap of slanders, and perversion of matters of fact, gathered up against this good and great man, all which he abundantly takes off in his information and answers[98]. After his indictment was read, he had leave to speak and discoursed for sometime to good purpose. Among other things he said with Paul in another case, "The things laid against him cannot be proven;"--but this he confessed, that in the way allowed by solemn oath and covenant, he served God, his king, and his country; and though he he owned he wanted not failings common to all persons in public business in such a time, yet he blessed God that he was able to make the falsehood of every article of his charge appear, that he had done nothing with a wicked mind, but with many others had the misfortune to do many things, the unforeseen events of which had proved bad. The parliament fixed on the 27th of February for bringing in his defence, which was too short a time for replying to so many articles. However, at his request it was put off till the 5th of March, when he appeared before the lord of the articles, who ordered him immediately to produce his defence, whereupon he delivered a very moving speech, and gave in a most affecting petition, remitting himself to the king's mercy, and beseeching the parliament to intercede for him, which are too long here to be inserted. March the 6th, he was brought before the parliament--It was reported from the articles, that he had offered a submission to his majesty, &c. but his submission was voted not satisfactory, and he commanded on the morrow to give in his defence to the lords of the articles. When he came before them, and told his defence was not ready, he was appointed to give them in on Monday April 9th, otherwise they would take the whole business before them, without any regard to what he should afterwards say, but it seems on the day appointed, his defence was given in, which contained fifteen sheets of small print, wherein the marquis's management was fully vindicated from all the falsehoods and calumnies in the indictment. Upon the 16th of April he was again before the parliament, where after the process was read, he had a very handsome and moving speech, wherein at a considerable length[99], he removed several reproaches cast upon him, and touched at some things not in his papers, but whatever he or his lawyers could say, had little weight with the members of parliament. Some of them were already resolved what to do, the house had many messages to hasten his process to an end, but the misgiving of many of their designed probations against this good man embarrassed them mightily for some time, for it appears that there were upwards of thirty different libels all formed against him, and all came to nothing when they began to prove them, as other lies usually do; so that they were forced to betake themselves to the innocent but necessary compliance with the English, after every shire and burgh in Scotland had made their submission to their conquerors. In the beginning of May witnesses were examined and depositions taken against him, after which he was upon the 25th brought before the bar of the house to receive his sentence from his judges, who were _socii criminis_ (or accomplices, as he told the king's advocate). The house was very thin, all withdrawing except those who were resolved to follow the courses of the time. He put them in mind of the practice of Theodosius the emperor, who enacted that the sentence of death should not be executed till thirty days after it was passed, and added, I crave but ten that the king may be acquainted with it--but this was refused. Then the sentence was pronounced, "That he was found guilty of high treason, and adjudged to be executed to the death as a traitor, his head to be severed from his body at the cross of Edinburgh, upon Monday the 27th instant, and affixed on the same place where the marquis of Montrose's head formerly was, and his arms torn before the parliament at the cross." Upon this he offered to speak, but the trumpet sounding he stopped till they ended, and then said, "I had the honour to set the crown on the king's head, and now he hastens me to a better crown than his own." And directing himself to the commissioner and parliament, he said, "You have the indemnity of an earthly king among your hands, and have denied me a share in that, but you cannot hinder me from the indemnity of the King of kings, and shortly you must be before his tribunal. I pray he mete not out such measure to you as you have done to me, when you are called to an account for all your actings, and this amongst the rest." After his sentence he was ordered to the common prison, where his excellent lady was waiting for him. Upon seeing her he said, "They have given me till Monday to be with you, my dear, therefore let us make for it." She embracing him wept bitterly and said, "The Lord will require it: The Lord will require it." Which drew tears from all in the room.----But being himself composed, he said, "Forbear, forbear. I pity them, they know not what they are doing. They may shut me in where they please, but they cannot shut God out from me. For my part I am as content to be here as in the castle, and as content in the castle as in the tower of London, and as content there as when at liberty, and I hope to be as content on the scaffold as any of them all, &c." He added, "He remembered a scripture cited by an honest minister to him while in the castle, which he intended to put in practice. When Ziklag was taken and burnt, the people spake of stoning David, but he encouraged himself in the Lord." He spent all his short time till Monday with the greatest serenity and cheerfulness, and in the proper exercise of a dying Christian. To some ministers, who were permitted to attend him, he said, "That shortly they would envy him who was got before them,----and added, Remember that I tell you, my skill fails me, if you who are ministers will not either suffer much or sin much; for tho' you go along with these men in part, if you do not in all things, you are but where you were, and so must suffer, and if you go not at all with them you must but suffer." During his life he was reckoned rather timorous than bold to any excess. In prison, he said he was naturally inclined to fear in his temper, but desired those about him as he could not but do, to observe that the Lord had heard his prayer, and removed all fear from him, &c. At his own desire his lady took her leave of him on the Sabbath night. Mr. Robert Douglas and Mr. George Hutcheson preached to him in the tolbooth on the Lord's day, and his dear and much valued friend Mr. David Dickson (I am told, says Mr. Wodrow) was his bedfellow the last night he was in time. The marquis had a sweet time in the tolbooth as to his souls case, and it still increased nearer his end, as he had sleeped calmly and pleasantly his last night, so in the intervals of his necessary business, he had much spiritual conservation. On Monday morning though he was much engaged in settling his affairs in the midst of company, yet he was so overpowered with a sensible effusion of the Holy Spirit, that he broke out in a rapture and said, "I thought to have concealed the Lord's goodness, but it will not do. I am now ordering my affairs, and God is sealing my charter to a better inheritance, and just now saying to me, _Son, be of good cheer, thy sins are forgiven thee._" Some time before he went to the place of execution, he received an excellent letter from a certain minister, and wrote a most moving one to the king, and dined precisely at twelve o'clock along with his friends with great cheerfulness, and then retired a little. Upon his opening the door Mr. Hutcheson said, What cheer, my lord? He answered, "Good cheer, sir, the Lord hath again confirmed and said to me from heaven, _Thy sins be forgiven thee._" Upon this tears of joy flowed in abundance; he retired to the window and wept there; from that he came to the fire, and made as if he would stir it a little to conceal his concern, but all would not do, his tears ran down his face, and coming to Mr. Hutcheson he said, "I think his kindness overcomes me. But God is good to me, that he let not out too much of it here, for he knows I could not bear it[100]. Get me my cloke and let us go." But being told that the clock was kept back till one, till the bailies should come,----He answered, They are far in the wrong; and presently kneeled and prayed before all present, in a most sweet and heavenly manner. As he ended, the bailies sent up word for to come down; upon which he called for a glass of wine, and asked a blessing to it, standing, and continuing in the same frame, he said, "Now let us go, and God be with us." After having taken his leave of such in the room, who were not to go with him to the scaffold, when going towards the door he said, "I could die like a Roman, but choose rather to die like a Christian. Come away, gentlemen, he that goes first goes cleanliest." When going down stairs, he called the reverend Mr. James Guthrie to him, and embracing him in a most endearing way, took his farewel of him; Mr. Guthrie at parting addressed the marquis thus, "My lord, God hath been with you, he is with you, and will be with you. And such is my respect for your lordship, that if I were not under sentence of death myself, I would cheerfully die for your lordship." So they parted, to meet again in a better place on the Friday following. Then the marquis accompanied with several noblemen and gentlemen mounted in black, with his cloke and hat on, went down the street, and mounted on the scaffold with great serenity and gravity, like one going to his Father's house, and saluted all on it. Then Mr. Hutcheson prayed, after which his lordship delivered his speech, in which among other things he said, "I come not here to justify myself, but the Lord, who is holy in all his ways, righteous in all his works, holy and blessed is his name. Neither come I to condemn others. I bless the Lord, I pardon all men, and desire to be pardoned of the Lord myself. Let the will of the Lord be done, that is all I desire.----I was real and cordial in my desires to bring the king home, and in my endeavours for him when he was home, and had no correspondence with the adversaries army, nor any of them when his majesty was in Scotland, nor had I any hand in his late majesty's murder. I shall not speak much to these things for which I am condemned, lest I seem to condemn others.--It is well known it is only for compliance, which was the epidemical fault of the nation; I wish the Lord to pardon them. I say no more----but God hath laid engagements on Scotland. We are tied by covenants to religion and reformation, those who were then unborn are yet engaged, and it passeth the power of all the magistrates under heaven to absolve from the oath of God. These times are like to be either very sinning or suffering times, and let Christians make their choice, there is a sad dilemma in the business, sin or suffer, and surely he that will choose the better part will choose to suffer, others that will choose to sin will not escape suffering. They shall suffer, but perhaps not as I do (pointing to the maiden) but worse. Mine is but temporal, theirs shall be eternal. When I shall be singing, they shall be howling. Beware therefore of sin, whatever you are aware of, especially in such times.--And hence my condition is such now, as, when I am gone, will be seen not to be as many imagined. I wish, as the Lord hath pardoned me, so may he pardon them, for this and other things, and what they have done to me may never meet them in their accounts.----I have no more to say, but to beg the Lord that when I go away, he would bless every one that stayeth behind." When he had delivered this his seasonable and pathetic speech, which with his last words is recorded at length in Naphtali[101]. Mr. Hamilton prayed, after which he prayed most sweetly himself, then he took his leave of all his friends on the scaffold. He first gave to the executioner a napkin with some money in it; to his sons in law Caithness and Ker his watch and some other things out of his pocket, he gave to Loudon his silver penner, to Lothian a double ducat, and then threw off his coat. When going to the maiden, Mr. Hutcheson said, My lord, now hold your grip sickker.----He answered, "You know Mr. Hutcheson, what I said to you in the chamber. I am not afraid to be surprised with fear." The laird of Shelmerlie took him by the hand, when near the maiden, and found him most composed. He kneeled down most cheerfully, and after he had prayed a little, he gave the signal (which was by lifting up his hand), and the instrument called the maiden struck off his head from his body, which was fixed on the west end of the tolbooth, as a monument of the parliaments injustice and the land's misery. His body was by his friends put in a coffin and conveyed with a good many attendants through Linlithgow and Falkirk to Glasgow, and from thence to Kilpatrick, where it was put in a boat, carried to Denune, and buried in Kilmunn church. Thus died the noble marquis of Argyle, the proto-martyr to religion since the reformation from popery, the true portrait of whose character cannot be (a historian[102] says I dare not) drawn. His enemies themselves will allow him to have been a person of extraordinary piety, remarkable wisdom and prudence, great gravity and authority, and singular usefulness. He was the head of the covenanters in Scotland, and had been singularly active in the work of reformation there, and of any almost that had engaged in that work he stuck closest by it, when most of the nation quitted it very much, so that this attack upon him was a stroke at the root of all that had been done in Scotland from 1638, to the usurpation. But the tree of prelacy and arbitrary measures behoved to be soaked when planting, with the blood of this excellent patriot, staunch presbyterian, and vigorous assertor of Scotland's liberty, and as he was the great promoter thereof during his life, and stedfast in witnessing to it at his death, so it was to a great degree buried with him in Scotland, for many years. In a word, he had piety for a christian, sense for a counsellor, carriage for a martyr, and soul for a king. If ever any was, he might be said to be a born Scotsman. _The Life of Mr. JAMES GUTHRIE._ Mr. James Guthrie son to the laird of Guthrie (a very honourable and ancient family) having gone through his course of classical learning at the grammar school and college, taught philosophy in the university of St. Andrews, where for several years he gave abundant proof that he was an able scholar. His temper was very steady and composed; he could reason upon the most subtle points with great solidity, and when every one else was warm his temper was never ruffled. At any time when indecent heats or wranglings happened to fall in when reasoning, it was his ordinary custom to say, "Enough of this, let us go to some other subject; we are warm, and can dispute no longer with advantage." Perhaps he had the greatest mixture of fervent zeal and sweet calmness in his temper, of any man in his time. But being educated in opposition to presbyterian principles he was highly prelatical in his judgment when he came first to St. Andrews, but by conversing with worthy Mr. Rutherford and others, and especially through his joining the weekly society's meetings there, for prayer and conference, he was effectually brought off from that way, and perhaps it was this that made the writer of the diurnal (who was no friend of his) say, "That if Mr. Guthrie had continued fixt to his first principles, he had been a star of the first magnitude in Scotland." Whenas he came to judge for himself, he happily departed from his first principles, and upon examination of that way wherein he was educated, he left it, and thereby became a star of the first magnitude indeed. It is said, that while he was regent in the college of St. Andrews, Mr. Sharp being then a promising young man there, he several times wrote this verse upon him, If thou, Sharp, die the common death of men, I'll burn my bill, and throw away my pen. Having passed his trials, _anno_ 1638, he was settled minister at Lauder, where he remained for several years. _Anno_ 1646, he was appointed one of those ministers who were to attend the king, while at Newcastle, and likewise he was one of those nominated in the commission for the public affairs of the church, during the intervals betwixt the general assemblies. And in about three years after this, he was translated to Stirling, where he continued until the restoration, a most faithful watchman upon Zion's walls, who ceased not day and night to declare the whole counsel of God to his people, _shewing Israel their iniquities, and the house of Jacob their sins_. After he came to Stirling, he again not only evidenced a singular care over that people he had the charge of, but also was a great assistant in the affairs of the church, being a most zealous enemy to all error and profanity. And when that unhappy difference fell out with the public resolutioners, he was a most staunch protestor, opposing these resolutions unto the utmost of his power, insomuch as after the presbytery of Stirling had wrote a letter to the commission of the general assembly, shewing their dislike and dissatisfaction with the resolutioners, after they had been concluded upon at Perth Dec. 14. 1650. Mr. Guthrie and his colleague Mr. Bennet went somewhat further, and openly preached against them, as a thing involving the land in conjunction with the malignant party, for which by a letter from the chancellor they were ordered to repair to Perth on Feb. 19th, 1651, to answer before the king[103] and the committee of estates for that letter and their doctrine: but upon the indisposition of one of them, they excused themselves by a letter, for their non-appearance that day, but promised to attend upon the end of the week. Accordingly on the 22d they appeared at Perth, where they gave in a protestation; signifying, that although they owned his majesty's civil authority, yet was Mr. Guthrie challenged by the king and his council for a doctrinal thesis which he had maintained and spoken to in a sermon,----whereof they were incompetent judges in matters purely ecclesiastical, such as is the examination and censuring of doctrines,--he did decline them on that account[104]. The matter being deferred for some days, till the king returned from Aberdeen, in the mean time the two ministers were confined to Perth and Dundee, whereupon they (Feb. 28.) presented another paper or protestation[105], which was much the same, though in stronger terms, and supported by many excellent arguments. After this the king and committee thought proper to dismiss them, and to proceed no farther in the affair at present, and yet Mr. Guthrie's declining the king's authority in matters ecclesiastical here, was made the principal article in his indictment some ten years after, to give way to a personal pique Middleton had against this good man, the occasion of which is as follows: By improving an affront the king met with _anno_ 1659, some malignants about him so prevailed to heighten his fears of the evil designs of those about him, that by a correspondence with the papists, malignants, and such as were disaffected to the covenants in the north, matters came in a little to such a pass, that a considerable number of noblemen, gentlemen, and others were to rise and form themselves into an army under Middleton's command, and the king was to cast himself into their arms, &c. Accordingly the king with a few in his retinue, as if he were going a-hunting, left his best friends, crossed the Tay, and came to Angus, where he was to have met with those people, but soon finding himself disappointed, he came back to the committee of estates, where indeed his greatest strength lay. In the meanwhile several who had been in the plot fearing punishment, got together under Middleton's command. General Leslie marched towards them, and the king wrote to them to lay down their arms. The committee sent an indemnity to such as should submit, and while the dates were thus dealing with them, the commission of the assembly were not wanting to shew their zeal against such as ventured to disturb the public peace, and it is said that Mr. Guthrie here proposed summary excommunication, as a censure Middleton deserved, and as what he thought to be a suitable testimony from the church at this juncture. This highest sentence was carried in the commission by a plurality of votes, and Mr. Guthrie was appointed the next sabbath to pronounce the sentence. In the mean time the committee of estates (not without some debates) had agreed upon an indemnity to Middleton.--There was an express sent to Stirling with an account how things stood, and a letter desiring Mr. Guthrie to forbear the intimation of the commission's sentence. But this letter coming to him just as he was going to the pulpit, he did not open it till the work was over, and though he had, it is a question if he would have delayed the commission's sentence upon a private missive to himself. However the sentence was inflicted, and although the commission of the church Jan. 3, 1651. (being their next meeting) did relax Middleton from that censure, (and laid it on a better man, col. Strachan[106]) yet it is believed Middleton never forgave or forgot what Mr. Guthrie did upon that day, as will afterward be made more fully to appear. Mr. Guthrie about this time wrote several of the papers upon the protestors side, for which, and his faithfulness, he was one of those three who were deposed by the pretended assembly at St. Andrews 1657. Yea, such was the malice of these woeful resolutioners, that upon his refusal of one of that party, and accession to the call of Mr. Rule, to be his colleague at Stirling (upon the death of Mr. Bennet _anno_ 1656) they proceeded to stone this seer in Israel with stones, his testimony while alive so tormented the men who dwell upon the earth. And as Mr. Guthrie did faithfully testify against the resolutioners and the malignant party, so he did equally oppose himself to the sectaries and to Cromwell's usurpation; and although he went up to London _anno_ 1657, when the marquis of Argyle procured an equal hearing betwixt the protestors and the resolutioners, yet he so boldly defended the king's right in public debate with Hugh Peters, Oliver's chaplain, and from the pulpit asserted the king's title in the face of the English officers, as was surprizing to all gainsayers. Yet for this and other hardships that he endured on this account, at this time, he was but sorrily rewarded, as by and by will come to be observed. Very soon after the restoration, while Mr. Guthrie and some other of his faithful brethren (who assembled at Edinburgh) were drawing up a paper, _Aug._ 23d, in way of supplication to his majesty, they were all apprehended (except one who happily escaped) and imprisoned in the castle of Edinburgh, and from thence Mr. Guthrie was taken to Stirling castle (the author of the apologetical relation says to Dundee), where he continued till a little before his trial, which was upon the 20th of February, 1661. When he came to his trial, the chancellor told him, He was called before them to answer to the charge of high treason, (a copy of which charge he had received some weeks before) and the lord advocate proposed, his indictment should be read; which the house went into: The heads of which were: (1.) His contriving, consenting to, and exhibiting before the committee of estates, the paper called, The western remonstrance. (2.) His contriving, writing and publishing that abominable pamphlet, called, the causes of the Lord's wrath. (3.) His contriving, writing and subscribing the paper called the humble petition[107] of the twenty-third of _August_ last. (4.) His convocating of the king's lieges, &c. (5.) His declaring his majesty, by his appeals and protestations presented by him at Perth, incapable to be judge over him. And, (6.) Some treasonable expressions he was alledged to have uttered in a meeting in 1650 or 1651. His indictment being read, he made an excellent speech before the parliament (wherein he both defended himself, and that noble cause for which he suffered), which being too nervous to abridge, and too prolix to insert in this place: The reader will find it elsewhere[108]. After he had delivered this speech, he was ordered to remove. He humbly craved, that some time might be given him to consult with his lawyers. This was granted; and he was allowed till the 29th to give in his defence.--It is affirmed, upon very good authority, that when he met with his lawyers to form his defence, he very much surprized them by his exactness in our Scots laws, and suggested several things to be added that had escaped his advocate, which made Sir John Nisbet express himself to this purpose, "If it had been in the reasoning part, or in consequences from scripture and divinity, I would have wondered the less if he had given us some help, but even in the matter of our own profession, our statutes and acts of parliament, he pointed out several things that had escaped us." And likewise the day before his first appearance in parliament, it is said he sent a copy of the forementioned speech to Sir John and the rest of his lawyers of the reasoning and law part, and they could mend nothing therein. The advocate's considering his defence, and the giving of it in, took up some weeks, until April the 11th, when the process against him was read in the house, upon which he made a speech affecting and close to the purpose; in which he concludes thus: "My Lord, in the last place, I humbly beg, that having brought so pregnant and clear evidence from the word of God, so much divine reason and human laws, and so much of the common practice of kirk and kingdom in my defence; and being already cast out of my ministry, out of my dwelling and maintenance; myself and my family put to live on the charity of others; having now suffered eight months imprisonment, your Lordships, would put no other burden upon me. I shall conclude with the words of the prophet Jeremiah, _Behold, I am in your hands_, saith he, _do to me what seemeth good to you: I know, for certain, that the Lord hath commanded me to speak all these things, and that if you put me to death, you shall bring innocent blood upon yourselves, and upon the inhabitants of this city_." "My Lords, my conscience I cannot submit; but this old crazy body and mortal flesh I do submit, to do with it whatever ye will, whether by death, or banishment, or imprisonment, or any thing else; only I beseech you to ponder well what profit there is in my blood: it is not the extinguishing of me or many others, that will extinguish the covenant and work of reformation since the year 1638. My blood, bondage, or banishment will contribute more for the propagation of these things, than my life or liberty could do, though I should live many years, &c." And though this speech had not that influence that might have been expected, yet it made such impression upon some of the members that they withdrew, declaring to one another, that they would have nothing to do with the blood of this righteous man. But his judges were determined to proceed, and accordingly his indictment was found relevant. Bp. Burnet[109] says, "The earl of Tweeddale was the only man that moved against putting him to death; he said, Banishment had hitherto been the severest censure laid upon preachers for their opinions,--yet he was condemned to die." The day of his execution was not named till the 28th of May, when the parliament ordered him and William Govan to be hanged at the cross of Edinburgh, on the first of June, and Mr. Guthrie's head to be fixed on the Nether-bow, his estate to be confiscated, and his arms torn; and the head of the other upon the west-port of Edinburgh. And thus a sentence of death was passed upon Mr. Guthrie, for his accession to the causes of God's wrath, his writing the petition last year, and the protestation above-mentioned; matters done a good many years ago, and every way agreeable and conform to the word of God, the principles and practice of this and other churches and the laws of the kingdom. After he received his sentence, he accosted the parliament thus, "My lords, let never this sentence affect you more than it does me, and let never my blood be required of the king's family." Thus it was resolved that this excellent man should fall a sacrifice to private and personal pique, as the marquis's was said to be to a more exalted revenge; and it is said, that the managers had no small debate what his sentence should be, for he was dealt with by some of them to retract what he had done and written, and join with the present measures, and he was even offered a bishopric. The other side were in no hazard in making the experiment, for they might be assured of his firmness in his principles. A bishopric was a very small temptation to him, and the commissioner improved his inflexibility to have his life taken away, to be a terror to others, that they might have the less opposition in establishing prelacy. Betwixt Mr. Guthrie's sentence and his execution, he was in perfect composure and serenity of spirit, and wrote a great many excellent letters to his friends and acquaintances. In this interval, he uttered several prophetical expressions, which, together with the foresaid religious letters, could they now be recovered, might be of no small use in this apostate and backslidden age. June 1st, the day on which he was executed, upon some reports that he was to buy his life at the expence of retracting some of the things he had formerly said and done, he wrote and subscribed the following declaration. "There are to declare that I do own the causes of God's wrath, the supplication at Edinburgh August last, and the accession I had to the remonstrances. And if any do think, or have reported that I was willing to recede from these, they have wronged me, as never having any ground from me to think, or to report so. This I attest under my hand at Edinburgh, about eleven o'clock forenoon, before these witnesses." Mr. Arthur Forbes, Mr. John Guthrie, Mr. Hugh Walker, Mr. James Cowie. That same day he dined with his friends with great cheerfulness. After dinner he called for a little cheese, which he had been dissuaded from taking for some time, as not good for the gravel, which he was troubled with, and said, I am now beyond the hazard of the gravel.----When he had been secret for sometime, he came forth with the utmost fortitude and composure, and was carried down under a guard from the tolbooth to the scaffold, which was erected at the cross. Here he was so far from shewing any fear, that he rather expressed a contempt at death, and spake an hour upon the ladder with the composure of one delivering a sermon. His last speech is in Naphtali, where among other things becoming a martyr, he saith, "One thing I warn you all of, That God is very wroth with Scotland, and threatens to depart, and remove his candlestick. The causes of his wrath are many, and would to God it were not one great cause, that causes of wrath are despised. Consider the case that is recorded, Jer. xxxvi. and the consequences of it, and tremble and fear. I cannot but also say that there is a great addition of wrath by that deluge of profanity that overfloweth all the land, in so far that many have not only lost all use and exercise of religion, but even of morality. 2. By that horrible treachery and perjury that is in the matters of the covenant and cause of God. Be ye astonished, O ye heavens, at this! &c. 3. Horrible ingratitude. The Lord, after ten years oppression, hath broken the yoke of strangers, from oft our necks, but the fruits of our delivery, is to work wickedness and to strengthen our hands to do evil, by a most dreadful sacrificing to the creature. We have changed the glory of the incorruptible God into the image of a corruptible man, in whom many have placed almost all their salvation. God is also wroth with a generation of carnal corrupt time-serving ministers. I know and do bear testimony, that in the church of Scotland there is a true and faithful ministry, and I pray you to honour these; for their works sake. I do bear my witness to the national covenant of Scotland, and solemn league and covenant betwixt the three kingdoms. These sacred solemn public oaths of God, I believe can be loosed or dispensed with by no person or party or power upon earth, but are still binding upon these kingdoms, and will be so for ever hereafter, and are ratified and sealed by the conversion of many thousand souls, since our entering thereinto. I bear my testimony to the protestation against the controverted assemblies, and the public resolutions. I take God to record upon my soul, I would not exchange this scaffold with the palace or mitre of the greatest prelate in Britain. Blessed be God, who hath shewed mercy to me such a wretch, and has revealed his Son in me, and made me a minister of the everlasting gospel, and that he hath deigned, in the midst of much contradictions from Satan and the world, to seal my ministry upon the hearts of not a few of his people, and especially in the station wherein I was last, I mean the congregation and presbytery of Stirling. Jesus Christ is my light and my life, my righteousness, my strength and my salvation, and all my desire. Him! O him! I do with all the strength of my soul commend to you. Bless him, O my soul, from henceforth, even for ever!" He concluded with the words of old Simeon, _Now let thy servant depart in peace, for mine eyes have seen thy salvation._ He gave a copy of this his last speech and testimony, subscribed and sealed, to a friend to keep, which he was to deliver to his son, then a child, when he came to age. When on the scaffold he lifted the napkin off his face just before he was turned over and cried, The covenants, the covenants shall yet be Scotland's reviving. A few weeks after he was executed, and his head placed on the Neitherbow-port, Middleton's coach coming down that way, several drops of blood fell from the head upon the coach, which all their art and diligence could not wipe off, and when physicians were called, and desired to inquire, If any natural cause could be given for this, but they could give none. This odd incident being noised abroad, and all means tried, at length the leather was removed, and a new cover put on: But this was much sooner done, than the wiping off the guilt of this great and good man's blood upon the shedders of it, and this poor nation[110]. Thus fell the faithful Mr. James Guthrie, who was properly the first who suffered unto death in that period, for asserting the kingly prerogative of Jesus Christ in opposition to Erastian supremacy. He was a man honoured of God to be zealous and singularly faithful in carrying on the work of reformation, and had carried himself straight under all changes and revolutions, and because he had been such, he must live no longer. He did much for the interest of the king in Scotland, which the king no doubt was sensible of: When he got notice of his death, he said with some warmth, "And what have you done with Mr. Patrick Gillespie." He was answered, that having so many friends in the house, his life could not be taken. Well, said the king, "If I had known you would have spared Mr. Gillespie, I would have spared Mr. Guthrie." And indeed he was not far out with it; for Mr. Guthrie was capable to have done him as much service. For he was one accomplished with almost every qualification natural or acquired, necessary to complete both a man and a Christian. But it is a loss we are favoured with so few of the writings of this worthy. For beside those papers already mentioned, he wrote several others upon the protestors side, among which was also a paper wrote against the usurper Oliver Cromwel, for which he suffered some hardships during the time of that usurpation. His last sermon at Stirling preached from Matth xiv. 22. was published in 1738, intitled a cry from the dead, &c.; with his ten considerations anent the decay of religion, first published by himself in 1660; and an authentic paper wrote and subscribed by himself upon the occasion of his being stoned by the resolution party about 1656, for his accession to the call of Mr. Robert Rule to be his colleague, after the death of Mr. Bennet. He also wrote a treatise on ruling elders and deacons, about the time he entered into the ministry, which is now affixed to the last edition of his cousin Mr. William Guthrie's treatise of the trial of a saving interest in Christ. _The Life of JOHN CAMPBEL Earl of Loudon._ He was heir to Sir James Campbel of Lawer, and husband of Margaret Baroness of Loudon. The first of his state-preferments was _anno_ 1633. when king Charles I. came to Scotland, in order to have his coronation performed there[111]. At which time he dignified several of the Scots nobility with higher titles of honour; and among the rest this nobleman, who was created earl of Loudon May 12th, 1633. It appears, that from his youth he had been well affected to the presbyterian interest, for no sooner did that reformation (commonly called the second reformation) begin to take air, which was about the year 1637, than he appeared a principal promoter thereof, and that not only in joining these petitioners, afterwards called the covenanters, but also when the general assembly sat down at Glasgow in Nov. 1638, he thought it his honour to attend the same in almost every session thereof, and was of great service both by his advice in difficult cases, and also by several excellent speeches that he delivered therein. As witness Upon the very entry, when the difference arose between the marquis of Hamilton the king's commissioner, and some of the rest, anent choosing a clerk to the assembly, the marquis refusing to be assisted by Traquair and Sir Lewis Stuart, urged several reasons for compliance with his majesty's pleasure, &c. and at last renewed his protest, where upon lord Loudon, in name of commissioners to the assembly, gave in reasons of a pretty high strain, why the lord commissioner and his assessors ought to have but one vote in the assembly, &c. Of these reasons Traquair craved a double, and promised to answer them, but it appears never found leisure for this employment. About this time, he told the king's commissioner roundly, "They knew no other bonds betwixt a king and his subjects but religion and laws; and if these were broken, mens lives were not dear to them. They would not be so; such fears were past with them[112]." The king and the bishops being galled to the heart to see that, by the assembly, presbytery was almost restored, and prelacy well nigh abolished, he immediately put himself at the head of an army in order to reduce them, &c. The Scots, hearing of the preparation, provided as well as they could. Both armies marched towards the border, but upon the approach of the Scots, the English were moved with great timidity, whereupon ensued a pacification.----Commissioners being appointed to treat on both sides, the Scots were permitted to make known their desires; the lord Loudon being one of the Scots commissioners, upon his knees said, "That their demand was only to enjoy their religion and liberties, according to the ecclesiastical and civil laws of the kingdom." The king replied, "That if that was all that was to be desired, the peace would soon be made." And after several particulars were agreed upon, the king promised, "That all ecclesiastical matters should be decided by an assembly, and civil matters by the parliament, which assembly should be kept once a-year. That on the 6th of August should be held a free general assembly when the king would be present, and pass an act of oblivion, &c." The articles of the pacification were subscribed June 18th, by the commissioners of both sides, in view of both armies at kirks near Berwick, _anno_ 1639. But this treaty was short-lived and ill observed, for the king irritated by the bishops, soon after burnt the pacification by the hands of the hangman, charging the Scots with a breach of the articles of the treaty, although the earl of Loudon gave him sufficient proofs to the contrary. Which freedom used by his lordship no way pleased the king; but he was suffered to return home, and the king kept his resentment unto another opportunity. In the mean time, the general assembly sat down at Edinburgh, August 12th. Mr. Dickson was chosen moderator, and at this assembly, after several matters were discussed, Messrs. Henderson and Ramsay entered upon a demonstration, that episcopacy hath its beginning from men, and is of human institution, &c. But they had not proceeded far, till they were interrupted by Traquair, the king's commissioner, who declared he did not desire them to fall upon any scholastic dispute, but how far those in the reformation had found episcopacy contrary to the constitution of this church; whereupon the truly noble lord Loudon (being present) did most solidly explain the act of the general assembly, 1580, which condemned the office of bishops in the most express terms, prior to the subscription of the national covenant, and because of a difficulty raised from these words in that act, _viz._ (as it was then used) his lordship observed that in the assemblies 1560, 1575, 1576, 1577, and 1578, episcopacy came still under consideration, though not directly as to the office, yet as to the corruption, &c. and having enlarged upon the office of bishops as without a warrant from the word of God, he concludes--"As we have said, so that the connection between the assemblies of 1574, and of 1581, is quite clear; episcopacy is put out as wanting warrant from the word of God, and presbytery put in, as having that divine warrant; and was accordingly sworn unto." The same day on which the assembly arose, the parliament sat down, but falling upon matters that did not correspond with the king's design, Traquair did all he could to stop them that they might have nothing done, whereupon they agreed to send up the earls of Dunfermline and Loudon to implore his majesty to allow the parliament to proceed, and to determine what was before them, &c. But ere these two lords had reached the court, orders were sent them discharging them in the king's name, from coming within a mile of him, on supposition they had no express warrant from the lord commissioner; and they were returned home. In the mean time the parliament by the kings orders is prorogued to the 2d of June 1640, and matters continued so till Jan. 1641, that the committee of parliament having obtained leave to send up commissioners to represent their grievances, did again commission the two foresaid earls, to whom they added Sir William Douglas of Cavers, and Mr. Barclay provost of Irvine. On their arrival they were allowed to kiss the king's hand, and some time after were appointed to attend at the council chamber, but understanding they were not to have a hearing of the king himself, they craved a copy of Traquair's information to the council of England, which was denied. At last the king gave them audience himself upon the third of March, when the lord Loudon, after having addressed his majesty, shewed that his ancient and native kingdom is independent upon any other judicatory whatever, and craved his majesty's protection in defence of religion, liberty, and the cause of the church and kingdom, and then speaking concerning those who have or may misrepresent or traduce these his most loyal Scots subjects, he says, "If it please God, for our sins to make our condition so deplorable as they may get the shadow of your majesty's authority, (as we hope in God they will not) to palliate their ends, then as those who are sworn to defend our religion, our recourse must be only to the God of Jacob for our refuge, who is the Lord of lords, and king of kings, and by whom kings do reign and princes decree justice. And if, in speaking thus out of zeal to religion, and the duty we owe to our country, and that charge which is laid upon us, any thing hath escaped us, sith it is spoken from the sincerity of our hearts, we fall down at your majesty's feet, craving pardon for our freedom." Again having eloquently expatiated upon the desires of his subjects, and the laws of the kingdom, he speaks of the laws of God and power of the church, and says, "Next, we must distinguish betwixt the church and the state, betwixt the ecclesiastical and civil power; both which are materially one, yet formally they are contradistinct in power, in jurisdiction, in laws, in bodies, in ends, in offices and officers, and although the church and ecclesiastic assemblies thereof be formally different and distinct from the parliament and civil judicatories, yet there is so strict and necessary a conjunction betwixt the ecclesiastic and civil jurisdiction, betwixt religion and justice; as the one cannot firmly subsist and be preserved without the other, and therefore they must stand and fall, live and die together, &c." He enlarged further upon the privileges of both church and state, and then concluded with mentioning the sum of their desires, which----"is that your majesty (saith he) may be graciously pleased to command that the parliament may proceed freely to determine all these articles given in to them, and whatsoever exceptions, objections, or informations are made against any of the particular overtures, &c. we are most willing to receive the same in write, and are content in the same way, to return our answers and humble desires[113]." March 11, the commissioners appeared, and brought their instructions, whereupon ensued some reasonings betwixt them and the king, in which time arch-bishop Laud, who sat on the king's right-hand, was observed to mock the Scots commissioners, causing the king put such questions to them as he pleased. At last Traquair gave in several queries and objections to them, unto which they gave most solid and sufficient answers in every particular. But this farce being over, for it seems nothing else was here intended by the court than to intrap the commissioners, (and particularly this noble earl who had so strenuously asserted the laws and liberties of his native country). In the end, all the deputies, by the king's order, were taken into custody, and the earl of Loudon sent to the tower for a letter alledged to be wrote by him, and sent by the Scots to the French king, as to their sovereign, imploring his aid against their natural king, of the following tenor: "_SIRE_, "Your majesty being the refuge and sanctuary of afflicted princes and states, we have found it necessary to send this gentleman Mr. Colvil, to represent unto your majesty, the candor and ingenuity as well of our actions and proceedings, as of our inventions, which we desire to be ingraven and written in the whole world, with a beam of the sun, as well as to your majesty. We therefore beseech you, Sire, to give faith and credit to him, and to all that he shall say on our part, touching us and our affairs. Being much assured, Sire, of an assistance equal to your wonted clemency heretofore, and so often shewed to the nation, which will not yield the glory of any other whatsoever, to be eternally, Sire, your majesty's most humble, most obedient and most affectionate servants." This letter, says a historian[114], was advised to and composed by Montrose, when the king was coming against Scotland with a potent army, transcribed by lord Loudon, and subscribed by them two and the lords Rothes, Marr, Montgomery and Forrester, and general Leslie; but the translation being found faulty by lord Maitland, &c. it was dropped altogether, which copy wanted both the date, which the worst of its enemies never pretended it had, and a direction, which the Scots confidently affirmed it never had; but falling into the king's hand (by means of Traquair), he intended to make a handle of it, to make lord Loudon the first sacrifice. This noble lord being examined before the council, did very honestly acknowledge the hand-writing and subscription to be his; but said, It was before the late pacification, when his majesty was marching in hostility against his native country; that in these circumstances it seemed necessary to have an intercessor to mitigate his wrath, and they could think of none so well qualified as the French king, being the nearest relation by affinity to their sovereign of any other crowned head in the world; but that being but shortly thought on before the arrival of the English on the border, was judged too late, and therefore was never either addressed by them, or sent to the French king. Notwithstanding this evil was intended against this noble peer, and being remanded back to prison, was very near being dispatched, and that not only without the benefit of his peers, but without any legal trial or conviction. Burnet fairly acknowledges[115], that the king was advised to proceed capitally against him. But the English historians[116] go still farther, and plainly say, That the king about three o'clock in the afternoon, sent his own letter to William Balfour lieutenant of the tower, commanding him to see the lord Loudon's head struck off, within the tower, before nine the next morning, (a striking demonstration of the just and forgiving spirit for which by some king Charles is so much extolled). Upon this command, the lieutenant of the tower, that his lordship might prepare for death, gave him notice of it; which awful intimation, he (knowing the justice of his cause) received with astonishing composure and serenity of mind. The lieutenant went himself to the marquis of Hamilton, who he thought was bound in honour to interpose in this matter. The marquis and the lieutenant made their way to the king, who was then in bed. The warrant was scarce named, when the king, understanding their errand, stopped them, saying, By G--d it shall be executed. But the marquis laying before him the odiousness of the fact, by the violation of the safe conduct he had granted to that nobleman, and the putting him to death without conviction, or so much as a legal trial, with the dismal consequences that were like to attend an action of that nature, not only in respect of Scotland, which would certainly be lost, but likewise of his own personal safety from the nobility. Whereupon the king called for the warrant, tore it, and dismissed the marquis and the lieutenant somewhat abruptly.--After this, about the 28th of June, this noble lord (upon promise of concealing from his brethren in Scotland the hard treatment he had met with from the king, and of contributing his endeavours to dispose them to peace) was liberated from his confinement, and allowed to return home. But things being now ripened for a new war, the king put himself at the head of another army, in order to suppress the Scots: On the other hand the Scots resolved not to be behind in their preparations, and entered England with a numerous army, mostly of veteran troops, many of whom had served in Germany under Gustavus Adolphus[117]. A party of the king's forces disputed the passage of the Tyne, but were defeated by them at Newburn; whereupon the Scots took Newcastle and Berwick, pushing their way as far as Durham. Here the noble earl of Loudon acted no mean part, for he not only gained upon the citizens of Edinburgh and other places, to contribute money and other necessaries, for the use and supply of the Scots army, but also commanded a brigade of horse, with whom, in the foresaid skirmish at Newburn, he had no small share of the victory. The king retired to York, and finding himself environed on all hands, appointed commissioners to treat with the Scots a second time. On the other side, the Scots nominated the earls of Dunfermline, Rothes, and Loudon, with some gentlemen, and Messrs. Henderson and Johnson, advocates for the church, as their commissioners for the treaty. Both commissioners upon Oct. 1, 1640, met at Rippon, where, after agreeing upon some articles for a cessation of arms for three months, the treaty was transferred to London. Unto which the Scots commissioners (upon a patent granted from the king for their safe conduct) consented and went thither. And because great hopes were entertained by friends in England, from their presence and influence at London, the committee at Newcastle appointed Mr. Robert Blair, for his dexterity in dealing with the Independents; Mr. Robert Bailey, for his eminence in managing the Arminian controversy; and Mr. George Gillespie for his nervous and pithy confutation of the English ceremonies, to accompany the three noblemen, as their chaplains: And Messrs. Smith and Borthwick followed soon after. After this treaty, things went pretty smooth for some time in Scotland, but the king, not relishing the proceedings of the English parliament, made a tour next year to Scotland, where he attended the Scots parliament. When this parliament sat down (before the king's arrival), Traquair, Montrose, and several other incendiaries, having been cited before them for stirring up strife between the king and his subjects, for undoing the covenanters, of whom some appeared, and some appeared not. In the mean while, the noble earl of Loudon said so much in favours of some of them, discharging himself so effectually of all the orders laid on him last year by the king, that some, forgetting the obligation he came under to steer with an even hand, began to suspect him of changing sides, so that he was well nigh left out of the commission to England with the parliament's agreement to the treaty; which so much offended his lordship, that he supplicated the parliament to be examined by them of his past conduct and negotiations, if they found him faithful (so far was he emboldened, having the testimony of a good conscience), which grieved the members of the house very much. The house declared, indeed, that he had behaved himself faithfully and wisely in all his public employments, and that he not only deserved to have an act of approbation, but likewise to be rewarded by the estates, that their favours and his merit might be known to posterity, &c. They further considered, that the loss of such an eminent instrument could not be easily supplied. The English dealt not so freely with any of our commissioners, as with lord Loudon, nor did ever any of our commissioners use so much ingenuous freedom with his majesty as he did; and he behoved once more to return to London, with the treaty new-revised by the parliament, subscribed by the lord president and others. After the return of the commissioners, the king being arrived in parliament, they began to dignify several of the Scots nobility with offices of state, and because a lord-treasurer was a-wanting it was moved that none did deserve that office so well as the earl of Loudon, who had done so much for his country. But the king, judging more wisely in this, thought it was more difficult to find a fit person for the chancery than for the treaty, was obliged to make the earl of Loudon chancellor, contrary, both to his own inclination (for he never was ambitious of preferment) and to the solicitation of his friends. But to make amends for the smallness of his fees, an annual pension of 100 pounds was added to this office. Accordingly upon the 2d of Oct. 1642, this noble lord did solemnly, in the face of the parliament, on his bended knees, before the throne, first swear the oath of allegiance, then that of private counsellor, and lastly, when the great seal, (which for two years had been kept by the marquis of Hamilton) was with the mace delivered to him out of his majesty's hand, he did swear the oath _de fideli administratione officii_, and was by the lion king at arms, placed in the seat under his majesty's feet, on the right hand of the lord president of parliament; from thence he immediately arose, and prostrating himself before the king, said, "Preferment comes neither from the east nor from the west, but from God alone. I acknowledge, I have this from your majesty as from God's vicegerent upon earth, and the fountain of all earthly honour here, and I will endeavour to answer that expectation your majesty has of me, and to deserve the goodwill of this honourable house, in faithfully discharging what you both (without desert of mine) have put on me." And kissing his majesty's hand, he retired to his seat. This was a notable turn of affairs from the womb of providence; for behold him, who last year, (for the cause of Christ and love of his country) in all submission receiving the message or sentence of death, is now, for his great wisdom and prudence, advanced by the same person and authority unto the helm of the highest affairs of the kingdom; which verifies what the wise man saith, _The fear of the Lord is the beginning of wisdom, and before honour is humility_, Prov. xv. 33. As soon as this excellent nobleman was advanced unto this dignity and office, he not only began to exert his power for the utility and welfare of his own native country, but also, the next year, went up to London to importune his majesty to call his English parliament, as the most expedient way to bring about a firm, permanent or lasting peace betwixt the two kingdoms. And although he was not one of those commissioners nominated and sent up from the parliament and assembly of the church of Scotland, _anno_ 1643, yet it is evident from a letter sent from them while at London, bearing the date of Jan. 6th, 1645, that he was amongst them there, using his utmost endeavours for bringing about that happy uniformity of religion, in doctrine, discipline, and church-government which took place, and was established in these nations at that time. And next year, before the king surrendered himself to the Scots army to Newcastle, lord Loudon, being sent up as commissioner to the king, (after the lord Leven at the head of 100 officers in the army had presented a petition upon their knees, beseeching his majesty to give them satisfaction in point of religion, and to take the covenant, &c.) did, in plain terms, accost the king in this manner: "The difference between your majesty and your parliament is grown to such an height, that after many bloody battles, they have your majesty with all your garrisons and strong holds in their hands, &c. They are in a capacity now to do what they will in church and state; and some are so afraid, and others so unwilling to proceed to extremities, till they know your majesty's last resolution. Now, Sire, if your majesty shall refuse your assent to the propositions, you will lose all your friends in the house and in the city, and all England will join against you, as one man; they will depose you and set up another government; they will charge us to deliver your majesty to them, and remove our arms out of England, and upon your refusal, we will be obliged to settle religion and peace without you, which will ruin your majesty and your posterity. We own, the propositions are higher in some things than we approve of, but the only way to establish your majesty is to consent to them at present. Your majesty may recover, in a time of peace, all that you have lost in a time of tempest and trouble." Whether or not the king found him a true prophet in all this, must be left to the history of these times. He was again employed in the like errand to the king, _anno_ 1648, but with no better success, as appears from two excellent speeches to the Scots parliament at his return, concerning these proceedings[118]. And in the same year, in the month of June, he was with a handful of covenanters at a communion at Mauchline muir, where they were set upon by Calender and Middleton's forces, after they had given their promise to his lordship of the contrary. Although this noble earl (through the influence of the earl of Lanerk) had given his consent at first to the king, who was setting on foot an army for his own rescue, yet he came to be among those who protested against the duke of Hamilton's unlawful engagement. To account some way for this,--He had before received a promise of a gift of the teinds, and a gift sometimes blindeth the eyes, and much more of a nobleman whose estate was at that time somewhat burdened; but by converting with some of the protesting side, and some ministers, who discovered to him his mistake (when his foot was well nigh slipt), he was so convinced that this was contrary to his trust, that he subscribed an admonition to more stedfastness for the commission of the church, in the high church of Edinburgh. But at last Charles I, being executed, and his son Charles II. called home by the Scots, a new scene begins to appear _anno_ 1650, for malignants being then again brought into places of power and trust, it behoved the lord chancellor (who never was a friend to malignants) to demit. He had now for near the space of ten years presided in parliament, and had been highly instrumental in the hand of the Lord, to establish in this nation, both in church and state, the purest reformation that ever was established in any particular nation, under the new Testament dispensation; but now he was turned out, and lord Burleigh substituted in his place. In what manner he was mostly employed during the time of Cromwel's usurpation, there is no certain account, only it is probable, that notwithstanding the many struggles he had in asserting the king's interest, he mostly lived a private life, as most of the noblemen and gentlemen of the nation did at that time. But no sooner was the king restored again unto his dominions, than these lands did again return back unto the old vomit of popery, prelacy and slavery; and it is inconceivable to express the grief of heart this godly nobleman sustained, when he beheld not only the carved work of the sanctuary cut down, by defacing that glorious structure of reformation, which he had such an eminent hand in erecting and building up, but also to find himself at the king's mercy, for his accession to the same. He knew, that next to the marquis of Argyle, he was the butt of the enemies malice, and he had frequently applied for his majesty's grace, but was as often refused; so that the violent courses now carrying on, and the plain invasions upon the liberties and religion of the nation made him weary of his life; and being then at Edinburgh, he often exhorted his excellent lady to pray fast, that he might never see the next session of parliament, else he might follow his dear friend the marquis of Argyle; and the Lord was pleased to grant his request: For he died in a most Christian manner at Edinburgh March 15th, 1662, and his corpse was carried home and interred beside his ancestors. The most exaggerated praises that can be at present bestowed on this renowned patriot, the worthy earl of Loudon, must be far below his merit, who was possessed of such singular prudence, eloquence and learning, joined with remarkable courage. Which excellent endowments he invariably applied for the support of our ancient and admirable constitution, which he maintained upon all hazards and occasions; whereby he might be truly accounted the chief advocate both for the civil and religious liberties of the people. To sum up all in a few words: he was a most exquisite orator in the senate, a refined politician without what some would say it is impossible to be so, and an honour to his name, an ornament to this nation, and in every virtue in politic, social and domestic life, a pattern worthy of imitation. And although HIS OFFSPRING[119] have hitherto all along retained a sense of their civil liberties, yet it is to be lamented, that few or none of our noblemen at this day, will follow his example. _The Life of Mr. ROBERT BAILEY._ Mr. Robert Bailey was born at Glasgow _anno_ 1539. His father was a citizen there, being lineally descended from Bailey of Jerviston, a brother of the house of Carphin, and a branch of the ancient house of Lamington, all in the county of Lanerk; and by his mother's side, he was of the same stock with the Gibsons of Durie, who have made such a figure in the law. He received his education at Glasgow, and, at that university, plied his studies so hard, that, by his industry and uncommon genius, he attained to the knowledge of twelve or thirteen of the languages, and could write a Latin style that, in the opinion of the learned, might well become the Augustan age. After his study of divinity, he took orders from arch-bishop Law, about the year 1622, and was soon after presented by the earl of Eglinton to the church of Kilwinning. When the reformation began _anno_ 1637, he wanted not his own difficulties, from his education and tenderness of the king's authority, to see through some of the measures then taken. Yet after reasoning, reading and prayer, (as he himself exprest it) he came heartily into the covenanters interest about that time. Being a man of distinct and solid judgment, he was often employed in the public business of the church. In 1638, he was chosen by his own presbytery, to be a member of that memorable assembly held at Glasgow, where he behaved himself with great wisdom and moderation. He was also one of those who attended as chaplains to the army in 1639, and 1640, and was present during the whole treaty begun at Rippon and concluded at London.----What comfort he had in these things he describes in these words, "As for myself, I never found my mind in a better temper than it was all that time, from my outset until my head was again homeward. I was one who had taken leave of the world, and resolved to die in that service. I found the favour of God shining on me, and a sweet, meek and humble, yet strong and vehement spirit leading me along." The same year 1640, he was by the covenanting lords sent to London to draw up an accusation against arch-bishop Laud, for the innovations he had obtruded upon the church of Scotland. He was translated from Kilwinning to be professor of divinity at Glasgow, when Mr. David Dickson was translated from thence to the divinity chair at Edinburgh. And he was one of those commissioners sent from the church of Scotland to the Westminster assembly _anno_ 1645, where he remained almost the whole time of that assembly. And after they rose, as an acknowledgment of his good services, the parliament of England made him a handsome present of silver plate, with an inscription, signifying it to be a token of their great respect to him, which not long since was to be seen in the house of Carnbrue, being carefully preserved, and perhaps it remains there to this day. By his first wife Lillias Fleming he had one son and four daughters, by his second wife, principal Strang's daughter he had one daughter who was married to Walkinshaw of Barrowfield. About this time he was a great confident of the marquis of Argyle, the earls of Cassils, Eglinton, Lauderdale, and Loudon, lord Balmerino, and Sir Archibald Johnston lord Warriston, with others of the chief managers among the covenanters, whereby he obtained the most exact knowledge of the transactions of that time, which he has carefully collected in his letters; as he expresses himself, there was not any one from whom his correspondent could get a more full narrative under Cromwell's usurpation. He joined with that party called resolutioners, and composed several of the papers belonging to that side _anno_ 1661. He was by Lauderdale's interest, made principal of the college of Glasgow, upon the removal of Mr. Patrick Gillespie, about which time it is commonly said, he had a bishopric offered him, but that he refused it, because, says the writer of the memorial[120], he did not choose to enter into a dispute with those, with whom he had formerly lived in friendship. But this was only a sly way of wounding an amiable character, for Mr. Bailey continued firmly attached to presbyterian government, and in opposition to prelacy to his very last; several instances could be brought to this purpose, but a few excerpts from some of his own letters, particularly one to Lauderdale a little before his death[121], may effectually wipe away that reproach. "Having the occasion of this bearer, I tell you my heart is broken with grief, and I find the burthen of the public weighty, and hastening me to my grave. What need you do that disservice to the king, which all of you cannot recompense, to grieve the hearts of all your godly friends in Scotland, with pulling down all our laws at once, which concerned our church since 1633? Was this good advice, or will it thrive? Is it wisdom to bring back upon us the Canterburian times, the same designs, the same practices? Will they not bring on the same effects, whatever fools dream?" And again, in the same letter downward, he says, "My lord, you are the nobleman in all the world I love best, and esteem most----I think I may say I write to you what I please. If you have gone with your heart to forsake your covenant; to countenance the re-introduction of bishops and books, and strengthen the king by your advice in those things, I think you a prime transgressor, and liable among the first to answer for that great sin, &c." And when the arch-bishop came to visit him, when on his death-bed, he would not so much as give him the appellation of lord: yea it appears, that the introduction of prelacy was a means of bringing on his death, as appears evident from his last public letter to his cousin Mr. Spang, dated May 12, 1662, some weeks before his death. After some account of the west country ministers, being called in to Edinburgh, he says, "The guise is now, the bishops will trouble no man, but the states will punish seditious ministers. This poor church is in the most hard taking that ever we have seen. This is my daily grief; this hath brought all my bodily trouble on me, and is like to do me more harm." And very quickly after that, in the month of July, he got to his rest and glorious reward, being aged 63 years. Mr. Robert Bailey may very justly, for his profound and universal learning, exact and solid judgment, be accounted amongst the great men of his time. He was an honour to his country, and his works do praise him in the gates; among which are, his scripture-chronology, wrote in latin; his Canterburian self-conviction; his parallel or comparison of the liturgy with the mass-book; his dissuasive against the errors of the times; and a large manuscript collection of historical papers and letters, consisting of four volumes _folio_, beginning at the year 1637, and ending at the restoration, never hitherto published. To him is, by some, ascribed that book, intitled, _Historia motuum in regno Scotiæ, annis 1634,----1640._; and if he was the author of that, then also of another anonymous paper called, a short relation of the state of the kirk of Scotland, from the reformation of religion to the month of October 1638. For, from the preface of the last mentioned book, it appears, that both were wrote by the same hand. He also wrote Laudensium, an anecdote against Arminianism; a reply to the modest enquirer, with other tracts and some sermons on public occasion. _N. B._ In the life and now published letters of principal Bailie, we have a recent proof of human frailty.--Nay, more, that even great and good men will be biassed in judgment, and prejudiced in mind at others more faithful than themselves: for instance, these very noblemen and ministers to whom he gives the highest elogiums of praise, for being the prime instruments in God's hand for carrying on the work of reformation betwixt 1638, and 1649,--As soon as they took the remonstrators side, he not only represents some of them to be of such a character as I shall forbear to mention; but even gives us a very diminutive view of their most faithful contendings about that time; wherein the gallant Argyle,--courageous Loudon,--the able statesman Warriston,--faithful Guthrie,--godly Rutherford,--peaceable Livingston,--honest M'Ward, &c. cannot evite their share of reflections; which no doubt add nothing to the credit of the last ten years of his history; and all from a mistaken view of the controversy betwixt those protestors and his own party the resolutioners; taking all the divisions and calamities that befel church, state and army at that time to proceed from the protestors not concurring with them; whereas it is just the reverse; the taking in Charles II. that atheistical wretch, and his malignant faction into the bosom of the church, proved the Achan in the camp, that brought all these evils upon the church, state, and army, at and since that time.--These protestors could not submit their consciences to the arbitrary dictates of the public resolutioners: they could not agree to violate their almost newly sworn covenant, by approving of the admission of these wicked malignants into public places of power and trust;--in defence of which many of them faced the awful gibbet, banishment, imprisonment, and other excruciating hardships;--whereas several hundreds of the resolutioners, on the very first blast of temptation, involved themselves in fearful apostacy and perjury; some of them became violent persecutors of these their faithful brethren, and not a few of them absolute monsters of iniquity.--The dreadful effects of which have almost ruined both church and state in these lands; and perhaps this same malignant faction will utterly do it at last, if the Lord in mercy prevent not. For the above, see Bailie's letters, Vol. II. page 350,----448. _The Life of Mr. DAVID DICKSON._ Mr. Dickson was born about the year 1583. He the only son of Mr. John Dick or Dickson merchant in Glasgow, whose father was an old fenar and possessor of some lands in the barony of Fintry, and parish of St. Ninian's, called the kirk of the muir. His parents were religious, of a considerable substance, and were many years married before they had Mr. David, who was their only child; and as he was a Samuel asked of the Lord, so he was early devoted to him and the ministry; yet afterwards the vow was forgot, till providence by a rod, and sore sickness on their son, brought their sins to remembrance, and then he was sent to resume his studies at the university of Glasgow. Soon after he had received the degree of master of arts, he was admitted professor of philosophy in that college, where he was very useful in training up the youth in solid learning; and with the learned principal Boyd of Trochridge, the worthy Mr. Blair, and other pious members of that society, his pains were singularly blessed in reviving decayed serious piety among the youth, in that declining and corrupted time, a little after the imposition of prelacy upon the church. Here by a recommendation of the general assembly not long after our reformation from popery, the regents were only to continue eight years in their profession; after which, such as were found qualified were licensed, and upon a call after trial were admitted to the holy ministry; by which constitution the church came to be filled with ministers well seen in all the branches of useful learning. Accordingly Mr. Dickson was in 1618, ordained minister to the town of Irvine, where he laboured for about twenty-three years. That same year the corrupt assembly at Perth agreed to the five articles imposed upon the church by the king and the prelates. Mr. Dickson at first had no great scruple against episcopacy, as he had not studied those questions much, till the articles were imposed by this meeting, and then he closely examined them; and the more he looked into them, the more aversion he found to them; and when some time after, by a sore sickness, he was brought within views of death and eternity, he gave open testimony of the sinfulness of them. But when this came to take air, Mr. James Law, arch-bishop of Glasgow, summoned him to appear before the high-commission court Jan. 29, 1622. Mr. Dickson, at his entrance to the ministry at Irvine, preached upon 2 Cor. v. 11. The first part, _knowing the terrors of the Lord, we persuade men_; and when he perceived, at this juncture, a separation (at least for a time); the Sabbath before his compearance, he chose the next words of that text, _but we are made manifest unto God_: extraordinary power and singular movings of the affections accompanied that parting sermon. Mr. Dickson appeared before the commission, where after the summons being read, and some other reasoning among the bishops, he gave in his declinature, upon which some of the bishops whispering in his ear (as if they had favoured him upon the good report they had heard of him and his ministry), said to him, Take it up, take it up.----He answered calmly, I laid it not down for that end, to take it up again. Spotswood, arch bishop of St. Andrews, asked if he would subscribe it. He professed himself ready. The clerk, at the bishop's desire, began to read it, but had scarce read three lines, till the bishop burst forth in railing speeches, full of gall and bitterness, and turning to Mr. David, he said, "These men will speak of humility and meekness, and talk of the Spirit of God, &c. but ye are led by the spirit of the devil; there is more pride in you, I dare say, than in all the bishops of Scotland. I hanged a jesuit in Glasgow for the like fault." Mr. David answered, "I am not a rebel; I stand here as the king's subject, &c. grant me the benefit of the law, and of a subject, and I crave no more." But the bishop seemed to take no notice of these words. Aberdeen asked him, Whether he would obey the king or not? He answered, "I will obey the king in all things in the Lord." I told you that, said Glasgow, I knew he would seek to his limitation. Aberdeen asked again, May not the king give his authority that we have, to as many sutors and taylors in Edinburgh, to sit and see whether ye be doing your duty or not? Mr. David said, My declinature answers to that. Then St. Andrews fell again to railing, The devil, said he, will devise, he has scripture enough; and then called him knave, swinger, a young lad, and said, He might have been teaching bairns in the school, thou knowest what Aristotle saith, said he, but thou hast no theology, because he perceived that Mr. Dickson gave him no titles, but once called him Sir, he gnashed his teeth, and said Sir, you might have called me lord; when I was in Glasgow long since, you called me so, but I cannot tell how, ye are become a puritan now. All this time he stood silent, and once lifted up his eyes to heaven, which St. Andrews called a proud look. So after some more reasoning betwixt him and the bishops, St. Andrews pronounced the sentence in these words, "We deprive you of your ministry at Irvine, and ordain you to enter in Turref in the north in twenty days." "The will of the Lord be done, said Mr. David, though ye cast me off, the Lord will take me up. Send me whither ye will, I hope my Master will go with me, and as he has been with me heretofore, he will be with me still, as with his own weak servant." Mr. Dickson continued preaching till the twenty days were expired, and then began his journey. But the earl of Eglinton prevailed with the bishop of Glasgow, that he might come to Eglinton, and preach there. But the people, from all quarters, resorting to his sermons in Eglinton's hall and court-yard, he enjoyed that liberty but two months; for the bishop sent him another charge, and he went to the place of his confinement. While in Turref, he was daily employed to preach, by Mr. Thomas Mitchel minister there. But he found far greater difficulty both in studying and preaching there, than formerly. Some time after, his friends prevailed with the bishop of Glasgow to repone him, upon condition he would take back his declinature, and for that purpose, wrote to Mr. Dickson to come to Glasgow. He came as desired, and though many wise and gracious persons urged him to yield, yet he could not be persuaded; yea, at last it was granted to him, That if he, or any friend he pleased, would go to the bishop's castle, and either lift the paper, or suffer his friend to take it off the hall-table, without seeing the bishop at all, he might return to Irvine----But he found that to be but a juggling in such a weighty matter, in point of public testimony, and resolved to meddle no farther in this matter, but to return to his confinement. Accordingly he began his journey, and was scarce a mile out of town, till his soul was filled with such joy and approbation from God, that he seldom had the like. But some time after, by the continual intercession of the earl of Eglinton and the town of Irvine with the bishop, the earl got a licence to send for him, and a promise, that he should stay till the king challenged him. Thus he returned, without any condition on his part, to his flock, about the end of July 1623. While at Irvine, Mr. Dickson's ministry was singularly countenanced of God, and multitudes were convinced and converted, and few who lived in his day, were more instrumental in this work than he, so that people, under exercise and soul-concern, came from every quarter about Irvine, and attended his sermons; and the most eminent christians, from all corners of the church, came and joined with him at the communion, which were then times of refreshing, from the presence of the Lord. Yea, not a few came from distant places, and settled at Irvine, that they might be under the drop of his ministry, yet he himself observed, that the vintage of Irvine was not equal to the gleanings of Ayr in Mr. Welch's time; where indeed the gospel had wonderful success in conviction, conversion and confirmation. Here he commonly had his week-days sermon upon Monday, which was the market-day then at Irvine. Upon the Sabbath evenings, many persons under soul-distress used to resort to his house after sermon, when usually he spent an hour or two in answering their cases, and directing and comforting those who were cast down.--In all which he had an extraordinary talent; indeed he had the tongue of the learned, and knew how to speak a word in season to the weary soul. In a large hall, which was in his own house, there would sometimes have been scores of serious Christians waiting for him after he came from church. These, with the people round the town, who came into the market, made the church as throng (if not thronger) on the Mondays, as on the Lord's day. By these week-day sermons, the famous Stuarton sickness (as it was called) was begun about the year 1630, and spread from house to house for many miles in the valley, where Stuarton water runs. Satan indeed endeavoured to bring a reproach upon such serious persons, as were at this time under the convincing work of the Spirit, by running some, seemingly under serious concern, to excess, both in time of sermon, and in families. But the Lord enabled Mr. Dickson, and other ministers who dealt with them, to act so prudent a part, that Satan's design was much disappointed, and solid serious practical religion flourished mightily in the west of Scotland about this time, under the hardships of prelacy. About the years 1630 and 1631, some of our Scots ministers, Messrs. Livingston, Blair and others, were settled among the Scots in the north of Ireland, where they were remarkably owned of the Lord in their ministry and communions about the six-mile water, for reviving religion and the power and practice of it. But the Irish bishops, at the instigation of the Scots bishops, got them removed, for a season. After they were silenced, and had come over to Scotland, about the year 1637, Mr. Dickson employed Messrs. Blair, Livingston and Cunningham at his communion, for which he was called before the high commission; but, the prelates' power being on the decline, he soon got rid of that trouble. Several other instances might be given concerning Mr. Dickson, both as to his usefulness in answering perplexing cases of conscience, and to students who had their eye to the ministry. While he was at Irvine, his prudent directions, cautions and encouragements given them were extremely useful and beneficial, as also some examples might be given of his usefulness to his very enemies; but there is little room here to insist on these things. It was Mr. Dickson who brought over the presbytery of Irvine to supplicate the council in 1637, for a suspension of the service-book. At this time four supplications, from different quarters, met at the council-house-door, to their mutual surprize and encouragement; which were the small beginnings of that happy turn of affairs, that next year ensued: In which great revolution Mr. Dickson had no small share. He was sent to Aberdeen, with Messrs Henderson and Cant, by the covenanters, to persuade that town and country to join in renewing the covenant; this brought him to bear a great part in the debates with the learned doctors Forbes, Barrow, Sibbald, &c. at Aberdeen; which, being in print, needs no further notice at present. And when the king was prevailed with to allow a free general assembly at Glasgow, Nov. 1638, Mr. Dickson and Mr. Bailey, from the presbytery, made no small figure there in all the important matters before that grave assembly. Here Mr. Dickson signalized himself in a most seasonable and prudent speech he had, when his majesty's commissioner threatened to leave the assembly; as also in the 11th session Dec. 5th, he had another most learned discourse against Arminianism[122]. By this time the Lord's eminent countenancing of Mr. Dickson's ministry at Irvine, not only spread abroad, but his eminent prudence, learning, and holy zeal came to be universally known, especially to ministers, from the part he bore in the assembly of Glasgow, so that he was almost unanimously chosen moderator to the next general assembly at Edinburgh in Aug. 1639, in the 10th session whereof the city of Glasgow presented a call to him; but partly because of his own aversion, and the vigorous appearance of the earl of Eglinton, and his loving people, and mostly for the remarkable usefulness of his ministry in that corner, the general assembly continued him still at Irvine. Not long after this about 1641, he was transported to be professor in the university of Glasgow, where he did great service to the church, by training up young men for the holy ministry; and yet notwithstanding of his laborious work, he preached on the forenoon of every sabbath, in the high church there; where for some time he had the learned Mr. Patrick Gillespie for his colleague. _Anno_ 1643, the church laid a very great work upon him, together with Mr. Calderwood and Mr. Henderson to form a draught of a directory for a public worship, as appears by an act of the general assembly. When the pestilence was raging at Glasgow in 1647, the masters and students, upon Mr. Dickson's motion, removed to Irvine. There it was that the learned Mr. Durham passed his trials, and was earnestly recommended by the professor to the presbytery and magistrates of Glasgow. A very strict friendship subsisted between those two great lights of the church, and, among other effects of their religious conversation, we have the sum of saving knowledge, which hath been so often printed with our confession of faith and catechisms. This, after several conversations upon the subject, and manner of handling it, so that it might be useful to vulgar capacities, was, by Messrs. Dickson and Durham, dictated to a reverend minister about the year 1650, and though never judicially approven by this church, yet it deserves to be much more read and practised than what it at present is. About this time he was transported from the profession of divinity at Glasgow, to the same work at Edinburgh. At which time he published his _prelectiones in confessionem fidei_ (now published in English), which he dictated in latin to his scholars. There he continued his laborious care of students in divinity, the growing hopes of a church; and either at Glasgow or at Edinburgh, the most part of the presbyterian ministers, at least in the west, south and east parts of Scotland, from 1640, were under his inspection; and from the forementioned book, we may perceive his care to educate them in the form of sound words, and to ground them in the excellent standards of doctrine agreed to by the once famous church of Scotland; and happy had their successors been, had they preserved and handed down to posterity the scriptural doctrines pure and entire, as they were delivered by our first reformers, to Mr. Dickson and his contemporaries, and from him and them handed down without corruption to their successors. All this time, _viz._ in 1650 and 1651, Mr. Dickson had a great share in the printed pamphlets upon the unhappy debates betwixt the resolutioners and the protestors, he was in his opinions for the public resolutioners: and most of the papers on that side were wrote by him, Mr. Bailey and Mr. Douglas; as those on the other side were wrote by Mr. James Guthrie, Mr. Patrick Gillespie, and a few others. Mr. Dickson continued at Edinburgh, discharging his trust with great diligence and faithfulness, until the melancholy turn by the restoration of prelacy upon the return of Charles II.; when, for refusing the oath of supremacy, he was with many other worthies, turned out; so that his heart was broken with this heavy change on the beautiful face of that once famed reformed church. He had married Margaret Robertson daughter to Archibald Robertson of Stone-hall, a younger brother of the house of Ernock, in the shire of Lanerk; by her he had three sons, John, clerk to the exchequer in Scotland; Alexander, professor of Hebrew in the college of Edinburgh; and Archibald, who lived with his family afterward in the parish of Irvine. On December 1662, he fell extremely sick, at which time worthy Mr. Livingston, now suffering for the same cause, though he had then but forty-eight hours liberty to stay in Edinburgh, came to see him on his death-bed. They had been intimately acquainted near forty years, and now rejoiced as fellow-confessors together. When Mr. Livingston asked the professor, What were his thoughts of the present affairs, and how it was with himself? His answer was, "That he was sure Jesus Christ would not put up with the indignities done against his work and people:" and as for himself, said he, "I have taken all my good deeds and all my bad deeds, and have cast them together in a heap before the Lord, and have fled from both to Jesus Christ, and in him I have sweet peace[123]." Having been very low and weak for some days, he called all his family together, and spoke in particular to each of them, and having gone through them all, he pronounced the words of the apostolical blessing, 1 Cor. xiii. 13, 14, with much gravity and solemnity, and then put up his hand, and closed his own eyes; and, without any struggle or apparent pain, immediately expired in his son's arms, and with Jacob of old, was gathered to his people in a good old age, being now upwards of seventy-two years. He was a man singularly endowed with an edifying gift of preaching; and his painful labours had been, in an eminent manner, blessed with success. His sermons were always full of solid and substantial matter, very scriptural, and in a very familiar style; not low, but extremely strong and affecting, being somewhat a-kin to the style of godly Mr. Rutherford; and it is said, That scarce any minister of that time came so near Mr. Dickson's style or method of preaching, as the reverend Mr. William Guthrie, minister at Finwick, who equalled, if not exceeded him. His works are, a commentary on the epistle to the Hebrews in 8vo; on Matthew's gospel in 4to; on the psalms of David in 8vo; on the epistles, Latin and English, in 4to; and his _prelectiones in confessionem fidei_, or truth's victory over error, &c. in folio; his _therapeutica sacra_, or cases of conscience resolved, in Latin 4to, in English 8vo; a treatise of the promises 12mo printed at Dublin in 1630. And beside these he wrote a great part of the answers to the demands, and duplies to the replies of the doctors of Aberdeen in 4to; and some of the pamphlets in defence of the public resolutioners, as has been already observed; and some short poems on pious and serious subjects, such as, the Christian sacrifice, true Christian love, to be sung with the common tunes of the Psalms. There are also several other pieces of his, mostly in manuscript, such as his _tyronis concionaturi_, supposed to be dictated to his scholars at Glasgow; _summarium libri Jesaiæ_: his letters on the resolutioners; his first paper on the public resolutions; his replies to Mr. Gillespie and Mr. James Guthrie; his _non_-separation from the well-affected in the army; as also some sermons at Irvine upon 1 Tim. i. 5. and his precepts for a daily direction of a Christian, &c. by way of catechism, for his congregation at Irvine; with a compend of his sermons upon Jeremiah and the Lamentations, and the first nine chapters to the Romans. _The Life of Sir ARCHIBALD JOHNSTON, Lord WARRISTON._ The first of his public appearances in the favours of that glorious work of reformation (commonly called the second reformation period) seems to have been about the beginning of 1638. When it came first to be known that Traquair was going up to the king, the deputies (afterward called the covenanters) were desirous that he would carry up an information, which the lord Balmerino and Mr. Johnston (the only advocates as yet trusted by the petitioners) had drawn up, and that he would present the same, with their supplication, to his majesty. But both these were rejected, and orders given by him to Traquair, to publish a proclamation at Edinburgh and Stirling, against the requisitions of the covenanters. Sixteen of the nobles, with many barons, gentlemen, burgesses, and ministers, did, after hearing said proclamation, cause Mr. Johnston read a protest against the same. And the same year, when the marquis of Hamilton caused publish another declaration, in name of the king, the covenanters, upon hearing it, gave in another protestation in the same place by Mr. Johnston; whereupon the earl of Cassils, in name of the nobility, Gibson of Durie, in name of the barons, Fletcher provost of Dundee, in name of the burgesses, Mr. Kerr minister at Preston, in name of the church, and Mr. Archibald Johnston, in name of all others, who adhered to the covenant, took instruments in the hands of three notaries, and, in all humility, offered a copy of the same to the herald at the cross of Edinburgh[124]. Upon the 9th of September, a declaration of the same nature being published, the noblemen, gentlemen, burgesses, &c. gave another protest, and Mr. Johnston header and advocate for the church, in name of all who adhered to the confession of faith, and covenant lately renewed within the kingdom, took instruments in the hands of three notaries there present, and offered a copy thereof to the herald at the cross of Edinburgh. In the same year, when the famous general assembly sat down at Glasgow, in the month of November, Mr. Henderson, being chosen moderator, it was moved, That Mr. Johnston, who had hitherto served the tables at Edinburgh without reward, and yet with great diligence, skill and integrity, deserved the office of clerk above all others. After much reasoning, concerning him and some others (put on a leet for election), the rolls being called, on a vote for a clerk, it carried unanimously for Mr. Johnston, who then gave his oath for fidelity, diligence, and a conscientious use of the registers; and was admitted to all the rights, profits and privileges, which any in that office had formerly enjoyed; and instruments taken both of his admittance and acceptance. Mr Johnston being thus installed, the moderator desired, that all who had any acts or books of former assemblies, would put them into his hands; whereupon Mr. Sandihills, (formerly clerk) exhibited two books, containing some acts from 1592, to that of Aberdeen in 1618, &c. and being interrogate concerning the rest, he solemnly averred, that he had received no more from the arch-bishop, and to his knowledge, he had no other belonging to the church.--Then a farther motion was made by the assembly for recovering the rest, wanting, that if any had them, they should give them up, whereupon Mr. Johnston gave an evidence how deserving he was of the trust reposed in him, by producing on the table five books (being now seven in all), which were sufficient to make up a register of the church, from the beginning of the reformation; which was very acceptable to the whole assembly. In the 24th session of this assembly, a commission was given to Mr. Johnston to be their procurator, and Mr. Dalgliesh to be their agent; and in their last session of December 20, an act passed, allowing him the instruction of all treaties and papers that concerned the church, prohibiting all printers from publishing any thing of that kind, not licensed by him. But the king and the Canterburian faction, being highly displeased with the proceedings of this assembly, advanced with an army toward the borders, which made the covenanters, seeing the danger they were exposed unto, raise another army, with which, under the command of general Leslie, they marched towards the king's army, now encamped on the south side of Tweed, about three miles above Berwick. Upon their approach, the English began to faint, whereupon the king and the English nobility desired a treaty, which was easily granted by the Scots, who appointed the earls of Rothes, Dunfermline and Loudon, the sheriff of Teviotdale, Mr. Henderson and Mr. Archibald Johnston advocate for the church, as their commissioners to treat with the English commissioners, to whom his majesty granted a safe conduct upon the 9th of June, 1639. The Scots, having made known their demands, condescended upon several particulars, which were answered by the other side. On the 17th and the day following, the articles of specification were subscribed to by both parties, in sight of both armies at Birks near Berwick. But this treaty was but short lived, and as ill kept; for the very next year, the king took arms again against the Scots, who immediately armed themselves a second time, and went for England, where they defeated a party of the English at Newburn, and pushed their way as far as Durham. The king, finding himself in this strait, the English supplicating him behind, and the Scots with a potent army before him, resolved on a second treaty, which was set on foot at Rippon, and concluded at London; and thither Mr. Henderson and Mr. Johnston were sent again, as the commissioners for the church; in which affairs they behaved with great prudence and candor. When the Scots parliament sat down this year, they, by an act, appointed a fee of 100 merks to Mr. Johnston, as advocate for the church, and 500 merks as clerk to the general assembly; so sensible were they of his many services done to this church and nation. Next year, 1641, the king, having fallen out with his English parliament, came to Scotland, where he attended the Scots parliament. In this parliament several offices of state were filled up with persons fit for such employments. The earl of Argyle being put at the head of the treasury, and the earl of Loudon made chancellor; among others, Mr. Archibald Johnston stood fair for the register office; and the generality of the well-affected thought it the just reward of his labours; but the king, Lennox and Argyle, &c. being for Gibson of Durie, he carried the prize. Yet Mr. Johnston's disappointment was supplied by the king's conferring the order of knight-hood upon him, and granting him a commission to be one of the lords of session, with an annual pension of 200 pounds; and Orbiston was made justice clerk[125]. During this and the next year Mr. (now Sir) Archibald Johnston had several great employments committed to his trust. He was one of those nominated to conserve the articles of peace betwixt the two kingdoms until the meeting of parliament, &c. And then he was appointed one of these commissioners, who were sent up to London to negotiate with the English parliament, for sending over some relief from Scotland to Ireland (it being then on the back of the Irish rebellion). While at London, they waited on his majesty at Windsor, and offered their mediation betwixt him and his two houses of parliament; but for this he gave them little thanks, although he found his mistake afterwards. When the general assembly sat down at Edinburgh, _anno_ 1643, they, upon a motion from Sir Archibald Johnston their clerk, emitted a declaration for joining with the English parliament for a variety of reasons, of which these were the sum and substance. "(1.) They apprehend the war is for religion. (2.) The protestant faith is in danger. (3.) Gratitude for the assistance in the time of the former reformation required a suitable return. (4.) Because the churches of Scotland and England being embarked in one bottom, if the one be ruined, the other cannot subsist. (5.) The prospect of an uniformity between the two kingdoms in discipline and worship, will strengthen the protestant interest at home and abroad. (6.) The present parliament had been friendly to the Scots, and might be so again. (7.) Though the king had so lately established religion amongst them, according to their desire, yet they could not confide in his royal declaration, having so often found his actions and promises contradictory the one to the other, &c." These the estates took in good part, and suggested other reasons of their own, as they saw proper. Toward the latter end of this assembly, upon the arrival of the commissioners from the parliament and assembly at Westminster, the Scots assembly, by an act of session 14, commissioned Messrs. Henderson, Douglas, Rutherford, Bailey and Gillespie ministers, John earl of Cassils, John lord Maitland, and Sir Archibald Johnston of Warriston, ruling elders, or any three of them, whereof two should be ministers, "to repair to the kingdom of England, and there to deliver the declaration sent to the parliament of England, and the letter sent to the assembly of divines, now sitting in that kingdom, and to propound, consult, treat and conclude with that assembly, or any commissioner deputed, or any committee or commissioner deputed by the house of parliament, in all matters which may further the union of this island, in one form of church-government, one confession of faith, one catechism, one directory for the worship of God, according to the instructions they have received from the assembly, or shall receive from time to time hereafter, from the commissioners of the assembly deputed for that effect."--This commission was again renewed by several acts of the subsequent assemblies, till the year 1648.--And it appears, that lord Warriston did not only use all diligence as a member of the Westminster assembly, for bringing about the uniformity of religion in worship, discipline and government, but also, for some time, he sat as a member of the English parliament, for concerting such methods as might bring about a firm and lasting peace betwixt the two kingdoms afterward; which is, and was reckoned a most noble piece of service both to church and state in those days; yet we shall find it accounted high treason in this worthy man afterward. Lord Warriston had, for his upright and faithful dealing, in the many important matters committed to his charge, received many marks of favour and dignity, both from church and state; and to crown all the rest, the Scots parliament in 1646, made an act, appointing his commission to be lord advocate, with the conduct of the committee of London and Newcastle, and the general officers of the army: all which evidence, what a noble hand he had in carrying on that blessed work of reformation. He had now been clerk to the general assembly since the year 1638, and when that unhappy difference fell out _anno_ 1650, when the act of classes was repeated, whereby malignants were again taken into places of power and trust; which occasioned the rise of those called protestors and resolutioners _anno_ 1650, lord Warriston was one of those who had a principal hand in managing affairs among those faithful anti-resolutioners; for he wrote a most solid letter to that meeting at St. Andrews, July 18, 1651, concerning which, the protestors, in their reasons, proving the said meeting to be no lawful, full or free general assembly, say, "Sir Archibald Johnston, clerk to the assembly a man undeniably faithful, singularly acquainted with the acts and proceedings of this kirk, and with the matters presently in controversy, and who hath been useful above many in all the tracts of the work of reformation, from the beginning, in all the steps thereof, both at home and abroad; having written his mind to the meeting (not being able to come himself) about the things that are to be agitated in the assembly, and held out much clear light from the scriptures, and from the acts of former assemblies, in these particulars. Albeit the letter was delivered publicly to the moderator, in the face of the assembly, and urged to be read by him who presented it, that then the moderator did break it up, and caused it to be read; and that many members did thereafter, upon several occasions, and at several diets, press the reading of it, but it could never be obtained, &c.[126]" And further, those papers bearing the name of representations, propositions, protestations, &c. were by the said lord Warriston, Messrs. Cant, Rutherford, Livingston, &c. presented to the reverend ministers and elders met at Edinburgh, July 24, 1652, when the marquis of Argyle at London procured an equal hearing to the protestors; and Mr. Simpson, one of these three ministers deposed by the assembly 1651, being sent up by the protestors for that purpose; in the beginning of 1657, Messrs. James Guthrie and Patrick Gillespie, the other three who had been deposed by that assembly, together with lord Warriston, were sent up to assist Mr. Simpson[127]. Lord Warriston had now, for the space of five years or more, wrestled and acted with all his power, for the king's interest, and, being a man of great resolution, he both spoke and wrote as openly against Scotsmen submitting to take offices under the usurper; but being sent up to London in the foresaid year 1657, with some of the Scots nobility, upon some important affairs, and Cromwel being fully sensible how much it would be for his interest to gain such a man as Warriston was, over to his side, he prevailed upon him to re-enter to the office of clerk-register; which was much lamented by this worthy man afterwards, as well as his sitting and presiding in some meeting at London after Oliver's death. A late historian has observed, That, at that meeting at Edinburgh, which sent him up to London upon business, he reasoned against it, and to the utmost of his power opposed his being sent up, acquainting them with what was his weak side, that, through the easiness of his temper, he might not be able to resist his importunity, craving that he might not be sent among snares; and yet after all he was peremptorily named[128]. To account some way for his conduct in this:----His family was numerous; and very considerable sums were owing him, which he had advanced for the public service, and a good many bygone years salaries; he was, through importunity, thus prevailed upon to side with the usurper, there being no other door open then for his relief. And yet after this his compliance, it was observed, he was generally more sad and melancholy than what he had formerly been, and it is said that his outward affairs did not prosper so well afterward. The king being restored again to his dominions _anno_ 1660, and the noble marquis of Argyle imprisoned July 14, orders came down to seize Sir James Stuart provost of Edinburgh, Sir Archibald Johnston of Warriston, and Sir John Chiesly of Carswel. The first and last were tried, but lord Warriston escaped for a time, and therefore was summoned, by sound of trumpet, to surrender himself, and a proclamation issued out for seizing him, promising an hundred pounds Scots to any who should do it, and discharging all from concealing or harbouring him under pain of treason. A most arbitrary step indeed! For here is not only a reward offered for apprehending this worthy gentleman, but declaring it treason for any to harbour him, and that without any cause assigned. Upon the 10th of October following, he was, by order of the council, declared fugitive; and next year Feb. 1st, the indictment against lord Warriston, William Dundas, and John Hume, was read in the house, none of them being present. Warriston was forfeited, and his forfeiture publicly proclaimed, by the heralds, at the cross of Edinburgh. The principal articles of his indictment were, his pleading against Newton Gordon, when he had the king's express orders to plead for him; His assisting to the act of the west kirk, &c.; His drawing out, contriving or consenting to the paper called the western remonstrance, and the book called the causes of the Lord's wrath; his sitting in parliament as a peer in England, contrary to his oath, &c.; His accepting the office of clerk-register from the usurper;----and being president of the committee of safety, when Richard was laid aside, &c. But neither of all these were the proper causes of this good man's sufferings, but a personal prejudice or pique was at the bottom of all these bitter proceedings; for the godly freedom he took in reproving vice, was what could never be forgotten nor forgiven. The last-cited historian hints, that the earl of Bristol was interceeding for him, and says, "I have an account of this holy freedom in lord Warriston, used from a reverend minister, who was his chaplain at that time, and took freedom to advise my lord not to adventure on it; yet this excellent person, having the glory of God and the honour of religion more in his eyes than his own safety, went on in his designed reproof, and would not for a compliment, quit the peace he expected in his own conscience, be the event what it would, by disburthening himself; he got a great many fair words, and all was pretended to be taken well from my lord register; but, as he was told by his well-wishers, it was never forgot[129]." For, in compliance with Cromwel, he was not alone in the matter; the greater part of the nation being involved therein as well as he: And several of those who had been named trustees to the usurper, were all discharged from court, except Warriston, who was before come to Scotland, and ordered to appear before the parliament at the sitting down thereof. This good man, after the sentence of forfeiture and death passed against him by the first parliament, being obliged to go abroad, to escape the fury of his enemies, even there did their crafty malice reach him; for while at Hamburg, being visited with sore sickness, it is certain that Dr. Bates, one of king Charles's physicians, intending to kill him (contrary to his faith and office), prescribed poison to him instead of physic, and then caused draw from him sixty ounces of blood, whereby (though the Lord wonderfully preserved his life) he was brought near the gates of death, and so far lost his memory, that he could not remember what he had said or done a quarter of an hour before, and continued so until the day of his martyrdom. And yet all this did not satisfy his cruel and blood-thirsty enemies, while he was yet in life they sought him carefully; and at last, he having gone unadvisedly to France, one Alexander Murray, being dispatched in quest of him, apprehended him at Roan, while he was engaged in secret prayer, a duty wherein he much delighted. In Jan. 1663, he was brought over prisoner, and committed to the tower of London, where he continued till the beginning of June, when he was sent down to Edinburgh to be executed. His carriage during his passage was truly christian. He landed at Leith on the 8th, and was committed to the tolbooth of Edinburgh; and from thence he was brought before the parliament on the 8th of July. His nephew, Bp. Burnet, says, He was so disordered both in body and mind, that it was a reproach to any government to proceed against him[130]. When at the bar of the house, he discovered such weakness of memory and judgment, that almost every person lamented him, except Sharp and the other bishops, who scandalously and basely triumphed over, and publicly derided him; although it is well known, says a very noted author, that lord Warriston was once in case, not only to "have been a member, but a president of any judicatory in Europe, and to have spoke for the cause and interest of Christ before kings, to the stopping of the mouths of gainsayers[131]." Here it seemed, that many of the members of parliament inclined to spare his life; but when the question was put, Whether the time of his execution should be just now fixed, or delayed, Lauderdale interposed, upon calling the rolls, and delivered a most dreadful speech for his present execution. And sentence was pronounced, That he be hanged at the cross of Edinburgh, on the 22d of July, and his head placed on the Nether-bow, beside that of Mr Guthrie. He received his sentence with such meekness as filled all with admiration; for then he desired, That the best blessings might be on church and state, and on his majesty (whatever might befal himself), and that God would give him true and faithful counsellors[132]. During the whole time of his imprisonment, he was in a most spiritual and tender frame, to the conviction of his very enemies; and the nearer that his death approached, the composure of his mind became the more conspicuous. He rested agreeably the night before his execution, and in the morning was full of consolation, sweetly expressing his assurance of being clothed with a long white robe, and of getting a new song of the Lamb's praise in his mouth. Before noon he dined with cheerfulness, "hoping to sup in heaven, and to drink the next cup fresh and new in his Father's kingdom." After he had spent some time in secret prayer, about two o'clock he was taken from prison, attended by several of his friends in mourning, though he himself was full of holy cheerfulness and courage, and in a perfect serenity of mind. When come to the scaffold, he said frequently to the people, "Your prayers, your prayers." When he was on the scaffold he said, "I intreat you, quiet yourselves a little, till this dying man deliver his last speech among you;" and desired they would not be offended at his making use of the paper to help his memory, so much impaired by long sickness and the malice of physicians. Then he read his speech first on the one side of the scaffold, and then on the other. In which speech, after a a short preamble, shewing that that which he intended to have spoken at his death, was not now in his power, being taken from him, yet hoped the Lord would preserve it to be his testimony; being now for some time in a most melancholy concumitance, through long and sore sickness, drawing of blood, &c. He, in the first place, confesseth his sins, pleads for forgiveness, bewails his compliance with the usurper, although, said he, he was not alone in that offence, but had the body of the nation going before him, and the example of all ranks to insnare him, &c. Then declares his adherence to the covenanted work of reformation, earnestly desiring the prayers of all the Lord's praying people, &c. and vindicates himself from having any accession to the late king's death, and to the making of the change of government; taking the great God of heaven to witness between him and his accusers. And at last concluded with these words, "I do here now submit, and commit my soul and body, wife and children, and children's children, from generation to generation for ever, with all others his friends and followers, all his doing and suffering witnesses, sympathizing ones in present and subsequent generations, unto the Lord's choice mercies, graces, favours, services, employment, enjoyments and inheritments on earth and in heaven, in time and all eternity; all which suits, with all others which he hath at any time, by his Spirit, moved and assisted me to put up, according to his will, I leave before and upon the Father's merciful bowels, the Son's mediating merits, and the Holy Spirit's compassionate groans, both now and for ever more Amen[133]." After the reading of his speech, he prayed with great fervency and liberty, and, being in a rapture, he began thus, "Abba, Father! Accept this thy poor sinful servant, coming unto thee, through the merits of Jesus Christ, &c." Then taking leave of his friends, he prayed again with great fervency, being now near the end of that sweet work, he had so much, through the course of his time, been employed in. No ministers were allowed to be with him, but it was, by those present, observed that God sufficiently made up that want. He was helped up the ladder by some of his friends in deep mourning; and, as he ascended, he said, "Your prayers, your prayers.--Your prayers I desire in the name of the Lord."--Such was the esteem he had for that duty. When got to the top of the ladder, he cried out with a loud voice, "I beseech you all who are the people of God, not to scare at suffering for the interest of Christ, or stumble at any thing of this kind, falling out in these days; but be encouraged to suffer for him, for I assure you in the name of the Lord, he will bear your charges." While the rope was putting about his neck, he repeated these words again, adding, The Lord hath graciously comforted me. When the executioner desired his forgiveness he said, The Lord forgive thee, poor man,--and withal gave him some money, bidding him do his office if he was ready; and crying out, O pray, pray! Praise, praise, praise,--he was turned over, and died almost without any struggle, with his hands lifted up unto heaven, whither his soul ascended, to enjoy the beatific presence of his Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ. He was soon cut down, and his head struck off, and set up beside that of his dear friend Mr. Guthrie; and his body carried to Gray-friars church-yard. But his head soon after, by the interest and intercession of lieutenant-general Drummond (who was married to one of his daughters), was taken down and interred with his body. Thus stood and thus fell the eminently pious and truly learned lord Warriston, whose talents as a speaker in the senate, as well as on the bench, are too well known to be here insisted upon; and for prayer, he was one among a thousand, and oftimes met with very remarkable returns; and though he was for some time borne down with weakness and distress, yet he never came in the least, to doubt of his eternal happiness, and used to say, "I dare never question my salvation, I have so often seen God's face in the house of prayer." And, as the last cited historian observes, "Although his memory and talents were for some time impaired, yet like the sun at his setting, after he had been a while under a cloud, shone most brightly and surprizingly, and so in some measure the more sweetly; for that morning he was under a wonderful effusion of the Spirit, as great perhaps as many have had since the primitive times." He wrote a large diary, which yet remains in the hands of his relations, and in which is a valuable treasure both of christian experience, and matters of fact little known at present, which might be of great use and light to the history of that period, and wherein he records his sure hopes (after much wrestling in which he was mightily helped) that the church of Scotland would he manifestedly visited and freed from the evils she fell under after the restoration. And his numerous family, whom he so often left upon the Lord's providence, were, for the most part, as well provided for as could have been expected, though he had continued with them in his own outward prosperity. _He that overcometh, shall be clothed in white raiment, and I will not blot out his name out of the book of life: but I will confess his name before my Father and his angels._ _The Life of Mr. JAMES WOOD._ He was, some time after the year 1651, made provost or principal of the old college of St. Andrews, and one of the ministers there, and being one who in judgment fell in with the resolution party, it occasioned some difference betwixt him and Mr. Rutherford at that time professor of divinity in the new college there, and yet he had ever a great and high esteem for Mr. Wood, as appears from a message he sent him when on his death-bed, wherein he said, "Tell Mr. James Wood from me, I heartily forgive him all the wrongs he hath done, and desire him from me to declare himself the man he is still for the government of the church of Scotland." And truly he was not deceived in him; for Mr. Wood was true and faithful to the presbyterian government; nothing could prevail upon him to comply in the least degree with abjured prelacy. So far was he from that, that the apostacy and treachery of others (_viz._ Mr. Sharp), whom he had too much trusted, broke his upright spirit, particularly the aggravated defection and perfidy of him whom he termed Judas, Demas and Gehazi all in one, after he had found what part he had acted to the church of Scotland under trust[134]. Mr. Wood continued in the exercise of the foresaid offices, until 1663, when, by the instigation of bishop Sharp, he got a charge to appear before the council on the twenty-third of July, to answer to several things laid to his charge; and though Mr. Sharp was indebted to Mr. Wood for any reputation he had, and was under as great obligations to him as one man could be to another, for they had been more than ordinarily familiar, yet now the primate could not bear his continuing any longer there, and he caused cite him before the council. When he compeared he was interrogate,--How he came to be provost of the college of St. Andrews?--When he began to answer, he was interrupted, in a very huffing manner, and commanded to give in his answer in a word, for the arch-bishop and others present could not endure his telling some truths he was entering upon. He told them, He was called by the faculty of that college, at the recommendation of the usurpers, as some here, added he (meaning bishop Sharp), very well know. Whereupon he was removed, and a little after called in again, and his sentence intimate unto him; which was, "That the lords of council, for the present, do declare the said place to be vacant, and ordain and command him to confine himself within the city of Edinburgh, and not to depart from thence until farther orders."--When his sentence was intimate to him, he told them, He was sorry they had condemned a person without hearing him, whom they could not charge with the breach of any law. In September following, bishop Sharp got the charge and privileges of that office; which shews that he had some reason for pushing Mr. Wood from that place. Upon the 30th of the same month, Mr. Wood presented a petition to the council, shewing----That his father was extremely sick, that he had several necessary affairs at St. Andrews, and desired liberty to go there for that effect. Which petition being read, with a certificate of his father's infirmity, the council granted licence to the petitioner to go to St. Andrews, to visit his father, and perform his other necessary affairs; always returning when he should be called by the council. Thus he continued, till toward the beginning of the year 1664, when he took sickness, whereof he died; and tho' he suffered not in his body, as several of his brethren did, yet the arch-bishop, it appears, was resolved to ruin his name and reputation after his death, if not sooner, in order to which the primate saw good, once or twice, to give him a visit, when on his death-bed in St. Andrews. He was now extremely low in his body, and spoke very little to Mr. Sharp, and nothing at all about the changes made in the state of public affairs; however the consequence of these visits was,----The primate spread a rumour, That Mr. Wood, being now under the views of death and eternity, professed himself very indifferent as to church-government, and declared himself as much for episcopacy as for presbytery: and in all companies Sharp talked, that Mr. Wood had declared to himself, Presbyterian government to be indifferent and alterable at the pleasure of the magistrate, and other falsehoods; yea, he had the impudence (says the historian[135]) to write up an account of this to court, even before Mr. Wood's death.--Which reports coming to the ears of this good man, they added grief unto his former sorrow, and he could have no rest till he vindicated himself from such a false calumny, by a solemn testimony, which he dictated himself, and subscribed upon the 2d of March before two witnesses and a public notary; which testimony, being burnt by order of the high commission in April following, deserves a place here. "I James Wood, being very shortly, by appearance, to render up my spirit to the Lord, find myself obliged to leave a word behind me, for my vindication before the world.----It hath been said of me, That I have, in word at least, departed from my wonted zeal for the presbyterian government, expressing myself concerning it, as if it were a matter not to be accounted of, and that no man should trouble himself therefore in matter of practice--Surely any Christian that knows me in this kirk, will judge that this is a wrong done to me.--It is true, that I being under sickness, have said sometimes, in conference about my soul's state, that I was taken up about greater business, than any thing of that kind; and what wonder I said so, being under such wrestling anent my interest in Jesus Christ, which is a matter of far greater concernment than any external ordinance. But for my estimation of presbyterian government, the Lord knoweth, that since the day he convinced my heart, which was by a strong hand, that it is the ordinance of God, appointed by Jesus Christ, for governing and ordering his visible church, I never had the least change of thought concerning the necessity of it, nor of the necessity of the use of it.--And I declare before God and the world, that I still account so of it, and that, however there may be some more precious ordinances, that is so precious, that a true Christian is obliged to lay down his life for the profession thereof, if the Lord shall see meet to put him to the trial; and for myself, if I were to live, I would account it my glory to seal this word of my testimony with my blood. Of this declaration I take God, angels and men to be my witness, and have subscribed these presents at St. Andrews on the 2d of March 1664, about seven hours in the afternoon, before these witnesses, &c." Mr. William Tullidaff, Mr. John Carstairs, John Pitcairn, _writer_. JAMES WOOD. After this he uttered many heavenly expressions, to several persons who came to see him, all setting forth the sweet experience of his soul, until, upon the 5th of March, he made a happy and glorious exit, exchanging this present life for a crown of righteousness. Mr. Wood was among the brightest lights of that period. He had been colleague to Mr. Sharp, and, after the restoration, he lamented much, that he had been deceived by that unhappy man. He refuted the independents and asserted presbyterial government, as is evident from that work of his, wrote in opposition to Nicolas Lockier's little stone hewed out of the mountain, and his other books that are in print. It is also said, that before his death, he lamented his taking his part with the public resolutioners very much. 'I have been informed (says Wodrow) that he left some very valuable manuscripts behind him, particularly a complete refutation of the Arminian scheme of doctrine, ready for the press, which doubtless if published would be of no small use in this age, when Arminianism hath so far got the ascendant.' _The Life of Mr. WILLIAM GUTHRIE._ Mr. William Guthrie was born at Pitfrothy _anno_ 1620. He was eldest son of the laird of Pitfrothy in the shire of Angus; and by the mother's side, descended from the ancient house of easter Ogle, of which she was a daughter. God blessed his parents with a numerous offspring, for he had three sisters german and four brothers, who all, except one, dedicated themselves to the service of the gospel of God and his son; namely, Mr. Robert, who was licensed to preach, but was never ordained to the charge of any parish, his tender constitution and numerous infirmities rendered him unfit, and soon brought him to the end of his days; Mr. Alexander was a minister in the presbytery of Brichen, about the year 1645, where he continued a pious and useful labourer in the work of the gospel, till the introduction of prelacy, which unhappy change affected him in the tenderest manner, and was thought to have shortened his days; for he died _anno_ 1661. And Mr. John, the youngest, was minister at Tarbolton in the shire of Ayr, in which place he continued till the restoration _anno_ 1662, when the council met at Glasgow, (commonly called the drunken meeting) on the first of October. By this infamous act of Glasgow, above a third part of the ministers in Scotland were thrust from their charges, amounting to near 400. Mr. John Guthrie had his share of the hardships that many faithful ministers of Jesus Christ at that time were brought under. The next year, being 1663, the council, at the instigation of the bishop of Glasgow, summoned him and other nine to appear before them on the 23d of July, under the pain of rebellion; but he and other six did not appear. _Anno_ 1666, he joined with that party, who, on the 26th of November, renewed the covenants at Lanerk; after a sermon preached by him, he tendered the covenants, which were read; to every article of which, with their hands lifted up to heaven, they engaged[136] with great solemnity and devotion. After their defeat at Pentland, he, no doubt, had his share of the violence and cruelty that then reigned, till _anno_ 1668, he was removed to a better world. Mr. William soon gave proofs of his capacity and genius, by very considerable progress made in the Latin and Greek languages. Then he was sent to the university of St. Andrews, where he studied philosophy under the memorable Mr. James Guthrie his cousin, who was afterwards minister at Stirling, "and who (says Mr. Trail) I saw die in, and for the Lord, at Edinburgh, June 1, 1661." As the master and scholar were near relations, Mr. Guthrie was his peculiar care, and lodged, when at the college, in the same chamber with him, and therefore had the principles of learning infused into him with more accuracy than his class-fellows. Having taken the degree of master of arts, he applied himself, for some years, to the study of divinity, under the direction of Mr. Samuel Rutherford. Mr. Trail says, "Then and there it pleased the Lord, who separated him from his mother's womb, to call him, by his grace, by the ministry of excellent Mr. Samuel Rutherford, and this young gentleman became one of the first fruits of his ministry at St. Andrews. His conversion was begun with great terror of God in his soul, and completed with that joy and peace in believing that accompanied him through his life. After this blessed change wrought upon him, he resolved to obey the call of God to serve him in the ministry of his gospel, which was given him by the Lord's calling him effectually to grace and glory. He did for this end so dispose of his outward estate, (to which he was born heir) as not to be intangled with the affairs of this life." He gave his estate to the only brother of the five who was not engaged in the sacred office, that thereby he might be perfectly disintangled from the affairs of this life, and entirely employed in these of the eternal world. Soon after he was licensed to preach, he left St. Andrews, with high esteem and approbation from the professors of that university, which they gave proof of, by their ample recommendations. After this he became tutor to lord Mauchlin, eldest son to the earl of Loudon; in which situation he continued for some time, till he entered upon a parochial charge. The parish of Kilmarnock, in the shire of Ayr, being large, and many of the people, belonging to the said parish, being no less than six or seven miles distant from their own kirk; for which and other reasons the heritors and others procured a disjunction, and called the new parish Fen wick or new Kilmarnock. Mr. Guthrie was employed to preach at Galston, on a preparation-day before the celebration of the Lord's supper; and several members of the new-erected parish, were present at that occasion, who, being greatly edified by his sermons, conceived such a value for him, that they immediately resolved to make choice of him for their minister; and in consequence thereof gave him a very harmonious call, which he complied with. It is said, that he, along with the people, made choice of the place of ground for building the church upon, and preached within the walls of the house before it was completed; which bears the date of being built _anno_ 1643; and he was ordained unto the sacred office Nov. 7, 1644. He had many difficulties at first to struggle with; and many circumstances of his ministry were extremely discouraging: and yet, through the divine blessing, the gospel preached by him had surprising success; and became, in an eminent manner, the wisdom and power of God to the salvation of many perishing souls. After Mr. Guthrie came to Fenwick, many of the people were so rude and barbarous, that they never attended upon divine worship; and knew not so much as the face of their pastor: To such, every thing that respected religion was disagreeable. Many refused to be visited, or catechised by him; they would not even admit him into their houses: To such he sometimes went in the evening, disguised in the character of a traveller, and sought lodging; which he could not even obtain without much intreaty; but having obtained it, he would engage in some general amusing conversation at first, and then ask them, How they liked their minister? When they told him, They did not go to church, he engaged them to go and take a trial; others he hired with money to go.--When the time of family worship came, he desired to know if they made any, and if not, what reasons they had for so doing. There was one person, in particular, whom he would have to perform family worship, who told him That he could not pray; and he asked, What was the reason? He told him, That he never used to pray any, and so could not:--He would not take that for answer, but would have the man to make a trial in that duty before him; to which the man replied, "O Lord! thou knowest that this man would have me to pray; but, thou knowest, that I cannot pray."--After which Mr. Guthrie bid him stop, and said, He had done enough; and prayed himself, to their great surprise. When prayer was ended, the wife said to her husband, That surely this was a minister (for they did not know him): After this, he engaged them to come to the kirk on sabbath, and see what they thought of their minister. When they came there, they discovered, to their consternation, that it had been their minister himself who had allured them thither.--And this condescending manner of gaining them, procured a constant attendance on public ordinances; as was at length accompanied by the fruits of righteousness, which are through Jesus Christ unto the praise of God. There was also another person in his parish, who had a custom of going a-fowling on the Sabbath-day, and neglecting the church; in which practice he had continued for a considerable time. Mr. Guthrie asked him, What reason he had for so doing? He told him, That the sabbath-day was the most fortunate day in all the week for that exercise,--Mr. Guthrie asked, What he could make by that day's exercise? He replied, That he would make half a-crown of money that day.--Mr. Guthrie told him, If he would go to church on sabbath he would give him as much; and, by that means, got his promise. After sermon was over, Mr. Guthrie asked, If he would come back the next sabbath-day, and he would give him the same?--which he did; and from that time afterwards, never failed to keep the church, and also freed Mr. Guthrie of his promise.--He afterwards became a member of his session. He would frequently use innocent recreations, such as fishing, fowling, and playing on the ice, which contributed much to preserve a vigorous state of health.--And, while in frequent conversation with the neighbouring gentry, as these occasions gave him opportunity, he would bear in upon them reproofs and instructions with an inoffensive familiarity; as Mr. Dunlop has observed of him, "But as he was animated by a flaming zeal for the glory of his blessed Master, and a tender compassion to the souls of men, and as it was the principal thing that made him desire life and health, that he might employ them in propagating the kingdom of God, and in turning transgressors from their ways; so the very hours of recreation were dedicated to this purpose; which was so indeared to him, that he knew how to make his diversions subservient to the nobler ends of his ministry. He made them the occasion of familiarizing his people to him, and introducing himself to their affections, and in the disguise of a sportsman he gained some to a religious life, whom he could have little influence upon in a ministers gown, of which there happened several memorable examples." His person was stately and well-set; his features comely and handsome; he had a strong clear voice, joined to a good ear, which gave him a great pleasure in music, and he failed not to employ that talent for the noblest use, the praising of his Maker and Saviour, in which part of divine worship his soul and body acted with united and unwearied vigour. He was happily married to one Agness Campbel, daughter to David Campbel of Sheldon in the shire of Ayr, a remote branch of the family of Loudon. August 1645, his family affairs were both easy and comfortable. His wife was a gentlewoman endued with all the qualities that could render her a blessing to her husband, joined to handsome and comely features, good sense and good breeding sweetened by a modest cheerfulness of temper, and, what was most comfortable to Mr. Guthrie, she was sincerely pious, so that they lived a little more than twenty years in the most complete friendship, and with a constant mutual satisfaction founded on the noblest principles; one faith, one hope, one baptism, and a sovereign love to Jesus Christ, which zealously inspired them both. By her he had six children; two of whom only out-lived himself; both of them daughters, who endeavoured to follow the example of their excellent parents; one of them was married to Miller of Glenlee, a gentleman in the shire of Ayr, and the other to Mr. Peter Warner _anno_ 1681.; after the revolution, Mr. Warner was settled at Irvine. He had two children, William of Ardrie in Ayr-shire, and Margaret Warner, married to Mr. Wodrow minister at Eastwood, who wrote the history of the sufferings of the church of Scotland betwixt the years 1660 and 1688, inclusive.--But to return. When Mr. Guthrie was but young and new married, he was appointed by the general assembly to attend the army. When he was preparing for his departure, a violent fit of the gravel (unto which he was often subject) reduced him to the greatest extremity of pain and danger; which made his religious spouse understand and improve the divine chastisement; she then saw how easily God could put an end to his life, which she was too apprehensive about, and brought herself to a resolution never to oppose her inclination to his entering upon any employment, whereby he might honour his Maker, though never so much hazard should attend it. While he was with the army, upon the defeat of a party he was then with, he was preserved in a very extraordinary manner; which made him ever after retain a greater sense of the divine goodness; and after his return to his parish, was animated to a more vigorous diligence in the work of the ministry, and propagating the kingdom of the Son of God, both among his people and all round about him; his public preaching, especially at the administration of the Lord's Supper, and his private conversation conspiring together for these noble purposes. After this, Mr. Guthrie had occasion again to be with the army, when the English sectaries prevailed under Oliver Cromwel. After the defeat at Dunbar Sept. 3d, 1650, when the army was at Stirling, that godly man Mr. Rutherford writes a letter to him; wherein, by way of caution, near the end, he says, "But let me obtest all the serious seekers of his face, his secret sealed ones, by the strongest consolations of the Spirit, by the gentleness of Jesus Christ, that Plant of renown, by your last accounts, and by your appearing before God, when the white throne shall be up, be not deceived with these fair words: though my spirit be astonished at the cunning distinctions, which are found out in the matters of the covenant, that help may be had against this man; yet my heart trembleth to entertain the least thought of joining with these deceivers[137]." Accordingly he joined the remonstrators, and was chosen moderator at that synod at Edinburgh after the public resolutioners went out and left them. The author of his memoirs saith, "His pleasant and facetious conversation procured him an universal respect from the English officers, and made them fond of his company; while at the same time his courage and constancy did not fail him in the cause of his great Master, and was often useful to curb the extravagancies of the sectaries, and maintain order and regularity." One instance of which happened, at the sacrament of the Lord's Supper, at Glasgow, celebrated by Mr. Andrew Gray.----Several of the English officers had formed a design to put in execution the disorderly principle of a promiscuous admission to the Lord's table, by coming to it themselves without acquainting the minister, or being in a due manner found worthy of that privilege.----It being Mr. Guthrie's turn to serve at that table, he spoke to them, when they were leaving their pews in order to make the attempt, with such gravity, resolution and zeal, that they were quite confounded, and sat down without making any further disturbance. About this time that set of heretics, called quakers, endeavoured to sow their tares in Fenwick parish, when Mr. Guthrie was some weeks absent, about his own private affairs in Angus.--But he returned before this infection had sunk deep; recovered some who were in hazard of being tainted by its fatal influence; and confounded the rest, that they despaired of any further attack upon his flock.--This wild set had made many proselytes to their demented delusions in Kilbryde, Glasgow, and other neighbouring parishes; yea, they prospered so well in Glasford parish, that there is yet a church-yard in that place, where they buried their own dead, with their heads to the east, contrary to the practice of all other christians. After this, he had several calls for transportation to other parishes, of more importance than ever Fenwick was; which places were, Renfrew, Linlithgow, Stirling, Glasgow, and Edinburgh. But the air and recreation of a country life were useful to him, in maintaining a healthful constitution; and, above all, the love his flock had to him caused him put on an invincible obstinacy, against all designs of separation from them; a relation, when it is animated with this principle of the spiritual life, and founded on so noble a bottom, enters deepest into the soul; and a minister can scarce miss to have peculiar tenderness and warmth of divine affections to those whose father he is after the Spirit; and hath been honoured of God, in bringing them to the kingdom of his Son, and begetting them through the gospel; whose heavenly birth is now the highest pleasure and brightest triumph of his life, and will be one day his crown of glory and rejoicing. And doubtless, when Mr. Guthrie preferred Fenwick, a poor obscure parish, to the most considerable charges in the nation, it was a proof of his mortification to the world, and that he was moved by views superior to temporal interests. About the year 1656, or 1657, some unknown person somehow got a copy of a few imperfect notes of some sermons that Mr. Guthrie had preached from the 55th chapter of the prophecy of the prophet Isaiah, with relation to personal covenanting; and, without the least intimation of the design made to him, printed them in a little pamphlet of 61 pages _12mo_, under this title, A clear, attractive, warming beam of light, from Christ, the Sun of light, leading unto himself, &c.----printed at Aberdeen, 1657.---- This book was indeed anonymous; but Mr. Guthrie was reputed the author by the whole country, and was therefore obliged to take notice of it. He was equally displeased at the vanity of the title, and the defect of the work itself, which consisted of some broken notes of his sermons, confusedly huddled together, by an injudicious hand.----He saw that the only method to remedy this, was to review his own sermons; from which he soon composed that admirable treatise, The Christian's great interest; the only genuine work of Mr. Guthrie, which hath been blessed by God with wonderful success, in our own country; being published very seasonably a little before the introduction of prelacy in Scotland at the restoration. The author of his memoirs saith, "He had a story from a reverend minister of the church, who had the sentiments of Dr. Owen from his own mouth, who said,----You have truly men of great spirits in Scotland; there is, for a gentleman, Mr. Bailey of Jerviswood, a person of the greatest abilities I almost ever met with; and, for a divine, (said he, taking out of his pocket a little gilt copy of Mr. Guthrie's treatise) that author I take to have been one of the greatest divines that ever wrote. It is my _vade mecum_, and I carry it and the Sedan new testament still about with me. I have wrote several folios, but there is more divinity in it than in them all.----It was translated into low dutch by the reverend and pious Mr. Kealman, and was highly esteemed in Holland, so that Mrs. Guthrie and one of her daughters met with uncommon civility and kindness, when their relation to its author was known. It was also translated into french, and high dutch; and we are informed, that it was also translated into one of the eastern languages, at the charge of that noble pattern of religion, learning and charity, the honourable Robert Boyle." At the synod of Glasgow held April 1661, after long reasoning about proper measures for the security of religion, the matter was referred to a committee; Mr. Guthrie prescribed the draught of an address to the parliament, wherein a faithful testimony was given to the purity of our reformation, in worship, doctrine, discipline and government, in terms equally remarkable for their prudence and courage. Every body approved of it; and it was transmitted to the synod. But some, on the resolution side, judged it not convenient, and gave an opportunity to those, who designed to comply with prelacy, to procure a delay; and, at that time, got it crushed: Yet it affords a proof of the zealous honesty and firmness of Mr. Guthrie. About this time, being the last time that he was with his cousin Mr. James Guthrie, he happened to be very melancholy, which made Mr. James say, "A penny for your thought, cousin."----Mr. William answered, "There is a poor man at the door, give him the penny;" which being done, he proceeded and said, "I'll tell you, cousin, what I am, not only thinking upon, but I am sure of, if I be not under a delusion.----The malignants will be your death, and this gravel will be mine; but you will have the advantage of me, for you will die honourably before many witnesses, with a rope about your neck; and I will die whining upon a pickle straw, and will endure more pain before I rise from your table, than all the pain you will have in your death." He took a resolution to wait on his worthy friend Mr. James, at his death (his execution being on Saturday June 1.) notwithstanding the apparent hazard, at that time, in so doing; but his session prevailed on him (although with much difficulty) by their earnest intreaties, to lay aside his design at that time. Through the interposition of the earl of Eglinton, and the chancellor Glencairn, whom he had obliged before the restoration, when he was imprisoned for his loyalty, now contributed what he could for his preservation; by which means (of the chancellor) he, above many, had near four years further respite with his people at Fenwick. In which time, his church, although a large country one, was overlaid and crowded every Sabbath-day, and very many, without doors, from distant parishes, such as Glasgow, Paisley, Hamilton, Lanerk, Kilbryde, Glasford, Strathaven, Newmills, Egelsham, and many other places, who hungred for the pure gospel preached, and got a meal by the word of his ministry. It was their usual practice to come to Fenwick on Saturday, and to spend the greatest part of the night in prayer to God, and conversation about the great concerns of their souls, to attend the public worship on the Sabbath, to dedicate the remainder of that holy day in religious exercises, and then to go home on Monday the length of ten, twelve or twenty miles without grudging in the least at the long way, want of sleep or other refreshments; neither did they find themselves the less prepared for any other business through the week[138].----These years were the most particular under the divine influences of the Holy Spirit, accompanying the ministry and ordinances dispensed by Mr. Guthrie in all his life, and will still be had in remembrance; a remarkable blessing accompanied ordinances to people who came with such a disposition of soul, great numbers were converted unto the truth, and many built up in their most holy faith.----In a word, He was honoured to be a man in the Lord's hand of turning many to a religious life; and who, after his being taken from them, could never, without exultation of soul and emotion of revived affection, think upon their spiritual father, and the power of that victorious grace, which, in those days, triumphed so gloriously; and for many years afterwards, were considered, above many other parishes in the kingdom, as a civilized and religious people; he having with a becoming boldness, fortified them in a zealous adherence to the purity of our reformation; warned them of the defection that was then made by the introduction of prelacy; and instructed them in the duty of such a difficult time, so that they never made any compliance with the prelatical schemes afterwards. The extraordinary reputation and usefulness of his ministry were admired and followed by all the country around him, which provoked the jealous and angry prelates against him, and was one of the causes of his being at last attacked by them. Then the earl of Glencairn made a visit to the arch-bishop of Glasgow at his own house, and at parting asked as a favour in particular from him, That Mr. Guthrie might be overlooked, as knowing him to be an excellent man.----The bishop not only refused him, but did, with a disdainful haughty air, tell him, That shall not be done; it cannot be, he is a ringleader and keeper up of schism in my diocese,----and then left the chancellor very abruptly. Row, Allan, and some other presbyterian gentlemen, who were waiting on him, observing the chancellor discomposed when the bishop left him, presumed to ask him what the matter was; to which the earl answered, "we have set up these men, and they will tread us under their feet." In consequence of this resolution of bishop Burnet, Mr. Guthrie was, by a commission from him, suspended; and the bishop dealt with several of his creatures, the curates, to intimate the sentence against him, and many refused, for (saith Wodrow), "There was an awe upon their spirits, which feared them from meddling with this great man." Be as it will, at last he prevailed with the curate of Calder, and promised him five pounds sterling of reward. Mr. Guthrie, being warned of this design of the bishop against him, advised with his friends to make no resistance at his deposition from the church and manse, since his enemy wanted only this as a handle to persecute him criminally for his former zeal and faithfulness. Accordingly, on Wednesday July 20, he, with his congregation, kept the day with fasting and prayer. He preached to them from Hos. xiii. 9. _O Israel! thou hast destroyed thyself_, &c. From that scripture, with great plainness and affection, he laid before them their own sins, and the sins of the land and age they lived in; and indeed the place was a _Bochim_----At the close of this day's work, he gave them intimation of sermon on the next Lord's day, very early; and accordingly his people, and many others, met him at the church of Fenwick, betwixt four and five in the morning, when he preached to them from the close of his last text, _But in me is thine help._----And as he used on ordinary Sabbaths, he also now had two sermons, and a short interval betwixt them, and dismissed the people before nine in the morning. Upon this melancholy occasion he directed them unto the great Fountain of help, when the gospel and ministers were taken from them; and took his leave of them, commending them to God, who was able to build them up, and help them in time of need. Upon the day appointed, the curate came to Fenwick, with a party of twelve soldiers, on the sabbath-day; and, by commission from the arch-bishop, discharged Mr. Guthrie to preach any more in Fenwick, declared the church vacant and suspended him from the exercise of his ministry. The curate left the party without, and came into the manse; and declared, That the bishop and committee, after much lenity shewed to him for a long time, were constrained to pass the sentence of suspension against him, for not keeping of presbyteries and synods with the rest of his brethren, and his unpeaceableness in the church; of which sentence he was appointed to make public intimation unto him, for which purpose he read his commission under the hand of the arch-bishop of Glasgow. Mr. Guthrie answered, "I judge it not convenient to say much in answer to what you have spoken; only, whereas you alledge there hath been much lenity used toward me--be it known to you, that I take the Lord for party in that, and thank him first----yea, I look upon it as a door which God opened to me, for the preaching of this gospel, which you nor any man else was able to shut, till it was given you of God; and as to that sentence, passed against me, I declare before these gentlemen (meaning the officers of the party) that I lay no weight upon it, as it comes from you, or those that sent you--though that I do respect the civil authority, who, by their law, laid the ground for this sentence passed against me.----I declare I would not surcease from the exercise of my ministry for all that sentence.----And as to the crimes I am charged with,--I did keep presbyteries and synods with the rest of my brethren; but I do not judge those who do now sit in these to be my brethren, who have made defection from the truth and cause of God; nor do I judge those to be free and lawful courts of Christ, that are now sitting; and as to my peaceableness--I know I am bidden follow peace with all men, but I know also I am bidden follow it with holiness; and since I could not obtain peace without prejudice to holiness, I thought myself obliged to let it go.----And as for your commission, Sir, to intimate this sentence,--I here declare, I think myself called by the Lord to the work of the ministry, and did forsake the nearest relation in the world, and gave up myself to the service of the gospel in this place, having received an unanimous call from this parish, and was licenced and ordained by the presbytery; and I bless the Lord, he hath given me some success and seals of my ministry, upon the souls and consciences of not a few, who are gone to heaven, and of some who are yet in the way to it.----And now, Sir, if you will take it upon you to interrupt my work among this people, I shall wish the Lord may forgive you the guilt of it; I cannot but leave all the bad consequences that may fall out upon it betwixt God and your own consciences, and here I do further declare, before these gentlemen, that I am suspended from my ministry for adhering to the covenants and word of God, from which you and others have apostatized." Here the curate interrupting him, said, The Lord had a work before that covenant had a being, and that he judged them apostates that adhered to that covenant, and he wished that the Lord would not only forgive him (meaning Mr. Guthrie) but if it were lawful to pray for the dead (at which expression the soldiers laughed) that the Lord might forgive the sin of this church these hundred years by-past. It is true, answered Mr. Guthrie, the Lord had a work before that covenant had a being, but it is as true, that it hath been more glorious since that covenant; and it is a small thing for us to be judged of you, in adhering to this covenant, who have so deeply corrupted your ways; and seem to reflect on the whole work of reformation from popery these hundred years bygone, by intimating that the church had need of pardon for the same.----As for you, gentlemen (added he, to the soldiers), I wish the Lord may pardon your countenancing this man in his business. One of them scoffingly replied, I wish we never do a greater fault. Well, said Mr. Guthrie, a little sin may damn a man's soul. After all this and more had passed, Mr. Guthrie called for a glass of ale, and, craving a blessing himself, drank to the commander of the soldiers. After they were by him civilly entertained, they left the house. At parting with the curate, Mr. Guthrie signified so much to him, that he apprehended some evident mark of the Lord's displeasure was abiding him, for what he was a-doing; and seriously warned him to prepare for some stroke coming upon him, and that very soon. When the curate left the manse, he went to the church with the soldiers his guard (now his hearers) and preached to them not a quarter of an hour, and intimated to them from the pulpit the bishop's sentence against Mr. Guthrie. Nobody came to hear him but his party, and a few children, who created him some disturbance, till they were chased away by the soldiers[139]. Indeed his people were ready to have sacrificed their all, and resisted even unto blood, in his defence and the gospel, had they been permitted by him. As for the curate, (says Mr. Wodrow) I am well assured he never preached any more after he left Fenwick; he reached Glasgow, but it is not certain if he reached Calder (though but four miles from Glasgow): However, in a few days he died, in great torment of an iliac passion, and his wife and children died all in a year or thereby, and none belonging to him were left.----His reward of five pounds was dear bought; it was the price of blood, the blood of souls. Neither he, nor his had any satisfaction in it. Such a dangerous thing it is to meddle with Christ's servants. After this Mr. Guthrie continued in Fenwick until the year 1665. The brother, to whom his paternal estate was made over, dying in summer, Mr. Guthrie's presence at home was the more necessary, for ordering of his private affairs; which made him and his wife make a journey to Angus about the same time. He had not been long in that country until he was seized with a complication of distempers; the gravel, with which he had been formerly troubled; the gout; a violent heart-burning; and an ulcer in his kidneys: All which attacked him with great fury. And being thus tormented with violent pain, his friends were sometimes obliged to hold down his head and up his feet; and yet he would say, The Lord hath been kind to him, for all the ills he had done; and at the same time said, "Though I should die mad, yet I know I shall die in the Lord.--Blessed are the dead that die in the Lord at all times, but more especially when a flood of errors, snares and judgments are beginning, or coming on a nation, church or people." In the midst of all his heavy affliction he still adored the measures of divine providence, though at the same time he longed for his dissolution, and expressed the satisfaction and joy with which he would make the grave his dwelling-place, when God should think fit to give him rest there.----His compassionate Master did at last indulge the pious breathing of his soul; for, after eight or ten days illness, he was gathered to his fathers, in the house of his brother in-law, Mr. Lewis Skinnier of Brechin, upon Wednesday forenoon, October 10th, 1665, (in the 45th year of his age), and was buried in the church of Brechin, under Pitfrothy's desk. During his sickness he was visited by the bishop of Brechin, and several episcopal ministers and relations, who all had a high value for him, notwithstanding he exprest his sorrow (with great freedom) for their compliance with the corrupted establishment in ecclesiastical affairs. He died in the full assurance of faith as to his own interest in God's covenant, and under the pleasing hopes that God would return in glory to the church of Scotland. Mr. John Livingston, in his memorable characteristics, says, "Mr. William Guthrie, minister at Fenwick, was a man of a most ready wit, fruitful invention, and apposite comparisons, qualified both to awaken and pacify conscience, straight and zealous for the cause of Christ, and a great light in the west of Scotland."--And elsewhere says, "Mr. Guthrie, in his doctrine, was as full and free as any man in Scotland had ever been; which, together with the excellency of his preaching gift, did so recommend him to the affection of his people, that they turned the corn-field of his glebe into a little town, every one building a house for his family on it that they might live under the drop of his ministry." Mr. Crawford, in a MSS. never published, says, "Mr. Guthrie was a burning and a shining light, kept in after many others, by the favour of the old earl of Eglinton, the chancellor's father-in-law.--He converted and confirmed many thousands of souls, and was esteemed the greatest preacher in Scotland." And indeed, he was accounted as singular a person for confirming those that were under soul-exercise, as almost any in his age, or any age we have heard of.----Many have made reflections on him, because he left off his ministry, on account of the bishop's suspension; his reasons may be taken from what hath been already related. It is true indeed, the authority of the Stuarts was too much the idol of jealousy to many of our worthy Scots reformers; for we may well think (as a late author says, tho' no great enemy unto these civil powers) that it was a wonder the nation did not rise up as one man, to cut off those who had razed the whole of the presbyterian constitution; but the Lord, for holy and wise ends, saw meet to do otherwise, and cut off those in power by another arm, after they had all been brought to the furnace together; altho' they might well have all the while seen as Mr. Guthrie has observed, "That the civil power laid the foundation for the other." So far as can be learned, Mr. Guthrie never preached in Fenwick again, after the intimation of the bishop's sentence to him; and it is well known, that he, with many of his people in Fenwick, upon a time, went to Stuarton, to hear a young presbyterian minister preach, and when coming home, they said to him, that they were not pleased with that man's preaching (he being of a slow delivery);--he said, They were all mistaken in the man, he had a great sermon; and, if they pleased, at a convenient place, he should let them hear a good part thereof.----And sitting all down on the ground in a good summer night, about sun-setting; when, he having rehearsed the sermon, they thought it a wonderful great one, because of his good delivery, and their amazing love to him: After which they arose, and set forward. All allow that Mr. Guthrie was a man of strong natural parts (notwithstanding his being a hard student at first); his voice was, among the best sort, loud, and yet managed with a charming cadence and elevation; his oratory was singular, and by it he was wholly master of the passions of his hearers. He was an eminent chirurgion at the jointing of a broken soul, and at the stating of a doubtful conscience; so that afflicted persons in spirit came far and near, and received much satisfaction and comfort by him. Those who were very rude, when he came first to the parish, at his departure were very sorrowful, and, at the curate's intimation of the bishop's commission, would have made resistance, if he would have permitted them, not fearing the hazards or hardships they might have endured on that account afterwards. Besides his valuable treatise already mentioned, there are also a few very faithful sermons, bearing his name, said to be preached at Fenwick from Matth. xiv. 44, &c. Hos. xiii. 9, &c. But because they are somewhat rude in expression, differing from the stile of his treatise, some have thought them spurious, or, at least, not as they were at first delivered by him. And as for that treatise on ruling elders, which is now affixed to the last edition of his treatise (called his works), it was wrote by his cousin, Mr. James Guthrie of Stirling. There are also some other discourses of his yet in manuscript, out of which I had the occasion to transcribe seventeen sermons published in the year 1779. There are yet a great variety of sermons and notes of sermons bearing his name yet in manuscript, some of which seems to be wrote with his own hand. _The Life of Mr. ROBERT BLAIR._ Mr. Blair was born at Irvine _anno_ 1593. His father was John Blair of Windyedge, a younger brother of the ancient and honourable family of Blair of that ilk; his mother was Beatrix Muir of the ancient family of Rewallan. His father died when he was young, leaving his mother with six children (of whom Robert was the youngest). She continued near fifty years a widow, and lived till she was an hundred years old. Mr. Robert entered into the college of Glasgow, about the year 1608, where he studied hard and made great progress; but lest he should have been puffed up with his proficiency (as he himself observes) the Lord was pleased to visit him with a tertian fever, for full four months, to the great detriment of his studies. Nothing remarkable occurred till the 20th year of his age, when he gave himself sometimes to the exercise of archery and the like recreations; but lest his studies should have been hindered, he resolved to be busy at them every other night, and for that purpose could find no place so proper as a room whereinto none were permitted to go, by reason of an apparition that was said to frequent it, yea, wherein it is also said, that he himself had seen the devil, in the likeness of one of his fellow-students[140], whom he took to be really his companion, but when he, with a candle in his hand, chased him to the corner of the room, offering to pull him out, he found nothing; after which he was never more troubled, studying the one night without fear, and the other he slept very sweetly, believing in him, who was still his great Preserver and Protector for ever. Having now finished his course of philosophy under the discipline of his own brother, Mr. William Blair (who was afterwards minister at Dumbarton). He engaged for some time to be an assistant to an aged schoolmaster at Glasgow, who had above 300 scholars under his instruction, the half of whom were committed to the charge of Mr. Blair. At this time he was called, by the ministry of the famous Mr. Boyd of Trochrigg (then principal of the college of Glasgow), in whose hand, the Lord, as he himself observes[141], did put the key of his heart, so that whenever he heard him in public or private he profited much, being as it were sent to him from God to speak the words of eternal life. Two years after he was admitted in the room of his brother Mr. William, to be regent in the college of Glasgow, though not without the opposition of arch-bishop Law, who had promised that place to another.----But neither the principal nor regents giving place to his motion, Mr. Blair was admitted. After his admission, his elder colleagues, perceiving what great skill and insight he had in humanity, urged him to read the classical authors; whereupon he began and read Plautus, but the Lord, being displeased with that design, diverted him from this, by meeting with Augustine's confession, wherein he inveighs sharply against the education of youth in heathen writings.----Whereupon he betook himself to the reading of the holy scriptures and the ancient fathers, especially Augustine, who had another relish; and though he perceived that our reformed divines were more sound than several of the ancient, yet in his spare hours he resolved to peruse the ancient monuments, wherein he made a considerable progress. In summer 1616, he entered on trials for the ministry, and it was laid upon him to preach in the college-kirk the first Sabbath after his licence; and some years after, being told by some of the hearers (who were better acquainted with religion, than he was then) that in his sermon the Lord did speak to their hearts, which not only surprized him, but also stirred him to follow after the Lord. Upon an evening, the same year, having been engaged with some irreligious company, when he returned to his chamber to his wonted devotion, he was threatened to be deserted of God, had a restless night, and to-morrow resolved on a day of fasting, humiliation and prayer, and towards the end of that day he found access to God with sweet peace, through Jesus Christ, and turned to beware of such company; but running into another extreme of rudeness and incivility to profane persons, he found it was very hard for short-sighted sinners to hold the right and the straight way. While he was regent in the college, upon a report that some sinful oath was to be imposed upon the masters, he enquired at Mr. Gavin Forsyth, one of his fellow-regents, What he would do in this? He answered, By my faith I must live.----Mr. Blair said, "Sir, I will not swear by my faith, as you do, but, truly, I intend to live by my faith. You may choose your own way, but I will adventure on the Lord."----And so this man did continue (to whom the matter of an oath was a small thing) after he was gone, but it is to be noticed, that Mr. Forsyth was many years in such poverty as forced him to supplicate the general assembly for some relief, when Mr. Blair (who was chosen moderator) upon his appearing in such a desperate case, could not shun observing that former passage of his, and upon his address to him in private, with great tenderness, put him in mind, that he had been truly carried through by his faith, at which he formerly had scoffed. Some time after he was a regent in the college, he was under deep exercises of soul, wherein he attained unto much comfort.--Amongst other things, that great oracle, _the just shall live by faith_, sounded loudly in his ears, which put him on a new search of the scriptures, in which he went on till Mr. Culverwal's treatise of faith came out; which being the same with what is since published by the Westminster assembly, he was thereby much satisfied and comforted. "By this study of the nature of faith, and especially of the text before mentioned; (says he) I learned, _1st_, That nominal Christians or common professors were much deluded in their way of believing; and that not only do Papists err who place faith in an implicit assent to the truth which they know not, and that it is better defined by ignorance than knowledge, (a way of believing very suitable to Antichrist's slaves, who are led by the nose they know not whither); but also secure Protestants, who, abusing the description of old given of faith, say that it implies an assured knowledge in the person who believes of the love of God in Christ to him in particular: this assurance is no doubt attainable, and many believers do comfortably enjoy the same, as our divines prove unanswerably against the Popish doctors who maintain the necessity of perpetual doubting, and miscall comfortable assurance the Protestant's presumption. But notwithstanding that comfortable assurance doth ordinarily accompany a high degree of faith, yet that assurance is not to be found in all the degrees of saving faith: so that by not adverting to that distinction many gracious souls and sound believers, who have received Jesus Christ and rested upon him, as he is offered to them in the word, have been much puzzled, as if they were not believers at all: on the other hand, many secure and impenitent sinners, who have not yet believed the Lord's holiness, nor abhorrence of sin, nor their own ruined state and condition, do from self-love imagine, without any warrant of the word, that they are beloved of God, and that the foresaid description of faith agrees well to them. "_2dly_, I perceived, that many that make a right use of faith, in order to attain to the knowledge of their justification, make no direct use of it in order to sanctification, and that the living of _the just by faith_, reacheth further than I formerly conceived, and that the heart is purified by faith. If any say, Why did I not know, that precious faith, being a grace, is not only a part of our holiness, but does promote other parts of holiness, I answer, that I did indeed know this, and made use of faith as a motive to stir me up to holiness, according to the apostle's exhortation, _Having therefore these promises, let us cleanse ourselves from all filthiness of the flesh and spirit, perfecting holiness in the fear of the Lord._ But I had not before learned to make use of faith as a mean and instrument to draw holiness out of Christ, though, it may be, I had both heard and spoken that by way of a transient notion; but then I learned to purpose that they who receive forgiveness of sin, are sanctified through faith in Christ, as our glorious Saviour taught the apostle, Acts xxiv. 18.--Then I saw, that it was no wonder that my not making use of faith for sanctification, as has been said, occasioned an obstruction in the progress of holiness, and I perceived that making use of Christ for sanctification without direct employing of faith to extract the same out of him, was like one seeking water out of a deep well without a long cord to let down the bucket, and draw it up again.--Then was I like one that came to the storehouse, but got my provision reached unto me, as it were, through a window: I had come to the house of mercy, but had not found the right door; but by this discovery, I found a patent door, at which to go in, to receive provision and furniture from Christ Jesus. Thus the blessed Lord trained me up, step by step, suffering many difficulties to arise, that more light from himself might flow in. "I hoped then to make better progress with less stumbling; but shortly after I met with another difficulty; and wondering what discovery would next clear the way, I found that the spirit of holiness whose immediate and proper work was to sanctify, had been slighted, and thereby grieved: for though the Holy Spirit had been teaching, and I had been speaking of him and to him frequently, and had been seeking the outpouring thereof, and urging others to seek the same; yet that discovery appeared unto me a new practical lesson: and so I laboured more to cherish and not quench the Holy Spirit, praying to be led unto all truth, according to the scripture, by that blessed guide; and that by that heavenly Comforter, I might be encouraged in all troubles, and sealed up thereby in strong assurance of my interest in God. "About that time, the Lord set me to work to stir up the students under my discipline, earnestly to study piety, and to be diligent in secret seeking of the Lord: and my endeavours this way were graciously blessed to severals of them." Dr. John Cameron, being brought from France, and settled principal of the college in Mr. Boyd's place, and being wholly set on to promote the cause of episcopacy, urged Mr. Blair to conform to Perth articles, but he utterly refused.----And, it being a thing usual in these days, for the regents to meet to dispute some thesis, for their better improvement, Mr. Blair had the advantage of his opponent (who was a French student), who maintained that election did proceed upon foreseen faith; but the doctor stated himself in the opposition to Mr. Blair, in a way which tended to Arminianism; and Mr. Blair being urged to a second dispute by the doctor himself, did so drive him to the mire of Arminianism, as did redound much to the doctor's ignominy afterward, and although he and Mr. Blair were afterward reconciled, yet he, being so nettled in that dispute, improved all occasions against him; and, for that purpose, when Mr. Blair was on a visit to some of his godly friends and acquaintances, he caused one Garner search his prelections on Aristotle's ethics and politics, and finding some things capable of wresting, he brought them to the doctor, who presented them to the arch-bishop of Glasgow; which coming to Mr. Blair's ears, he was so far from betraying his innocence, being assured the Lord would clear his integrity, that he prepared a written apology, and desired a public hearing before the ministers and magistrates of the city; which being granted, he managed the points so properly, that all present professed their entire satisfaction with him; yea, one of the ministers of the city (who had been influenced against him formerly) said in the face of that meeting, Would to God, king James had been present, and heard what answers that man hath given. Such a powerful antagonist rendered his life so uneasy, that he resolved to leave the college and go abroad; which resolution no sooner took air than the doctor and the arch-bishop (knowing his abilities) wrote letters to cause him stay; but he, finding that little trust was to be put in their fair promises, and being weary of teaching philosophy, demitted his charge, took his leave of the doctor, wishing him well (although he was the cause of his going away) and left the college, to the great grief of his fellow-regents and students, and the people of Glasgow. Though he had several charges in Scotland presented him, and an invitation to go to France, yet, the next day after his leaving Glasgow, he had an invitation to go and be minister of Bangor in the county of Down in Ireland, which call he, for some time, rejected, until he was several times rebuked of the Lord, which made him bound in spirit to set his face towards a voyage to that country; and although he met with a contrary wind, and turned sea-sick, yet he had such recourse to God, that upon the very first sight of that land, he was made to exult for joy; and whilst he came near Bangor, he had a strong impression borne in upon him, that the dean thereof was sick; which impression he found to be true when he came thither, for Mr. Gibson, the incumbent, being sick, invited him to preach there (which he did for three sabbaths, to the good liking of the people of that parish); and, though he was formerly but a very naughty man, yet he told Mr. Blair, he was to succeed him in that place, and exhorted him, in the name of Christ, not to leave that good way wherein he had begun to walk, professing a great deal of sorrow that he had been a dean; he condemned episcopacy more strongly than ever Mr. Blair durst, and drawing his head toward his bosom, with both his arms he blessed him; which conduct being so unlike himself, and speaking in a strain so different from his usual, made a gentlewoman standing by say, An angel is speaking out of the dean's bed to Mr. Blair; thinking it could not be such a man. Within a few days he died, and Mr. Blair was settled minister there, whose ordination was on this manner--He went to bishop Knox, and told him his opinions, and withal said, That his sole ordination did contradict his principles.--But the bishop, being informed before-hand of his great parts and piety, answered him both wittily and submissively, saying, "Whatever you account of episcopacy, yet, I know, you account presbytery to have a divine warrant--Will ye not receive ordination from Mr. Cunningham and the adjacent brethren, and let me come in among them in no other relation than a presbyter;" for on no lower terms could he be answerable to law. This Mr. Blair could not refuse; he was accordingly ordained about the year 1623. Being thus settled, his charge was very great, having above 1200 persons come to age, besides children, who stood greatly in need of instruction; and in this case, he preached twice a week, besides the Lord's day; on all which occasions, he found little difficulty either as to matter or method. He became the chief instrument of that great work which appeared shortly thereafter at Six-mile water, and other parts in the counties of Down and Antrim, and that not only by his own ministry, wherein he was both diligent and faithful, but also in the great pains he took to stir up others unto the like duty. While he was at Bangor, there was one Constable, in that parish, who went to Scotland with horses to sell, and at a fair sold them all to one, who pretended he had not that money at present, but gave him a bond till Martinmass.--The poor man, suspecting nothing, returned home; and one night, about that time, going homeward near Bangor, his merchant (who was supposed to be the devil) meets him; "Now, says he, you know my bargain, how I bought you at such a place, and now am come, as I promised, to pay the price." Bought me! said the poor man trembling, you bought but my horses. Nay, said the devil, I will let you know I bought yourself and farther said, He must either kill somebody, and the more excellent the person, the better it would be for him; and particularly charged him to kill Mr. Blair, else he would not free him. The man was so overcome with terror, thro' the violence of the temptation, that he determined the thing and went to Mr. Blair's house, with a dagger in his right hand, under his cloke, and though much confounded, was moving to get it out, but, on Mr. Blair's speaking to him, he fell a-trembling, and on inquiry declared the whole fact, and withal said, He had laboured to draw out the dagger but it would not come from the scabbard, though he knew not what hindered it; for when he essayed to draw it forth, again, it came out with ease. Mr. Blair blessed the Lord, and exhorted him to choose him for his refuge; after which, he departed[142]. But two weeks afterwards (being confined to his bed) he sent for Mr. Blair, and told him, That the night before as he was returning home, the devil appeared to him, and challenged him for opening to Mr. Blair what had passed betwixt them, claiming him as his, and putting the cap off his head and the band from his neck, said, That on hallow-evening he should have him soul and body, in spite of the minister and all others, and begged Mr. Blair, for Christ's sake, to be with him against that time. Mr. Blair instructed him, prayed with him, and promised to be with him against the appointed time; but, before that time, he had much hesitation in his own mind, whether to keep that appointment or not: Yet, at last, he took one of his elders with him, and went according to promise, and spent the whole night in prayer, explaining the doctrine of Christ's temptation, and praising with short intermissions, &c.--And in the morning they took courage, defying Satan and all his devices: the man seemed very penitent, and died in a little after. It was during the first year of his ministry, that he resolved not to go through a whole book or chapter, but to make choice of some passages which held forth important heads of religion, and to close the course with one sermon of heaven's glory, and another of hell's torments; but when he came to meditate on these subjects, he was held a whole day in great perplexity, and could fix upon neither method nor matter till night, when, after sorrowing for his disorder, the Lord, in great pity, brought both matter and method unto his mind, which remained with him until he got the same delivered. About this time he met with a most notable deliverance, for, staying in a high house at the end of the town until the manse was built, being late at his studies, the candle was done, and calling for another, as the landlady brought it from a room under which he lay, to her astonishment, a joist under his bed had taken fire, which, had he been in bed as usual, the consequence, in all probability, had been dreadful to the whole town, as well as to him, the wind being strong from that quarter; but, by the timeous alarm given, the danger was prevented; which made him give thanks to God for this great deliverance. When he first celebrated the Lord's supper, his heart was much lifted up in speaking of the new covenant, which made him, under the view of a second administration of that ordinance, resolve to go back unto that inexhaustible fountain of consolation; and coming over to Scotland about that time[143], he received no small assistance from Mr. Dickson, who was then restored unto his flock at Irvine, and was studying and preaching on the same subject. But it was not many years that he could have liberty in the exercise of his office, for in harvest 1631, he and Mr. Livingston, were, by Ecklim bishop of Down, suspended from their office, but, upon recourse to Dr. Usher, who sent a letter to the bishop, their sentence was relaxed, and they went on in their ministry, until May 1632, that they were by the said bishop, deposed from the office of the holy ministry. After this, no redress could be had; whereupon Mr. Blair resolved on a journey to court to represent their petitions and grievances to the king; but, after his arrival at London, he could have no access for some time to his majesty, and so laboured under many difficulties with little hopes of redress, until one day, having gone to Greenwich park, where, being wearied with waiting on the court, and while at prayer, the Lord assured him that he would hunt the violent man to destroy him. And while thus in earnest with the Lord for a favourite return, he adventured to propose a sign, that if the Lord would make the reeds, growing hard by, which were so moved with the wind, as he was tossed in mind, to cease from shaking, he would take it as an assurance of the dispatch of his business; unto which the Lord condescended; for in a little time it became so calm, that not one of them moved; and in a short time he got a dispatch to his mind, wherein the king did not only sign his petition, but with his own hand wrote on the margin (directed to the depute) Indulge these men, for they are Scotchmen. It was while in England, that he had from Ezekiel xxiv. 16. a strange discovery of his wife's death, and the very bed whereon she was lying, and particular acquaintances attending her; and although she was in good health at his return home, yet, in a little, all this exactly came to pass. And yet, after his return, the king's letter being slighted by the depute, who was newly returned from England, he was forced to have recourse to arch-bishop Usher; which drew tears from his eyes, that he could not help them, and yet, by the interposition of lord Castle-Stuart with the king, they got six months liberty; but upon the luck of this in Nov. 1634, he was again conveened before the bishop, and the sentence of excommunication pronounced against him, by Ecklin bishop of Down.--After the sentence was pronounced, Mr. Blair rose up and publicly cited the bishop to appear before the tribunal of Jesus Christ, to answer for that wicked deed; whereupon he did appeal from the justice of God to his mercy; but Mr. Blair replied, Your appeal is like to be rejected, because you act against the light of your own conscience. In a few months after he fell sick, and the physician inquiring of his sickness, after some time's silence, he, with great difficulty, said, It is my conscience, man--To which the doctor replied, I have no cure for that;--and in a little after he died. After his ejection, he preached often in his own house, and in others houses, until the beginning of the year 1635, that he began to think of marriage again with Catherine Montgomery, daughter to Hugh Montgomery, formerly of Busbie in Ayr-shire (then in Ireland) for which he came over to Scotland with his own and his wife's friends.--And upon his return to Ireland, they were married in the month of May following. But matters still continuing the same, he engaged with the rest of the ejected ministers in their resolution in building a ship, called the Eagle-wings, of about 115 tons, on purpose to go to New-England. But about three or four hundred leagues from Ireland, meeting with a terrible hurricane, they were forced back unto the same harbour from whence they loosed, the Lord having work for them elsewhere, it was fit their purposes should be defeated. And having continued some four months after this in Ireland, until, upon information that he and Mr. Livingston were to be apprehended, they immediately went out of the way, and immediately took shipping, and landed in Scotland _anno_ 1631. All that summer after his arrival, he was as much employed in public and private exercises as ever before, mostly at Irvine and the country around, and partly at Edinburgh. But things being then in a confusion, because the service-book was then urged upon the ministers, his old inclination to go to France revived, and upon an invitation to be chaplain of col. Hepburn's regiment in the French service (newly inlisted in Scotland), with them he imbarked at Leith; but some of these recruits, who were mostly highlanders, being desperately wicked, upon his reproofs, threatening to stab him, he resolved to quit that voyage, and calling to the ship-master to set him on shore, without imparting his design, a boat was immediately ordered for his service; at which time he met with another deliverance, for his foot sliding, he was in danger of going to the bottom, but the Lord ordered, that he got hold of a rope, by which he hung till he was relieved. Mr. Blair's return gave great satisfaction to his friends at Edinburgh, and, the reformation being then in the ascendant, in the spring of 1638, he got a call to be colleague to Mr. Annan at Ayr; and upon May 2, a meeting of presbytery, having preached from 2 Cor. iv. 5. he was, at the special desire of all the people there, admitted a minister. He stayed not long here, for, having, before the general assembly held at Glasgow 1638, fully vindicated himself, both anent his affair with Dr. Cameron, while regent in the university, and his settlement in Ireland, he was, for his great parts and known abilities, by them ordered to be transported to St. Andrews; but the assembly's motives to this did prove his determent for some time, and the burgh of Ayr, where the Lord had begun to bless his labours, had the favour for another year. But the assembly held at Edinburgh 1630, being offended for his disobeying, ordered him peremptorily to transport himself thither. _Anno_ 1640, when the king had, by the advice of the clergy, caused burn the articles of the former treaty with the Scots, and again prepared to chastise them with a royal army, the Scots, resolving not always to play after-game, raised an army, invaded England, routed about 4000 English at Newburn, had Newcastle surrendered to them, and within two days, were masters of Durham; which produced a new treaty, more favourable to them than the former; and with this army was Mr. Blair, who went with lord Lindsay's regiment; and, when that treaty was on foot, the committee of estates and the army sent him up to assist the commissioners with his best advice. Again after the rebellion in Ireland 1641, those who survived the storm, supplicated the general assembly 1642, for a supply of ministers, when severals went over, and among the first Mr. Blair. During his stay there, he generally preached once every day, and twice on Sabbath, and frequently in the field, the auditors being so large, and in some of these he administered the Lord's supper. After his return, the condition of the church and state was various during the years 1643, and 1644; and particularly in Aug. 1643, the committee of the general assembly, whereof Mr. Blair was one, with John earl of Rutland, and other Scots commissioners from the parliament of England, and Messrs. Stephen Marshal and Philip Nye, ministers, agreed to a solemn league and covenant betwixt the two kingdoms of Scotland and England; and in the end of the same year, when the Scots assisted the English parliament, Mr. Blair was, by the commission of the general assembly, appointed minister to the earl of Crawford's regiment; with whom he stayed until the king was routed at Marston-muir July 1644, when he returned to his charge at St. Andrews. The parliament and commission of the kirk sat at Perth in July 1645. The parliament was opened with a sermon by Mr. Blair; and, after he had, upon the forenoon of the 27th, a day of solemn humiliation preached again to the parliament, he rode out to the army, then encamped at Torgondermy, and preached to Crawford's and Maitland's regiments, to the first of whom he had been chaplain:--He told the brigade, That he was informed that many of them were turned dissolute and profane, and assured them, that though the Lord had covered their heads in the day of battle (few of them being killed at Marston-muir), they should not be able to stand before a less formidable foe, unless they repented. Though this freedom was taken in good part from one who wished them well, yet was too little laid to heart; and the most part of Crawford's regiment were cut off at Kilsyth in three weeks afterwards. After the defeat at Kilsyth, severals were for treating with Montrose, but Mr. Blair opposed it, so that nothing was concluded until the Lord began to look upon the affliction of his people; for the committee of estates recalled general Leslie, with 4000 foot and 1000 dragoons, from England, to oppose whom Montrose marched southward; but was shamefully defeated at Philiphaugh Sept. 13, many of his forces being killed and taken prisoners, and he hardly escaped. On the 26, the parliament and commission of the general assembly sat down at St. Andrews (the plague being then in Edinburgh); here Mr. Blair preached before the parliament, and also prayed before the several sessions thereof; and when several prisoners, taken at Philiphaugh, were tried, three of them, _viz._ Sir Robert Spotiswood, Nathaniel Gordon, and Mr. Andrew Guthrie, were to be executed on the 17th of January thereafter, Mr. Blair visited them often, and was at much pains with them: He prevailed so far with Gordon, that he desired to be relaxed from the sentence of excommunication which he was under; and accordingly Mr. Blair did the same: The other two, who were bishops sons, died impenitent.--_Mali corvi malum ovum._ _Anno_ 1646, the general assembly, sitting at Edinburgh ordered Mr. Blair (who was then moderator), with Mr. Cant and Mr. Robert Douglas, to repair to the king at Newcastle, to concur with worthy Mr. Alexander Henderson and others, who were labouring to convince him great bloodshed in these kingdoms, and reconcile him to presbyterian church-government and the covenants. When these three ministers got a hearing, the room was immediately filled with several sorts of people to see their reception; Mr. Andrew Cant, bring eldest, began briskly to insinuate, with his wonted zeal and plainness, that the king favoured popery; Mr. Blair interrupted him, and modestly hinted, That it was not a fit time nor place for that.--The king, looking on him earnestly, said, "That honest man speaks wisely and discreetly; therefore I appoint you three to attend me to-morrow at ten o'clock in my bed-chamber." They attended, according to appointment, but got little satisfaction; only Mr. Blair asked his majesty, If there were not abominations in popery, &c. The king, lifting his hat, said, "I take God to witness that there are abominations in popery, which I so much abhor, that ere I consent to them, I would rather lose my life and crown." Yet after all this, Mr. Blair and Mr. Henderson (for these two he favoured most) having most earnestly desired him to satisfy the just desires of his subjects, he obstinately refused, though they besought it on their knees with tears. Renewed commissions for this end, were sent from Scotland, but to no good purpose, and Mr. Blair returned home to St. Andrews. Mr. Henderson died at Edinburgh, Aug. 19, which the king no sooner heard, than he sent for Mr. Blair to supply his place, as chaplain in Scotland; which Mr. Blair, thro' fear of being insnared, was at first averse unto, but having consulted with Mr. David Dickson, and reflecting that Mr. Henderson had held his integrity fast unto the end, he applied himself to that employment with great diligence, every day praying before dinner and supper in the presence chamber; on the Lord's day lecturing once and preaching twice; besides preaching some week days in St. Nicholas's church; as also conversing much with the king, desiring him to condescend to the just desires of his parliament, and at other times debating concerning prelacy, liturgies and ceremonies. One day after prayer, the king asked him, If it was warrantable in prayer to determine a controversy?--Mr. Blair, taking the hint, said, He thought he had determined no controversy in that prayer. Yes, said the king, you have determined the pope to be antichrist, which is a controversy among orthodox divines. To this Mr. Blair replied, To me this is no controversy, and I am sorry it should be accounted so by your majesty, sure it was none to your father. This silenced the king, for he was a great defender of his father's opinions; and his testimony, Mr. Blair knew well, was of more authority with him than the testimony of any divine. After a few months stay, Mr. Blair was permitted to visit his flock and family. After the sitting of the Scots parliament, Mr. Blair made another visit to the king at Newcastle, where he urged him with all the arguments he was master of, to subscribe the covenants, and abolish Episcopacy in England, and he was confident all his honest Scotsmen would espouse his quarrel against his enemies in England, &c. To which the king answered, That he was bound by his great oath to defend Episcopacy, &c. in that church, and ere he wronged his conscience by violating his coronation-oath, he would lose his crown. Mr. Blair asked the form of that oath; he said, It was to maintain it to the utmost of his power.--Then, said Mr. Blair, you have not only defended it to the utmost of your power, but so long and so far, that now you have no power, &c. But by nothing could he prevail upon the king, and left him with a sorrowful heart, and returned to St. Andrews. Again in the year 1648, when Cromwel came to Edinburgh, the commission of the kirk sent Mr. Blair and Messrs. David Dickson and James Guthrie to deal with him, for an uniformity in England. When they came, he entertained them with smooth speeches and solemn appeals to God as to the sincerity of his intentions. Mr. Blair being best acquaint with him, spoke for all the rest; and among other things, begged an answer to these three questions: (1.) What was his opinion of monarchical government? He answered, He was for monarchical government, &c. (2.) What was his opinion anent toleration? He answered confidently, That he was altogether against toleration. (3.) What was his opinion concerning the government of the church? O now, said Cromwel, Mr. Blair, you article me too severely; you must pardon me, that I give you not a present answer to this, &c. This he shifted, because he had before, in conversation with Mr. Blair, confessed he was for independency. When they came out, Mr. Dickson said, I am glad to hear this man speak no worse; whereunto Mr. Blair replied, If you knew him as well as I, you would not believe one word he says, for he is an egregious dissembler and a great liar. When the differences fell out betwixt the protestors and resolutioners, Mr. Blair was at London, and afterward for the most part remained neuter in that affair; for which he was subjected to some hardships; yet he never omitted any proper place or occasion for the uniting and cementing these differences, none now in Scotland being more earnest in this than he and the learned and pious Mr. James Durham minister at Glasgow. These two, meeting at St. Andrews, had the influence to draw a meeting of the two sides to Edinburgh, where harmony was like to prevail; but the Lord's anger, being still drawn out for the prevailing sins of that time, all promising beginnings were blasted, and all hopes of agreement did vanish. Thus affairs continued until the year 1660, that the kingdom, being quite sick of distractions, restored again Charles II.; the woeful consequences are otherwise too well known; And, on this last occasion, Mr. Blair again began to bestir himself to procure union betwixt the two foresaid parties, and for that end obtained a meeting; but his endeavours were frustrated, and no reconciliation could be made, till both sides were cast into the furnace of a sore and long persecution. For in Sept. 1661, Mr. Sharp came to St. Andrews, and the presbytery, having had assurance of his deceitful carriage at court, and of the probability of his being made arch-bishop of St. Andrews, sent Mr. Blair, and another, to him, to discharge their duty, which they did so faithfully, that Sharp was never at ease till Mr. Blair was rooted out. Mr. Blair taking occasion, in a sermon from 1 Pet. iii. 13 &c. to enlarge on suffering for righteousness sake, giving his testimony to the covenants and work of reformation, against the sinful and corrupt courses of the times, he was called over before the council Nov. 5. when the advocate and some noblemen were appointed to converse with Mr. Blair, where they posed him on the following points: (1.) Whether he had asserted presbyterial government to be _jure divino_? (2.) Whether he had asserted, that suffering for it was suffering for righteousness-sake? And, (3.) Whether in his prayers against Popery, he had joined Prelacy with it? Having answered all in the affirmative, professing his sorrow that they doubted his opinions in these points, he was first confined to his chamber in Edinburgh; and afterward, upon supplication, and the attestation of physicians on account of his health, he was permitted to retire to Inveresk about the 12th of January, 1662. Mr. Blair continued here till Oct. following, enjoying much of God's presence amidst his outward trouble; but, being again commanded before the council, by the way, he took a sore fit of the gravel, and was for that time excused; and afterward, through the chancellor's favour, got liberty to go where he pleased, except St. Andrews, Edinburgh and the west country;--he went to Kirkaldy. While at Kirkaldy, he lectured and prayed often to some Christian friends in his own family; and for his recreation taught his younger son the Greek language and logic. But the arch-bishop, envying the repose Mr. Blair and some others had in these circumstances, procured an act, that no outed minister should reside within 20 miles of an arch-bishop's see; and Mr. Blair removed from Kirkaldy to meikle Couston, in the parish of Aberdour, an obscure place, in Feb. 1666, where he continued till his death, which was shortly after. For, upon the 10th of Aug. Mr. Blair, being now worn out with old age, and his spirits sunk with sorrow and grief for the desolations of the Lord's sanctuary in Scotland, took his last sickness, and entertained most serious thoughts of his near approaching end, ever extolling his glorious and good Master whom he had served. His sickness increasing, he was visited by many Christian friends and acquaintances, whom he strengthened by his many gracious and edifying words. At one time, when they told him of some severe acts of council newly made upon arch-bishop Sharp's instigation, he prayed that the Lord would open his eyes, and give him repentance, &c. And to Mrs. Rutherford, at another time, he said, I would not exchange conditions with that man (though he was now on his bed of languishing, and the other possest of great riches and revenues) though all betwixt them were red gold, and given him to the bargain. When some ministers asked him, If he had any hopes of deliverance to the people of God, he said, He would not take upon him to determine the times and seasons the Lord keeps in his own hand, but that it was to him a token for good, that the Lord was casting the prelates out of the affections of all ranks and degrees of people, and even some who were most active in setting them up, were now beginning to lothe them for their pride, falsehood and covetousness. To his wife and children he spake gravely and Christianly, and after he had solemnly blessed them, he severally admonished them as he judged expedient. His son David said, The best and worst of men have their thoughts and after thoughts; now, Sir, God having given you time for after-thoughts on your way, we would hear what they are now.--He answered, I have again and again thought upon my former ways, and communed with mine heart; and as for my public actings and carriage, in reference to the Lord's work, if I were to begin again, I would just do as I have done. He often repeated the 16th and 23d psalm, and once the 71st psalm, which he used to call his own psalm. About two days before his death, his speech began to fail, and he could not be well heard or understood; however some things were not lost; for, speaking of some eminent saints then alive, he prayed earnestly that the Lord would bless them; and, as an evidence of his love to them, he desired Mr. George Hutcheson (then present) to carry his Christian remembrance to them. When Mr Hutcheson went from his bed-side, he said to his wife and others who waited on him, That he rejoiced in suffering as a persecuted minister. Is it not persecution, added he, to thrust me from the work of the ministry, which was my delight, and hinder me from doing good to my people and flock, which was my joy and crown of rejoicing, and to chase me from place to place, till I am wasted with heaviness and sorrow for the injuries done to the Lord's prerogative, interest and cause. What he afterwards said was either forgot or not understood, till at length, about four o'clock in the morning, he was gathered to his fathers, by a blessed and happy death (the certain result of a holy life). His body lies near the kirk-wall, in the burial place at Aberdour, and upon the church-wall above his grave, was erected a little monument, with this inscription, _Hic reconditæ iacent mortuæ Exuviæ D. Roberti Blair, S. S. Evangelii apud Andreapolin Prædicatoris fidelissimi. Obiit Augusti 27, 1666. Ætatis suæ 72._ Mr. Blair was a man of a fine constitution, both of body and mind, of a majestic but amiable countenance and carriage, thoroughly learned, and of a most public spirit for God. He was of unremitting diligence and labour, in all the private as well as public duties of his station. He did highly endear himself to the affection of his own people, and to the whole country wherein he lived, and their attachment to him was not a little strengthened by his conduct in the judicatories of the church, which indeed constituted the distinguishing part of his character. When the general assembly resolved upon a new explication of the holy bible, and among others of the godly and learned in the ministry, Mr. Blair had the book of Proverbs and Ecclesiastes assigned to him for his part, but he neglected that task, till he was rendered useless for other purposes, and then set about and finished his commentary on the Proverbs in 1666. He composed also some small poetical pieces, as a poem in commendation of Jesus Christ, for the confutation of Popish errors; with some short epigrams on different subjects. _The Life of Mr. HUGH M'KAIL._ Mr. M'Kail was born about the year 1640, and was educated at the university of Edinburgh, under the inspection of his uncle Mr. Hugh M'Kail (in whose family he resided). In the winter 1661, he offered himself to trials for the ministry, before the presbytery of Edinburgh, (being then about 20 years old) and being by them licensed he preached several times with great applause. He preached his last public sermon from Cant. i. 7. in the great church of Edinburgh, upon the Sabbath immediately preceding the 8th of Sept. 1662, the day fixed, by the then parliament, for the removal of the ministers of Edinburgh. In this sermon, taking occasion to speak of the great and many persecutions to which the church of God has been and is obnoxious, amplifying the point from the persons and powers that have been instrumental therein, he said, That the church and people of God had been persecuted both by a Pharaoh on the throne, a Haman in the state, and a Judas in the church, &c.; which case, to the conviction of his adversaries, seemed so similar to the state and condition of the then rulers of church and state, that though he made no particular application, yet was he reputed guilty; whereupon, a few days after, a party of horse was sent to the place of his residence near Edinburgh, to apprehend him; but, upon little more than a moment's advertisement, he escaped out of bed into another chamber, where he was preserved from the search. After this, he was obliged to return home to his father's house, and, having lurked there a-while, he spent other four years before his death in several other places. While he lived at his father's house, troubles arose in the west; and the news thereof having alarmed him, with the rest of that country, upon the 18th of November, for such motives and considerations as he himself afterwards more fully declares, he joined himself to those who rose in these parts, for the assisting of that poor afflicted party.--Being of a tender constitution, by the toil, fatigue, and continual marching in tempestuous weather, he was so disabled and weakened, that he could no longer endure; and upon the 27th of the said month, he was obliged to leave them near Cramond water; and, in his way to Libberton parish, passing through Braid's craigs, he was taken without any resistance, (having only a small ordinary sword) by some of the countrymen who were sent out to view the fields[144].--And here it is observable, that his former escape was no more miraculous than his present taking was fatal; for the least caution might have prevented him this inconveniency; but God who gave him the full experience of his turning all things to the good of them that love him, did thus, by his simplicity, prepare the way for his own glory, and his servant's joy and victory. He was brought to Edinburgh, first to the town-council house, and there searched for letters; but none being found, he was committed prisoner to the tolbooth. Upon wednesday the 28, he was, by order of the secret council, brought before the earl of Dumfries, lord Sinclair, Sir Robert Murray of Priest-field, and others, in order to his examination; where, being interrogate, concerning his joining the west-land forces, he, conceiving himself not obliged by any law or reason, to be his own accuser, did decline the question. After some reasoning, he was desired to subscribe his name, but refused; which, when reported to the council, gave great offence, and brought him under some suspicion of a dissembler. On the 29, he was again called before them, where, for allaying the council's prejudice, he gave in a declaration under his own hand, testifying that he had been with the west land forces, &c. Though it was certainly known, that he had both formed and subscribed this acknowledgment the night before, yet they still persisted in their jealousy, suspecting him to have been privy to all the designs of that party, and dealt with him, with the greater importunity, to declare an account of the whole business, and upon Dec. 3, the boots (a most terrible instrument of torture) were laid on the council-house table before him, and he was certified, that if he would not confess, he should be tortured to-morrow; accordingly he was called before them, and being urged to confess, he solemnly declared, that he knew no more than what he had already confessed; whereupon they ordered the executioner to put his leg to the boot, and to proceed to the torture, to the number of ten or eleven strokes, with considerable intervals; yet all did not move him to express any impatience or bitterness. This torture was the cause of his not being indicted with the first ten, who were arraigned and sentenced on Wednesday Dec. 5. to be hanged on the Friday following. Many thought, that his small accession to the rising, and what he had suffered by torture, should have procured him some favour, but it was otherwise determined; nor was his former sermon forgot, and the words _Achab on the throne_. On Monday the 10, he and other seven received their indictment of treason, and were summoned to appear before the justices on Wednesday Dec. 12; but his torture and close imprisonment (for so it was ordered) had cast him into a fever, whereby he was utterly unable to make his appearance; therefore, upon Tuesday the 11, he gave in to the lords of the council a supplication, declaring his weak and sickly condition, craving that they may surcease any legal procedure against him, in such a weak and extreme condition, and that they would discharge him of the foresaid appearance. Hereupon the council ordered two physicians and two chirurgeons to visit him, and to return their attestations, upon soul and conscience, betwixt and to-morrow at ten o'clock, to the justices. Upon Dec. 8, his brother went from Edinburgh to Glasgow, with a letter from the lady-marquis of Douglas, and another from the duchess of Hamilton to the lord commissioner in his favour, but both proved ineffectual; his cousin Mr. Matthew M'Kail carried another letter from the lady-marquis of Douglas, to the arch-bishop of St. Andrews, for the same purpose, but with no better success. On Dec. 18, he, being indifferently recovered, was with other three brought before the justices, where the general indictment was read, founded both on old and late acts of parliament, made against rising in arms, entering into leagues and covenants, and renewing the solemn league and covenant without and against the king's authority, &c. Mr. Hugh was particularly charged with joining the rebels at Ayr, Ochiltry, Lanerk and other places, on horseback, &c.; whereupon, being permitted to answer, he spoke in his own defence, both concerning the charge laid against him, and likewise of the ties and obligations that were upon this land to God; commending the institution, dignity, and blessing of presbyterial government; he said, The last words of the national covenant had always a great weight upon his spirit. Here he was interrupted by the king's advocate, who bade him forbear that discourse, and answer the question for the crime of rebellion.--Unto which he answered, The thing that moved him to declare as he had done, was that weighty and important saying of our Lord Jesus, _Whosoever shall confess me before men, him shall the Son of man also confess before the angels of God_, &c. After this confession, and the depositions of those examined anent him were read, with his replies to the same, the assize was inclosed; after which they gave their verdict _una voce_, and by the mouth of Sir William Murray their chancellor, reported him guilty, &c. The verdict being reported, doom was pronounced, declaring and adjudging him, and the rest, to be taken, on Saturday Dec. 20. to the market cross of Edinburgh, there to be hanged on a gibbet till dead, and his goods and lands to be escheated and forfeited for his Highness use. At the hearing of this sentence, he cheerfully said, _The Lord giveth, and the Lord taketh away: blessed be the name of the Lord_. He was then carried back to the tolbooth through the guards, the people making lamentation for him by the way. After he came to his chamber, he immediately addressed himself to God in prayer, with great enlargement of heart, in behalf of himself, and those who were condemned with him. Afterwards, to a friend he said, "O how good news! to be within four days journey to enjoy the sight of Jesus Christ;" and protested "he was not so cumbered how to die, as he had sometimes been to preach a sermon." To some women lamenting for him, he said, "That his condition, though he was but young, and in the budding of his hopes and labours in the ministry, was not to be mourned; for one drop of my blood, through the grace of God, may make more hearts contrite, than many years sermons might have done." This afternoon he supplicated the council for liberty to his father to come to him; which being granted, his father came next night, to whom he discoursed a little concerning obedience to parents from the fifth commandment, and then, after prayer, his father said to him, "Hugh, I called thee a goodly olive tree, of fair fruit, and now a storm hath destroyed the tree and his fruit."----He answered, That his too good thought of him afflicted him. His father said, "He was persuaded God was visiting not his own sins, but his parents sins, so that he might say, Our fathers have sinned, and we have borne their iniquity."--He further said, "I have sinned, thou poor sheep, what hast thou done." Mr. Hugh answered, with many groans, "That, through coming short of the fifth commandment, he had come short of the promise, That his days should be prolonged in the land of the living, and that God's controversy with him was for over-valuing his children, especially himself." Upon the 20 of December, through the importunity of friends, more than his own inclination, he gave in a petition to the council, craving their clemency after having declared his own innocence; but it proved altogether ineffectual. During his abode in prison, the Lord was very graciously present with him, both to sustain him against the fears of death, and by expelling the overcloudings of terror, that some times the best of men, through the frailty of flesh and blood, are subject unto. He was also wonderfully assisted in prayer and praise, to the admiration of all the hearers, especially on Thursday's night, when, being set at supper with his fellow-prisoners, his father and one or two more, he requested his fellow-prisoners, saying merrily, eat to the full, and cherish your bodies, that we may be a fat Christmass-pye to the prelates. After supper in thanksgiving, he broke forth into several expressions, both concerning himself and the church of God, and at last used that exclamation in the last of Daniel, _What, Lord, shall be the end of these wonders!_ The last night of his life he propounded and answered several questions for the strengthening of his fellow prisoners: How should he go from the tolbooth thro' a multitude of gazing people, and guards of soldiers to a scaffold and gibbet, and overcome the impressions of all this? He answered, By conceiving a deeper impression of a multitude of angels, who are on-lookers; according to that, _We are a gazing-flock to the world, angels and men_, for the angels, rejoicing at our good confession, are present to convoy and carry our souls, as the soul of Lazarus, to Abraham's bosom, not to receive them, for that is Jesus Christ's work alone, who will welcome them to heaven himself, with the songs of angels and blessed spirits; but the angels are ministring spirits, always ready to serve and strengthen all dying believers, &c. What is the way for us to conceive of heaven, who are hastening to it, seeing the word faith, _Eye hath not seen, nor ear heard_, &c.? To this he answered, That the scripture helps us two ways to conceive of heaven; (1.) By way of similitude, as in Rev. xxi, where heaven is held forth by the representation of a glorious city, there discoursed, &c. (2.) By holding forth the love of the saints to Jesus Christ, and teaching us to love him in sincerity, which is the very joy and exultation of heaven, Rev. v. 12. and no other thing than the soul breathing forth love to Jesus Christ, can rightly apprehend the joys of heaven. The last words he spoke at supper were in the commendation of love above knowledge, "O but notions of knowledge without love are of small worth, evanishing in nothing, and very dangerous." After supper, his father having given thanks, he read the 16th psalm, and then said, "If there were any thing in the world sadly and unwillingly to be left, it were the reading of the scriptures. I said, I shall not see the Lord in the land of the living; but this needs not make us sad, for where we go, the Lamb is the book of scripture and the light of that city, and there is life, even the river of the water of life, and living springs, &c." Supper being ended, he called for a pen, saying, It was to write his testament; wherein he ordered some few books he had, to be re-delivered to several persons. He went to bed about eleven o'clock, and slept till five in the morning; then he arose, and called for his comrade John Wodrow, saying pleasantly, "Up, John, for you are too long in bed; you and I look not like men going to be hanged this day, seeing we lie so long." Then he spake to him in the words of Isaiah xlii. 24. and after some short discourse, John said to him, You and I will be chambered shortly beside Mr. Robertson.--He answered, "John, I fear you bar me out, because you was more free before the council than I was; but I shall be as free as any of you upon the scaffold. He said, He had got a clear ray of the majesty of the Lord after his awakening, but it was a little over-clouded thereafter." He prayed with great fervency, pleading his covenant-relation with him, and that they might be enabled that day to witness a good confession before many witnesses. Then his father coming to him, bade him farewel. His last word to him, after prayer, was, That his sufferings would do more hurt to the prelates, and be more edifying to God's people, than if he were to continue in the ministry twenty years. Then he desired his father to leave him, and go to his chamber, and pray earnestly to the Lord to be with him on the scaffold; for how to carry there is my care, even that I may be strengthened to endure to the end. About two o'clock afternoon he was brought to the scaffold (with other five who suffered with him), where, to the conviction of all that formerly knew him, he had a fairer and more stayed countenance than ever they had before observed. Being come to the foot of the ladder, he directed his speech to the multitude northward, saying, "That as his years in the world had been but few, his words then should not be many;" and then spoke to the people the speech and testimony which he had before written and subscribed[145]. Having done speaking, he sung a part of the 31st psalm, and then prayed with such power and fervency, as caused many to weep bitterly. Then he gave his hat and cloke from him, and when he took hold of the ladder to go up, he said, with an audible voice, "I care no more to go up this ladder and over it, than if I were going home to my father's house." Hearing a noise among the people, he called down to his fellow-sufferers, saying, Friends and fellow-sufferers, be not afraid; every step of this ladder is a degree nearer heaven: and then, having seated himself thereon, he said, "I do partly believe that the noble counsellors and rulers of this land would have used some mitigation of this punishment, had they not been instigated by the prelates, so that our blood lies principally at the prelates door; but this is my comfort now, that I know that my Redeemer liveth, &c. And now I do willingly lay down my life for the truth and cause of God, the covenants and work of reformation, which were once counted the glory of this nation; and it is for endeavouring to defend this, and to extirpate that bitter root of prelacy, that I embrace this rope," (the executioner then putting the rope about his neck). Then hearing the people weep, he said, "Your work is not to weep, but to pray, that we may be honourably borne through, and blessed be the Lord that supports me now; as I have been beholden to the prayers, and kindness of many since my imprisonment and sentence, so I hope, ye will not be wanting to me now in the last step of my journey, that I may witness a good confession, and that ye may know what the ground of my encouragement in this work is, I shall read to you in the last chapter of the bible;" which having read, he said, "Here you see the glory that is to be revealed on me, a pure river of water of life, &c. and here you see my access to my glory and reward, _Let him that is athirst come_, &c. And here you see my welcome, _the Spirit and the bride say, Come_. Then he said, I have one word more to say to my friends (looking down to the scaffold), Where are ye? Ye need neither lament nor be ashamed of me in this condition, for I may make use of that expression of Christ, _I go to our Father and my Father, to your God and my God_, to your King and my King, to the blessed apostles and martyrs, and to the city of the living God, the heavenly Jerusalem, to an innumerable company of angels, to the general assembly of the first-born, to God the judge of all, to the spirits of just men made perfect, and to Jesus the Mediator of the new covenant; and I bid you all farewel, for God will be more comfortable to you than I could be, and he will be now more refreshing to me than you can be:--Farewel, farewel in the Lord." Then, the napkin being put on his face, he prayed a little, and put it up with his hand, and said, he had a word more to say concerning what comfort he had in his death, "I hope you perceive no alteration or discouragement in my countenance and carriage, and as it may be your wonder, so I profess it is a wonder to myself; and I will tell you the reason of it; beside the justice of my cause, this is my comfort, what was said of Lazarus when he died, _That the angels did carry his soul to Abraham's bosom_, so that as there is a great solemnity here, of a confluence of people, a scaffold, a gallows, a people looking out at windows; so there is a greater and more solemn preparation of angels to carry my soul to Christ's bosom; again this is my comfort, that it is to come to Christ's hand, and he will present it blameless and faultless to the Father, and then shall I be ever with the Lord. And now I leave off to speak any more to creatures, and begin my intercourse with God, which shall never be broken off:--Farewel father and mother, friends and relations; farewel the world and all delights; farewel meat and drink; farewel sun, moon and stars; welcome God and Father; welcome sweet Jesus Christ, the Mediator of the new covenant; welcome blessed Spirit of grace, and God of all consolation; welcome glory; welcome eternal life; and welcome death." Then he desired the executioner not to turn him over until he himself should put over his shoulders, which, after praying a little in private he did, saying, "O Lord, into thy hands I commit my spirit, for thou hast redeemed my soul, O Lord God of truth." And thus in the 26th year of his age he died, as he lived, in the Lord. His death was so much lamented by the on-lookers and spectators, that there was scarce a dry cheek seen in all the streets and windows about the cross of Edinburgh, at the time of his execution. A late historian gives him this character, that "he was a youth of 26 years of age, universally beloved, singularly pious, of very considerable learning; he had seen the world, and travelled[146] some years abroad, and was a very comely and graceful person. I am told, saith he, that he used to fast one day every week, and had frequently, before this, signified to his friends his impression of such a death as he now underwent. His share in the rising was known to be but small; and when he spoke of his comfort and joy in his death, heavy were the groans of those present." _The Life of Mr. JOHN NEVAY._ Mr. John Nevay was licensed and ordained a minister (in the time of Scotland's purest reformation) and settled at Newmills in the parish of Loudon; and was, besides his soundness in the faith, shining piety in conversation, and great diligence in attending all the parts of his ministerial function, particularly church-judicatories, one who was also very zealous in contending against several steps of defection, which were contrary to the work of reformation carried on in that period. Thus, When the earl of Callender and major-general Middleton were cruelly harassing the covenanters, and well affected people in the west of Scotland, because they would not join in the duke of Hamilton's unlawful engagement in war against England, (which was a manifest breach of the solemn league and covenant), Mr. Nevay was one of those ministers and other well-affected people, who were assembled at the celebration of our Lord's supper at Machlin-muir, in the month of June 1648, where opposition (in their own defence) was made to the said Calender and Middleton's forces, who attacked them there upon the last day of that solemnity.[147] Again, when that pretended assembly held at Edinburgh and St. Andrews _anno_ 1651, did approve and ratify the public resolutions, in bringing in the justly excluded malignants into places of public power and trust, in judicatories and armies, he was one of those called remonstrators, who faithfully witnessed and protested against that sad course of covenant-breaking and land-defiling sin. And, as a conclusion to all, when that head of malignants, Charles II. was again restored as king over these lands, in consequence of which the whole of our covenanted work of reformation (which for some time had flourished) now began to be defaced and overturned; and therefore it behoved the chief promoters thereof to be, in the first place, attacked; and Mr. Nevay, being the earl of Loudon's chaplain and very much valued by him, must be included among the rest; and was, upon the 18th of November 1662, by order of the council, cited, with some others, to repair to Edinburgh, and appear before the council on the 9th of Dec. next. He did not compear until the 23d, when he was examined, and upon refusal of the oath of allegiance, he was banished, and enacted himself in a bond as follows: "I JOHN NEVAY, minister of the gospel at Newmills, bind and oblige myself to remove forth of the king's dominions, and not to return under pain of death; and that I shall remove before the first of February; and that I shall not remain within the diocese of Glasgow and Edinburgh in the mean time. Subscribed at Edinburgh, Dec. 23. JOHN NEVAY." And taking leave of his old parishioners (no doubt with a sorrowful heart), he prepared for his journey, and went over to Holland, among the rest of our banished ministers, where, for some years, he preached to such as would come and hear him; and yet all the while he retained the affection of a most dear and loving pastor to his old parishioners of Loudon, both by sending them many sermons and several affectionate letters, wherein he not only exhorted them to stedfastness in the midst of manifold temptations, but also shewed a longing desire to return to his own native land and parishioners again; as is evident from that excellent letter, wrote some time before his death, dated at Rotterdam Oct. 22. 1669, in which letter, among many other things, he has these expressions: "I can do no more but pray for you; and if I could do that well, I had done almost all that is required. I am not worthy of the esteem you have of me; I have not whereof to glory, but much whereof I am ashamed, and which may make me go mourning to my grave; but if you stand fast, I live; you are all my crown and joy in this earth (next to the joy of Jerusalem and her king), and I hope to have some of you my joy and crown in our Father's kingdom, besides those that are gone before us, and entered into the joy of the Lord. I have not been altogether ignorant of the changes and wars which have been amongst you, deep calling unto deep, nor how the Lord did sit on all your floods as king, and did give you many times some more ease than others, and you wanted not your share in the most honourable testimony that ever was given to the truth and kingdom of Christ in that land, since the days of Mr. Patrick Hamilton, Mr. George Wishart, and Mr. Walter Mill martyrs, &c." That Mr. John Nevay was no mean divine in his day, either in parts or learning, is fully evident, both from an act of the general assembly _anno_ 1647, wherein he was one of these four ministers who were appointed to revise and correct Rouse's paraphrase of David's psalms in metre, lately sent from England (of which he had the last thirty for his share); and also that elegant and handsome paraphrase of his upon the song of Solomon in Latin verse, both of which shew him to have been of a profound judgment and rare abilities. There are 52 sermons (or rather notes of sermons) of his published, upon the nature, properties, blessings, &c. of the covenant of grace, in 8vo; 39 sermons on Christ's temptations in manuscript, (being all sent from Holland for the benefit of his old parishioners of Newmills), and might also have been published, if those upon the covenant had met with that reception they deserved. _The Life of Mr. JOHN LIVINGSTON._ Mr. Livingston was born _anno_ 1603. He was son to Mr. William Livingston, minister first at Monybroch or Kilsyth, and afterwards transported to Lanerk, he was nearly related to the house of Calender. Having first taught his son to read and write, he put him to the Latin school at Stirling, under Mr. Wallace a godly and learned man. He stayed here till summer 1617, when he returned home. In October following he was sent to the college of Glasgow, where he stayed four years, until he passed master of arts in 1621. After this he stayed with his father until he began to preach, during which time he began to observe the Lord's great goodness that he was born of such parents, who taught him the principles of religion so soon as he was capable to understand any thing.--He says, in his own historical account of his life, That he does not remember the time or means particularly whereby the Lord at first wrought upon his heart, only when he was but very young, he would sometimes pray with some feeling, and read the word with some delight; but thereafter did often intermit such exercise, and then would have some challenges, and begin and intermit again, &c. He says, He had no inclination to the ministry, till a year or more after he had passed his course in the college, upon which he bent his desires to the knowledge and practice of medicine, and to go to France for that end: but when proposed to his Father, he refused to comply. About this time his father, having purchased some land in the parish of Monybroch, took the rights in his son's name, proposing that he should marry and live there; but this he refused, thinking it would divert him from his studies, and, in the midst of these straits, he resolved to set apart a day by himself before God, for more special direction; which he did near Cleghorn wood, where, after much confusion anent the state of his soul, at last he thought it was made out to him, that he behoved to preach Jesus Christ, which if he did not, he should have no assurance of salvation: upon which, laying aside all thoughts of other things, he betook himself to the study of divinity. He continued a year and a half in his father's house, where he studied and sometimes preached; during which time he wrote all his sermons before he preached them, until one day, being to preach after the communion of Quodgen, and having in readiness a sermon which he had preached at another place one day before, but perceiving severals there who had heard him preach that sermon formerly, he resolved to choose a new text, and wrote only some notes of the heads he was to deliver; yet, he says, he found, at that time, more assistance in enlarging upon these points, and more motion in his own heart than ever he had found before, which made him afterwards never write any more sermons, excepting only some notes for the help of his memory. About April 1626, he was sent for by lord Kenmuir to Galloway, in reference to a call to the parish of Anwoth, but some hindrance coming in the way, this design was laid aside. In the harvest following, he hearkened to another call to Torphichen, but this proved also unsuccessful. After this he went to the earl of Wigton's, where he stayed some time; the most part of this summer he travelled from place to place, according as he got invitations to preach, and especially at communions in Lanerk, Irvine, Newmills, Kinniel, &c. He was also sometimes invited to preach at the Shots; in that place, he says, he used to find more liberty in preaching than elsewhere; yea, the only day in all his life wherein he found most of the presence of God in preaching, he observes, was on a monday after a communion at the kirk of Shots, June 21, 1630. The night before he had been with some Christians, who spent the night in prayer and conference; on the morning there came such a misgiving of spirit upon him, in considering his own unworthiness and weakness, and the expectation of the people, that he was consulting to have stolen away somewhere, and declined that day's work; but thinking he could not so distrust God, he went to sermon, where he got remarkable assistance in speaking about one hour and a half from Ezekiel xxxvi. 25, 26. _Then will I sprinkle clean water upon you, and ye shall be clean, from all your filthiness_, &c. Here he was led out in such a melting strain, that, by the down-pouring of the Spirit from on high, a most discernible change was wrought upon about 500 of the hearers, who could either date their conversion or some remarkable confirmation from that day forward[148]. Some little of that stamp, he says, remained on him the Thursday after, when he preached at Kilmarnock; but on the Monday following, preaching at Irvine, he was so deserted, that what he had meditated upon, wrote, and kept fully in memory, he could not get pronounced; which so discouraged him, that he was resolved not to preach for some time, at least in Irvine, but Mr. Dickson would not suffer him to go from thence, till he preached next sabbath, which he did with some freedom. This summer, being in Irvine, he got letters from viscount Clanniboy to come to Ireland, in reference to a call to Killinchie; and, seeing no appearance of entering into the ministry in Scotland, he went thither, and got an unanimous call from that parish. Here he laboured with the utmost assiduity among that people, who were both rude and profane before that, and they became the most experienced Christians in that country. But he was not above a year here until the bishop of Down suspended him and Mr. Blair for non-conformity. They remained deposed until May 1632. when, by the intercession of lord Castle-Stuart, a warrant was granted them from the king to be restored. After this he was married to the eldest daughter of Bartholomew Fleming merchant in Edinburgh, who was then in Ireland. In Nov. 1635, he was again deposed by the bishop of Down, and a little after, by his orders, excommunicated by one Mr. Melvil minister of Down. This winter, finding no appearance of liberty either to ministers or professors from the bondage of the prelates, he, with others of the deposed ministers, took a resolution to go to New-England; upon which they built a ship for that purpose, and when all things were ready, they, about the 9th of Sept. loosed from Lochfergus; but a violent storm arising, they were driven near the bank of Newfoundland, and were all in danger of being drowned, and, after prayer and consultation, they were obliged to return back to Lochfergus. After this he stayed in Ireland, until he heard that he and Mr. Blair were to be apprehended; and then they went out of the way, and came over to Scotland. When he came to Irvine, Mr. Dickson caused him preach, for which he was called in question afterwards. Leaving Irvine, he passed by Loudon and Lanerk to Edinburgh, where he continued some time. About the beginning of March 1638, when the body of the land was about to renew the national covenant, he was sent post to London with several copies of the covenant, and letters to friends at court of both nations; when he came there, Mr. Borthwick delivered the letters for him; but he had been there but few days until he had word sent him from the marquis of Hamilton, that he had overheard the king say, He was come, but he should put a pair of fetters about his feet: whereupon, fearing he should be taken in the post-way, he bought a horse, and came home by St. Albans and the western way, and was present at Lanerk and other places, when the covenant was read and sworn unto; and, excepting at the kirk of Shots already noticed, he, as himself says, never saw such motions from the Spirit of God, all the people so generally and willingly concurring; yea, thousands of persons all at once lifting up their hands, and the tears falling from their eyes; so that, through the whole land, the people (a few papists and others who adhered to the prelates excepted) universally entered into the covenant of God, for the reformation of religion against prelates and their ceremonies. After this _anno_ 1638, he got a call both from Stranrawer in Galloway, and Straiton in Carrick, but he referred the matter to Messrs. Blair, Dickson, Cant, Henderson, Rutherford and his father, who, having heard both parties, advised him to Stranrawer; and he was received there by the presbytery upon the 5th of July 1638. Here he remained, in the faithful discharge of the ministry, until harvest 1648, that he was, by the sentence of the general assembly, transported to Ancrum in Teviotdale. When he came to Ancrum, he found the people very tractable, but very ignorant, and some of them very loose in their carriage; and it was a long time before any competent number of them were brought to such a condition, that he could adventure to celebrate the Lord's supper; but by his diligence, through the grace of God, some of them began to lay religion to heart. _Anno_ 1649, the parliament and church of Scotland had sent some commissioners to treat with the king at the Hague, in order to his admission; but they returned without satisfaction. Yet the parliament in summer 1650, sent other commissioners to prosecute the foresaid treaty at Breda; and the commission of the kirk chose Mr. Livingston and Mr. Wood, and after that added Mr. Hutcheson to them, with the lords Cassils and Brody as ruling elders, that in name of the church they should present and prosecute their desires. Mr. Livingston was very unwilling to go, and that for several reasons, the chief of which was, he still suspected the king to be not right at heart in respect of the true presbyterian religion, and notwithstanding, he saw that many in the kingdom were ready to receive the king home upon any terms; but he was prevailed on by Messrs. Dickson, James Guthrie, and Patrick Gillespie, to go. After much conference and reasoning with the king at Breda, they were not like to come to any conclusion; here he observed, that the king still continued the use of the service-book and his chaplains, and was many a night balling and dancing till near day. This, with many other things, made him conclude there would be no blessing on that treaty; the treaty, to his unspeakable grief, was at last concluded, and some time after the king set sail for Scotland; but Mr. Livingston refused to go aboard with them; so that when Brody and Mr. Hutcheson saw that they could not prevail with him to come aboard, they desired him before parting to come into the ship, to speak of some matters in hand, which he did, and in the mean while, the boat that should have waited his return, made straight for shore without him. After this the king agreed with the commissioners to swear and subscribe the covenant, and it was laid upon him to preach the next sabbath, and tender the covenants national and solemn league, and take his oath thereon; but he, judging that such a rash and precipitate swearing of the covenants would not be for the honour of the cause they were embarked in, did all he could to deter the king and commissioners from doing it until he came to Scotland; but when nothing would dissuade the king from his resolution, it was done; for the king performed every thing that could have been required of him; upon which Mr. Livingston observed, that it seems to have been the guilt not only of commissioners, but of the whole kingdom, yea of the church also, who knew the terms whereupon he was to be admitted to his government; and yet without any evidence of a real change upon his heart, and without forsaking former principles, counsels and company. After they landed in Scotland, before he took his leave of the king at Dundee, he used some freedom with him. After speaking somewhat to him anent his carriage, he advised him, that as he saw the English army approaching in a most victorious manner, he would divert the stroke by a declaration, or some such way, wherein he needed not weaken his right to the crown of England, and not prosecute his title at present by fire and sword, until the storm blew over, and then perhaps they would be in a better case to be governed, &c. But he did not relish this motion well, saying he would not wish to sell his father's blood; which made Mr. Livingston conclude, that either he was not called to meddle in state matters, or else he should have little success. Another instance of this he gives us, _anno_ 1654, when he and Mr. Patrick Gillespie and Mr. Minzies were called up by the protector to London, where he proposed to him, that he would take off the heavy fines, that were laid on severals in Scotland, which they were unable to pay; he seemed to like the motion, but when he proposed the overture to the council, they went not into the purpose. While at London, preaching before the protector, he mentioned the king in prayer, whereat some were greatly incensed; but Cromwel knowing Mr. Livingston's influence in Scotland, said, "Let him alone; he is a good man; and what are we poor men in comparison of the kings of England?" The general assembly appointed some ministers, and him among the rest, to wait upon the army and the committee of estates that resided with them; but the fear and apprehension of what ensued, kept him back from going, and he went home until he got the sad news of the defeat at Dumbar. After which Cromwel wrote to him from Edinburgh to come and speak to him; but he excused himself. That winter the unhappy difference fell out anent the public resolutions; his light carried him to join the protestors against the resolutioners; and the assembly that followed thereafter, he was present at their first meeting in the west at Kilmarnock, and several other meetings of the protesting brethren afterwards; but not being satisfied with keeping these meetings so often, and continuing them so long, which he imagined made the breach wider, he declined them for some time. After this, he spent the rest of his time in the exercise of the ministry, both at Ancrum and other places, until summer 1660, that news was brought him that the king was called home, and then he clearly foresaw that the overturning of the whole work of reformation would ensue, and a trial to all who would adhere to the same. But _anno_ 1662, when the parliament and council had, by proclamation, ordered all ministers, who had come in since 1649, and had not kept the holy day of the 29th of May, either to acknowledge the prelates or remove, he then more clearly foresaw a storm approaching. At the last communion which he had at Ancrum, in the month of October, he says, That after sermon on Monday, it pleased the Lord to open his mouth, in a reasonably large discourse anent the grounds and encouragements to suffer for the present controversy of the kingdom of Christ, in the appointing the government of his house; then he took his leave of that place, although he knew nothing of what was shortly to follow after. After he had, with Elijah, eaten before a great journey, having communicated before he entered upon suffering, he heard in a little time, of the council's procedure against him and about twelve or sixteen others who were to be brought before them; he went presently to Edinburgh (before the summons could reach him) and lurked there some time, until he got certain information of the council's design, whether they were for their life, like as was done with Mr. Guthrie, or only for banishment, as was done with Mr. Mac Ward and Mr. Simpson; but, finding that they intended only the last, he accordingly resolved to appear with his brethren. He appeared Dec. 11, and was examined[149] before the council; the sum of which came to this, That they required him to subscribe or take the oath of allegiance, which he, upon several solid grounds and reasons, refused; and sentence was pronounced, that in forty-eight hours he should depart Edinburgh, and go to the north side of Tay, and within two months depart out of all the king's dominions. Accordingly he went from Edinburgh to Leith, and thereafter, upon a petition in regard of his infirmity, he obtained liberty to stay there until he should remove. He petitioned also for a few days to go home to see his wife and children, but was refused; as also for an extract of his sentence, but could not obtain it. _Anno_ 1663, he went aboard, accompanied by several friends to the ship; they set sail, and in eight days came to Rotterdam, where he found the rest of the banished ministers there before him. Here he got frequent occasion of preaching to the Scots congregation at Rotterdam; and in Dec. following, his wife, with two of his children, came over to him, and the other five were left in Scotland. Here, upon a retrograde view of his life, he (in the foresaid historical account) observes, that the Lord had given him a body not very strong, and yet not weak; for he could hardly remember himself wearied in reading and studying, although he had continued some seven or eight hours without rising, and also that there was but two recreations that he was in danger to be taken with; the first was hunting on horseback, but this he had very little occasion of, yet he found it very inticing; the other was, singing in concerts of music, wherein he had some skill, and in which he took great delight. He says further, That he was always short-sighted, and could not discern any person or thing afar off, but hitherto he had found no occasion for spectacles, and could read small print as long and with as little light almost as any other. And, as to his inclination, he was generally soft and amorous, averse to debates, rather given to laziness than rashness, and too easy to be wrought upon. And, although he could not say what Luther affirmed of himself concerning covetousness, yet he could say, that he had been less troubled with covetousness and cares than many other evils, and rather inclined to solitariness than company, and was much troubled with wandering of mind and idle thoughts; and for outward things, he was never rich (and although when in Killinchie he had not above four pounds sterling of stipends a-year) yet he was never in want. He further observes, that he could not remember any particular time of conversion, or that he was much cast down or lifted up; only one night, in the dean of Kilmarnock, having been, most of the day before, in company with some people of Stuarton, who were under rare and sad exercise of mind; he lay down under some heaviness, that he never had such experience of; but, in the midst of his sleep, there came such a terror of the wrath of God upon him, that if it had but increased a little higher, or continued but a few minutes longer, he had been in a most dreadful condition, but it was instantly removed, and he thought it was said within his heart, See what a fool thou art to desire the thing thou couldst not endure.--In his preaching he was sometimes much deserted and cast down, and again at other times tolerably assisted. He himself declares, That he never preached a sermon, excepting two, that he would be earnest to see again in print; the first was at the kirk of Shots (as was already noticed), and the other at a communion Monday at Holywood in Ireland[150]; and both these times he had spent the night before in conference and prayer with some Christians, without any more than ordinary preparation.----For otherwise, says he, his gift was rather suited to common people than to learned judicious auditors. He had a tolerable insight in the Hebrew, Chaldee, and somewhat of the Syriac languages; Arabic he did essay, but he soon dropped it. He had as much of the French, Italian, Dutch and Spanish as enabled him to make use of their books and bibles. It was thrice laid upon him by the general assembly to write the history of the church of Scotland since the reformation 1638: but this, for certain reasons, he had altogether omitted. The greater part of his time in Holland he spent in reducing the original text unto a Latin translation of the bible; and for that purpose compared Pagnin's with the original text, and with the later translations, such as Munster, the Tigurine, Junius, Diodati, the English, but especially the Dutch, which he thought was the most accurate translation. Whether by constant sitting at these studies, or for some other reasons, the infirmities of old age creeping on, he could not determine, but since the year 1664, there was such a continual pain contracted in his bladder, that he could not walk abroad, and a shaking of his hands, that he could scarcely write any; otherwise, he blessed the Lord that hitherto he had found no great defection either of body or mind. Thus he continued at Rotterdam until Aug. 9th, 1672, when he died. Some of his last words were, "Carry my commendation to Jesus Christ, till I come there myself;" after a pause he added, "I die in the faith, that the truths of God, which he hath helped the church of Scotland to own, shall be owned by him as truths so long as sun and moon endure, and that independency, tho' there be good men and well-meaning professors of that way, will be found more to the prejudice of the work of God than many are aware of, for they evanish into vain opinions. I have had my own faults as well as other men, but he made me always abhor shews. I have, I know, given offence to many, through my slackness and negligence, but I forgive and desire to be forgiven." After a pause, for he was not able to speak much at a time, he said, "I would not have people to forecast the worst, but there is a dark cloud above the reformed churches which prognosticates a storm coming." His wife, fearing what shortly followed, desired him to take leave of his friends; "I dare not (replied he, with an affectionate tenderness), but it is like our parting will only be for a short-time." And then he slept in the Lord. Although it is usual with the most of men when writing their own account (through modesty) to conceal their own parts, qualifications and other abilities, yet here these things cannot be hid; for it is pretty evident, that since our reformation commenced in Scotland, there has been none whose labours in the gospel have been more remarkably blessed with the down-pouring of the spirit in conversion-work, than great Mr. Livingston's were; yea, it is a question, if any one, since the primitive times, can produce so many convincing and confirming seals of their ministry; as witness the kirk of Shots, and Holywood in Ireland, at which two places, it is said that about 1500 souls were either confirmed or converted and brought to Christ. His works, besides his letter from Leith 1663, to his parishioners at Ancrum, are, his memorable characteristics of divine providence, &c. and a manuscript of his own life, of which this is an abbreviate. He also (while in his Patmos of Holland) wrote a new Latin translation of the old Testament, which was revised and approven of by Vossius, Essenius, Nethneus, Leusden and other eminent lights of that time; before his death, it was put into the hands of the last to be printed. _The Life of Mr. JOHN SEMPLE._ Mr. John Semple was, for his exemplary walk and singular piety, had in such esteem and veneration, that all ranks of people stood in awe of him, and particularly the clergy, he being a great check upon the lazy and corrupt part of them, who oftentimes were much afraid of him.----One time, coming from Carsphairn to Sanquhar, being twelve miles of a rough way, on a Monday morning, after the sacrament, the ministers, being still in bed, got up in all haste, to prevent his reproof; but he, perceiving them putting on their cloaths, said, "What will become of the sheep, when the shepherds sleep so long; in my way hither, I saw some shepherds on the hills looking after their flocks."--Which, considering his age, and early journey so many miles, after he had preached the day before at home, had much influence on them, and made them somewhat ashamed. He was one who very carefully attended church-judicatories, from which he was seldom absent, and that from a principle of conscience; so that almost no impediment could hinder him in his purposes; for one time going to the presbytery of Kirkudbright, twenty miles distant from Carsphairn, when about to ford the water of Dee, he was told by some that it was impassable, yet he persisted, saying, "I must go through, if the Lord will; I am going about his work."----He entered in, and the strength of the current carried him and his horse beneath the ford; he fell from the horse, and stood upright in the water, and taking off his hat, prayed a word; after which he and the horse got safely out, to the admiration of all the spectators there present. He was also a man much given to secret prayer, and ordinarily prayed in the kirk before sacramental occasions, and oftentimes set apart Friday in wrestling with the Lord for his gracious presence on communion sabbaths; and was often favoured with merciful returns, to the great comfort of both ministers and people; and would appoint a week day thereafter for thanksgiving to God. As he was one faithful and laborious in his Master's service, so he was also most courageous and bold, having no respect of persons, but did sharply reprove all sorts of wickedness in the highest as well as in the lowest, and yet he was so convincingly a man of God, that the most wicked (to whom he was a terror) had a kindness for him, and sometimes spoke very favourably of him, as one who wished their souls well; insomuch as one time, some persons of quality calling him a varlet, another person of quality (whom he had often reproved for his wickedness) being present, said, he was sure if he was a varlet he was one of God's varlets, &c. At another time, when a certain gentleman, from whose house he was going home, sent one of the rudest of his servants, well furnished, with a horse, broad sword and loaded pistols, to attack him in a desert place in the night time; and the servant was ordered to do all that he could to fright him.--Accordingly he surprized him with holding a pistol to his breast, bidding him render up his purse under pain of being shot; but, Mr. Semple, with much presence of mind (although he knew nothing of the pre-conceit), answered, It seems you are a wicked man, who will either take my life or my purse, if God gives you leave; as for my purse, it will not do you much service, though you had it; and for my life, I am willing to lay it down when and where God pleaseth; however if you will lay bye your weapons I will wrestle a fall with you for my life, which if you be a man, you cannot refuse, seeing I have no weapons to fight with you.----In short, after many threats (though all in vain), the servant discovered the whole plot, and asked him, If he was not at the first afraid?--Not in the least, answered he, for although you had killed me, as I knew not but you might, I was sure to get the sooner to heaven; and then they parted. Mr. Semple was a man who knew much of his Master's mind, as evidently appears by his discovering of several future events:--for on a time when news came, that Cromwel and those with him were upon the trial of Charles I. some persons asked him, What he thought would become of the king? He went to his closet a little, and coming back he said to them, The king is gone, he will neither do us good nor ill any more; which of a truth came to pass. At another time, passing by the house of Kenmuir, as the masons were making some additions thereunto, he said, Lads, ye are busy, enlarging and repairing the house, but it will be burnt like a crow's nest in a misty morning, which accordingly came to pass, for it was burnt in a dark misty morning by the English. Upon a certain time, when a neighbouring minister was distributing tokens before the sacrament, and when reaching a token to a certain woman, Mr. Semple (standing by) said, Hold your hand, she hath gotten too many tokens already; she is a witch;----which, though none suspected her then, she herself confessed to be true, and was deservedly put to death for the same. At another time, a minister in the shire of Galloway, sending one of his elders to Mr. Semple, with a letter, earnestly desiring his help at the sacrament, which was to be in three weeks after; he read the letter, and went to his closet, and coming back, he said to the elder, I am sorry you have come so far on a needless errand; go home and tell your minister, he hath had all the communions that ever he will have; for he is guilty of fornication, and God will bring it to light ere that time.--This likewise came to pass. He often said to a person of quality (my lord Kenmuir) that he was a rough wicked man, for which God would shake him over hell before he died; and yet God would give him his soul for a prey: which had its accomplishment at last, to the no small comfort and satisfaction of all his near and dear relations. When some Scots regiments, in the year 1648, in their march through Carsphairn for Preston in England to the duke's engagement (as it was commonly called) and hearing that the sacrament was to be dispensed there next Lord's day, some of the soldiers put up their horses in the kirk, and went to the manse, and destroyed the communion elements in a most profane manner, Mr. Semple being then from home. The next day he complained to the commanding officer, in such a pathetical manner representing the horrible vileness of such an action, that the officer not only regretted the action, but also gave money for furnishing them again:--he moreover told them, He was sorry for the errand they were going upon, for it would not prosper, and the profanity of that army would ruin them. About or after this, he went up to a hill and prayed; and being interrogated by some acquaintances, What answer he got? He replied, That he had fought with neither small nor great, but with the duke himself, whom he never left until he was beheaded:--which was too sadly verified[151]. His painful endeavours were blest with no small success, especially at sacramental occasions, and this the devil envied very much; and particularly one time, among many, which he designed to administer the Lord's supper, before which he assured the people of a great communion, by a gracious and remarkable down-pouring of the Spirit, but that the devil would be envious about this good work, and that he was afraid he would be permitted to raise a storm or speat of rain, designing to drown some of them: but, said he, it shall not be in his power to drown any of you, no, not so much as a dog. Accordingly it came to pass on Monday, when he was dismissing the people, they saw a man all in black entering the water a little above them, at which they were amazed, as the water was very large. He lost his feet (as they apprehended) and came down on his back, waving his hand; the people ran and got ropes, and threw them in to him; and there were ten or twelve men upon the ropes, yet they were in danger of being all drawn into the water and drowned--Mr. Semple looking on, cried, Quit the rope, and let him go; I see who it is; it is the devil, he will burn but not drown, and by drowning of you would have God dishonoured, because he hath got some glory to his free grace in being King to many of your souls at this time, and the wicked world to reproach the work of God, &c. All search was made in that country to find if any man was lost, but none was heard of, which made them conclude it to be the devil. Mr. Semple, being one of the faithful protestors, in the year 1657, was apprehended with the famous Mr. James Guthrie at Edinburgh in Aug. 1660, and after ten months imprisonment in the castle, was brought before the bloody council, who threatened him severely with death and banishment; but he answered with boldness, My God will not let you either kill or banish me, but I will go home and die in peace, and my dust will lie among the bodies of my people; accordingly he was dismissed, and went home, and entered his pulpit, saying, I parted with thee too easy but I shall hing by the wicks of thee now. It was some time after the restoration, that, while under his hidings, being one night in bed with another minister, the backside of the bed falling down to the ground, the enemy came and carried away the other minister, but got not him:--which was a most remarkable deliverance. Lastly, He was so concerned for the salvation of his people, that when on his death-bed, he sent for them, and preached to them with such fervency, shewing them their miserable state by nature, and their need of a Saviour, expressing his sorrow to leave many of them as graceless as he got them, with so much vehemency as made many of them weep bitterly. He died at Carsphairn (about the year 1677, being upwards of seventy years of age) in much assurance of heaven, often longing to be there, rejoicing in the God of his salvation; and that under great impressions of dreadful judgments to come on these covenanted sinning lands; and when scarce able to speak, he cried three times over, A popish sword for thee, O Scotland, England, and Ireland! &c. _The Life of Mr. JAMES MITCHEL._ Mr. James Mitchel[152] was educated at the university of Edinburgh, and was, with some other of his fellow-students, made master of arts _anno_ 1656. Mr. Robert Leighton (afterwards bishop Leighton), being then principal of that college, before the degree was conferred upon them, tendered to them the national and solemn league and covenant; which covenants, upon mature deliberation, he took, finding nothing in them but a short compend of the moral law, binding to our duty towards God and towards man in their several stations, and taking the king's interest to be therein included, when others were taking the tender to Oliver Cromwel, he subscribed the oath of allegiance to the king; but how he was repaid for this, after the restoration, the following account will more fully discover. Mr. Mitchel, having received a licence to preach the gospel, very soon after the restoration, was, with the rest of his faithful brethren, reduced to many hardships and difficulties. I find (says a historian) Mr. Trail minister at Edinburgh _anno_ 1661, recommending him to some ministers in Galloway as a good youth, that had not much to subsist upon, and as fit for a school, or teaching gentlemen's children[153]. There being no door of access then to the ministry for him, or any such, when prelacy was on such an advance in Scotland. But whether he employed himself in this manner, or if he preached on some occasions, where he could have the best opportunity, we have no certain account; only we find he joined with that faithful handful who rose in 1666, but was not at the engagement at Pentland[154], being sent in by captain Arnot to Edinburgh the day before, upon some necessary business, on such an emergent occasion.--However, he was excepted from the indemnity in the several lists for that purpose. After Pentland affair, in the space of six weeks, Mr. Mitchel went abroad, in the trading way, to Flanders, and was for some time upon the borders of Germany, after which he, in the space of three quarters of a year, returned home (with some Dutchmen of Amsterdam), having a cargo of different sorts of goods, which took some time up before he got them all sold off. Mr. Mitchel, being now excluded from all mercy or favour from the government, and having not yet laid down arms, and taking the arch-bishop of St. Andrews to be the main instigator of all the oppression and bloodshed of his faithful brethren, took up a resolution _anno_ 1668, to dispatch him, and for that purpose, upon the 11th of July, he waited the bishop's coming down in the afternoon to his coach, at the head of black friar's wynd in Edinburgh, and with him was Honeyman bishop of Orkney.----When the arch-bishop had entered, and taken his seat in the coach, Mr. Mitchel stepped straight to the north side of the coach, and discharged a pistol (loaded with three balls) in at the door thereof; that moment Honeyman set his foot in the boot of the coach, and reaching up his hand to step in, received the shot designed for Sharp in the wrist of his hand, and the primate escaped. Upon this, Mr. Mitchel crossed the street with much composure, till he came to Niddry's wynd-head, where a man offered to stop him, to whom he presented a pistol, upon which he let him go; he stepped down the wynd, and up Steven Law's closs, went into a house, changed his cloaths, and came straight to the street, as being the place where, indeed, he would be least suspected. The cry arose, that a man was killed; upon which some replied, It was only a bishop, and all was very soon calmed. Upon Monday the 13, the council issued out a proclamation offering a reward of five thousand merks to any that would discover the actor, and pardon to accessories; but nothing more at that time ensued. The managers, and those of the prelatical persuasion, made a mighty noise and handle of this against the presbyterians, whereas this deed was his only, without the knowledge or pre-concert of any, as he himself in a letter declares; yea, with a design to bespatter the Presbyterian church of Scotland, a most scurrilous pamphlet was published at London, not only reflecting on our excellent reformers from popery, publishing arrant lies anent Mr. Alexander Henderson, abusing Mr. David Dickson, and breaking jests upon the remonstrators and presbyterians (as they called them), but also, in a most malicious and groundless kind of rhapsody, slandering Mr. Mitchel. After this Mr. Mitchel shifted the best way he could, until the beginning of the year 1674.; he was discovered by Sir William Sharp, the bishop's brother, and ere ever Mr. Mitchel was aware, he caused a certain number of his servants (armed for that purpose) lay hold on him, and apprehend and commit him to prison; and on the 10th of February was examined by the lord chancellor, lord register and lord Halton; he denied the assassination of the arch-bishop, but being taken apart by the chancellor, he confessed (that it was he who shot the bishop of Orkney while aiming at the arch-bishop), upon assurance of his life, given by the chancellor in these words, "Upon my great oath and reputation, if I be chancellor, I shall save your life." On the 12th he was examined before the council, and said nothing but what he had said before the committee. He was remitted to the justice-court to receive his indictment and sentence, which was, To have his right hand struck off at the cross of Edinburgh, and his goods forfeited; which last part was not to be executed, till his majesty had got notice; because, says lord Halton, in a letter to earl Kincardine, assurance of life was given him upon his confession. However, he was, on the second of March, brought before the lords judiciary, and indicted for being concerned at Pentland, and for the attempt on the arch-bishop of St Andrews; but he pleaded not guilty, and insisted that the things alledged against him should be proved: The lords postponed the affair till the 25th; meanwhile, the council made an act March 12, specifying that Mr. James Mitchel confessed his firing the pistol at the arch-bishop of St. Andrews, upon assurance given him of life by one of the committee, who had a warrant from the lord commissioner and secret council to give the same, and therefore did freely confess, &c. In the said act it was declared, That, on account of his refusing to adhere to his confession, the promises made to him were void, and that the lords of justiciary and jury ought to proceed against him, without any regard to these. About the 25, he was brought before the justiciary; but as there was no proof against him, they with consent of the advocate protracted the affair, and he was again remanded to prison. Thus he continued until Jan. 6th, 1676, that he was ordered to be examined before the council by torture, concerning his being in the rebellion (as they formed it) in the year 1666. Accordingly he was brought before them upon the 18th, about six o'clock at night;--Linlithgow, being preses, told him, He was brought before them to see whether he would adhere to his former confession.--He answered, "My lord, it is not unknown to your lordship, and others here present, that, by the council's order, I was remitted to the lords of justiciary, before whom I received an indictment at my lord advocate's instance, &c. to which indictment I answered at three several diets, and at the last diet, being deserted by my lord advocate, I humbly conceive, that, both by the law of the nation, and the practice of this court, I ought to have been set at liberty; yet notwithstanding, I was, contrary to law, equity and justice, returned to prison; And upon what account I am this night before you, I am ignorant." The preses told him, He was only called to see if he would own his former confession.--He replied, "He knew no crime he was guilty of, and therefore made no such confession as he alledged." Upon this, the treasurer depute said, The pannel was one of the most arrogant liars and rogues he had known.--Mr. Mitchel replied, "My lord, if there were fewer of these persons, you have been speaking of, in the nation, I should not be standing this night at the bar; but my lord advocate knoweth, that what is alledged against me is not my confession." The preses said, Sir, we will cause a sharper thing make you confess.--He answered, "My lord, I hope you are Christians and not pagans." Then he was returned to prison. On the 22d, he was again called before them, to see if he would own his former confession, and a paper produced, alledged to be subscribed by him; but he would not acknowledge the same. The preses said, You see what is upon the table (meaning the boots), I will see if that will make you do it. Mr. Mitchel answered, "My lord, I confess, that, by torture, you may cause me to blaspheme God, as Saul did compel the saints; you may compel me to speak amiss of your lordships; to call myself a thief, a murderer, &c. and then pannel me on it: But if you shall here put me to it, I protest before God and your lordships, that nothing extorted from me by torture, shall be made use of against me in judgment, nor have any force in law against me, or any other person. But to be plain with you, my lords, I am so much of a Christian, that whatever your lordships shall legally prove against me, if it be truth, I shall not deny it;--but, on the contrary, I am so much of a man, and a Scotsman, that I never held myself obliged, by the law of God, nature and nations, to be my own accuser." The treasurer-depute said, He had the devil's logic, and sophisticated like him: ask him whether that be his subscription. Mr. Mitchel replied, I acknowledge no such thing; and he was sent back to prison. Upon the 24th, they assembled in their robes in the inner parliament house, and the boots and executioner were presented. Mr. Mitchel was again interrogated, as above, but still persisting, he was ordered to the torture. And he, knowing that, after the manner of the Spanish inquisition, the more he confessed, either concerning himself or others, the more severe the torture would be, to make him confess the more, delivered himself in this manner:--"My lord, I have been now these two full years in prison, and more than one of them in bolts and fetters, which hath been more intolerable to me than many deaths, if I had been capable thereof; and it is well known, that some in a shorter time have been tempted to make away with themselves; but respect and obedience to the express law and command of God hath made me to undergo all these hardships, and I hope this torture with patience also, _viz._ that for the preservation of my own life and the life of others, as far as lies in my power; and to keep innocent blood off your lordships persons and families, which, by shedding of mine, you would doubtless bring upon yourselves and posterity, and wrath from the Lord to the consuming thereof, till there should be no escaping; and now again I protest, &c. as above: When you please, call for the man appointed for the work." The executioner being called, he was tied in a two armed chair, and the boot brought; the executioner asked which of the legs he should take; the lords bade him take any of them; the executioner laying the left in the boot, Mr. Mitchel, lifting it out again, said, "Since the judges have not determined, take the best of the two, for I freely bestow it in the cause;" and so laid his right leg into the engine. After which the advocate asked leave to speak but one word, but notwithstanding, insisted at a great length; to which Mr. Mitchel answered, "The advocate's word or two hath multiplied to so many, that my memory cannot serve, in the condition wherein I am (the torture being begun) to resume them in particular; but I shall essay to answer the scope of his discourse; whereas he hath been speaking of the sovereignty of the magistrate, I shall go somewhat further than he hath done, and own that the magistrate whom God hath appointed, is God's depute; both the throne and the judgment are the Lord's, when he judgeth for God and according to his law; and a part of his office is to deliver the poor oppressed out of the hand of the oppressor, and shed no innocent blood, Jerem. xxii. 3, &c. And whereas the advocate hath been hinting at the sinfulness of lying on any account; it is answered, that not only lying is sinful, but also a pernicious speaking of the truth, is a horrid sin before the Lord, when it tendeth to the shedding of innocent blood; witness the case of Doeg, Psalm lii. compared with 2 Sam. xxii. 9. But what my lord advocate hath forged against me is false, so that I am standing upon my former ground, _viz._ the preservation of my own life, and the life of others, as far as lies in my power, the which I am expressly commanded by the Lord of hosts." Then the clerk's servant, being called, interrogated him in the torture, in upwards of thirty questions, which were all in write, of which the following are of the most importance. Are you that Mr. James Mitchel who was excepted out of the king's grace and favour? _A._ I never committed any crime deserving to be excluded. _Q._ Were you at Pentland? _A._ No. _Q._ Were you at Ayr, and did you join with the rebels there? _A._ I never joined with any such. _Q._ Where was you at the time of Pentland? _A._ In Edinburgh. _Q._ When did you know of their rising in arms? _A._ When the rest of the city knew of it. _Q._ Where did you meet with James Wallace? _A._ I knew him not at that time. _Q._ Did you go out of town with captain Arnot? _A._ No. The other questions were anent his going abroad, &c. He perceived that they intended to catch him in a contradiction, or to find any who would witness against him.--At the beginning of the torture he said, "My lords, not knowing that I shall escape this torture with my life, therefore, I beseech you to remember what Solomon saith, _He who sheweth no mercy, shall have judgment without mercy_, &c.--And now, my lords, I do freely, from my heart, forgive you, who are sitting judges upon the bench, and the men who are appointed to be about this horrible piece of work, and also those who are vitiating their eyes in beholding the same; and I intreat that God may never lay it to the charge of any of you, as I beg God may be pleased for Christ's sake to blot out my sins and iniquities, and never to lay them to my charge here nor hereafter." All this being over, the executioner took down his leg from a chest whereon it was lying all the time in the boot, and set both on the ground; and thrusting in the shelves to drive the wedges, began his strokes; at every one of which, enquiring if he had any more to say, or would say any more; Mr. Mitchel answered no; and they continued to nine strokes upon the head of the wedges; at length he fainted, through the extremity of pain at which the executioner cried, Alas! my lords, he is gone! then they stopped the torture and went off; and in a little time, when recovered, he was carried, in the same chair, to the tolbooth. It is indeed true that Mr. Mitchel made a confession, upon the promise of his life; but the managers, having revoked their promise, because he would not adhere to his confession before the justiciary, (being advised by some friends not to trust too much to that promise) and be his own accuser. "The reader must determine (says a very impartial historian[155]) how far he was to blame now, in not owning his confession judicially, as they had judicially revoked the condition upon which the confession was made, and to put a man to torture for finding out things, for which they had not the least proof, seems to be unprecedented and cruel, and to bring him to a farther trial appears to be unjust." For as another author has well observed, "That when a confession or promise is made upon a condition, and that condition is judicially rescinded, the obligation of the promise or confession is taken away, and both parties are _statu quo_, Josh. ii. 14, &c. That, in many cases it is lawful to conceal and obscure a necessary duty, and divert enemies from a pursuit of it for a time. 1 Sam. xvi. 1, 2. xx. 5, 6. Jer. xxxviii. 24, &c. That when an open enemy perverts and overturns the very nature and matter of a discourse or confession, by leaving out the most material truths, and putting in untruths and circumstances in their room, it no longer is the former discourse or confession, &c. That when a person is brought before a limited judicatory, &c. before whom nothing was ever confessed or proven, the person may justly stand to his defence, and put his enemies to bring in proof against him, &c." After this Mr. Mitchel continued in prison till the beginning of next year, when he and Mr. Frazer of Brae were with a party of twelve horse and thirty foot, sent to the Bass, where he remained till about the 6th of Dec. when he was again brought to Edinburgh, in order for his trial and execution; which came on upon the 7th of Jan. 1678. On the third of the month Sir George Lockhart and Mr. John Ellis were appointed to plead for the pannel; but Sharp would have his life, and Lauderdale gave way to it. Sir Archibald Primrose, lately turned out of the register's place, took a copy of the council's act anent Mr. Mitchel, and sent it to this council; and a day or two before the trial, went to Lauderdale, who, together with lord Rothes, lord Halton and Sharp, was summoned: The prisoner's witness, Primrose, told Lauderdale, That he thought a promise of life had been given----The latter denied it----The former wished that that act of the council might be looked into----Lauderdale said, He would not give himself the trouble to look over the book of council. When his trial came on, the great proof was, his confession, Feb. 16. 1674.; many and long were the reasons upon the points of the indictment. Sir George Lockhart[156] argued in behalf of the prisoner with great learning, to the admiration of the audience, That no extra-judicial confession could be allowed in court, and that his confession was extorted from him by hopes and promises of life. The debates were so tedious that the court adjourned to the 9th of January; the replies and duplies are too tedious to be inserted here: The reader will find them at large elsewhere.[157] The witnesses being examined, lord Rothes (being shewn Mr. Mitchel's confession) swore that he was present, and saw him subscribe that paper, and heard him make that confession, but that he did not at all give any assurance to the prisoner for his life; nor did he remember that there was any warrant given by the council to his lordship for that effect, &c. Halton and Lauderdale swore much to the same purpose; but the arch-bishop swore, that he knew him, at the very first sight at the bar, to be the person who shot at him, &c. But that he either gave him assurance or a warrant to any to give it, was a false and malicious calumny. That his grace gave no promise to Nichol Somerville, other than that it was his interest to make a free confession. This Nichol Somerville, Mr. Mitchel's brother-in-law, offered, in court, to depone, That the arch-bishop promised to him to secure his life, if he would prevail with him to confess. The arch-bishop denied this, and called it a villainous lie. Several other depositions were taken; such as Sir William Paterson, Mr. John Vanse, and the bishop of Galloway, who all swore in Sharp's favour, it being dangerous for them, at this juncture, to do otherwise. After the witnesses were examined, the advocate declared he had closed the probation; whereupon Mr Mitchel produced a copy of an act of council March 12th, 1674, praying that the register might be produced, or the clerk obliged to give extracts; but this they refused to do.----"Lockhart (says Burnet[158]) pleaded for this, but Lauderdale, who was only a witness, and had no right to speak, refused, and so it was neglected." The assize was inclosed, and ordered to return their verdict to-morrow afternoon, which being done, the sentence was pronounced, "That the said Mr. James Mitchel should be taken to the grass-market of Edinburgh, upon Friday the 18th of Jan. instant, betwixt two and four o'clock, in the afternoon, and there to be hanged on a gibbet till he be dead, and all his moveables, goods and gear escheat, and in-brought to his majesty's use, &c." No sooner did the court break up, than the lords, being upstairs found the act recorded, and signed by lord Rothes the president of the council. 'This action' says the last-cited historian, 'and all concerned in it, were looked on by all the people with horror, and it was such a complication of treachery, perjury and cruelty, as the like had not perhaps been known.' Two days after the sentence, orders came from court, for placing Mr. Mitchel's head and hands on some public place of the city; but the sentence being passed, no alteration could be made; and if Sharp had any hand in this, he missed his end and design. About the same time, his wife petitioned the council, that her husband might be reprieved for some time, that she might be in case to see and take her last farewel of him, especially as it was not above twelve days since she was delivered of a child, and presently affected with a fever; but no regard was paid to this: The sentence must be executed[159]. While he was in prison, he emitted a most faithful and large testimony[160]. In the first place, testifying against all profanity. Then he gives the cause of his suffering, in the words of Elijah, 1 Kings xix. 14. _I have been very zealous for the Lord of hosts_, &c. He adheres to the covenanted work of reformation and the covenant; approves of _lex rex_, the causes of God's wrath, apologetical relation, Naphtali, _jus populi_, &c. Afterwards he speaks of magistracy in these words, "I believe magistracy to be an ordinance and appointment of God, as well under the new Testament as it was under the old; and that whosoever resisteth the lawful magistrate in the exercise of his lawful power, resisteth the ordinance and appointment of God, Rom. xiii. 1. &c. 1 Pet. ii. 13. Deut. xvii. 15, &c. The lawful magistrate must he a man qualified according to God's appointment, and not according to the people's lust and pleasure, lest in the end he should prove to them a prince of Sodom and governor of Gomorrah, whom God, in his righteousness, should appoint for their judgment, and establish for their correction, &c." Then he comes to be most explicit in testifying against the givers and receivers of the indulgence, as an incroachment on Christ's crown and prerogative royal, &c.; protests before God, angels and men, against all acts made anywise derogative to the work of God and reformation; likewise protests against all banishments, imprisoning, finings and confinements that the people of God had been put to these years by-past; describing the woful state and condition of malignants, and all the enemies of Jesus Christ. And in the last place speaks very fervently anent his own sufferings, state and condition, which he begins to express in these words, "Now if the Lord, in his wise and over-ruling providence, bring me to the close of my pilgrimage, to the full enjoyment of my long-looked for and desired happiness, let him take his own way and time in bringing me to it. And in the mean time, O thou my soul I sing thou this song, Spring thou up, O well of thy happiness and salvation, of thy eternal hope and consolation; and whilst thou art burdened with this clogg of clay and tabernacle, dig thou deep in it by faith, hope and charity, and with all the instruments that God hath given thee; dig in it by precepts and promises; dig carefully, and dig continually; ay and until thou come to the source and head of the Fountain himself, from whence the water of life floweth: Dig until thou come to the assembly of the first-born, where this song is most suitably sung, to the praise and glory of the rich grace and mercy of the Fountain of life, &c." And a little farther, when speaking of his mortification to the world, and other sweet experiences, he says, "And although, O Lord, thou shouldst send me in the back track and tenor of my life, to seek my soul's comfort and encouragement from them, yet I have no cause to complain of hard dealing from thy hand, seeing it is thy ordinary way with some of thy people, Psalm xlii. 6. _O God, my soul is cast down in me, from the land of Jordan and the hill Hermon_, &c. Yea, though last, he brought me to the banquetting house, and made love his banner over me, among the cold highland hills beside Kippen Nov. 1673. He remembered his former loving kindness towards me; but withal he spoke in mine ear, that there was a tempestuous storm to meet me in the face, which I behoved to go through, in the strength of that provision, 1 Kings xix. 7." Then, after the reciting of several scriptures, as comforting to him in his sufferings, he comes at last to conclude with these words, "And seeing I have not preferred nor sought after mine own things, but thy honour and glory, the good liberty and safety of thy church and people; although it be now misconstructed by many, yet I hope that thou, Lord, wilt make thy light to break forth as the morning, and my righteousness as the noon-day and that shame and darkness shall cover all who are enemies to my righteous cause: For thou, O Lord, art the shield of my head, and sword of my excellency; and mine enemies shall be found liars, and shall be subdued. Amen, yea and Amen. _Sic subscribitur_, JAMES MITCHEL." Accordingly, upon the 18th of Jan. he was taken to the grass-market of Edinburgh, and the sentence put in execution. In the morning he delivered some copies of what he had to say, if permitted, at his death; but not having liberty to deliver this part of his vindicatory speech to the people, he threw it over the scaffold, the substance of which was as follows. "_Christian people_, "It being rumoured abroad, immediately after I received my sentence, that I would not have liberty to speak in this place, I have not troubled myself to prepare any formal discourse, on account of the pretended crime for which I am accused and sentenced; neither did I think it very necessary, the same of the process having gone so much abroad, what by a former indictment given me near four years ago, the diet of which was suffered to desert, in respect the late advocate could not find a just way to reach me with the extra-judicial confession they opponed to me; all knew he was zealous in it, yet my charity to him is such, that he would not suffer that unwarrantable zeal so far to blind him, as to overstretch the laws of the land beyond their due limits, in prejudice of the life of a native subject; next by an extreme inquiry of torture, and then by exiling me to the bass; and then, after all by giving me a new indictment at the instance of the new advocate, who, before, was one of mine, when I received the first indictment; to which new indictment and debate in the process, I refer you; and particularly to these two defences of an extra-judicial confession, and the promise of life given to me by the chancellor, upon his own and the public faith of the kingdom; upon the verity thereof I am content to die, and ready to lay down my life, and hope your charity to me a dying man will be such as not to mistrust me therein; especially since it is notoriously adminiculate by an act of secret council, and yet denied upon oath by the principal officers of state present in council at the making of said act, and whom the act bears to have been present: the duke of Lauderdale, being then his majesty's commissioner, was likewise present;----and which act of council was, by the lords of justiciary, most unjustly repelled, &c. Thus much for a short account of the affair for which I am unjustly brought to this place; but I acknowledge my private and particular sins have been such as have deserved a worse death to me; but I hope in the merits of Jesus Christ to be freed from the eternal punishment due to me for sin. I am confident that God doth not plead with me in this place, for my private and particular sins, but I am brought here that the work of God may be made manifest, and for the trial of faith, John ix. 3, 1 Pet. i. 7. That I might be a witness for his despised truths and interest in this land, where I am called to seal the same with my blood; and I wish heartily that this my poor life may put an end to the persecution of the true members of Christ in this place, so much actuated by these perfidious prelates, in opposition to whom, and testimony to the cause of Christ, I at this time lay down my life, and bless God that he hath thought me so much worthy as to do the same, for his glory and interest. Finally, Concerning a christian duty, in a singular and extraordinary case, and anent my particular judgment, concerning both church and state, it is evidently declared and manifested elsewhere. Farewell all earthly enjoyments, and welcome Father, Son and Holy Ghost, into whose hands I commit my spirit. JAMES MITCHEL." Here we have heard the end of the zealous and faithful Mr. James Mitchel, who, beyond all doubt, was a most pious man, notwithstanding all the foul aspersions that have been, or will be cast upon him (not only by malignant prelates, but even by the high fliers, or more corrupted part of the presbyterian persuasion) namely, on account of his firing at bishop Sharp; which, they think, is enough to explode, affront or bespatter all the faithful contendings of the true reformed and covenanted church of Scotland. But in this Mr. Mitchel stands in need of little or no vindication; for by this time the reader may perceive, that he looked upon himself as in a state of war, and that, as Sharp was doubtless one of the chief instigators of the tyranny, bloodshed and oppression in that dismal period, he therefore, no doubt, thought he had a right to take every opportunity of cutting him off, especially as all the ways of common justice were blocked up; yet all this opens no door for every private person, at their own hand, to execute justice on an open offender, where there is access to a lawful magistrate appointed for that end. Yea what he himself saith anent this affair, in a letter dated Feb. 1674. may be sufficient to stop the mouths of all that have or may oppose the same, a few words of which may be subjoined to this narrative; where, after he has resumed what passed betwixt him and the chancellor, he says, that as to his design against Sharp, "He looked up him to be the main instigator of all the oppression and bloodshed of his brethren, that followed thereupon, and of the continual pursuing of his life; and he being a soldier, not having laid down arms, but being still upon his own defence, and having no other end or quarrel at any man but what (according to his apprehension of him) may be understood by the many thousands of the faithful, besides the prosecution of the ends of the same covenant, which was and is in that point, the overthrow of prelates and prelacy, and he being a declared enemy to him on that account, and he to him in like manner; and as he was always to take his advantage, as it appeared, so he took of him any opportunity that offered----For," says he, "I, by his instigation, being excluded from all grace and favour, thought it my duty to pursue him at all occasions, &c." And a little farther he instances in Deut. xiii. 19. where the seducer or inticer to a false worship is to be put to death, and that by the hand of the witness, whereof he was one; takes notice of Phinehas, Elijah, &c.; and then observes, that the bishops would say, what they did was by law and authority, but what he did was contrary to both; but he answers, The king himself and all the estates of the land, &c. both were and are obliged by the oath of God upon them, to extirpate the perjured prelates and prelacy, and, in doing thereof, to have defended one another with their lives and fortunes, &c. _The Life of Mr. JOHN WELWOOD._ Mr. John Welwood, born about the year 1649, was son to Mr. James Welwood, sometime minister at Tindergirth (and brother to Mr. Andrew Welwood and James Welwood doctor of medicine at London). After he had gone through the ordinary courses of learning he entered on the ministry, and afterwards preached in many places, but we do not hear that he was ever settled minister in any parish, it being then a time when all who intended any honesty or faithfulness in testifying against the sins and defections of the times, were thrust out of the church and prosecuted with the greatest extremity. It is said, that he preached some five or six sermons in the parish where his father was minister, which were blessed with more discernible effects of good amongst that people than all the diligent painfulness his father had exercised in the time he was minister of that parish. And besides his singular piety and faithfulness in preaching, he was a most fervent presser to all the duties of the christian life, particularly to the setting up and keeping of fellowship and society meetings, for prayer and christian conference, which he often frequented himself. One time, among several others, at the new house in Livingston parish, after the night was far spent, he said, Let one pray, and be short that we may win to our apartments before it be light; it was the turn of one who exceeded many in gifts.----But before he ended it was day-light within the house. After prayer he said, James, James, your gifts have the start of your graces: And to the rest he said, Be advised, all of you, not to follow him in all times and in all things, otherwise there will be many ins and many outs in your tract and walk. _Anno_ 1677, there was an Erastian meeting of the actually indulged and non-indulged, procured by the indulged and their favourites, in order to get unity made and kept up (but rather in reality a conspiracy without any truth, unity or veracity among these backsliders and false prophets).--Mr. Welwood, worthy Mr. Cameron, and another minister were called before this meeting, in order to have them deposed, and their licence taken from them, for their faithfulness in preaching up separation from the actually indulged. But they declined their authority, as being no lawful judicatory of Jesus Christ, whilst thus made up of those who were actually indulged. Some of them went to Mr. Hog, who was then in town, though not at this meeting, for his advice anent them. To whom he said, His name is Welwood, but if ye take that unhappy course to depose them, he will perhaps turn out their Torwood at last. Mr. Welwood was a man of a lean and tender body. He always slept, ate and drank but little, as being one still under a deep exercise, the state and case of his soul laying a great concern upon his spirit, about the defections and tyranny of that day, especially concerning the indulged, and so many pleading in their favour. But, being of a sickly constitution before, he turned more melancholy and tender. Much[161] about this time, he was informed against to the managers at Edinburgh, that having intruded upon the kirk of Tarboltoun, in the shire of Ayr; the council appointed Glencairn and lord Ross to see that he be turned out and apprehended; but there is nothing further can be learned anent this order. One Sabbath when he was going to preach, and the tent set up for him, the laird on whose ground it was, caused lift it, and set it on another laird's ground. But when Mr. Welwood saw it, he said, in a short time that laird shall not have one furr of land. Some quarrelled him for saying so (this laird being then a great professor). He said, Let alone a little and he will turn out in his own colours. Shortly after this, he fell out in adultery, and became most miserable and contemptible, being, as was said, one of York's four pound papists. In the beginning of the year 1679, he said to William Nicolson a Fife-shire man, Ye shall have a brave summer of the gospel this year, and for your further encouragement an old man or woman for very age may yet live to see the bishops down, and yet the church not delivered, but ere all be done we will get a few faithful ministers in Scotland to hear; but keep still amongst the faithful poor mourning remnant that is for God, for there is a cloud coming on the church of Scotland, the like of which was never heard; for the most part will turn to defection.----But I see, on the other side of it, the church's delivery, with ministers and christians, that you would be ashamed to open a mouth before them. Among his last public days of preaching, he preached at Boulterhall in Fife, upon that text, _Not many noble_, &c. Here he wished that all the Lord's people, whom he had placed in stations of distinction, there and everywhere would express their thankfulness that the words _not many_ were not _not any_, and that the whole of them were not excluded. In the end of that sermon he said, (pointing to St. Andrews) "If that unhappy prelate Sharp die the death of all men, God never spoke by me." The bishop had a servant, who, upon liberty from his master on Saturday's night, went to visit his brother, who was a servant to a gentleman near Boulterhall (the bishop ordering him to be home on Sabbath night). He went with the laird, and his brother that day. Mr. Welwood noticed him with the bishop's livery on, and when sermon was ended, he desired him to stand up, for he had somewhat to say to him. "I desire you, said he, before all these witnesses when thou goest home, to tell thy master, that his treachery, tyranny and wicked life are near an end, and his death shall be both sudden, surprising, and bloody; and as he hath thirsted after and shed the blood of the saints, he shall not go to his grave in peace, &c." The youth went home, and at supper the bishop asked him, If he had been at a conventicle? He said, He was. He asked, What his text was, and what he said? The man told him several things, and particularly the above message from Mr. Welwood. The bishop made sport of it. But his wife said, I advise you to take more notice of that, for I hear that these men's words are not vain words. Shortly after this he went to Perth, and there lodged in the house of one John Barclay. His bodily weakness increasing, he was laid aside from serving his Master in public; and lingered under a consumptive distemper until the beginning of April 1679, when he died. During the time of his sickness, while he was able to speak, he laid himself out to do good to souls. None but such as were looked upon to be friends to the persecuted cause knew that he was in town; and his practice was, to call them in, one family after another, at different times; and discourse to them about their spiritual state. His conversation was both convincing, edifying and confirming. Many came to visit him, and among the rest one Aiton, younger of Inchdarny in Fife, (a pious youth about eighteen years of age) and giving Mr. Welwood an account of the great tyranny and wickedness of prelate Sharp, Mr. Welwood said, "You will shortly be quit of him, and he will get a sudden and sharp off-going, and ye will be the first that will take the good news of his death to heaven." Which literally came to pass the May following. About the same time he said to another who came to visit him, "that many of the Lord's people should be in arms that summer for the defence of the gospel; but he was fully persuaded that they would work no deliverance; and that, after the fall of that party, the public standard of the gospel should fall for some time, so that there would not be a true faithful minister in Scotland, excepting two, unto whom they could resort, to hear or converse with, anent the state of the church; and they would also seal the testimony with their blood; and that after this there should be a dreadful defection and apostacy; but God would pour out his wrath upon the enemies of his church and people, wherein many of the Lord's people, who had made defection from his way should fall among the rest in this common calamity; but this stroke, he thought, would not be long, and upon the back thereof there would be the most glorious deliverance and reformation that ever was in Britain, wherein the church should never be troubled any more with prelacy." When drawing near his end, in conversation with some friends, he used frequently to communicate his own exercise and experience, with the assurance he had obtained of his interest in Christ, he said, "I have no more doubt of my interest in Christ, than if I were in heaven already." And at another time he said, "Although I have been for some weeks without sensible comforting presence, yet I have not the least doubt of my interest in Christ. I have oftentimes endeavoured to pick a hole in my interest, but cannot get it done." That morning ere he died, when he observed the light of the day, he said, "Now eternal light, and no more night and darkness to me."--And that night he exchanged a weakly body, a wicked world, and a weary life, for an immortal crown of glory, in that heavenly inheritance which is prepared and reserved for such as him. The night after his exit his corpse was removed from John Barclay's house into a private room, belonging to one Janet Hutton (till his friends might consult about his funeral) that so he might not be put to trouble for concealing him. It was quickly spread abroad that an intercommuned preacher was dead in town, upon which the magistrates ordered a messenger to go and arrest the corpse. They lay there that night, and the next day a considerable number of his friends in Fife, in good order, came to town in order to his burial, but the magistrates would not suffer him to be interred at Perth, but ordered the town militia to be raised, and imprisoned John Bryce, box-master or treasurer to the guildry, for returning to give out the militia's arms. However the magistrates gave his friends leave to carry his corpse out of town, and bury them without their precincts, where they pleased. But any of the town's people, who were observed to accompany the funeral were imprisoned. After they were gone out of town, his friends sent two men before them to Drone, four miles from Perth, to prepare a grave in that church-yard. The men went to Mr. Pitcairn, the minister there (one of the old resolutioners), and desired the keys of the church-yard that they might dig a grave for the corpse of Mr. Welwood, but he refused to give them. They went over the church-yard-dyke and digged a grave, and there the corpse was interred. There appears to be only one of his sermons in print (said to be preached in Bogles-hole in Clydesdale), upon 1 Peter iv. 18. _And if the righteous scarcely be saved_, &c.-- There are also some of his religious letters, written to his godly friends and acquaintances, yet extant in manuscript. But we are not to expect to meet with any thing considerable of the writings of Mr. John Welwood[162], or the succeeding worthies; and no wonder, seeing that in such a broken state of the church, they were still upon their watch, haunted and hurried from place to place, without the least time or conveniency for writing; yea, and oftentimes what little fragments they had collected, fell into the hand of false friends and enemies, and were by them either destroyed or lost. _The Life of WILLIAM GORDON of Earlstoun._ William Gordon of Earlstoun was born about the year----. He was son to that famous reformer Alexander Gordon of Earlstoun, and was lineally descended of that famous Alexander Gordon who entertained the followers of John Wickliffe, and who had a new testament of the vulgar tongue which they used to read in their meetings at the wood near Airds beside Earlstoun. William Gordon, having thus the advantage of a very religious education, began very early to follow Christ. As early as the year 1637, Mr. Rutherford in a letter admonishes him thus: "Sir, lay the foundation thus and ye shall not soon shrink nor be shaken: make tight work at the bottom, and your ship shall ride against all storms; if withal your anchor be fastened on good ground, I mean, within the vail, &c.[163]" And indeed by the blessing of God, he began very early to distinguish himself for piety and religion with a firm attachment to the presbyterian interest and a covenanted work of reformation; in which he continued stedfast and unmoveable until he lost his life in the honourable cause. What hand he had in the public affairs during Cromwel's usurpation, I cannot so well say: we must suppose him upon the remonstrators' side. But the first public testimony he gave after the restoration of Charles II. recorded in history, was, about the year 1663, when some commissioners were appointed by the council to go south and inquire anent some opposition that was then made by the people to the settlement of curates at Kirkendbright and Irongray: and the said commissioners, knowing this worthy gentleman's firmness to the presbyterian principles, and being designed either to make him comply in settling an episcopal incumbent in the parish of Dalry in Galloway (where, by the once established laws, he had some right in presenting) or, if he refused to concur with the bishop, which they had all reason imaginable to suspect he would, to bring him to further trouble. Accordingly they wrote him a letter in the following tenor:--"Finding the church of Dalry to be one of those that the bishop hath presented, an actual minister Mr. George Henry fit and qualified for the charge, and that the gentleman is to come to your parish this Sabbath next to preach to that people, and that you are a person of special interest there,--we do require you to cause his edict to be served, and the congregation to conveen and countenance him so as to be encouraged to prosecute his ministry in that place."--Your loving friends and servants, LINLITHGOW, GALLOWAY, ANNANDALE, DRUMLANERK. To this letter Earlstoun give them a very respectful return, shewing, upon solid reasons, why he could not comply with this their unjust demand, as the following excerpt from that letter evidences:--"I ever judged it safest to obey God, and stand at a distance from whatsoever doth not tend to God's glory and the edification of the souls of his scattered people, of which that congregation is a part. And besides, my Lords, it is known to many, that I pretend to lay claim to the light of patronage of that parish, and have already determined therein with the consent of the people to a truly worthy and qualified person, that he may be admitted to exercise his gifts amongst that people; and for me to countenance the bearer of your Lordship's letter, were to procure me most impiously and dishonourably to wrong the majesty of God and violently to take away the Christian liberty of his afflicted people and enervate my own right, &c."[164] This was, without question, what the managers wanted, and so his trouble began: for, on the 30th of July following, "the lords of council order letters to be directed, to charge William Gordon of Earlstoun to compear before them--to answer for his seditious and factious carriage:" that was, his refusing to comply with prelacy, and hear the curates, and for his favouring and hearing the outed ministers. And further, Nov. 24th, same year, "The council being informed, that the laird of Earlstoun kept conventicles and private meetings in his house,--do order letters to be directed against him to compear before this council to answer for his contempt, under the pain of rebellion." But all this no-ways dashed the courage of this confessor of Christ in adhering to his persecuted and despised gospel; which made these malignant enemies yet pass a more severe and rigorous act against him; in which it was exhibited that he had been at several conventicles (as they were pleased to call the preachings of the gospel) where Mr. Gabriel Semple, a deposed minister, did preach in the Corsack wood and wood of Airds; and heard texts of scripture explained both in his mother's and in his own house by outed ministers; "--and being required to enact himself to abstain from all such meetings in time coming, and to live peaceably and orderly, conform to law," he refused to do the same: They did, therefore, order the said William Gordon of Earlstoun to be banished, and to depart forth of the kingdom within a month, and not to return under pain of death, and that he live peaceably during that time, under, the penalty of 10,000 l. or otherwise, to enter his person in prison. Here it would appear, that he did not obey this sentence. And although we have little or no particular account of his sufferings, yet we are assured he endured a series of hardships.--In the year 1667, he was turned out of his house and all; and the said house made a garrison for Bannantine that wicked wretch and his party; after which, almost every year produced him new troubles, until the 22d or 23rd of January, 1679, that he emerged out of all his troubles, and arrived at the haven of rest, and obtained his glorious reward in the following manner-- Having some affairs to settle (perhaps on a view never to return) he could not join that suffering handful who were then in arms near Bothwel: he sent his son who was in the action. He himself hastening forward as soon as possible to their assistance, and not knowing of their disaster, was met near the place by a party of English dragoons who were in quest of the sufferers, and, like another valiant champion of Christ, he refused to surrender or comply with their demand, and so they killed him straight out upon the spot[165]; his son being out of the way, and his friends not obtaining that his body should be urned amongst the bones of his ancestors; he was interred in the church-yard of Glassford: and though a pillar or monument was erected over his grave, yet no inscription was got inscribed because of the severity of these times. Thus fell a renowned Gordon, one whose character at present I am in no capacity to describe: only, I may venture to say, that he was a gentleman of good parts and endowments; a man devoted unto religion and godliness; and a prime supporter of the Presbyterian interest in that part of the country wherein he lived.--The Gordons have all along made no small figure in our Scottish history;--but here was a patriot, a good Christian, a confessor and (I may add) a martyr of Jesus Christ. _The Lives of Messrs. JOHN KID and JOHN KING._ Messrs. John Kid and John King suffered many hardships during the persecuting period, namely, from the year 1670, to the time of their martyrdom 1679. Mr. King was sometime chaplain to lord Cardross; and it appears, he was apprehended and imprisoned in the year 1674. but got out on a bond and surety for 5000 merks, to appear when called. Next year he was again, by a party of the persecutors, apprehended in the said lord Cardross's, but was immediately rescued from their hands by some country people, who had profited much by his ministry. After this, he was taken a third time by bloody Claverhouse near Hamilton, with about 17 others, and brought to Evandale, where they were all rescued by their suffering brethren at Drumclog. After which he and Mr. Kid were of great service, and preached often among the honest party of our sufferers, till their defeat at Bothwel, where Mr. Kid, among other prisoners, was taken and brought to Edinburgh. It would appear that Mr. King was apprehended also at the same time in or west from Glasgow[166]. For a party of English dragoons being there, and one of them on horseback called for some ale, and drank to the confusion of the covenants. Another of his comrades asking him at the stable-green port, where he was going, he answered, To carry King to hell. But this poor wretch had not gone far whistling and singing, till his carbine accidentally went off, and killed him on the spot. _God shall shoot at them with an arrow, suddenly shall they be wounded_, Psal. lxiv. 7. Mr. King was taken to Edinburgh, where both he and Mr. Kid were before the council, July 9th. Mr. King confessed, when examined, That he was with those who rose at that time, &c. Mr. Kid confessed, he had preached in the fields, but never where there were men in arms, except in two places. They signed their confession, which was afterwards produced in evidence against them before the justiciary. On the 12th Mr. Kid was again examined before the council, and put to the torture. It seems he was more than once in the boots, where he behaved with much meekness and patience. Mr. King was examined on the 16th before the justiciary, and Mr. Kid on the day following. On the 22d, they received their indictments. Their trial came on upon the 28th. They were again before the justiciary, where, upon their former petition on the 24th, advocates were allowed to plead for them[167], but no exculpation was allowed them. When their indictments were read, the advocate produced their confessions before the council, as proof against them; and accordingly they were brought in guilty and condemned to be hanged at the market cross of Edinburgh on Thursday the 14th of Aug. and their heads and right arms to be cut off, and disposed of at the council's pleasure. Accordingly, the same day the king's act of indemnity was published in the forenoon, and, to grace the solemnity, the two noble martyrs (who were denied a share therein) were in the afternoon brought forth to their execution. It was related by one there present, that, as they approached the place, walking together hand in hand, Mr. Kid, looking about to Mr. King with a cheerful countenance, said, "I have often heard and read of a kid sacrificed, but I seldom or never heard of a king made a sacrifice." Upon the scaffold they appeared with a great deal of courage and serenity of mind, (as was usual with the martyrs in these times), and died in much peace and joy; even a joy that none of their persecutors could intermeddle with. Their heads were cut off on another scaffold prepared for the purpose. Thus ended these two worthy ministers and martyrs of Jesus Christ, after they had owned their allegiance to Zion's king and Lord, and given a faithful testimony against popery, prelacy, Erastianism, &c. and for the covenanted work of reformation in its different parts and periods. The reader will find their dying testimonies in Naphtali and the western martyrology, page 146. &c. A few of their sermons I had occasion lately to publish. _The Life of Mr. JOHN BROWN._ Mr. Brown was ordained minister at Wamphray in Annandale. There is no certain account how long he was minister there, only it was some time before the restoration of Charles II. as appears from his great faithfulness in opposing prelacy, which was then about to be intruded upon the church; insomuch that, for his fortitude and freedom with some of his neighbouring ministers for their compliance with the prelates, contrary to the promise they had given him, he was turned out of that place. Upon the 6th of Nov. 1662, he was brought before the council. Whether by letters to converse with the managers, or by a citation, it is not certain. But the same day, the council's act against him runs thus: "Mr. John Brown of Wamphray, being conveened before the council, for abusing and reproaching some ministers for keeping the diocesan synod with the arch-bishop of Glasgow, calling them perjured knaves and villains, did acknowledge that he called them false knaves for so doing, because they had promised the contrary to him. The council ordain him to be secured close prisoner in the tolbooth till further orders." He remained in prison till Dec. 11, when, after Mr. Livingston and others had received their sentence, the council came to this conclusion anent him, "Upon a petition presented by Mr. John Brown minister of Wamphray now prisoner in Edinburgh, shewing, that he had been kept close prisoner these five weeks by-past, and seeing that, by want of free air and other necessaries for maintaining his crazy body, he is in hazard to lose his life, therefore, humbly desiring warrant to be put at liberty, upon caution to enter his person when he should be commanded, as the petition bears; which being at length he heard and considered, the lords of council ordain the king's supplicant to be put at liberty, forth of the tolbooth, his first obliging himself to remove and depart off the king's dominions, and not to return, without licence from his majesty and council, under pain of death." Great were the hardships he underwent in prison, for (says a historian) he was denied even the necessaries of life; and though, because of the ill treatment he met with, he was brought almost to the gates of death, yet he could not have the benefit of the free air until he signed a bond obliging himself to a voluntary banishment, and that without any just cause.[168] But, upon the 23d of the same month, on presenting a petition to the council to prorogue the time of his removal from the kingdom, in regard he was not able to provide himself with necessaries, and the weather so unseasonable that he could not have the opportunity of a ship, &c. as the petition bears; which being read and considered, "They grant him two months longer after the 11th of Dec. by-past; in the mean time he being peaceable, acting nothing in prejudice of the present government, &c."--And next year he went over to Holland (then the asylum of the banished) where he lived many years, but never, that we heard of, saw his own native country any more. How he employed himself mostly in Holland we are at a loss to say; his many elaborate pieces, both practical, argumentative and historical, witness that he was not idle; which were either mostly wrote there, or published from thence; and particularly those concerning the indulgences-paying, &c. sent for the support and strengthening of his persecuted brethren in the church of Scotland, unto whom he and Mr. M'Ward contributed all in their power, that they might be kept straight (while labouring in the furnace of affliction) under a scene of sore oppression and bloody tyranny. But hither did the malice of their enemies yet pursue them. For the king, by the infliction of prelate Sharp, _anno_ 1676, wrote to the states-general to remove them from their province. And although the states neither did nor could reasonably grant this demand, seeing they had got the full stress of laws in Scotland many years before, yet it appears that they were obliged to wander further from the land of their nativity. Some time before his death, he was admitted minister of the Scots congregation at Rotterdam; where he, with great prudence and diligence, exercised that function; it being always his study and care to gain many souls to Christ. For as he was faithful in declaring the whole counsel of God to his people, in warning them against the evils of the time, so he was likewise a great textuary, close in handling any truth he discoursed upon, and in the application most home, warm and searching, shewing himself a most skilful casuist. His sermons were not so plain, but the learned might admire them; nor so learned, but the plain understood them. His fellow-soldier and companion[169] in tribulation gives him this testimony, "That the whole of his sermons, without the intermixture of any other matter, had a specialty of pure gospel tincture, breathing nothing but faith in Christ, and communion with him, &c." The ordination of faithful Mr. Richard Cameron seems to have been the last of his public employments; and his last but excellent discourse (before his exile from this world, which appears to have been about the end of the year 1679) was from Jer. ii. 35. _Behold I will plead with thee, because thou sayest, I have not sinned_, &c. And having finished his course with joy, he died in the Lord. _Blessed are the dead which die in the Lord, that they may rest from their labours, and their works do follow them_. No doubt Mr. Brown was a man famous in his day, both for learning, faithfulness, warm zeal and true piety. He was a notable writer, a choice and pathetical preacher; in controversy he was acute, masculine and strong, in history plain and comprehensive, in divinity substantial and divine; the first he discovers in his work printed in Latin against the Sodinians, and his treatise _de causa Dei contra anti-sabbatanios_, which the learned world know better than can be here described. There is also a large manuscript history intitled, _Apologia pro ecclesia_, &c. _anno Domini_ 1660, consisting of 1600 pages in 4to, which he gave in to Charles Gordon, sometime minister at Dalmony, to be by him presented to the first free general assembly of the church of Scotland, and was by him exhibited to the general assembly _anno_ 1692; of this history the apologetical relation seems to be an abridgment. His letters and other papers, particularly the history of the indulgence, written and sent home to his native country, manifest his great and fervent zeal for the cause of Christ. And his other practical pieces, such as that on justification, on the Romans, Quakerism the way to Paganism; the hope of glory; and Christ the way, the truth and the life; the first and second part of his life of faith, and Enoch's testament opened up, &c.; all which evidence his solid piety, and real acquaintance with God and godliness. _The Life of HENRY HALL of Haugh-head._ Mr. Hall of Haugh-head (in the parish of Eckford in Teviotdale), having had a religious education, began very early to mind a life of holiness, in all manner of godly conversation. In his younger years he was a most zealous opposer of the public resolutions (that took place _anno_ 1651) insomuch, that when the minister of that parish complied with that course, he refused to hear him, and often went to Ancrum to hear Mr. John Livingston. After the restoration of that wicked tyrant Charles II. being oppressed with the malicious persecutions of the curates and other malignants, for his non-conformity, he was obliged to depart his native country, and go over to the border of England _anno_ 1665, where he was very much renowned for his singular zeal in propagating the gospel, by instructing the ignorant, and procuring ministers to preach now and then among that people, who before his coming were very rude and barbarous, but now many of them became famous for piety. _Anno_ 1666, he was taken prisoner on his way coming to Pentland, to the assistance of his covenanted brethren, and imprisoned with some others in Cesford castle. But, by divine providence, he soon escaped thence, through the favour of his friend the earl of Roxburgh, (who was a blood-relation of his), unto whom the castle then pertained. He retired again to Northumberland, where, from this time until the year 1679, he lived, being very much beloved, of all that knew him, for his care and concern in propagating the gospel of Christ in that country, insomuch that his blameless and shining conversation drew love, reverence and esteem even from his very enemies. About the year 1678, the heat of the persecution in Scotland obliged many to wander about in Northumberland, as one colonel Struthers was violently pursuing all Scotsmen in those places. Haugh-head was in that scuffle near Crookham, a village upon the English border, where one of his nearest intimates, that gallant and religious gentleman Thomas Ker of Hayhop, fell. Upon which he was obliged to return again to Scotland, where he wandered up and down in the hottest time of the persecution, mostly with Mr. Donald Cargil and Mr. Richard Cameron. During which time, beside his many other Christian virtues, he signalized himself by a real zeal, in defence of the persecuted gospel in the fields. He was one of these four elders of the church of Scotland, who at the council of war at Shawhead-muir June 18. 1769, were chosen, with Messrs Cargil, Douglas, King and Barclay, to draw up the causes of the Lord's wrath against the land, which were to be the causes of a fast on the day following. He had, indeed, an active hand in the most part of the transactions among the covenanters at that time; as being one of the commanding officers in that army, from the skirmish at Drumclog, to their defeat at Bothwel-bridge. After this, being forfeited, and diligently searched for and pursued after, to eschew the violent hands of these his indefatigable persecutors, he was forced to go over to Holland (the only refuge then of our Scots sufferers). But he had not stayed there long, until his zeal for the persecuted interest of Christ, and his tender sympathy for the afflicted remnant of his covenanted brethren, who were then wandering in Scotland, through the desolate caves and dens of the earth, drew him home again; choosing rather to undergo the utmost efforts of persecuting fury, than to live at ease in the time of Joseph's affliction, making Moses's generous choice, rather to suffer affliction with the people of God, than to enjoy what momentary pleasures the ease of the world could afford. Nor was he very much concerned with the riches of this world; for he stood not to give his ground[170] to hold field preachings on, when few or none else would do it; for he was still a true lover of the free and faithful preached gospel, and was always against the indulgence. About a quarter of a year after his return from Holland, he was mostly with Mr. Cargil, lurking as privily as they could about Borrowstoness and other places on this and the other side the frith of Forth. At last they were taken notice of by these two bloody hounds, the curates of Borrowstoness and Carridden, who soon smelled out Mr. Cargil and his companion, and presently sent information to Middleton, governor of Blackness castle (who was a papist). After consultation, he immediately took the scent after them, ordering his soldiers to follow him at a distance, by twos and threes together, at convenient intervals, to avoid suspicion, while he and his man rode up after them at some distance, till they came to Queensferry; where perceiving the house where they alighted, he sent his servant off in haste for his men, putting up his horse in another house, and coming to the house to them as a stranger, pretended a great deal of kindness and civility to Mr. Cargil and him, desiring that they might have a glass of wine together.--When each had taken a glass, and were in some friendly conference, the governor, wearying that his men came not up, threw off the mask, and laid hands on them, saying, they were his prisoners, and commanded the people of the house, in the king's name to assist. But they all refused, except one Thomas George a waiter; by whose assistance he got the gate shut. In the mean while Haugh-head, being a bold and brisk man, struggled hard with the governor, until Cargil got off; and after the scuffle, as he was going off himself, having got clear of the governor, Thomas George struck him on the head, with a carbine, and wounded him mortally. However he got out; and, by this time the women of the town, who were assembled at the gate to the rescue of the prisoners, convoyed him out of town. He walked some time on foot, but unable to speak much, save only some little reflection upon a woman who interposed, hindering him to kill the governor, that so he might have made his escape more timeously. At last he fainted, and was carried to a country house near Echlin; and although chirurgeons were speedily brought, yet he never recovered the use of his speech any more. Dalziel, living near-by, was soon advertised, and came quickly with a party of the guards, and seized him; and although every one saw the gentleman just a-dying, yet such was his inhumanity, that he must carry him to Edinburgh. But he died, on their hands, on the way thither; and made an end of this his earthly pilgrimage to receive his heavenly crown. His corpse was carried to the Cannongate tolbooth, where they lay three days without burial; and then his friends conveened for that end, to do their last office to him; yet that could not be granted. At last they caused bury him clandestinely in the night; for such was the fury of these limbs of antichrist, that after they had slain the witnesses, they would not suffer them to be decently interred in the earth; which is another lasting evidence of the cruelty of those times. Thus the worthy gentleman, after he had in an eminent manner, served his day and generation, fell a victim to prelatic fury. Upon him was found, when he was taken, a rude draught of an unsubscribed paper, afterwards called the Queensferry paper; which the reader will find, inserted at large, in Wodrow's history, vol. II. Appendix, No. 46; the substance of which is contained in Crookshank's history, and in the appendix to the cloud of witnesses. _The Life of Mr. RICHARD CAMERON._ Mr. Richard Cameron was born in Falkland, in shire of Fyfe (his father being a merchant there). He was of the episcopal persuasion at first; for, after he had passed his course of learning, he was some time schoolmaster and precentor to the curate of Falkland. He sometimes attended the sermons of the indulged, as he had opportunity; but at last it pleased the Lord to incline him to go out to hear the persecuted gospel in the fields; which when the curates understood, they set upon him, partly by flattery and partly by threats, and at last by more direct persecution to make him forbear attending these meetings. But such was the wonderful working of the Lord by his powerful Spirit upon him, that having got a lively discovery of the sin and hazard of prelacy, he deserted the curates altogether, and no sooner was he enlightened anent the evil of prelacy, but he began more narrowly to search into the state of things, that he might know what was his proper and necessary duty. The Lord was pleased to discover to him the sinfulness of the indulgence, as flowing from the ecclesiastical supremacy usurped by the king; and, being zealously affected for the honour of Christ, wronged by that Erastian acknowledgment of the magistrate's usurped power over the church, he longed for an opportunity to give a testimony against it. This made him leave Falkland, and go to Sir Walter Scot of Harden, who attended the indulged meetings. Here he took the opportunity (notwithstanding of many strong temptations to the contrary) to witness in his station, against the indulgence. Particularly on Sabbath when called to attend the lady to church, he returned from the entry, refusing to go that day; and spent it in his chamber, where he met with much of the Lord's presence (as he himself afterwards testified) and got very evident discoveries of the nature of these temptations and suggestions of Satan, which were like to prevail with him before; and upon Monday, giving a reason unto the said Sir William and his lady why he went not to church with them, he took occasion to be plain and express in testifying against the indulgence, in the original rise, spring, and complex nature thereof. After which, finding his service would be no longer acceptable to them, he went to the south, where he met with the reverend Mr. John Welch. He stayed some time in his company, who, finding him a man every way qualified for the ministry, pressed him to accept a licence to preach; which he for sometime refused, chiefly upon the account that having such clear discoveries of the sinfulness of the indulgence, he could not but testify against it explicitly, so soon as he should have opportunity to preach the gospel in public, &c.----But the force of his objections being answered by Mr. Welch's serious solicitations, he was prevailed on to accept of a licence from the outed ministers, who were then preaching in the fields, and had not then complied with the indulgence. Accordingly he was licenced by Mr. Welch and Mr. Semple at Haugh-head in Teviotdale, at the house of Henry Hall. Here he told them, He would be a bone of contention among them; for if he preached against a national sin among them it should be against the indulgences, and for separation from the indulged. After he was licenced, they sent him at first to preach in Annandale. He said, How could he go there.----He knew not what sort of people they were. But Mr. Welch said, Go your way, Richie, and set the fire of hell to their tail. He went, and, the first day, he preached upon that text, _How shall I put thee among the children_, &c. In the application he said, Put you amongst the children! the offspring of robbers and thieves. Many have heard of Annandale thieves. Some of them got a merciful cast that day, and told it afterwards, That it was the first field-meeting that ever they attended; and that they went out of curiosity, to see how a minister could preach in a tent, and people sit on the ground. After this, he preached several times with Mr. Welch, Mr. Semple and others, until 1679, that he and Mr. Welwood were called before that Erastian meeting at Edinburgh, in order to be deposed for their freedom and faithfulness in preaching against the sinful compliance of that time. After this he preached at Maybole, where many thousands of people were assembled together, it being the first time that the[171]sacrament of the Lord's supper was then dispensed in the open fields. At this time he used yet more freedom in testifying against the sinfulness of the indulgences, for which he was also called before another meeting of the indulged at Dinugh in Galloway; and a little after that, he was again called before a presbytery of them, at Sundewal in Dunscore in Nithsdale: And this was the third time they had designed to take his licence from him. Here it was where Robert Gray a Northumberland man (who suffered afterwards in the Grass-market in 1682.), Robert Neilson and others protested against them for such a conduct. At this meeting they prevailed with him to give his promise, That for some short time he should forbear such an explicit way of preaching against the indulgence, and separation from them who were indulged:----Which promise lay heavy on him afterwards, as will appear in its own proper place. After the giving of this promise, finding himself by virtue thereof bound up from declaring the whole counsel of God, he turned a little melancholy; and, to get the definite time of that unhappy promise exhausted, in the end of the year 1678, he went over to Holland (not knowing what work the Lord had for him there,); where he conversed with Mr. M'Ward and others of our banished worthies. In his private conversation and exercise in families, but especially in his public sermon in the Scots kirk of Rotterdam, he was most refreshing unto many souls, where he was most close upon conversion work from that text, _Come unto me, all ye that labour and are heavy laden_, &c.; and most satisfying and agreeable to Mr. M'Ward, Mr. Brown and others, who were sadly misinformed by the indulged, and those of their persuasion, that he could preach nothing but babble against the indulgence, cess-paying, &c. But here he touched upon none of these things, except in prayer, when lamenting over the deplorable case of Scotland by defection and tyranny. About this time Mr. M'Ward said to him, "Richard, the public standard is now fallen in Scotland, and, if, I know any thing of the mind of the Lord, you are called to undergo your trials before us; and go home, and lift the fallen standard, and display it publicly before the world; but before ye put your hand to it, ye shall go to as many of the field-ministers (for so they were yet called) as ye can find, and give them your hearty invitation to go with you; and if they will not go, go alone, and the Lord will go with you." Accordingly he was ordained by Mr. M'Ward, Mr. Brown and Roleman, a famous Dutch divine. When their hands were lift up from his head, Mr. M'Ward continued his on his head, and cried out, "Behold, all ye beholders, here is the head of a faithful minister and servant of Jesus Christ, who shall lose the same for his Master's interest, and shall be set up before sun and moon, in the view of the world." In the beginning of the year 1680, he returned home to Scotland, where he spent some time in going from minister to minister, of those who formerly kept up the public standard of the gospel in the fields; but all in vain, for the persecution being then so hot after Bothwel, against all such who had not accepted the indulgence and indemnity, none of them would adventure upon that hazard, except Mr. Donald Cargil and Mr. Thomas Douglas who came together, and kept a public fast-day in Darmeid-muir, betwixt Clydesdale and Lothian; one of the chief causes of which was the reception of the duke of York (that sworn vassal of antichrist) unto Scotland, after he had been excluded from England and several other places. After several meetings among themselves, for forming a declaration and testimony, which they were about to publish to the world, at last they agreed upon one, which they published at the market-cross of Sanquhar, June 22d, 1680. from which place it is commonly called the Sanquhar declaration. After this they were obliged, for some time, to separate one from another, and go to different corners of the land: And that not only upon the account of the urgent call and necessity of the people, who were then in a most starving condition, with respect to the free and faithful preached gospel, but also on account of the indefatigable scrutiny of the enemy, who, for their better encouragement, had, by proclamation, 5000 merks offered for apprehending Mr. Cameron, 3000 for Mr. Cargil and Mr. Douglas, and 100 for each of the rest, who were concerned in the publication of the foresaid declaration. After parting, Mr. Cameron went to Swine-know in New-Monkland, where he had a most confirming and comforting day upon that soul-refreshing text, Isa. xxxi. 2. _And a man shall be a hiding-place from the wind, and a covert from the tempest_, &c. In his preface that day, he said, He was fully assured that the Lord, in mercy unto this church and nation, would sweep the throne of Britain of that unhappy race of the name of Stuart, for their treachery, tyranny and lechery, but especially their usurping the royal prerogatives of Christ, and this he was as sure of as his hands were upon that cloth, yea and more sure, for he had that by sense, but the other by faith. Mr. H. E.[172] who suffered much by imprisonment and otherways in this period, and though otherways a worthy good man, yet was so misled that having one time premeditated a sermon, wherein he intended to speak somewhat against Mr. Cameron and Mr. Cargil, (so far was he from taking part with them): But on the Saturday's night he heard an audible voice which said twice unto him, _audi_, he answered, _audio_, I hear: the voice spoke again, and said, "Beware of calling Cameron's words, vain." This stopt him from his intended purpose. This he told himself afterwards unto an old reverend minister, who afterwards related the matter as above said. When he came to preach in and about Cumnock, he was much opposed by the lairds of Logan and Horseclugh, who represented him as a Jesuit, and a vile naughty person. But yet some of the Lord's people, who had retained their former faithfulness, gave him a call to preach in that parish. When he began, he exhorted the people to mind that they were in the sight and presence of a holy God, and that all of them were hastening to an endless estate of either well or woe. One Andrew Dalziel, a debauchee (a cocker or fowler), who was in the house, it being a stormy day, cried out, "Sir, we neither know you nor your God." Mr. Cameron, musing a little, said, "You, and all who do not know my God in mercy, shall know him in his judgments, which shall be sudden and surprizing in a few days upon you; and I, as a sent servant of Jesus Christ, whose commission I bear, and whose badge I wear upon my breast, give you warning, and leave you to the justice of God." Accordingly, in a few days after, the said Andrew, being in perfect health, took his breakfast plentifully, and before he rose fell a-vomiting, and vomited his heart's blood in the very vessel out of which he had taken his breakfast; and died in a most frightful manner. This admonishing passage, together with the power and presence of the Lord going along with the gospel dispensed by him, during the little time he was there, made the foresaid two lairds desire a conference with him, which he readily assented to. After which they were obliged to acknowledge, that they had been in the wrong to him, and desired his forgiveness. He said, From his heart he forgave them what wrongs they had done to him, but for what wrongs they had done to the interest of Christ, it was not his part, but he was persuaded that they would be remarkably punished for it. And to the laird of Logan he said, That he should be written childless; and Horseclugh, That he should suffer by burning. Both of which came afterwards to pass. Upon the fourth of July following (being 18 days before his death), he preached at the Grass-water-side near Cumnock. In his preface that day, he said, "There are three or four things I have to tell you this day, which I must not omit, because I will be but a breakfast or four-hours to the enemy, some day or other shortly; and then my work and my time will be finished both. And the first is this, As for king Charles II. who is now upon the throne of Britain, after him there shall not be a crowned king of the name of Stuart in Scotland[173]. _2dly_, There shall not be an old covenanter's head above ground that swore these covenants with uplifted hands, ere ye get a right reformation set up in Scotland. _3dly_, A man shall ride a day's journey in the shires of Galloway, Ayr, and Clydesdale, and not see a reeking house nor hear a cock crow, ere ye get a right reformation, and several other shires shall be little better. And _4thly_, The rod that the Lord will make instrumental in this, will be the French and other foreigners, together with a party in this land joining them: but ye that stand to the testimony in that day, be not discouraged at the fewness of your number, for when Christ comes to raise up his own work in Scotland, he will not want men enough to work for him, &c." In the week following, he preached in the parish of Carluke, upon these words Isa. xl. 24. _Shall the prey be taken from the mighty?_ &c. And the Sabbath following, at Hind-Bottom near Crawford-John, he preached on these words, _You will not come to me that you may have life._ In the time of which sermon he fell a-weeping, and the greater part of the multitude also, so that few dry cheeks were to be seen among them. After this, unto the death of his death, he mostly kept his chamber door shut until night; for the mistress of the house where he stayed, having been several times at the door, got no access. At last she forced it up, and found him very melancholy. She earnestly desired to know how it was with him. He said, That weary promise I gave to these ministers has lain heavy upon me, and for which my carcase shall dung the wilderness, and that ere it be long. Being now near his end, he had such a large earnest of the Spirit, which made him have such a longing desire for full possession of the heavenly inheritance, that he seldom prayed in a family, asked a blessing or gave thanks, but he requested patience to wait until the Lord's appointed time came. His last-sabbath[174] he preached (with Mr. Cargil in Clydesdale) on Psal. xlvi. 10. _Be still and know that I am God_, &c. That day he said, He was sure that the Lord would lift up a standard against Antichrist, that would go to the gates of Rome and burn it with fire, and that blood should be their sign, and _no quarter_ their word; and earnestly wished that it might begin in Scotland. At their parting, they concluded to meet the second Sabbath after this at Craigmead.--But he was killed on the Thursday thereafter. And the Sabbath following, Mr. Cargil preached in the parish of the Shots upon that text, _Know ye not that there is a great man and prince fallen this day in Israel?_ The last night of his life, he was in the house of William Mitchel in Meadow-head, at the water of Ayr, where about 23 horse and 40 foot had continued with him that week. That morning a woman gave him water to wash his face and hands; and having washed and dried them with a towel, he looked to his hands, and laid them on his face, saying, This is their last washing, I have need to make them clean, for there are many to see them. At this the woman's mother wept. He said, Weep not for me, but for yourself and yours, and for the sins of a sinful land, for ye have many melancholy, sorrowful and weary days before you. The people who remained with him were in some hesitation, whether they should abide together for their own defence, or disperse and shift for themselves. But that day, being the 22d of July, they were surprised by Bruce of Earls-hall; who, having got command of Airely's troop and Strahan's dragoons (upon notice given him by Sir John Cochran of Ochiltree[175]) came furiously upon them about four o'clock in the afternoon, when lying on the east end of Airs-moss. When they saw the enemy approaching, and no possibility of escaping, they all gathered round about him, while he prayed a short word; wherein he repeated this expression thrice over, Lord, spare the green and take the ripe. When ended, he said to his brother with great intrepidity, Come, let us fight it out to the last; for this is the day that I have longed for, and the day that I have prayed for, to die fighting against our Lord's avowed enemies: this is the day that we will get the crown.--And to the rest he said, Be encouraged all of you to fight it out valiantly, for all of you that shall fall this day, I see heaven's gates open to receive you. But the enemy approaching, they immediately drew up eight horse with him on the right, the rest, with valiant Hackston, on the left, and the foot in the middle; where they all behaved with much bravery until overpowered by a superior number. At last Hackston was taken prisoner (as will afterwards be more fully narrated) and Mr. Cameron was killed on the spot, and his head and hands cut off by one Murray, and taken to Edinburgh. His father being in prison for the same cause, they carried them to him (to add grief unto his former sorrow), and inquired at him, if he knew them. He took his son's hands and head, which were very fair, being a man of a fair complexion with his own hair, and kissed them, and said, "I know, I know them; they are my son's, my own dear son's; it is the Lord, good is the will of the Lord, who cannot wrong me nor mine, but has made goodness and mercy to follow us all our days." After which, by order of the council, his head was fixed upon the Nether-bow port, and his hands beside it, with the fingers upward. Thus this valiant soldier and minister of Jesus Christ came to his end, after he had been not only highly instrumental in turning many souls unto God, but also in lifting up a faithful standard for his royal Lord and Master, against all his enemies, and the defections and sinful compliances of that time. One of his and Christ's declared enemies, when he took out his head at Edinburgh, gave him this testimony, saying, "There the head and hands of a man who lived praying and preaching, and died praying and fighting." And wherever the faithful contendings of the once famous covenanted church of Scotland are honourably made mention of, this, to his honour, shall be recorded of him. When he was slain, there was found upon him a short paper, or bond of mutual defence, which the reader will find inserted in Wodrow's history, and in the appendix to the cloud of witnesses. There are also some few of his letters now published with Mr. Renwick's collection of letters, but the only sermon of his that appeared in print formerly, is that preached at Carluke, intitled, Good news to Scotland, published _anno_ 1733. He wrote also in defence of the Sanquhar declaration, but we can give no account of it ever being published. Some more of his sermons were lately published. _An ACROSTIC on his Name._ Most noble Cameron of renown, A fame of thee shall ne'er go down; Since truth with zeal thou didst pursue, To Zion's king loyal and true. Ev'n when the dragon spil'd his flood, Resist thou didst unto the blood: Ran swiftly in thy Christian race, In faith and patience to that place Christ did prepare to such as thee, He knew would not his standard flee. A pattern of valour and zeal, Rather to suffer than to fail; Didst shew thyself with might and main, Counting that dross others thought gain; A faithful witness 'gainst all those, Men of all sorts did truth oppose; Even thou with Moses didst esteem Reproaches for the God of heaven: On him alone thou didst rely, Not sparing for his cause to die. _The Life of DAVID HACKSTON of Rathillet._ David Hackston of Rathillet, in the shire of Fife, is said in his younger years to have been without the least sense of any thing religious, until it pleased the Lord, in his infinite goodness, to incline him to go out and attend the gospel then preached in the fields, where he was caught in the gospel net, and became such a true convert, that after a most mature deliberation upon the controverted points of the principles of religion in that period, he at last embarked himself in that noble cause (for which he afterward suffered), with a full resolution to stand and fall with the despised persecuted people, cause and interest of Jesus Christ. There is no account of any public appearance that this worthy gentleman made, amongst that party, until the 3d of May 1679, that we find him, with other eight gentlemen, who were in quest of one Carmichael, who, by means of the arch-bishop, had got commission to harrass and persecute all he could find (in the shire of Fife) for non-conformity; but not finding him, when they were ready to drop the search, they providentially met with their arch-enemy himself. Whenever they descried his coach, one of them said, It seems that the Lord hath delivered him into our hand; and proposed that they should choose one for their leader, whose orders the rest were to obey. Upon which they chose David Hackston for their commander; but he absolutely refused, upon account of a difference subsisting betwixt Sharp and him in a civil process, wherein he judged himself to have been wronged by the primate; which deed he thought would give the world ground to think, it was rather out of personal pique and revenge, which he professed he was free of. They then chose another, and came up with the coach; and having got the bishop out, and given him some wounds, he fell on the ground. They ordered him to pray, but, instead of that, seeing Rathillet at some distance, (having never alighted from his horse), he crept towards him on his hands and his feet, and said, Sir, I know you are a gentleman, you will protect me.--To which he answered, I shall never lay a hand on you. At last he was killed; after which every one judged of the action as their inclinations moved them. However, the deed was wholly charged upon him (and his brother-in-law, Balfour of Kinloch) although he had no active hand in this action. About the latter end of the same month of May, that he might not be found wanting to the Lord's cause, interest and people, upon any emergent or occasion, he, with some friends from Fife, joined that suffering handful of the covenanters at Evandale, where, after he and Mr. Hamilton, &c. had drawn up that declaration (afterward called the Rutherglen declaration), he and Mr. Douglas went to the market cross of Rutherglen, and upon the anniversary day the 29 of May, where they extinguished the bonefire, and published the said testimony. They returned back to Evandale, where they were attacked by Claverhouse, upon the first of June near Drumclog. Here Mr. Hackston was appointed one of the commanding officers (under Mr. Hamilton who commanded in chief), where he behaved with much valour and gallantry during that skirmish.--After which he was a very useful instrument among that faithful remnant (as witness his repeated protests against the corrupt and Erastian party), and had an active hand in the most part of the public transactions among them, until that fatal day the 22d of June, where he and his troop of horse were the last upon the field of battle at Bothwel-bridge[176]. But, this worthy and religious gentleman, being now declared a rebel to the king (though no rebel to Zion's king), and a proclamation issued out, wherein was a reward offered of 10,000 merks to any who could inform of or apprehend him, or any of those concerned in the death of the arch-bishop of St. Andrews. Upon this and the proclamation after Bothwel, he was obliged to retire out of the way for about a year's space. In which time he did not neglect to attend the gospel in the fields, where-ever he could have it faithfully dispensed. But this pious gentleman, having run fast and done much in a little time, it could not be expected he should continue long, and upon the 22d of July 1680, having been with that little party a few days, who attended Mr. Richard Cameron at Airs-moss, they were surprized by Bruce of Earls-hall, Airly's troop and Strahan's dragoons. Here, being commander in chief of that little band, and seeing the enemy approaching fast, he rode off to seek some strength of ground for their better advantage, and the rest followed; but seeing they could go no further, they turned back, and drew up quickly. Eight horse on the right, and fifteen on the left; and the foot who were but ill armed in the middle. He then asked, If they were all willing to fight? They all answered, They were. Both armies advanced, and a strong party of the enemies horse coming hard upon them, their horse fired, killed and wounded severals of them, both horse and foot; after which they advanced to the enemies very faces, when, after giving and receiving fire, valiant Hackston being in the front, finding the horse behind him broke, rode in among them, and out at a side, without any damage; but being assaulted by severals with whom he fought a long time, they following him and he them by turns, until he stuck in a bog, and the foremost of them, one Ramsay, one of his acquaintance, who followed him in, and they being on foot, fought with small swords, without much advantage on either side. But at length closing, he was struck down by three on horseback behind him; and falling after he had received three sore wounds on the head, they saved his life, which he submitted to. He was, with the rest of the prisoners, carried to the rear, where they gave them all a testimony[177] of brave resolute men. After this he was brought to Douglas, and from thence to Lanerk, where Dalziel threatened to roast him for not satisfying him with answers. After which he and other three prisoners were taken to Edinburgh, where, by order of the council, they were received by the magistrates at the water-gate, and he set on a horse's bare back, with his face backward, and the other three laid on a goad of iron, and carried up the street (and Mr. Cameron's head on a halbert before them) to the parliament closs, where he was taken down, and the rest loosed by the hand of the hangman. He was immediately brought before the council, where his indictment was read by the chancellor, and he examined, which examination and answers thereunto being elsewhere[178] inserted at large, it may suffice here to observe, that being asked, if he thought the bishop's death murder? he told them, That he was not obliged to answer such questions; yet he would not call it so, but rather say, it was not murder. Being further asked, If he owned the king's authority, he replied, "That though he was not obliged to answer, yet as he was permitted to speak, he would say something to that; and _1st_, That there could be no lawful authority but what was of God, and that no authority stated in a direct opposition to God could be of God, and that he knew of no authority nor justiciary this day in these nations, but what were in a direct opposition to God, and so could neither be of God nor lawful, and that their fruits were kything it, in that they were letting murderers, sorcerers, and such others at liberty from justice, and employing them in their service, and made it their whole work to oppress, kill and destroy the Lord's people." Bishop Paterson asked, "If ever Pilate and that judicature, who were direct enemies to Christ, were disowned by him as judges?" He said, "He would answer no perjured prelate in the nation." Paterson replied, "He could not be called perjured, since he never took that sacrilegious covenant." Mr. Hackston said, "That God would own that covenant, when none of them were to oppose it, &c." Notwithstanding these bold, free, and open answers, they threatened him with torture, but this he no-wise regarded. Upon the 26th, he was again brought before the council, where he answered much to the same purpose as before. The chancellor said, He was a vicious man. He answered, That while he was so, he had been acceptable to him, but now when otherwise it was not so. He asked him, If he would yet own that cause with his blood, if at liberty?--He answered, That both their fathers had owned it with the hazard of their blood before him. Then he was called by all a murderer.--He answered, God should decide it betwixt them, to whom he referred it, who were most murderers in his sight, him or them. Bishop Paterson's brother, in conference, told him, That the whole council found that he was a man of great parts, and also of good birth. He said, That for his birth, he was related to the best of the kingdom, which he thought little of, and as for his parts, they were very small; yet he trusted so much to the goodness of that cause for which he was a prisoner, that if they would give God that justice, as to let his cause be disputed, he doubted not to plead it against all that speak against it. Upon the 27, he was taken before the justiciary, where he declined the king's authority as an usurper of the prerogative of the Son of God, whereby he had involved the land in idolatry, perjury and other wickedness; and declined them as exercising under him the supreme power over the church, usurped from Jesus Christ, &c. and therefore durst not, with his own consent, sustain them as competent judges; but declined them as open and stated enemies to the living God, and competitors for his throne and power, belonging to him only. On the 29, he was brought to his trial, where the council, in a most unprecedented manner, appointed the manner of his execution; for they well knew his judges would find him guilty. And upon Friday the 30th, being brought again before them, they asked, If he had any more to say.----He answered, What I have said I will seal. Then they told him, They had something to say to him; and commanded him to sit down and receive his sentence, which he did, but told them, They were all murderers; for all the power they had was derived from tyranny; and that these years bygone they had not only tyrannized over the church of God, but also grinded the faces of the poor, so that oppression, perjury and bloodshed were to be found in their skirts. Upon this, he was carried from the bar on a hurdle drawn backwards, unto the place of execution at the cross of Edinburgh. None were suffered to be with him but two bailies, the executioner and his servants. He was permitted to pray to God Almighty but not to speak to the people. Being come upon the scaffold, his right hand was struck off, and a little after his left; which he endured with great firmness and constancy. The hangman being long in cutting off the right hand, he desired him to strike in the joint of the left, which being done, he was drawn up to the top of the gallows with a pully, and suffered to fall down a considerable way upon the lower scaffold three times with his whole weight, and then fixed at the top of the gallows. Then the executioner, with a large knife, cut open his breast, and pulled out his heart, before he was dead, for it moved when it fell on the scaffold. He then stuck his knife in it, and shewed it on all sides to the people, crying, Here is the heart of a traitor. At last, he threw it into a fire prepared for that purpose, and having quartered his body, his head was fixed on the Nether-bow; one of his quarters, with his hands at St. Andrews; another at Glasgow; a third at Leith; and the fourth at Bruntisland.----Thus fell this champion for the cause of Christ, a sacrifice unto prelatic fury, to gratify the lust and ambition of wicked and bloody men. Whether his courage, constancy or faithfulness had the pre-eminency it is hard to determine.--But his memory is still alive, and it is better to say no more of him, than either too much or too little. _The Life of ROBERT KER of Kersland, Esq._ Robert Ker of Kersland being born and educated in a very religious family, began early to discover more than an ordinary zeal for religion. But the first public appearance that we find he made for the cause, and interest of religion, was in the year 1666, about Nov. 26, when he, Caldwell and some others of the Renfrew gentlemen, gathered themselves together, and marched eastward to join Col. Wallace and that little handful who renewed the covenant at Lanerk. But, having heard that General Dalziel was, by that time got betwixt them and their friends, they were obliged to dismiss. But this could not escape the knowledge of the managers: for the laird of Blackstoun one of their own number, upon a promise of pardon, informed against the rest, and so redeemed his own neck by accusing his neighbour.--But of this he had nothing to boast of afterwards[179]. Kersland was after this, obliged to retire out of the way; and the next year he was forfeited in his life and fortune, and his estate given to Lieut. General Drummond of Cromlie, and his lands in Beith to William Blair of that ilk, which estate they unjustly held until the Revolution[180]. After this, to elude the storm, he thought fit to retire and go over to Holland; and there chose to live with his family at Utrecht;--where he had the advantage of hearing the gospel and other excellent conversation. In that place he continued near three years. But his friends thinking it necessary, that he should come home to settle some of his affairs, if possible, his lady returned home in the end of 1669, and himself soon followed: but to his unspeakable grief, he found, when he came to Edinburgh, that she was in a fever: She lodged in a woman's house who was a favourer of the sufferers. And though he lodged in a more private place, and only used to come in the evenings to visit his sick lady; yet one Cannon of Mardrogate, who had not yet altogether cast off the mask, at least his treachery and apostacy was not then discovered, got notice of it--He soon gave information to the Chancellor, and orders were procured from Lauderdale then in town, to search that house on pretence that Mr. John Welch was keeping conventicles in the Lady Kersland's chamber. But the design was for Kersland himself, as the sequel will declare. Accordingly, a party came, and finding no conventicle, were just going to retire. But one Murray[181] having particular notice from Mardrogate, that when any company came to the room, Kersland in the evening used to retire behind a bed; and having a torch in his hand, provided for that end, said, he behoved to search the room: and so went straight behind the bed and brought him out, charging him to render his arms. Kersland told him he had none but the Bible, which he had then in his hand; and that was enough to condemn him in these times.--At parting with his lady, she shewed much calmness and composure, exhorting him to do nothing that might wound his conscience out of regard to her or her children, and repeated that text of scripture, _No man having put his hand to the plough, and looking back, is fit for the kingdom of God._ He was forthwith taken to the guard, and then to the Abbey; where a committee of the council, that same night, was gathered for his examination. When he was brought before them, they asked him concerning the lawfulness of the appearance at Pentland; which he, in plain terms, owned to be lawful, and what he thought duty.--Upon which he was immediately imprisoned. When going away, the Chancellor upbraided him with what passed betwixt him and his lady, which he suffered with much patience. He was near three months prisoner in Edinburgh; and from thence sent to Dumbarton castle, where he continued near a year and a half. Then he was ordered for Aberdeen, where he was kept close prisoner without fire for three months space in the cold winter season.--From Aberdeen he was brought south to Stirling castle, where he continued some years; and then was, a second time, returned to Dumbarton, where he continued till October 1677. Then the council confined him to Irvine, and allowed him some time to transport himself and his family, then at Glasgow, into that place. Coming to his family at Glasgow, he was visited by many friends and acquaintance: and the same night, convoying the Lady Caldwall and her daughter, he was taken by some of the guards, and kept in the guard house till next day; when the commanding officer would have dismissed him, but first he behoved to know the arch-bishop's pleasure, who immediately ordered him a close prisoner in the tolbooth. The arch-bishop took horse immediately for Edinburgh: Lady Kersland followed after, if possible, to prevent misinformation.--In the mean time, a fire breaking out in Glasgow, the tolbooth being in hazard, and the magistrates refusing to let out the prisoners, the well affected people of the town got long ladders and set the prisoners free, and Kersland amongst the rest, after he had been eight years prisoner. After the hurry was over, he inclined to have surrendered himself again prisoner; but hearing from his lady of the arch-bishop's design against him, he retired and absconded all that winter.[182] In the spring and summer following, he kept company with the persecuted ministers, and heard the gospel preached in the fields, and was at communions, particularly that at Maybole. About the beginning of harvest, 1678, he returned again to his old retiring place Utrecht, where he continued until the day of his death. When near his departure, his dear acquaintance Sir Robert Hamilton being with him, and signifying to him that he might be spared as another Caleb to see the good land when the storm was over; to whom, amongst his last words, he said, "What is man before the Lord? yea, what is a nation? as the drop of a bucket, or the small dust in the balance: yea, less than nothing and vanity. But this much I can say in humility, that, through free grace, I have endeavoured to keep the post that God hath set me at. These fourteen years I have not desired to lift the one foot till the Lord shewed me where to set down the other." And so, in a few minutes, he finished his course with joy and fell asleep in Jesus, Nov. 14. 1680, leaving his wife and five children in a strange land. It were superfluous to insist here upon the character of the thrice renowned Ker. It is evident to all, he was a man of a great mind, far above a servile and mercenary disposition.--He was, for a number of years, hurried from place to place, and guarded from prison to prison. He endured all this with undaunted courage.--He lost a good estate then for the cause of Christ: and, though he got not the martyrs crown, yet he beyond all doubt obtained the sufferers reward. _The Life of Mr. DONALD CARGIL._ Mr. Cargil seems to have been born sometime about the year 1610. He was eldest son to a most respected family in the parish of Rattray. After he had been sometime in the schools of Aberdeen, he went to St. Andrews, where having perfected his course of philosophy, his Father prest upon him much to study divinity, in order for the ministry; but he, through tenderness of spirit, constantly refused, telling his father, That the work of the ministry was too great a burden for his weak shoulders;--and requested to command to any other employment he pleased. But his father still continuing to urge him, he resolved to set apart a day of private fasting to seek the Lord's mind therein. And after much wrestling with the Lord by prayer, the third chapter of Ezekiel, and chiefly these words in the first verse (_Son of man, eat this roll, and go speak unto the house of Israel_), made a strong impression upon his mind, to that he durst no longer refuse his father's desire, but dedicated himself wholly unto that office. After this, he got a call to the Barony church of Glasgow. It was so ordered by divine providence that the very first text the presbytery ordered him to preach upon, was these words in the third of Ezekiel (already mentioned) by which he was more confirmed that he had God's call to that parish. This parish had been long vacant, by reason that two ministers of the resolution party, _viz._ Messrs Young and Blair, had still opposed the settlement of such godly men as had been called by the people. But in reference to Mr. Cargil's call, they were, in God's providence, much bound up from their wonted opposition. Here Mr. Cargil perceiving the lightness and unconcerned behaviour of the people under the word, was much discouraged thereat, so that he resolved to return home and not accept the call; which when he was urged by some godly ministers not to do, and his reasons asked, he answered, They are a rebellious people. The ministers solicited him to stay, but in vain. But when the horse was drawn, and he just going to begin his journey, being in the house of Mr. Durham, when he had saluted several of his christian friends that came to see him take horse, as he was taking farewel of a certain godly woman, she said to him, "Sir, you have promised to preach on Thursday, and have you appointed a meal to a poor starving people, and will ye go away and not give it? if you do, the curse of God will go with you." This so moved him, that he durst not go away as he intended; but sitting down desired her and others to pray for him. So he remained and was settled in that parish, where he continued to exercise his ministry with great success, to the unspeakable satisfaction both of his own parish, and all the godly that heard and knew him, until that by the unhappy restoration of Charles II. prelacy was again restored. Upon the 26th of May following, the day consecrated in commemoration of the said restoration, he had occasion to preach in his own church (it being his ordinary week-day's preaching) when he saw an unusual throng of people come to hear him, thinking he had preached in compliance with that solemnity. Upon entering the pulpit, he said, "We are not come here to keep this day upon the account for which others keep it. We thought once to have blessed the day, wherein the king came home again, but now we think we shall have reason to curse it, and if any of you be come here in order to the solemnizing of this day we desire you to remove." And enlarging upon these words in the 9th of Hosea, _Rejoice not, O Israel_, &c. he said, This is the first step of our going a-whoring from God; and whoever of the Lord's people this day are rejoicing, their joy will be like the crackling of thorns under a pot, it will soon be turned to mourning; he (meaning the king) will be the wofullest sight that ever the poor church of Scotland saw; wo, wo, wo unto him, his name shall stink while the world stands, for treachery, tyranny and lechery. This did extremely enrage the malignant party against him, so that being hotly pursued, he was obliged to abscond, remaining sometime in private houses, and sometime lying all night without, among broom near the city, yet never omitting any proper occasion of private preaching, catechizing and visiting of families and other ministerial duties. But at length when the churches were all vacated of presbyterians by an act of council _anno_ 1662. Middleton sent a band of soldiers to apprehend him, who, coming to the church, found him not, he having providentially just stepped out of the one door, a minute before they came in at the other; whereupon they took the keys of the church-door with them and departed. In the mean while the council passed an act of confinement, banishing him unto the north side of the Tay, under penalty of being imprisoned and prosecuted as a seditious person: But this sentence he no way regarded. During this time, partly by grief for the ruin of God's work in the land, and partly by the toils and inconveniences of his labours and accommodation, his voice became so broken, that he could not be heard by many together, which was a sore exercise to him, and discouragement to preach in the fields; but one day, Mr. Blackater coming to preach near Glasgow, he essayed to preach with him, and standing on a chair (as his custom was) he lectured on Isa. xliv. 3. _I will pour water on him that is thirsty_, &c. The people were much discouraged (knowing his voice to be sore broken) lest they should not have heard by reason of the great confluence. But it pleased the Lord to loose his tongue, and restore his voice to such a distinct clearness, that none could easily exceed him; and not only his voice, but his spirit was so enlarged, and such a door of utterance given him, that Mr. Blackater, succeeding him, said to the people, "Ye, that have such preaching, have no need to invite strangers to preach to you; make good use of your mercy." After this he continued to preach without the city, a great multitude attending and profiting by his ministry, being wonderfully preserved in the midst of danger, the enemy several times sending out to watch him, and catch something from his mouth whereof they might accuse him, &c. In the month of October 1665, they made a public search for him in the city. But he, being informed, took horse, and rode out of town, and at a narrow pass of the way he met a good number of musketteers. As he passed them, turning to another way on the right hand, one of them asked him, Sir, What-o-clock is it? he answered, It is six. Another of them, knowing his voice, said, There is the man we are seeking. Upon hearing this, he put spurs to his horse, and so escaped. For about three years he usually resided in the house of one Margaret Craig, a very godly woman, where he lectured morning and evening to such as came to hear him. And though they searched strictly for him here, yet providence so ordered it, that he was either casually or purposely absent; for the Lord was often so gracious to him, that he left him not without some notice of approaching hazard. Thus, one sabbath, as he was going to Woodside to preach, as he was about to mount the horse, having one foot in the stirrup, he turned about to his man, and said, I must not go yonder to-day.--And in a little, a party of the enemy came there in quest of him, but missing the mark they aimed at, they fell upon the people, by apprehending and imprisoning severals of them. Another of his remarkable escapes was at a search made for him in the city, where they came to his chamber and found him not, being providentially in another house that night. But what is most remarkable, being one day preaching privately in the house of one Mr. Calender, they came and beset the house; the people put him and another into a window, closing the window up with books. The search was so strict, that they searched the very cieling of the house, until one of them fell through the lower loft. Had they removed but one of the books, they would certainly have found him. But the Lord so ordered that they did it not; for as one of the soldiers was about to take up one of them, the maid cried to the commander, That he was going to take her master's books, and he was ordered to let them be. Thus narrowly he escaped this danger. Thus he continued until the 23d of November 1668. that the council, upon information of a breach of his confinement, cited him to appear before them on the 11th of January thereafter. But when he was apprehended and compeared before the council, and strictly examined (wherein he was most singularly strengthened to bear a faithful testimony to his Master's honour and his persecuted cause and truths), yet by the interposition of some persons of quality, his own friends, and his wife's relations, he was dismissed and presently returned to Glasgow, and there performed all the ministerial duties, as when in his own church, notwithstanding the diligence of persecutors in searching for him again. Some time before Bothwel, notwithstanding all the searches that were made for him by the enemy, which were both strict and frequent, he preached publicly for eighteen Sabbath-days to multitudes, consisting of several thousands, within a little more than a quarter of a mile of the city of Glasgow; yea, so near it, that the psalms when singing were heard through several parts of it; and yet all this time uninterrupted. At Bothwel being taken by the enemy, and struck down to the ground with a sword, seeing nothing but present death for him, having received several dangerous wounds in the head, one of the soldiers asked his name; he told him it was Donald Cargil, another asked him, if he was a minister? He answered, he was: whereupon they let him go. When his wounds were examined, he feared to ask if they were mortal, desiring, in submission to God, to live, judging that the Lord had yet further work for him to accomplish. Some time after the fight at Bothwel, he was pursued from his own chamber out of town, and forced to go through several thorn hedges. But he was no sooner out, than he saw a troop of dragoons just opposite to him, back he could not go, soldiers being posted every where to catch him; upon which he went forward, near by the troop, who looked to him, and he to them, until he got past. But coming to the place of the water, at which he intended to go over, he saw another troop standing on the other side, who called to him, but he made them no answer. And going about a mile up the water he escaped, and preached at Langside next Sabbath without interruption. At another time, being in a house beset with soldiers, he went through the midst of them, they thinking it was the goodman of the house, and escaped. After Bothwel,[183] he fell into a deep exercise anent his call to the ministry, but, by the grace and goodness of God, he soon emerged out of that, and also got much light anent the duty of the day, being a faithful contender against the enemy's usurped power, and against the sinful compliance of ministers, in accepting the indulgence, with indemnities, oaths, bonds, and all other corruptions. There was a certain woman in Rutherglen, about two miles from Glasgow, who, by the instigation of some, both ministers and professors, was persuaded to advise her husband to go but once to hear the curate, to prevent the family being reduced; which she prevailed with him to do. But she going the next day after to milk her cows, two or three of them dropt down dead at her feet, and Satan, as she conceived, appeared unto her; which cast her under sad and sore exercises and desertion: so that she was brought to question her interest in Christ, and all that had formerly passed betwixt God and her soul, and was often tempted to destroy herself, and sundry times attempted it. Being before known to be an eminent Christian, she was visited by many Christians; but without success: still crying out, she was undone; she had denied Christ, and he had denied her. After a long time's continuance of this exercise, she cried for Mr. Cargil; who came to her, but found her distemper so strong, that for several visits he was obliged to leave her as he found her, to his no small grief. However, after setting some days apart on her behalf, he at last came again to her; but finding her no better, still rejecting all comfort, still crying out, That she had no interest in the mercy of God, or merits of Christ, but had sinned the unpardonable sin; he, looking in her face for a considerable time, took out his Bible, and naming her, said, "I have this day a commission from my Lord and Master, to renew the marriage contract betwixt you and him; and if ye will not consent, I am to require your subscription on this Bible, that you are willing to quit all right, interest in, or pretence unto him:" and then he offered her pen and ink for that purpose. She was silent for some time; but at last cried out, "O! _salvation is come unto this house._ I take him; I take him on his own terms, as he is offered unto me by his faithful ambassador." From that time her bonds were loosed. One time, Mr. Cargil, Mr. Walter Smith, and some other Christian friends being met in a friend's house in Edinburgh, one of the company, having got notice, told him of the general bonding of the west country gentlemen for suppressing the field meetings, and for putting all out of their grounds who frequented them. After sitting silent for some time, he answered, with several heavy sighs and groans, The enemy have been long filling up their cup; and ministers and professors must have time to fill up theirs also; and it shall not be full till enemies and they be clasped in one another's arms; and then, as the Lord lives, he will bring the wheel of his wrath and justice over them altogether. Some time after the beginning of the year 1680, he retired toward the frith of Forth, where he continued until that scuffle at Queensferry, where worthy Haugh-head was killed, and he sorely wounded. But escaping, a certain woman found him in a private place, on the south side of town, and tying up his wounds with her head-clothes, conducted him to the house of one Robert Puntens, in Carlowrie, where a surgeon dressed his wounds, and Mrs. Puntens gave him some warm milk, and he lay in their barn all night. From thence he went to the south, and next Sabbath preached at Cairn-hill, somewhere adjacent to Loudon, in his blood and wounds (for no danger could stop him from going about doing good). His text was in Heb. xi. 32. _And shall I more say, for time would fail me to tell of Gideon_, &c. At night some persons said to him, We think, Sir, preaching and praying go best with you when your danger and distress are greatest. He said, It had been so, and he hoped it would be so, that the more that enemies and others did thrust at him that he might fall, the more sensibly the Lord had helped him; and then (as it had been to himself) he repeated these words, _The Lord is my strength and song, and has become my salvation_, in the 118th psalm, which was the psalm he sung upon the scaffold. After this, he and Mr. Richard Cameron met and preached together in Darmeid-muir, and other places, until that Mr. Cameron was slain at Airs-moss, and then he went north, where, in the month of September following, he had a most numerous meeting at the Torwood near Stirling, where he pronounced the sentence of excommunication against some of the most violent persecutors of that day, as formally as the present state of things could then permit. Some time before this, it is said, he was very remote and spoke very little in company; only to some he said, He had a tout to give with the trumpet that the Lord had put in his hand, that would sound in the ears of many in Britain, and other places in Europe also. It is said[184], that nobody knew what he was to do that morning, except Mr. Walt Smith, to whom he imparted the thoughts of his heart. When he began, some friends feared he would be shot. His landlord, in whose house he had been that night, cast his coat and ran for it. In the forenoon he lectured on Ezek. xxi. 25, &c. and preached on 1 Cor. v. 13. and then discoursed some time on the nature of excommunication, and then proceeded to the sentence; after which, in the afternoon, he preached from Lam. iii. 31, 32. _For the Lord will not cast off for ever._ The next Lord's day he preached at Fallow-hill in the parish of Livingston. In the preface he said, "I know I am and will be condemned by many, for excommunicating those wicked men; but condemn me who will, I know I am approven of by God, and am persuaded that what I have done on earth is ratified in heaven; for, if ever I knew the mind of God, and was clear in my call to any piece of my generation-work, it was that. And I shall give you two signs, that ye may know I am in no delusion: (1) If some of these men do not find that sentence binding upon them, ere they go off the stage, and be obliged to confess it, &c. (2.) If these men die the ordinary death of men, then God hath not spoken by me[185]." About the 22d of October following, a long and severe proclamation was issued out against him and his followers, wherein a reward of 5000 merks was offered for apprehending him, &c.--Next month governor Middleton, having been frustrated in his design upon Mr. Cargil at Queensferry, laid another plot for him, by consulting one James Henderson in Ferry, who, by forging and signing letters, in name of bailie Adam in Culross, and some other serious Christians in Fife, for Mr. Cargil to come over, and preach to them at the hill of Baith. Accordingly Henderson went to Edinburgh with the letters, and, after a most diligent search, found him in the west bow. Mr. Cargil being willing to answer the call, Henderson proposed to go before, and have a boat ready at the Ferry against they came; and, that he might know them, he desired to see Mr. Cargil's cloath, (Mr. Skeen and Mr. Boig being in the same room). In the mean time he had Middleton's soldiers lying at the Mutton-hole, about three miles from Edinburgh, &c. Mr. Skeen, Archibald Stuart, Mrs. Muir and Marion Hervey took the way before on foot, Mr. Cargil and Mr. Boig being to follow on horseback. Whenever they came to the place, the soldiers spied them; but Mrs. Muir escaped, and went and stopped Mr. Cargil and Mr. Boig, who fled back to Edinburgh. After this remarkable escape, Mr. Cargil, seeing nothing but the violent flames of treachery and tyranny against him above all others, retired for about three months to England, where the Lord blessed his labours, to the conviction and edification of many. In the time of his absence that delusion of the Gibbites arose, from one John Gib sailor in Borrowstoness, who, with other three men and twenty-six women, vented and maintained the most strange delusions. Some time after, Mr. Cargil returned from England, and was at no small pains to reclaim them, but with little success. After his last conference with them[186] (at Darngavel in Cambusnethen parish) he come next sabbath, and preached at the Underbank wood, below Lanerk, and from thence to Loudon-hill, where he preached upon a fast day, being the 5th of May. Here he intended only to have preached once, and to have baptized some children. His text was, _No man that hath followed me in the regeneration_, &c. When sermon was over, and the children baptized, more children came up; whereupon friends pressed him to preach in the afternoon; which he did from these words, _Weep not for me_, &c. In the mean while, the enemy at Glasgow, getting notice of this meeting, seized all the horses in and about the town, that they could come by, and mounted in quest of him; yea, such was their haste and fury, that one of the soldiers, who happened to be behind the rest, riding furiously down the street, called the Stockwell, at mid-day, rode over a child, and killed her on the spot. Just as Mr. Cargil was praying at the close, a lad alarmed them of the enemy's approach. They (having no centinels that day, which was not their ordinary) were surprized, that some of them, who had been at Pentland, Bothwel, Airs-moss, and other dangers, were never so seized with fear, some of the women throwing their children from them. In this confusion Mr. Cargil was running straight on the enemy, but Gavin Wotherspoon and others baled him to the moss, unto which the people fled. The dragoons fired hard upon them, but there were none either killed or taken that day. About this time, some spoke to Mr. Cargil of his preaching and praying short. They said, "O Sir, it is long betwixt meals, and we are in a starving condition; all is good, sweet and wholesome that you deliver; but why do you so straiten us?" He said, "Ever since I bowed a knee in good earnest to pray, I never durst preach and pray with my gifts; and when my heart is not affected, and comes not up with my mouth, I always thought it time to quit it. What comes not from the heart, I have little hope it will go to the hearts of others." Then he repeated these words in the 51st psalm, _Then will I teach transgressors thy way_, &c. From Loudon hill he took a tour through Ayr-shire to Carrick and Galloway, preaching, baptizing, and marrying some people; but stayed not long until he returned to Clydesdale. He designed, after his return, to have preached one day at Tinto-hill, but the lady of St. John's kirk gave it out to be at Home-common. He, being in the house of John Liddel near Tinto, went out to spend the Sabbath morning by himself, and seeing the people all passing by, he inquired the reason, which being told, he rose and followed them five miles. The morning being warm (about the first of June) and the heights steep, he was very much fatigued before he got to the place, where a man gave him a drink of water out of his bonnet, and another between sermons; this being the best entertainment he got that day, for he had tasted nothing in the morning. Here he lectured on the 6th of Isaiah, and preached on these words, _Be not high-minded, but fear_, &c. From thence he went to Fife, and baptized many children, and preached one day at Daven-common, and then returned to the Benry-ridge in Cambusnethen, where he received a call from the hands of two men, to come back to Galloway, but got it not answered[187]. Mr. Cargil, in that short time, had ran very fast towards his end[188], which now hastens apace. Having left the Benry-ridge, he preached one day at Auchingilloch[189], and then came to preach his last sermon on Dunsyre-common, (betwixt Clydesdale and Lothian) upon that text, Isa. xxvi. 20. _Come, my people, and enter into your chambers_, &c. Some time that night, through the persuasion of Mr. Smith and Mr. Boig, he went with the lady of St. John's kirk, as far as Covington mill, to the house of one Andrew Fisher. In the mean time, James Irvin of Bonshaw, having got a general commission, marched with a party of dragoons from Kilbride, and next morning, by sun-rising, came to St. John's kirk, and having searched it, he searched also the house of one Thomson, and then came to Covington mill, and there apprehended him, Mr. Smith and Mr. Boig. Bonshaw, when he found them, cried out, O blessed Bonshaw! and blessed day that ever I was born! that has found such a prize! a prize of 5000 marks for apprehending of him this morning! They marched hard to Lanerk, and put them in jail, until they got some refreshment, and then brought them out in haste, got horses and set the prisoners on their bare backs. Bonshaw tied Mr. Cargil's feet below the horse's belly (with his own hand) very hard, at which this good man looked down to him, and said, "Why do you tie me so hard? your wickedness is great. You will not long escape the just judgment of God, and, if I be not mistaken, it will seize you in this place." Which accordingly next year came to pass; for having got this price of blood, one of his comrades, in a rage, ran him through with a sword at Lanerk; and his last words were, "G--d d----n my soul eternally, for I am gone." _Mischief shall hunt the violent man._ They came to Glasgow in haste, fearing a rescue of the prisoners, and while waiting at the tolbooth till the magistrates came to receive them, one John Nisbet, the arch-bishop's rector, said to Mr. Cargil in ridicule, three times over, Will you give us one word more, (alluding to an expression he used sometime when preaching) to whom Mr. Cargil said with regret, "_Mock not, lest your hands be made strong._ The day is coming, when you will not have one word to say though you would." This also came quickly to pass, for, not many days after, he fell suddenly ill, and for three days his tongue swelled, and though he was most earnest to speak, yet he could not command one word, and died in great torment and seeming terror. From Glasgow they were taken to Edinburgh; and July 15th, were brought before the council. Chancellor Rothes (being one of those whom he excommunicated at Torwood) raged against him, threatening him with torture and a violent death. To whom he said. "My lord Rothes forbear to threaten me, for die what death I will, your eyes shall not see it."--Which accordingly came to pass, for he died the morning of that day, in the afternoon of which Mr. Cargil was executed. When before the council, he was asked, If he owned the king's authority, &c.? He answered, As the magistrates authority is now established by the act of parliament and explanatory act, that he denied the same. Being also examined anent the excommunication at Torwood, he declined to answer, as being an ecclesiastical matter, and they a civil judicatory. He owned the lawfulness of defensive arms in cases of necessity, and denied that those who rose at Bothwel, &c. were rebels; and being interrogate anent the Sanquhar declaration, he declined to give his judgment until he had more time to peruse the contents thereof. He further declared, he could not give his sense of the killing of the bishop; but that the scriptures say, Upon the Lord's giving a call to a private man to kill, he might do it lawfully; and gave the instances of Jael and Phinehas. These were the most material points on which he was examined[190]. While he was in prison a gentlewoman (who came to visit him) told him weeping, "That these heaven-daring enemies were contriving a most violent death for him; some, a barrel with many pikes to roll him in; others, an iron chair red-hot to roast him in, &c." But he said, "Let you, nor none of the Lord's people be troubled for these things, for all that they will get liberty to do to me will be to knit me up, cut me down, and chop off my old head, and then fare them well; they have done with me and I with them for ever." He was again before the council on the 19th, but refused to answer their questions, except anent the excommunication, wherein he exprest himself much as above. It appears that there was some motion made to spare him, as he was an old man, and send him prisoner to the Bass during life; which motion, being put to a vote, was, by the casting vote of the earl of Argyle, rejected, who doomed him to the gallows, there to die like a traitor. Upon the 26th, he was brought before the justiciary, and indicted in common form. His confession being produced in evidence against him, he was brought in guilty of high treason, and condemned, with the rest, to be hanged at the cross of Edinburgh, and his head placed on the Nether-bow. When they came to these words, in his indictment, viz. _having cast off all fear of God_, &c. he caused the clerk to stop, and (pointing to the advocate Sir George MacKenzie) said, "The man that hath caused that paper to be drawn up, hath done it contrary to the light of his own conscience, for he knoweth that I have been a fearer of God from mine infancy; but that man, I say, who took the holy Bible in his hand, and said, It would never be well with the land, until that book was destroyed, &c. I say, he is the man that hath cast off all fear of God." The advocate stormed at this, but could not deny the truth thereof. When they got their sentence announced by sound of trumpet, he said, "That is a weary sound, but the sound of the last trumpet will be a joyful sound to me, and all that will be found having on Christ's righteousness." Being come to the scaffold, he stood with his back to the ladder, and desired the attention of the numerous spectators, and after singing from the 16th verse of the 118th psalm, he began to speak to three sorts of people, but being interrupted by the drums, he said, with a smiling countenance, Ye see we have not liberty to speak, or speak what we would, but God knoweth our hearts. As he proceeded, he was again interrupted. Then after a little pause or silence he begin to exhort the people; and to shew his own comfort in laying down his life, in the assurance of a blessed eternity, expressing himself in these words, "Now, I am as sure of my interest in Christ and peace with God, as all within this Bible and the Spirit of God can make me; and I am fully persuaded that this is the very way for which I suffer, and that he will return gloriously to Scotland; but it will be terrifying to many. Therefore I intreat you, be not discouraged at the way of Christ, and the cause for which I am to lay down my life, and step to eternity, where my soul shall be as full of him as it can desire to be; and now this is the sweetest and most glorious day that ever mine eyes did see. Enemies are now enraged against the way and people of God, but ere long they shall be enraged one against another, to their own confusion;" here the drums did beat a third time. Then setting his foot on the ladder, he said, "The Lord knows I go on this ladder with less fear and perturbation of mind, than ever I entered the pulpit to preach."--When up, he sat down and said, "Now I am near the getting of the crown, which shall be sure, for which I bless the Lord, and desire all of you to bless him, that he hath brought me here, and made me triumph over devils, men and sin; They shall wound me no more. I forgive all men the wrongs they have done me; and I pray the sufferers may be kept from sin, and helped to know their duty." Then having prayed a little within himself, he lifted up the napkin and said, "Farewel all relations and friends in Christ; farewel acquaintances and earthly enjoyments; farewel reading and preaching, praying and believing, wanderings, reproach and sufferings. Welcome Father, Son and Holy Ghost; into thy hands I commit my spirit." Then he prayed a little, and the executioner turned him over as he was praying; and so he finished his course, and the ministry that he had received of the Lord. Take his character from Sir Robert Hamilton of Preston, who was his contemporary.--He was affectionate, affable and tender-hearted to all such as he thought had any thing of the image of God in them; sober and temperate in his diet, saying commonly, It was well won that was won off the flesh; generous, liberal and most charitable to the poor; a great hater of covetousness; a frequent visiter of the sick; much alone; loving to be retired; but when about his Master's public work, laying hold of every opportunity to edify; in conversation still dropping what might minister grace to the hearers; his countenance was edifying to beholders; often sighing with deep groans; preaching in season, and out of season, upon all hazards; ever the same in judgment and practice. From his youth he was much given to the duty of secret prayer, for whole nights together; wherein it was observed that, both in secret and in families, he always sat straight up upon his knees with his hands lifted up, and in this posture (as some took notice) he died with the rope about his neck. Beside his last speech and testimony, and several other religious letters, with the lecture, sermon and sentence of excommunication at Torwood, which were all published, there are also several other sermons and notes of sermons interspersed, among some people's hands in print and manuscript, some of which were lately published. Yet if we may believe one[191] who heard severals of them preached, they are nothing to what they were when delivered; and however pathetical, yet doubtless far inferior to what they would have been, had they been corrected and published by the worthy author himself. _Follows an ACROSTICK on his Name._ Most sweet and savoury is thy fame, And more renowned is thy name, Surely than any can record, Thou highly favoured of the Lord. Exalted thou on earth didst live; Rich grace to thee the Lord did give. During the time thou dwelt below, On in a course to heaven didst go. Not casten down with doubts and fears, Assured of heaven near thirty years. Labour thou didst in Christ's vineyard; Diligent wast, no time thou spar'd. Christ's standard thou didst bear alone, After others from it were gone. Right zeal for truth was found in thee, Great sinners censur'dst faithfully. In holding truth didst constant prove, Laidst down thy life out of true love. _June 21st, 1741._ W. W. _The Life of Mr. WALTER SMITH._ Walter Smith was son to Walter Smith in the parish of St. Ninian's, near Airth in Stirling-shire. He was an eminent Christian and good scholar. He went over to Holland, where he studied sometime under the famous Leusden, who had a great esteem and value for him, as being one both of high attainments and great experience in the serious exercise and solid practice of christianity. In the year 1679, we find that he made no mean figure among that little handful of the Lord's suffering remnant, who rose in their own defence at Bothwel-bridge.--For he was both chosen clerk to the council of war, and also a commanding-officer among the honest party; and had the honour not only to witness and protest against the sinful compliance of that corrupt Erastian party, that then foisted themselves in amongst them, but was also one of those three who were then appointed to draw up the causes of the Lord's wrath against the land, and the Hamilton declaration was to be one of the last causes thereof, with a new declaration which they intended to have published at that time; and although both of these were undertaken, yet the Lord did not honour them to publish the same, as some of them with great regret, unto their dying day, did acknowledge.[192] After the overthrow and dissipation of the covenanters at Bothwel (wherein the Erastian party among them had no little hand), it appears that Mr. Smith went over, for some time to Holland, but did not stay long; for we meet with him again with Mr. Cargil at Torwood, in Sept. 1680, after which he was very helpful to him in his conversation and advice in difficult cases, and praying in families (when he was fatigued with sore travel, being an old man, and going then often on foot), and many times in public preaching days precenting for him. He had a longing desire to preach Christ, and him crucified unto the world, and the word of salvation thro' his name. Mr. Cargil had the same desire, and for that end, it is said, had written to two ministers to meet him at Cummerhead in Lismehago in Clydesdale, but ere that day came, that door was closed (for they were in the enemies hands). However Mr. Smith followed the example of our blessed Lord and Saviour, in going about doing good, in many places and to many persons, in spiritual, edifying conversation, and was a singular example of true piety and zeal, which had more influence upon many than most part of the ministers of that day. A little before his death he drew up twenty-two rules for fellowship or society meetings, which at that time greatly increased, from the river Tay to Newcastle, in which he was very instrumental, which afterwards settled unto a general and quarterly correspondence four times yearly, that so they might speak one with another, when they wanted the public preaching of the gospel; and to appoint general fasting days through the whole community, wherein their own sins, and the prevailing sins and defections of the times, were the principal causes thereof; and that each society was to meet and spend some time of the Lord's day together, when deprived of the public ordinances[193]. Mr. Cargil said, That these society-meetings would increase more and more for a time; but when the judgment came upon these sinful lands, there would be few standing society-meetings, when there would be most need, few mourners, prayers, pleaders, &c. what through carnality, security, darkness, deadness and divisions. But he was now well nigh the evening of his life, and his labours both. For having been with Mr. Cargil, when he preached his last sermon on Dunsyre common, betwixt Clydesdale and Lothian, he was next morning, by wicked Bonshaw (who had formerly traded in fine horses betwixt the two kingdoms), apprehended at Covington-mill. He was, with the rest of the prisoners, carried from Lanerk to Glasgow, and from thence taken to Edinburgh, where, upon the 15th of July, he was brought before the council, and there examined if he owned the king and his authority as lawful? He answered, "He cannot acknowledge the present authority the king is now invested with, and the exercise thereof, being now clothed with a supremacy over the church." Being interrogate, If the king's falling from the covenant looses him from his obedience, and if the king thereby loses his authority? He answered, "He thinks he is obliged to perform all the duties of the covenant, conform to the word of God, and the king is only to be obeyed in terms of the covenant." Being further interrogate anent the Torwood excommunication, he declared, He thought their reasons were just. On the 19th he was again brought before them and interrogate, If he owned the Sanquhar declaration? It was then read to him, and he owned the same in all its articles, except that he looked not upon these persons as the formal representatives of the presbyterian church, as they called themselves. And as to that expression, The king should have been denuded many years ago, he did not like the word _denuded_, but said, What the king has done justifies the peoples revolting against him. As to these words, where the king is called an usurper and a tyrant, he said, Certainly the king is an usurper, and wished he was not a tyrant. Upon the 20. he was with the rest, brought before the justiciary, where, being indicted in common form, their confessions were produced as evidences against them, and they all brought in guilty of high treason, and condemned to be hanged at the cross of Edinburgh upon the 27. and their heads to be severed from their bodies, and those of Messrs. Cargil, Smith and Boig to be placed on the Nether-bow, and the heads of the others on the West-port, all which was done accordingly. After Mr. Cargil was executed, Mr. Smith was brought upon the scaffold, where he adhered to the very same cause with Mr. Cargil, and declared the same usurpation of Christ's crown and dignity, and died with great assurance of his interest in Christ, declaring his abhorrence of popery, prelacy, erastianism and all other steps of defection. He went up the ladder with all signs of cheerfulness, and when the executioner was to untie his cravat, he would not suffer him, but untied it himself, and calling to his brother, he threw it down, saying, This is the last token you shall get from me. After the napkin was drawn over his face, he uncovered it again, and said, I have one word more to say, and that is, to all who have any love to God and his righteous cause, that they would set time apart, and sing a song of praise to the Lord, for what he has done for my soul, and my soul saith, To him be praise. Then the napkin being let down, he was turned over praying, and died in the Lord, with his face bending upon Mr. Cargil's breast. These two cleaved to one another, in love and unity, in their life; and between them in their death, there was no disparity. _Saul and Jonathan were lovely and pleasant in their lives, and in their death they were not divided_, &c. The now glorified Mr. Walter Smith was a man no less learned than pious, faithful and religious. His old master, the professor of divinity at Utrecht in Holland (when he heard of his public violent bloody death of martyrdom), gave him this testimony, weeping, saying, in broken English, "O Smith! the great, brave Smith! who exceeded all that I ever taught. He was capable to teach many, but few to instruct him." Besides some letters, and the forementioned twenty-two rules for fellowship meetings, he wrote also twenty-two steps of national defection; all which are now published; and if these, with his last testimony, be rightly considered, it will appear that his writings were inferior to few of the contendings of that time. _The Life of Mr. ROBERT GARNOCK._[194] Robert Garnock was born in Stirling, _anno_ ----, and baptized by faithful Mr. James Guthrie. In his younger years, his parents took much pains to train him up in the way of duty: but soon after the restoration, the faithful presbyterian ministers being turned out, curates were put in their place, and with them came ignorance, profanity and persecution.--Some time after this, Mr. Law preached at his own house in Monteith, and one Mr. Hutchison sometimes at Kippen. Being one Saturday's evening gone out to his grandmother's house in the country, and having an uncle who frequented these meetings, he went along with him unto a place called Shield-brae.--And next Sabbath he went with him through much difficulty (being then but young) through frost and snow, and heard Mr. Law at Montieth; which sermon through a divine blessing, wrought much upon his mind.--Thus he continued for some considerable time to go out in the end of the week for an opportunity of hearing the gospel, and to return in the beginning of next week to Stirling, but did not let his parents know anything of the matter. But one time, hearing a proclamation read at the cross exhibiting, that all who did not hear or receive privileges from the curates were to be severely punished; which much troubled his mind, making him hesitate whether to go to a field preaching that he heard was to be next Sabbath, or not. But at last he came to this resolution. Says he, "the Lord inclined my heart to go and put that word to me, go for once, go for all, if they take thee, for that which is to come. So I went there, and the Lord did me good: for I got at that sermon that which, although they had rent me into a thousand pieces, I would not have said what I had said before. So the Lord made me follow the gospel for a long time; and tho' I knew little then what I meant, yet he put it in my heart still to keep by the honest side, and not to comply or join with enemies of one kind or another, yea not to watch, ward or strengthen their hands any manner of way. When I was asked, why I would not keep watch (or stand centry) on the town; it was a commanded duty; I told them, I would not lift arms against the work of God. If ever I carried arms, it should be for the defence of the gospel." Now, he became a persecuted man, and was obliged to leave the town. His father being a black-smith, he had learned the same trade, and so he went some time to Glasgow, and followed his occupation. From Glasgow he returned home; and from thence went again to Borrowstouness, where he had great debate, as himself expresses it,--"about that woeful indulgence: I did not know the dreadful hazard of hearing them, until I saw they preached at the hazard of men's lives.--This made me examine the matter, until I found out that they were directly wrong and contrary to scripture, had changed their head, had quitted Jesus Christ as their head, and had taken their commission from men, owning that perjured adulterous wretch as head of the church, receiving then commission to preach in such and such places from him and those bloody thieves under him." From Borrowstouness he returned back to Falkirk; and thence home to Stirling, where he remained for some time under a series of difficulties: for, after he got off when taken with others at the Shield-brae,--while he was making bold to visit Mr. Skeen, he was taken in the castle, and kept all night, and used very barbarously by the soldiers, and at eight o'clock next morning taken before the provost, who not being then at leisure, he was imprisoned till afternoon. But by the intercession of one Colin M'Kinzie (to whom his father was smith) he was got out, and without so much as paying the jailor's fee. "I had much of the Lord's kindness at that time, (says he) although I did not know then what it meant, and so I was thrust forth unto my wandering again." About this time, he intended to go to Ireland; but being disappointed, he returned back to Stirling, where he was tost to and fro for some time, and yet he remarks, he had some sweet times in this condition; particularly one night, when he was down in the Carfe with one Barton Hendry;[195] after which heavy trials ensued unto him from professors; because he testified against every kind of their compliance with the current of the times. Upon this account, the society meeting he was in and he could not agree. This made him leave them, and go to one in the country; which, he says, "were more sound in judgment, and of an undaunted courage and zeal for God and his cause; for the life of religion was in that society." At this time, he fell into such a degree of temptation by the devices of the enemy of man's salvation, that he was made to supplicate the Lord several times that he might not be permitted to a affright him in some visible shape, which he then apprehended he was attempting to do. But from these dreadful oppressions he was at last, through the goodness of God, happily delivered.[196] Although, as yet, he knew but little of experimental religion. And, says he, "The world thought I had religion: but to know the hidden things of godliness was yet a mystery to me. I did not know any thing as yet of the new birth, or what it was spiritually to take the kingdom of heaven by violence, &c." Which serves to shew, that one may do and suffer many things for Christ and religion, and yet at the same time be a stranger to the life and power thereof. But anon he falls into another difficulty; for a proclamation being issued, that all betwixt thirteen and sixty was to pay Poll-money; word was sent his father, that if he would pay it, he should have his liberty; which was no small temptation. But this he absolutely refused, and also told his father plainly (when urged by him to do it) that, if one plack (or four pennies) would do it, he would not give it. His father said, He would give it for him; to whom he answered, If he did, he needed never expect it or any consideration for it from him. And for the result of the matter, hear his own words: "And O! but the Lord was kind to me then; and his love was better than life. I was tossed in my wanderings and banishment with many ups and downs, till I came to Edinburgh, where I heard of a communion to be on the borders of England; and then I went to it. O! let me bless the Lord that ever trysted me with such a lot as that was: for the 20, 21 and 22 of April [1677] were the three most wonderful days with the Lord's presence that ever I saw on earth. O! but his power was wonderfully seen, and great to all the assembly, especially to me. Of the three wonderful days of the Lord's presence at East-Nisbet in the Merse. That was the greatest communion, I suppose, these twenty years. I got there what I will never forget while I live. Glory to his sweet name that ever there was such a day in Scotland. His work was wonderful to me both in spirituals and temporals. O! that I could get him praised and magnified for it. He was seen that day sitting at the head of his table, and his spikenard _sending forth a pleasant smell_. Both good and bad were made to cry out, and some to say, with the disciples, _It is good for us to be here_. They would have been content to have staid there. And I thought it was a begun heaven to be in that place." After this, he returned home to Stirling, and got liberty to follow his employment for some time.--But, lo! another difficulty occurred; for while the Highland host was commanded west, [in the beginning of 1678] all Stirling being commanded to be in arms, which all excepting a very few, obeyed; he refused, and went out of town with these few, and kept a meeting. When he returned, his father told him, he was past for the first time, but it behoved him to mount guard to-morrow.--He refused: his father was angry, and urged him with the practices of others. He told his father, he would hang his faith upon no man's belt, &c. On the morrow, when the drums beat to mount the guard, being the day of his social meeting, he went out of the town under a heavy load of reproach, and even from professors, who made no bones to say, that it was not principle of conscience he hesitated upon, but that he might have liberty to strole through the country: because he attended these meetings; which was no easy matter to bear. Orders were given to apprehend him; but at that time he escaped their hand, and wandered from one place to another, until the beginning of August 1678, that he came to Carrick communion at Maybole: and what his exercise was there, himself thus expresses: "I was wonderfully trysted there; but not so as at the other. I went to the first table, and then went and heard worthy Messrs. Kid and Cameron preach at a little distance from the meeting, who never left the fields till they sealed and crowned it with their blood. I cannot say but the Lord was kind to me, on the day after there, and on the fast day in the middle of the week after that, near the borders of Kilmarnock parish, where a division arose about the indulgence, which to this day is never yet done away. After my return home, I was made to enter into covenant with him upon his own terms against the indulgence and all other compliances: and, because through the Lord's strength I resolved to keep my bargain, and not to join with them, it was said, I had got new light; and I was much reproached, yet I got much of the Lord's kindness when attending the preached gospel in the field, to which I would sometimes go twenty miles." And having thus wandered to and fro for some time, he went to Edinburgh to see the prisoners, and then returned home to Stirling in the end of the week. Late on Saturday night, he heard of a field preaching, and seeing the soldiers and troopers marching out of the town to attack the people at that meeting, he made himself ready, and, with a few others, went toward the meeting: and, being armed, they arrived near the place; but the soldiers coming forward, the people still, as they approached, seeing the enemy, turned off. So he and a few armed men and the minister, seeing this, took a hill above Fintry beside the craigs of Ball-glass. So the enemy came forward. This little handful drew up in the best posture the time and circumstances would allow; and sung a psalm, at which the soldiers were so affrighted, that they told afterward, that the very matches had almost fallen out of their hands. At last a trooper coming up, commanded them to dismiss: but they refused. This was repeated several times, till the captain of the foot came forward, and gave them the same charge; which they also refused. Upon this, he commanded a party of his men to advance and fire upon them: which they did once or twice: which was by this little company returned with much courage and agility, until the whole party and the commanding officer (consisting of 48 men and 16 horsemen) fired upon this little handful, which he thinks amounted to not above 18 that had arms, with a few women. After several fires were returned on both sides, one of the sufferers stepped forward, and shot one side of the captain's periwig off, at which the foot fled; but the horsemen, taking the advantage of the rising ground, surrounded this small party. They then fired on a young man, but missed him. However, they took him and some others prisoners. The rest fled off. Robert Garnock was hindermost, being the last on the place of action, and says, he intended not to have been taken, but rather killed. At last one of the enemy came after him, on which he resolved either to kill or be killed before he surrendered,--catching a pistol from one for that purpose. But another coming in for assistance, the trooper fled off, and so they escaped unto the other side of a precipice, where they staid until the enemy were gone, who marched directly with their prisoners to Stirling[197]. After the fray was over, Robert staid till evening, and spoke with some friends and the minister, who dissuaded him all they could from going into Stirling. But being now approaching toward the eve of his pilgrimage state, with Paul, in another case, when going up to Jerusalem, he could not be prevailed upon; and so went to town: and entering the town about One in the morning, he got into a house at the foot of the castle-hill, and there got his arms left with much difficulty: but, as he was near the head of the castle-hill, he was by two soldiers (who were lying in wait for those who had been at that meeting) apprehended and brought to the guard; and then brought before lord Linlithgow's son: who asked him, if he was at that preaching? he told him, he was at no preaching. Linlithgow's son said, he was a liar. Robert said, he was no liar; and seeing ye will not believe me, I will tell no more: prove the rest. Linlithgow said, he would make him do it.--But he answered, he should not. Then he asked his name, trade, and his father's name, and where they dwelt? all which he answered. Then he bade keep him fast. At night he was much abused by the soldiers; some of them who had been wounded in the skirmish, threatening him with torture, gagging in the mouth, &c. all which he bore with much patience. In the morning a serjeant came to examine him; but he refused him as a judge to answer to. At last the commanding officer came and examined him, if he was at that skirmish. He answered, That for being there he was taken; and whether I was there or not, I am not bound to give you an account. So he went out, and in a little returned with the provost, who thought to surplant him by asking, who of Stirling folk was there? he answered, That they were both his neighbours and his; and though he had been there, he might account him very impudent to tell: for though he thought it his duty to ask, yet it was not his to tell or answer: and he thought he should rather commend him for so doing. After several other things anent that affair, he was commanded to close prison; and none, not so much as his father, allowed to speak to him; but he did not want company at that time; for, says he, "O but I had a sweet time of it: the Lord's countenance was better unto me than all the company in the world." The forementioned skirmish had fallen out May 8th, 1679, and upon the 19th of the same month, he was put into the common prison amongst malefactors; where he got some more liberty, having some others of the sufferers with him. However, they were very much disturbed by a notorious murderer, who, being drunk one time, thought to have killed him with a large plank or form. But happily the stroke did not hurt him, though he struck with all his force twice, whereby another was almost killed. This made him and other five to lie sometimes upon the stairs; for they could have no other place; though they desired the thieves hole, they could not obtain it. And thus they passed the time with much pain and trouble, until June 16th, that the Fife men were broke at Bewly[198], and numbers taken which were brought in prisoners on the 11th; whereby they were very much thronged. Here he continued till the break at Bothwel on the 22d, after which there was no small confusion by tendering and pressing of a bond of conformity against offensive arms, wherein he got his share during that time. Upon the 13th of July, he was brought forth and in company with about 100 more prisoners under a strong guard of red coats taken from Stirling to Edinburgh, and put into Gray-friar's church-yard, amongst the Bothwel prisoners: there he was more vexed both by the enemy and his fellow-sufferers than ever. A specimen of which I shall give in his own words: "Some of my neighbours desired the bond, so they put it to me; but I refused. However, the most part of them took it. Nay, there were some of them supplicated for any bond. This made some of us conclude it was our duty to testify against it; which piece of employment was put upon me, against which some of the prisoners obtested.--So I was rendered odious; but many a-day the Lord was kind to me in that yard, and kept me from many a fear and snare; his love was sweet unto me. The men complained of us to the commanders, who sent for me and examined me on the bond and other things: they said, I should be gagged, and every day I was vexed with them; until almost the whole prisoners petitioned for it--And there was as good as seventy ministers sent unto the ward to take it, and they said, it was not a head to suffer upon: when they had done, they sent in two gentlewomen with the commission; and they set upon me: I told them, if every one of them had as much of it as I had, they would not be so busy to press it: for before this, the bloody crew came to the yard, and called on me, and asked, If I would take the bond. I said, No. They said, I would get no other sentence.--So I was sore put to it: I would often have been at the doing of something; but the Lord would not suffer me. So, in his strength, I fought on against my own heart and them all, and overcame. But O! the cross was sweet unto me and easy. There needs none fear to venture on suffering in his way and strength. O happy day, that ever I was trysted with such a thing. My bargaining with lovely Jesus was sweet unto me. It is true, affliction, for the present, seems not joyous but grievous; but afterwards _it yieldeth the peaceable fruits of righteousness to those who are exercised thereby_. I never knew the treachery of ministers, and their dreadful hypocrisy and double dealing in the matters of God before that time, and I could never love them after that; for they made many a one to rack their conscience in taking that bond. I was brought out of the yard, Oct. 25th, with a guard of soldiers; when coming out, one Mr. White asked, if I would take the bond? I, smiling, said, No. He, in way of jeer, said, I had a face to glorify God in the Salt market. So I bade farewel to all my neighbours who were sorry; and White bade me take goodnight with them, for I should never see them more. But I said, Lads, take good heart; for we may yet meet again for all this.--So I was brought before their council-court. They asked, if I would take the bond? I said, No.--Some of them said, May be he does not know it; but Halton said, he knows it well enough. So one of them read it. I asked, if they would have me subscribe a lie to take away my life; for I never was in rebellion, nor intended to be so. They said, they would make another bond for me. I answered they needed not trouble themselves; for I was not designed to subscribe any bond at this time. "_Quest._ Will ye rise in rebellion against the king? "_Answ._ I was not rising in rebellion against the king. "_Q._ Will ye take the bond never to rise against the king and his authority? "_A._ What is the thing ye call authority? They said, If they, the soldiers or any other subject, should kill me, I was bound not to resist. I answered, That I will never do. "_Q._ Is the bishop's death murder? "_A._ I am a prisoner; and so no judge. "_Q._ Is Bothwel-bridge rebellion? "_A._ I am not bound to give my judgment in that. "Then one of them said, I told you what the rebel rascal would say: you will be hanged, Sir. I answered, you must first convict me of a crime. They said, you did excommunicate prisoners for taking the bond. I said, that was not in my power; and moreover, I was now before them, and prove it if they were able. They said, they would hang me for rebellion. I said, you cannot: for if you walk according to your own laws, I should have my liberty. They said, Should we give a rebellious knave, like you, your liberty? you should be hanged immediately. I answered, That lies not yet in your power: so they caused quickly to take me away, and put me in the iron-house tolbooth. Much more passed that I must not spend time to notice. "So they brought me to the iron-house to fifteen of my dear companions in tribulation; and there we were a sweet company, being all of one judgment. There serving the Lord, day and night, in singleness of heart, his blessing was seen amongst us; for his love was better than life. We were all with one accord trysted sweetly together: and O it was sweet to be in this company, and pleasant to those who came in to see us, until the indictments came in amongst us. There were ten got their indictments. Six came off, and four got their sentence to die at Magus muir. There were fifteen brought out of the yard, and some of them got their liberty offered, if they would witness against me. But they refused, so they got all their indictments, but complied all, save one, who was sentenced to die with the other four at Magus muir." In this situation he continued till Nov. 13, that he was, by the intercession of some friends, brought to the west galleries on the other side of the tolbooth, where he continued sometime, till called again before some of the council; after which he was again committed to close prison for a time, till one night being called forth by one of the keepers, one Mr. John Blair, being present, accosted him thus, Wherefore do ye refuse the bond? He answered, I have no time now for that matter. But out of that place, said Blair, you shall not go, for the covenants and the xiii. of the Romans bind you to it. I answered, No; they just bound me to the contrary. What if popery should come to the land, should we bind ourselves never to defend the true religion? He said, we were loosed then. I said, No; Presbyterians were taken by their word, and they should abide by it: and ere all were done, it should be a dear bond unto them:--as for my part, I would rather go to the Grass-market, and seal it with my blood, &c. After he came down, the goodman of the tolbooth abused him in a very indiscreet manner, saying, that, if there were no more men, he should be hanged; and that he was an ignorant fool; ministers nor men could not convince him; and bade take him off again to close prison, where he was again as much vexed with a company of bonders as ever: for they were not only become lax in principle but in duty also, for he roundly told them, "You are far from what you were in the iron-house before you took the bond: then you would have been up at duty by two or three in the morning; now you lie in bed till eight or nine in the day.--They said, it was true enough; but said no more." After these got their liberty, he was accompanied with some other prisoners, some of whom were kept in for debt. And then, he says, he would have been up by four in the morning, and made exercise amongst them three times a-day, and the Lord was kind to him during that time; and he resolved never to make any compliance, and in this he was made to _eat meat out of the eater, and sweet out of the strong_. But some gentlemen, prisoners for religion where he was before, prevailed with the goodman of the tolbooth to have him back to them about the beginning of 1680. But here the old temptation to compliance and tampering with the enemy was afresh renewed; for the ministers coming in to visit these, when they could do no more, they brought ministers to the rooms to preach, and would make him hear them; which he positively refused. At last, they brought a minister, one of his acquaintance; him that should have preached that day he was taken[199]. But hearing he had made some compliance with the enemy, he would not go to the next room to hear him make exercise, till he knew the certainty of the matter. After which, he came to another room, where they had some conference. A short hint of it I shall here subjoin as follows: "He asked after my welfare; and if I was going out of the prison? I told him, I blessed the Lord for it, I was well, and was not going out yet." After some conversation anent field-preachings, particularly, one by worthy Mr. Cameron at Monkland, which he condemned; "He asked, why I did not hear ministers? I answered, I desired to hear none but what are faithful; for I am a prisoner, and would gladly be in the right way, not to wrong myself.--He said, wherein are they unfaithful? I said, in changing their head, quiting the Lord's way, and taking on with covenant breakers, murderers of his people, &c. He said, how would I prove that? I said, their own practice proves it. He said, these were but failings, and these would not perjure a man; And it is not for you to cast at ministers: you know not what you are doing.--Answer, I do not cast them off: they cast off themselves by quiting the holding of their ministry of Christ. _Quest._ How prove you that? _Answ._ The 10th of John proves it; for they come not in by the door.--You may put me wrong; but I think that in Gal. i. 6. _I marvel that ye are so soon removed from him that called you_, &c. you may read that at your leisure, how Paul had not his gospel from men, nor by the will of men. He said, lay by these: but what is the reason you will not hear others? I said, I desire to hear none of these gaping for the indulgence, and not faithful in preaching against it." After some conference anent Messrs. Cameron and Cargil, in which he said Mr. Cameron was no minister; and Mr. Cargil was once one, and had quitted it; that they received their doctrines from men, their hearers, who said, you must preach such and such doctrines, and we will hear you. To all which the martyr gave pertinent answers. He said, "Robert, do not think I am angry that you come not to hear me; for I desire not you, nor any of your faction to come and hear me; for I cannot preach to all your humours. I said, it was all the worse for that. He said, none of these faults would cast off a minister. They were but failings, not principles. I said I could not debate, but I should let any Christian judge, if it was no principle for a minister to hold Christ head of the church. I told him, there was once a day I would have ventured my life at his back for the defence of Christ's gospel; but not now; and I was more willing to lay down my life now for his sweet and dear truths than ever I was. He said, the Lord pity and help me. I said, I had much need of it. And so he went away, and rendered me odious. This, amongst other things, made me go to God and to engage in covenant with his Son never to hear any of those who betrayed his cause, till I saw evidences of their repentance. And I would have been willing to have quitted all for that chiefest among ten thousands." Thus he continued, till, he says, he got bad counsel from some of his friends to supplicate for his liberty; and they prevailed so far as to draw up a supplication and brought him to subscribe. But when they had got him to take the pen in his hand. "The Lord bade me hold, (says he) and one came and bade me take heed. So I did it not, for which I bless his holy name. But this lets me see, there is no standing in me. Had it not been his free love, I had gone the blackest way ever one did, &c." The night before gallant Hackston was executed, being down stairs, and hearing of the way and manner he was to be executed, he went up stairs, (though it was treason to speak to him) and told him of it; which he could scarcely believe: But the keepers hearing came up to persuade him to the contrary, and to put Robert in the irons. However they got eight gray coats who watched Mr. Hackston all night, persuading him to the contrary. So that he did not know till at the place of execution. It would appear, he was not put in the irons then until some time after, that a young woman, who was taken at the Ferry when Hall-head was killed, who having liberty to come into the lady Gilkerclugh then in prison, was conveyed out in a gentleman's habit, of which he and another got the blame, though entirely innocent; for which they were laid in irons: the other got his liberty, but Robert continued his alone sometime, till they intended to send him off with some soldiers to Tanguirs. But the Lord having other ways determined, they could not get as many of the council conveened, as to get an order made out: and so he was continued in prison, during which time he endured sore conflict with those his fellow prisoners, who still complied and got off, and others came in their place who set upon him afresh: So that he and any one who was of his own judgment, could scarcely get liberty to worship God in the room without disturbance, calling him a devil, &c. And those who were faithful and a comfort to him, were still taken from him and executed, while he was retained (his time not being yet come) in prison where he was sometime with one John Scarlet, who, he says, was one of the basest of creatures. To relate all the trials and difficulties he underwent, during the time of his imprisonment near the space of two years and a half, with his various exercises, with the remarkable goodness of God towards him all that time, will be more than can conveniently be accomplished at present. I shall only notice one or two very strange occurrences of divine providence towards him; which he observes, with a few of his own expressions concerning himself and exercise, and his condition toward the end of his narrative and life also, which follows in his own words. "I have no reason (says he) but to go through with cheerfulness, whatever he puts me to for owning of his cause: for if it had not been his sweet love to me, I might have been a sufferer for the worst of crimes: for there is in me what is in the worst of creatures: a remarkable instance of which I was tristed with long since;--which, while I live, I will not forget. Being at home working with my father, and having mended a chest-lock to an honest woman, I went home with it to put it on: the woman not being at leisure, there was a gun standing besides me: and I oftimes having guns amongst my hands to dress, took it up, and (not adverting that it was loaded) thinking her not good, tried to fire her; whereupon she went off, and the ball went up through a loft above, and had almost killed a woman and a child; and had not providence directed that shot, I had suffered as a murderer: And am I not obliged to follow and suffer for the _chiefest among ten thousands_, that has so honoured me a poor wretch? for many other things have escaped me; but I may not stay to mention what the Lord has done for me both at field preachings and other places. "I have had a continued warfare, and my predominants grew mightily on my hand, which made my life sometimes heavy; but, amongst the many sweet nights and days I have had, was that 23d in the evening and 24th in the morning of August, 1681. The Lord was kind to me; that was the beginning of mornings indeed, whereon I got some of the Lord's love, and whereon I got an open door, and got a little within the court, and there was allowed to give in what I had to say either as to my own souls case or the case of the church which is low at this day. I have indeed had some sweet days since, but I have misguided them, and could not keep in with him; for my corruptions are so mighty, that sometimes I have been made to cry out, Woes me that ever I was born a man of strife and contention to many. _O wretched man that I am, who shall deliver me from me from the body of this death?_ But the Lord maketh up all again with his love; so that I have many ups and downs in my case.--I have forgotten some things particularly worthy remark: Such as, one night I was set upon by a French captain when out of town; but the Lord remarkably delivered me and brought me back again. So the Lord has let me see, I might have been staged for worse actions. So that I have no ground but to be for God while I live, and bless his name that ever honoured me with this dignity of suffering for his name and honourable cause. "What will become of me is yet uncertain; but upon some considerations, what the land was doing in bringing in of popery--the love I bear to the Lord and his righteous cause, made me give in my protestation against the parliament, which this present year 1681 has made laws for the strengthening of popery: and I could do no less; for the glory of God was dearer to me than my life. "And now for any thing I know, I will be tortured, and my life taken, and so will get no more written. As to any that read it, I beg of them to shun all that is evil in my life, as they wish to shun hell; and if there be any thing in it that is for use, I request the Lord that he may bring it home upon them, when I am gone, and make it thus useful for them that read it.--So I bid you all farewel, desiring none of you may slight your time or duty as I have done; but shun the appearances of evil, cleave to that which is good, and spend much of your time with God: be not idle night nor day, and give not ever much sleep unto yourselves.--O sirs, if you would be prevailed with to spend time for God, it would be the sweetest and most desireable service ever you took in hand. O be persuaded to fall in love with him, who is, without compare, _the chiefest among ten thousand, yea, altogether lovely_.--Take him for your all, and bind yourselves hand and foot to his obedience. Let your ears be nailed to the posts of his doors, and be his servants for ever." "And now seeing I get no more time allowed me here on earth, I close with my hearty farewel to all friends, and pray the Lord may guide them in all truth, and keep them from dreadful snares that are coming through this covenanted land of Scotland. So I bid you all farewel, and be faithful to the death. I know not certainly what may become of me after this; but I look and expect that my time in this world is now near an end, and so desire to welcome all that the Lord sends. Thinking presently to be called in before God's enemies, I subscribe it, _Sept. 28th, 1681_ ROBERT GARNOCK." And having now with pleasure heard somewhat of the life and exercises of Robert Garnock, we come now to notice somewhat anent his trial, death or martyrdom which now hastens apace. So, according to his own expectation, above narrated, he was brought before the council, October 1st, where he disowned the king's authority, refused them as his judges, and on the 7th was brought before the Justiciary, and indicted, "That he did before the council, on the 1st of October, decline the authority of the king and council, and called the king and council tyrant, murderers, perjured and mansworn, declaring it was lawful to rise in arms against them;--And gave in a most treasonable paper, termed, _A protestation and testimony against parliamenters_, wherein he terms the members of parliament, idolaters, usurpers of the Lord's inheritance; and protests against their procedure in their hell-hatched acts: which paper is signed by his hand, whereby he is guilty of the crime of treason; and further gave in a declaration to the council, wherein the said Robert Garnock disowns the king's authority and government, and protests against the council as tyrants: Therefore, &c." By such an explicit confession, his own papers being turned to an indictment without any matters of fact against him, there was no difficulty of probation, his own protest and declinature being produced before the justiciary and assize, to whom he was remitted. But before the assize were inclosed, Robert Garnock and other five who were indicted with him, delivered a paper to the inquest, containing a protestation and warning, wherein "They advise them to consider what they are doing, and upon what grounds they pass a sentence upon them. They declare they are no rebels: they disown no authority that is according to the word of God and the covenants the land is bound by.--They charge them to consider how deep a guilt covenant breaking is, and put them in mind they are to be answerable to the great Judge of all for what they do in this matter; and say they do this, since they are in hazard of their lives, and against them. It is a dangerous thing to pass a sentence on men merely because of their conscience and judgment; only because they cannot in conscience yield to the iniquous laws of men;--that they are free subjects never taken in any action contrary to the present laws; adding that these whom they once thought should or would rule for God have turned their authority for tyranny and inhumanity, and employ it both in destroying the laws of God, and murdering his people against and without law;--as we ourselves can prove and witness, when brought in before them. After two years imprisonment; one of them most cruelly and tyrant-like rose from the place of judgment, and drew a sword, and would have killed one of us[200], but Providence ordered it otherways: However the wound is yet to be shown. The like action was never heard or read of. After reminding them of David Finlay murdered at Newmills, Mr. Mitchel's case, and James Learmond's, who was murdered after he was three times freed by the assize. They add, that, after such murders as deserve death, they cannot see how they can own them as judges, charging them to notice what they do; assuring them their blood will be heavy upon them:--Concluding with Jer. xxvi. 15. And charging them not to take innocent blood on their heads." And subscribe at Edinburgh October 7th 1681. ROBERT GARNOCK, D. FARRIE, JA. STEWART, ALEX. RUSSEL, PAT. FORMAN, and G. LAPSLY. Notwithstanding all this, they were brought in guilty and sentenced to be executed at the Gallowlee betwixt Leith and Edinburgh, upon the 10th instant; Forman's hand to be cut off before, and the heads and hands of the rest after death, and to be set up upon the Pleasance port. What his deportment and exercises were at the place of execution we are at a loss to describe: but from what is already related, we may safely conclude that, through divine grace, his demeanour was truly noble and Christian. But that the reader may guess somewhat of his exercises, temper and disposition about that time, I shall extract a few sentences of his own words from his last speech and dying testimony. "I bless the Lord, that ever he honoured the like of me with a bloody gibbet and bloody windy sheet for his noble, honourable and sweet cause. O will ye love him, sirs? O he is well worth the loving and quitting all for. O for many lives to seal the sweet cause with: if I had as many lives as there are hairs on my head, I would think them all little to be martyrs for truth. I bless the Lord, I do not suffer unwillingly nor by constraint, but heartily and cheerfully.--I have been a long time prisoner, and have been altered of my prison. I was amongst and in the company of the most part who suffered since Bothwell, and was in company with many ensnaring persons; though I do not question their being godly folk; and yet the Lord kept me from harkening to their counsel. Glory, glory to his holy and sweet name.--It is many times my wonder how I have done such and such things; but it is he that has done it: he hath done all things in me and for me: holy is his name.--I bless the Lord I am this day to step out of time into eternity, and I am no more troubled than if I were to take a match by marriage on earth, and not so much. I bless the Lord I have much peace of conscience in what I have done. O but I think it a very weighty piece of business to be within twelve hours of eternity, and not troubled. Indeed the Lord is kind, and has trained me up for this day, and now I can want him no longer. I shall be filled with his love this night; for I will be with him in paradise, and get a new song put in my mouth, the song of Moses and the Lamb; I will be in amongst the general assembly of the first born, and enjoy the sweet presence of God and his Son Jesus Christ, and the spirits of just men made perfect: I am sure of it. "Now my Lord is bringing me to conformity with himself, and honouring me with my worthy pastor Mr. James Guthrie: although I knew nothing when he was alive, yet the Lord hath honoured me to protest against popery, and to seal it with my blood: and he hath honoured me to protest against prelacy and to seal it with blood. The Lord has kept me in prison to this day for that end. His head is on one port of Edinburgh, and mine must go on another. Glory, glory to the Lord's sweet name for what he hath done for me. "Now I bless the Lord, I am not as many suspect me, thinking to won heaven by my suffering. No, there is no attaining of it but through the precious blood of the Son of God.--Now, ye that are the true seeker of God, and the butt of the world's malice, O be diligent, and run fast. Time is precious: O make use of it, and act for God: contend for truth: stand for God against all his enemies: fear not the wrath of man: love one another; wrestle with God: mutually in societies _confess your faults one to another; pray one with another: reprove, exhort and rebuke one another in love._ Slight no commanded duty: Be faithful in your stations as you will be answerable at the great day: seek not counsel from men: follow none further than they hold by truth. "Now, farewell, sweet reproaches for my lovely Lord Jesus, though once they were not joyous but grievous, yet now they are sweet. And I bless the Lord for it, I heartily forgive all men for any thing they have said of me; and I pray it may not be laid unto their charge in the day of accounts: and for what they have done to God and his cause, I leave that to God and their own conscience. Farewell, all Christian acquaintance, father, mother, &c. Farewell, sweet prison for my royal Lord Jesus Christ, now at an end. Farewell, all crosses of one sort or another: and so farewell, every thing in time, reading, praying and believing. Welcome eternal life, and the spirits of just men made perfect: Welcome, Father, Son and Holy Ghost: into thy hands I commit my Spirit."--_Sic Subscribitur_, ROBERT GARNOCK. Accordingly the foregoing sentence in all its parts was executed[201] upon them all except Lapslay who got off.--And so they had their passage from the valley of misery into the celestial country above, to inhabit that land _where the inhabitants say not, I am sick, and the people that dwell therein are forgiven their iniquities._ Thus ended Robert Garnock in the flower of his youth; a young man, but old in experimental religion.--His faithfulness was as remarkable as his piety, and his courage and constancy as both.--He was inured unto tribulations almost from his youth, wherein he was so far from being discouraged at the cross of Christ, that he, in imitation of the primitive martyrs, seemed rather ambitious of suffering.--He always aimed at honesty; and, notwithstanding all opposition from pretended friends and professed foes, he was by the Lord's strength, enabled to remain unshaken to the last: for, though he was nigh tripped, yet with the faithful man he was seldom foiled, never vanquished.--May the Lord enable many in this apostate, insidious, and lukewarm generation to emulate the martyr in imitation of him who now inherits the promise, _Be thou faithful unto the death, and I will give thee a crown of life._ _The Life of Mr. ROBERT M'WARD._ Mr. Robert M'Ward was born in Glenluce. After he had gone through his courses of learning at the university, he was ordained minister of the gospel at Glasgow, where he continued for some time in the faithful discharge of his duty until the year 1661, that this good man and affectionate preacher began to observe the design of the then managers to overturn the whole covenanted work of reformation. In the month of February that year, he gave a most faithful and seasonable testimony against the glaring defections of that time, in an excellent sermon in the Trone-church of Glasgow, upon a week-day; which sermon was afterward the ground of a most severe prosecution. His text was in Amos iii. 2. _You have I known of all the families of the earth_, &c. He had preached upon it for some time upon the week-days, and after he had run through personal abounding sins, and those of the city, he came to the general and national sins that were then abounding. And having enlarged upon these things in scriptural eloquence, in a most moving way, he gives a good many pertinent directions to mourn, consider, repent and return, to wrestle and pour out their souls before the Lord, and encourageth them to these duties from this, "That God will look upon these duties as their dissent from what is done, prejudicial to his work and interest, and mark them among the mourners of Zion." But what was most noticed, was that with which he closeth this sermon, "As for my part (saith he) as a poor member of this church of Scotland, and an unworthy minister in it, I do this day call you who are the people of God to witness, that I humbly offer my dissent to all acts which are or shall be passed against the covenants and the work of reformation in Scotland. And _2dly_, I protest that I am desirous to be free of the guilt thereof, and pray that God may put it upon record in heaven." The noise of this sermon quickly flew abroad, and Mr. M'Ward was brought to Edinburgh under a guard, and imprisoned. Very soon after, he had an indictment given him by the king's advocate, for treasonable preaching and sedition. What the nature of his indictment was, we may easily guess from the scope of his excellent sermon. He was allowed lawyers, whereby his process became pretty long and tedious. Upon the 6th of June, he was brought before the parliament, where he had a very public opportunity to give a proof of his eminent parts and solid judgment. His charming eloquence was owned here by his very adversaries, and he defended, by scripture and reason, his expressions in his sermon before the bar of the house. And although his excellent speech had not the influence that might have been expected, yet doubtless it had some, for the house delayed coming to an issue at this time. He indeed expected a sentence of death, which no way damped him; but his Master had more, and very considerable work too, for him elsewhere. Whether it was from orders from court to shed no more blood, or for other certain reasons, it is not known; but his affair was delayed for some time, and upon some encouragement given him of success, he, upon the Monday following, gave in a supplication to the parliament, wherein he exchanges the words protest and dissent, which he had used in his sermon, with those of testifying, solemnly declaring and bearing witness, and yet at the same time declares he is not brought to this alteration, so much for fear of his person, &c. as from an earnest desire to remove out of the way any, or the least occasion of stumbling, that there may be the more ready and easy access, without prejudice of words, to ponder and give judgment of the matter, &c., and withal humbly prostrates himself at their honours feet to be disposed of as they shall think meet. This supplication, with what went before, might have softened the persecutors (as the forecited historians observe) and yet it had no effect; for Mr. Sharp and his friends resolved now to be rid, as much as they could, of the most eminent of the presbyterian minsters; and therefore he behoved to be banished, which was the highest thing they could go to, unless they had taken his life. Upon the 5th or 6th of July, the parliament gave him for answer, "That they pass sentence of banishment upon the supplicant, allowing him six months to tarry in the nation; one of which only in Glasgow, with power to him to receive the following year's stipend at departure." His Master having work for him elsewhere, he submitted to the sentence, and transported himself and his family to Rotterdam, where for a while, upon the death of the reverend Mr. Alexander Petrie (author of the compendious church history), he was employed as minister of the Scots congregation there, to the no small edification of many; and that not only to such as were fled hither from the rage and fury of the bloody persecutors, but also to those who resorted to him and Mr. Brown, for their advice in difficult cases, in carrying on and bearing up a faithful testimony against both right and left-hand extremes, with every other prevailing corruption, and defection in that day, it being a day _of treading down in the valley of vision_. Thither the rage of his persecutors followed him, even in a strange land; for about the end of the year 1676, the king by the influence of primate Sharp, wrote to the state-general to cause remove James Wallace, Robert M'Ward, and John Brown, out of their provinces. But the states, considering that Messrs. M'Ward and Brown had already submitted unto the Scots law, and received the sentence of banishment, during life, out of the king's dominion, and having come under their protection, could not be imposed on to remove them out of these provinces, or be any further disquieted; and for this end sent a letter to their ambassador at the court of England, to signify the same to his majesty. After this, this famous man was concerned in ordaining worthy and faithful Mr. Richard Cameron, when in Holland in the year 1679, and afterwards sent him home with positive instructions to lift and bear up a free and faithful standard against every defection and encroachment made upon the church of Christ in these lands, and particularly the indulgences, against which Mr. M'Ward never failed to give a free and faithful testimony, as is evident from several of his writings, particularly that in answer to Mr. Fleming. He remained at Rotterdam until some time about the 1681 or 1682, that he died. It is said, that when, in his last sickness, he desired Mr. Shields and some other friends to carry him out to see a comet or blazing-star (that then appeared), and when he saw it, he blest the Lord that now was about to close his eyes, and was not to see the woful days that were coming on Britain and Ireland, but especially upon sinful Scotland. After which he died, and entered into his Master's joy, after he had been for twenty years absent from his native country. It were altogether superfluous here to insist upon the character of this faithful minister and witness of Jesus Christ, seeing that his own writings do fully evidence him to have been a man of admirable eloquence (not to speak of his learning) and singular zeal and faithfulness. While remaining in Holland, he wrote several pieces[202] which are said to be these;--The poor man's cup of cold water ministred to the saints and sufferers for Christ in Scotland, published about 1679; earnest contendings, &_c._ published in 1723; banders disbanded; with several prefatory epistles to some of Mr. Brown's works. He wrote also many other papers and letters, but especially a history of the defections of the church of Scotland, which has never hitherto been published. _The Life of Captain JOHN PATON._ John Paton was born at Meadow-head, in the parish of Fenwick and shire of Ayr. He was brought up in the art and occupation of husbandry till near the state of manhood.--But of the way and manner in which he went at first to a military life, there are various accounts.--Some say, that he inlisted at first a volunteer, and went abroad to the wars in Germany, where, for some heroic atchievement, at the taking of a certain city (probably by Gustavus Adolphus king of Sweden), he was advanced to a captain's post; and that when he returned home, he was so far changed that his parents scarcely knew him. Other accounts bear, that he was with the Scots army (or militia) who went to England in January 1643-4, and was at the battle of Marston-muir, at which place, it is said that by some bad drink, an asthmatical disorder was contracted in his breast, which continued ever after. But whatever of the ways, or if both ways were certain, he behoved to return very suddenly home; for it is said, That _anno_ 1645, when the several ministers in the western shires were called out upon the head of their own parish militia, to oppose Montrose's insurrection, he was called out by Mr. William Guthrie (or, as some say, taken by him from the plough), and, under the character of a captain, behaved with much gallantry about that time among the covenanters, particularly upon their defeat by Montrose at Kilsyth, which fell out in the following manner: Montrose, having upon July 2d obtained a victory over the covenanters, advanced over the Forth, and upon the 14th encamped at Kilsyth near Stirling, and upon the 15th encountered the covenanters army, commanded by lieutenant-general Bailey. At the first on-set, some of Montrose's highlanders, going too far up the hill, were invironed by the covenanters, and like to have been worsted; but the old lord Airly being sent from Montrose with fresh supplies of men, the covenanters were obliged to give way, and were, by the enemy, turned over unto a standing marsh or bog, where there was no probability either of fighting or escaping. In this hurry, one of the captain's acquaintance, when sinking, cried out to him, for God's sake to help; but when he got time to look that way, he could not see him, for he was gone through the surface of the marsh, and could never be found afterwards. Upon this disaster, the swiftest of the covenanters horse got to Stirling; the foot were mostly killed on the spot and in the chace, which, according to some historians[203], continued for the space of fourteen miles, whereby the greater part of the covenanters army was either drowned, or by these cruel savages cut off and killed. In this extremity, the captain, as soon as he could get free of the bog, with sword in hand made the best of his way through the enemy, till he got safe to the two colonels Hacket and Strahan, who all three rode off together: but had not gone far till they were encountered by about fifteen of the enemy, all of whom they killed, except two who escaped. When they had gone a little farther, they were again attacked by about thirteen more, and of these they killed ten, so that only three of them could make their escape from them. But, upon the approach of about eleven Highlanders more, one of the colonels said (in a familiar dialect), Johny, if thou do not somewhat now, we are all dead men. To whom the captain answered, Fear not; for we will do what we can, before we either yield, or flee before them. They killed nine of them, and put the rest to flight. About this time, the Lord began to look upon the affliction of his people. For Montrose, having defeated the covenanters at five or six different times, the committee of estates began to bethink themselves, and for that end saw cause to recall general Leslie, with 4000 foot and 1000 dragoons, from England. To oppose him Montrose marched southward, but was shamefully routed by Leslie at Philiphaugh upon the 13th of Sept. Many of his forces were killed and taken prisoners, and he himself escaped with much difficulty[204]. After which Mr. William Guthrie and captain Paton returned home again to Fenwick. Thus matters went on till the year 1648, that there arose two factions in Scotland, which were headed by duke Hamilton and the marquis of Argyle. The one party aimed at bringing down the king to Scotland; but the other opposed the same. However, the levies went on, whereby duke Hamilton, with a potent army, marched to England. In the meanwhile major-general Middleton came upon a certain handful of the covenanters, assembled at the celebration of the Lord's supper at Mauchlin, a small village in the shire of Ayr. At which place were Messrs. William Ardair, William Guthrie and John Nevay ministers, and the earl of Loudon, who solicited Middleton to let the people dismiss in a peaceable manner; which he promised to do: but, in a most perfidious way, he fell upon them on the Monday after; which occasioned some bloodshed on both sides, for captain Paton (being still aware of these malignants notwithstanding all their fair promises) caused his people from Fenwick to take arms with them, which accordingly they did; whereby they only made resistance.--Yea it is said, that the captain that day killed eighteen of the enemy with his own hand. But duke Hamilton and his army being defeated, and he himself afterward beheaded, the English pursuing the victory, Cromwel and his men entered Scotland, by which means the engagers were not only made to yield, but quite dissipated. Whereupon some of the stragglers came west plundering, and took up their residence for some time in the muirs of Loudon, Egletham and Fenwick, which made the captain again bestir himself; and taking a party of Fenwick men he went in quest of them; and found some of them at a certain house in that parish called Lochgoin, and there gave them such a fright (though without any bloodshed) as made them give their promise never to molest or trouble that house or any other place in the bounds again, under pain of death:--and they went off without any further molestation. Charles I. having been beheaded Jan. 30, 1648-9, and Charles II. called home from Breda 1650, upon notice of an invasion from the English, the Scotch parliament appointed a levy of 10,000 foot and 3000 horse to be instantly raised for the defence of the king and kingdom; among whom it behoved the captain again to take the field, for he was now become too popular to be hid in obscurity. Accordingly Cromwel and his army entered Scotland in July 1650. After which several skirmishes ensued betwixt the English and the Scots army, till the Scots were, by Cromwel and his army, upon the 3d of September, totally routed at Dumbar. After which, the act of classes being repealed, both church and state began to act in different capacities, and to look as suspiciously on one another as on the common enemy. There were in the army on the protestors side, colonels Ker, Hacket and Strahan, and of inferior officers, major Stuart, captain Arnot (brother to the laird of Lochridge) captain Paton, and others. The contention came to such a crisis, that the colonels Ker and Strahan left the king's army, and came to the west[205] with some other officers; and many of them were esteemed the most religious and best affected in the army. They proceeded so far as to give battle to the English at Hamilton, but were worsted; the Lord's wrath having gone forth against the whole land, because Achan was in the camp of our Scottish Israel[206]. The king and the Scots army, being no longer able to hold out against the English, shifted about and went for England, and about the end of August 1651, had Worcester surrendered to them. But, the English army following hard upon their heels, they were by them totally routed upon the 3d of September, which made the king fly out of the kingdom. After which the captain returned home, when he saw how fruitless and unsuccessful this expedition had been. About this time, he took up the farm of Meadow-head, where he was born, and married one Janet Lindsay (who lived with him but a very short time). And here he no less excelled in the duties of the true Christian life, in a private station, than he exceeded others while a soldier in the camp; and being under the ministry of that faithful man Mr. William Guthrie, by whom he was made one of the members of his session, and continued so till that bright and shining light in the church was turned out by Charles II. who was again restored, and the yoke of supremacy and tyranny being by him wreathed about the neck of both church and state, whereby matters grew still worse, till the year 1660, that upon some insolencies committed in the south and west by Sir James Turner, some people rose (under the command of Barscob and other gentlemen from Galloway) for their own defence. Several parties from the shire of Ayr joined them, commanded by colonel James Wallace from Achan's; captain Arnot came with a party from Mauchlin; Lockhart of Wicketshaw with a party from Carluke; major Lermont with a party from above Galston; Neilson of Corsack with a party from Galloway; and captain Paton (who now behoved to take the field again) commanded a party of horse from Loudon, Fenwick and other places. And being assembled they went eastward, renewed the covenants at Lanerk, and from thence went to Bathgate, then to Collington, and so on till they came to Rullion, near Pentland hills, where they were upon that fatal day November 28, attacked by general Dalziel and the king's forces. At their first on-set captain Arnot, with a party of horse, fought a party of Dalziel's men with good success; and, after him, another party made the general's men fly; but upon their last rencounter about sun-setting, Dalziel (being repulsed so often) advanced the whole left wing of his army upon col. Wallace's right, where he had scarce three weak horse to receive them, and were obliged to give way[207]. Here captain Paton (who was all along with captain Arnot in the first encounter) behaved with great courage and gallantry. Dalziel, knowing him in the former wars, advanced upon him himself, thinking to take him prisoner. Upon his approach, each presented their pistols. Upon their first discharge, captain Paton perceived the pistol-ball to hoop down upon Dalziel's boots, and knowing what was the cause (he having proof), put his hand to his pocket for some small pieces of silver he had there for the purpose, and put one of them into his other pistol. But Dalziel, having his eye on him in the mean while, jumped his horse behind that of his own man, who by that means was slain. The colonel's men, being flanked in, on all hands, by Dalziel's men, were broke and overpowered in all their ranks. So that the captain and other two horsemen from Finwick were surrounded, five men deep, by the general, through whom he and the two men at his back had to make their way, when there was almost no other on the field of battle, having, in this last rencounter, stood almost an hour. Whenever Dalziel perceived him go off, he commanded three of his men to follow hard after him, giving them marks whereby they should know him. Immediately they came up with the captain, before whom was a great slough or stank in the way, out of which three Galloway men had just drawn their horses. They cried to the captain, What would they do now! He answered them, What was the fray--he saw but three men coming upon them; and then caused his horse jump the ditch, and faced about with his sword drawn in his hand, stood still till the first, coming up, endeavoured to make his horse jump over also.--Upon which he, with his sword[208], clove his head in two, and his horse being marred, fell into the bog, with the other two men and horse. He told them to take his compliments to their master, and tell him he was not coming this night, and came off, and got safe home at last. After this Christ's followers and witnesses were reduced to many hardships, particularly such as had been any way accessory to the rising at Pentland, so that they were obliged to resort unto the wildernesses and other desolate and solitary places. The winter following he and about twenty persons had a very remarkable deliverance from the enemy.--Being assembled at Lochgoin, upon a certain night, for fellowship and godly conversation, they were miraculously anticipated or prevented by a repeated dream (of the enemies approaching) by the old man of the house, who was gone to bed for some rest on account of his infirmity; and that just with as much time as they could make their escape, the enemy being within forty falls of the house.--After they got off, the old man rose up quickly and met them with an apology, for the circumstance the house was then in (it being but a little after day break), and nothing at that time was discovered. About this time, the captain sometimes remained at home, and sometimes in such remote places wherein he could best be concealed from the fury of his persecutors. He married a second wife, one Janet Millar from Eglesham (whose father fell at Bothwel-bridge), by whom he had six children, who continued still to possess the farm of Meadow-head and Artnock in tack, until the day of his death. He was also one who frequented the pure preached gospel where-ever he could obtain it, and was a great encourager of the practice of carrying arms for the defence thereof, which he took to be a proper mean in part to restrain the enemy from violence. But things growing still worse and worse, new troops of horse and companies of foot being poured in upon the western shires on purpose to suppress and search out these field-meetings, which occasioned their rising again _anno_ 1679. While, by these unparalleled severities, they were with those of whom the apostle speaks, _destitute, afflicted and tormented, of whom the world was not worthy, and they wandered in deserts and in mountains, and in dens and caves of the earth_[209]. For that suffering remnant, under the command of Mr. Robert Hamilton, having got the victory over Claverhouse on the 1st of June 1676, at Drumclog in Evandale (in which skirmish there was about 36 or 40 of that bloody crew killed), they went on the next day for Glasgow, in pursuit of the enemy; but that proving unsuccessful, they returned back, and on June 3d formed themselves into a camp, and held a council of war. On the 4th they rendezvouzed at Kyperidge, &c.; and on the 5th they went to commissar Fleming's park, in the parish of Kilbride, by which time captain Paton (who all this time had not been idle) came to them with a body of horsemen from Finwick and Galston; and many others joined them, so that they were greatly increased. They had hitherto been of one heart and one mind, but a certain party of horse from Carrick came to them (with whom were Mr. Welch, and some other ministers who favoured the indulgence), after which they never had a day to do well, until they were defeated at Bothwel-bridge, upon the 22d of June following. The protesting party were not for joining with those of the Erastian side, till they should declare themselves fully for God and his cause, against all and every defection whatever; but Mr. Welch and his party found out a way to get rid of such officers as they feared most opposition from: For orders were given to Rathillet, Haugh-head, Carmichael, and Mr. Smith, to go to Glasgow, to meet with Mr. King and captain Paton; and they obeyed. When at Glasgow, Mr. King and captain Paton led them out of the town, as they apprehended, to preach somewhere without the town; but at last, upon inquiry where they were going, it was answered (according to orders sent privately to Mr. King and captain Paton), That they were to go and disperse a meeting of the enemy at Campsie; but upon going there, they found no such thing, which made them believe it was only a stratagem to get free of Mr. King and the rest of the faithful officers; upon which they returned. The faithful officers were Mr. Hamilton, general Hackston of Rathillet, Hall of Haugh-head, captain Paton in Meadow-head, John Balfour of Kinloch, Mr. Walter Smith, William Carmichael, William Cleland, James Henderson, and Robert Fleming. Their ministers were Messrs. Donald Cargil, Thomas Douglas, John Kid, and John King; for Mr. Richard Cameron was then in Holland. Henry Hall of Haugh-head, John Paton in Meadow-head, William Carmichael, and Andrew Turnbull, were ruling elders of the church of Scotland. Thus the protesting party continued to struggle with the Erastian party (in which contending captain Paton had no small share) until that fatal day June 22d, when they were broke, and made to flee before the enemy. The captain, at this time, was made a major; and some accounts bear, that the day preceding, he was made a colonel. An author[210], when writing upon that affair, says, That he supposes John Paton, Robert Fleming, James Henderson and William Cleland were chosen to be colonels of regiments; however, as he did not enjoy this place long, we find him still afterward continued in the character of captain John Paton. After the defeat at Bothwel-bridge, captain Paton made the best of his way homeward; and having had a fine horse, with all manner of furniture from the sheriff of Ayr, upon the way he gave him to one to take home to his master, but being robbed of all its fine mounting, by an old intelligencer (of the same name as was supposed), which very much surprised the sheriff when he received the horse, and the captain when he got notice thereof. This was a most base and shameful action, designing to stain the character of this honest and good man. The sufferers were now exposed to new hardships, and none more than captain Paton, who was not only declared rebel by order of proclamation, but also a round sum offered for his head, which made him be more hotly pursued, and that even in his most secret lurking places. In which time, a little after Bothwel, he had another most remarkable escape and deliverance from his blood-thirsty enemies, which fell out in this manner.---- The captain, with a few more, being one night quartered in the forementioned house of Lochgoin[211], with James Howie (who was one of his fellow sufferers), at which time one captain Ingles, with a party, lay at the dean of Kilmarnock's, who sent out partie, on all hands, to see what they could apprehend; and that night, a party, being out in quest of some of the sufferers, came to Meadow-head, and from thence went to another remote place in the muirs of Finwick, called Croilburn, but finding nothing there, they went next to Lochgoin, as apprehending they would not miss their design there; and that they might come upon this place more securely, they sent about five men, with one serjeant Rae, by another way whereby the main body could not come so well up undiscovered. The sufferers had watched all night (which was very stormy) by turns, and about day-break the captain, on account of his asthmatical disorder, went to the far end of the house for some rest. In the mean while, one George Woodburn went out to see if he could observe any thing (but it seems he looked not very surely), and going to secret duty instead of this, from which he was but a little time returned, until on a sudden, ere they were aware, serjeant Rae came to the inner door of the house, and cried out, Dogs, he had found them now. The four men took to the spence--James and John Howie happened to be then in the byre, among the cattle. The wife of the house, one Isabel Howie, seeing none but the serjeant, cried to them to take the hills, and not be killed in the house. She took hold of Rae, as he was coming boldly forward to the door of the place in which they were, and ran him backward out of the outer door of the house, giving him such a hasty turn as made him ly on the ground. In the mean while, the captain, being alarmed, got up, put on his shoes (though not very hastily,) and they got all out; by which time the rest of the party was up. The serjeant fired his gun at them, which one John Kirkland answered by the like with his. The bullet passed so near the serjeant, that it took off the knot of hair on the side of his head. The whole crew being now alarmed, the captain and the rest took the way for Eglesham muirs; and they followed. Two of the men ran with the captain, and other two stayed by turns and fired back on the enemy, the enemy firing on them likewise; but by reason of some wetness their guns had got, in coming through the water, they were not so ready to fire, which helped the others to escape. After they had pursued them some time, John Kirkland turned about, and stooped down on his knee, and aimed so well, that he shot a highland sarjeant through the thigh, which made the front still stoop as they came forward, till they were again commanded to run. By this time the sufferers had got some ground, and, being come to the muirs of Eglesham, the four men went to the height in view of the enemy, and caused the captain (who was old and not able to run) take another way by himself. At last he got a mare upon the field, and took the liberty to mount her a little, that he might be more suddenly out of their reach. But ere he was aware, a party of dragoons going for Newmills was at hand, and what was more observeable, he wanted his shoes (having cast them off before, and was riding on the beasts bare back), but he passed by them very slowly, and got off undiscovered; and at length gave the mare her liberty (which returned home) and went unto another of his lurking-places. All this happened on a Monday morning, and on the morrow these persecutors returned, and plundered the house, drove off their cattle and left almost nothing remaining[212]. About this time the captain met with another deliverance. For, he having a child removed by death, the incumbent of the parish, knowing the time when the corpse was to be interred, gave notice to a party of soldiers at Kilmarnock to come up and take him at the burial of his child. But some persons present at the burial, persuaded him to return back in case the enemy should come upon them at the church-yard, which he accordingly did (when he was but a little distant from the church). He was also a great succourer of those sufferers himself, in so far as his circumstances could admit, several of his fellow-companions in the tribulation and patience of Jesus Christ, resorting at certain times to him: Such as worthy David Hackston of Rathillet, Balfour of Kinloch, and Mr Donald Cargil; and it is said, That Mr. Cargil dispensed the sacrament of baptism to twenty-two children in his barn at Meadow-head, sometime after the engagement at Bothwel-bridge[213]. But, being now near the end of his race and weary pilgrimage, about the beginning of Aug. 1684. he came to the house of one Robert Howie in Floack, in the parish of Mearns (formerly one of his hiding places) where he was, by five soldiers, apprehended before ever he or any in the house were aware. He had no arms, yet the indwellers there offered him their assistance, if he wanted it. Indeed they were in a condition to have refused him, yea, he himself, once in a day, was in case to have extricated himself from double that number. But he said, It would bring them to further trouble, &c. and as for himself, he was now become weary of his life, being so hunted from place to place, and being now well stricken in years, his hidings became the more irksome; and he was not afraid to die, for he knew well, that, whenever he fell into their hands, this would be the case, and he had got time to think thereon for many years; and for his interest in Christ, of that he was sure. They took him to Kilmarnock, but knew not who he was (taking him for some old minister or other) till they came to a place on the high-way, called Moor-yeat, where the good man of that place, seeing him in these circumstances, said, Alas! captain Paton, are you there! And then to their joy, they knew who they had got into their hands. He was carried from Kilmarnock (where his eldest daughter, being about 14 years of age, got access to see him) to Ayr, and then back to Glasgow, and soon after to Edinburgh. It is reported as a fact, that general Dalziel met him here, and took him in his arms, saying, "John, I am both glad and sorry to see you. If I had met you on the way before you came hither I should have set you at liberty: But now it is too late. But be not afraid, I will write to his majesty for your life." The captain replied, "You will not be heard." Dalziel said, "Will I not! If he does not grant me the life of one man, I shall never draw a sword for him again." And it is said, That, having spoken some time together, a man came and said to the captain, You are a rebel to the king. To whom he replied, Friend, I have done more for the king than perhaps thou hast done. Dalziel said, Yes, John, that is true, (perhaps he meant at Worcester). And struck the man on the head with his cane till he staggered, saying, He would learn him other manners than to use such a prisoner so. After this and more reasoning, the captain thanked him for his courtesy, and they parted. His trial was not long delayed. I find (says a historian[214]) that April 16th, the council ordered a reward of 20 pounds sterling to Cornet Lewis Louder, for apprehending John Paton who had been a notorious rebel these 18 years. He was brought before the justiciary, and indicted for being with the rebels at Glasgow, Bothwel, &c. The advocate, _ex super abundanti_, passed his being at Pentland, and insisted on his being at Bothwel. The lords found his libel relevant, and for probation they refer to his own confession before the council: John Paton in Meadow-head in Finwick, that he was taken in the parish of Mearns, in the house of Robert Howie in Floack, and that he haunted ordinarily in the fields and muirs, confesses that he was moved by the country people to go out in the year 1666, commanded a party at Pentland, confesses that he joined with the rebels at Glasgow, about eight days before the engagement, commanded a party at Bothwel, &c. The assize had no more to cognize upon, but his own confession, yet brought him in guilty. The Lords condemned him to be hanged at the grass-market of Edinburgh on Wednesday the 23d of April. But, by other accounts he was charged before the council for being a rebel since the year 1640; his being an opposer of Montrose; his being at Mauchlin muir, &c. He was prevailed on to petition the council, upon which he was respited to the 30th, and from that to May 9th, when he suffered according to his sentence. And no doubt, Dalziel was as good as his word.--For it is said that he obtained a reprieve for him from the king; but that coming to the hands of bishop Paterson, was kept up by him, till he was executed, which enraged the general not a little. It seems that they had a mind to spare him, but as he observed in his last speech, the prelates put an effectual stop to that. In the last eight days that he lived, he got a room by himself, that he might more conveniently prepare for death, which was a favour at that time granted him above many others. What his conduct or deportment at the place of execution was, we are now at a loss to know, only we must believe it was such as well became such a valiant servant and soldier of Jesus Christ, an evidence of which we have in his last speech and dying testimony wherein among other things he says, "You are come here to look on me a dying man, and you need not expect that I shall say much, for I was never a great orator or eloquent of tongue, though I may say as much to the commendation of God in Christ Jesus, as ever a poor sinner had to say, &c.--I bless the Lord I am not come here as a thief or murderer, and I am free of the blood of all men and hate bloodshed directly or indirectly, and now I am a poor sinner; and never could merit any thing but wrath: and I have no righteousness of my own, all is Jesus Christ's and his alone. Now as to my interrogations I was not clear to deny Pentland or Bothwel. The council asked me if I acknowledged authority; I said, All authority according to the word of God. They charged me with many things as if I had been a rebel since the year 1640, at Montrose's taking, and at Mauchlin-muir. Lord, forgive them, for they know not what they do." In the next place he adheres to the scriptures, the covenants and the whole of the work of reformation, and then says, "Now, I leave my testimony as a dying man against that horrid usurpation of our Lord's prerogative and crown-rights, I mean that supremacy established by law in these lands, which is a manifest usurpation of his crown, for he is given by the Father to be head to the church, Col. i. 18, &c." And further, he addressed himself in a few words to two or three sorts of people, exhorting them to be diligent in the exercise of duty, and then in the last place comes to salute all his friends in Christ, whether prisoned, banished, widows, the fatherless, wandering and cast out for Christ's sake and the gospel's. He forgave all his enemies in these words, "Now as to my persecutors, I forgive all of them, instigators, reproachers, soldiers, private council, judiciaries, apprehenders, in what they have done to me, but what they have done in despite against the image of God in me, who am a poor thing, without that, it is not mine to forgive them, but I wish they may seek forgiveness of him who hath it to give, and would do no more wickedly." Then he leaves his wife and six small children on the Lord, takes his leave of worldly enjoyments, and concludes, saying, "Farewel, sweet scriptures, preaching, praying, reading, singing, and all duties. Welcome Father, Son and Holy Spirit. I desire to commit my soul to thee in well doing: Lord, receive my spirit[215]." Thus another gallant soldier of Jesus Christ came to his end, the actions of whose life and demeanour at death, do fully indicate that he was of no rugged disposition (as has been by some asserted of these our late sufferers) but rather of a meek, judicious and Christian conversation, tempered with true zeal and faithfulness for the cause and interest of Zion's King and Lord. He was of a middle stature (as accounts bear) large and robust, somewhat fair of complexion, with large eye-brows. But what enhanced him more was courage and magnanimity of mind, which accompanied him upon every emergent occasion; and though his extraction was but mean, it might be truly said of him, That he lived a hero and died a martyr. _The Life of JOHN NISBET of Hardhill._ John Nisbet born about the year 1627, was son to James Nisbet, and lineally descended from one Murdoch Nisbet in Hardhill, who about 1500, joined those called the Lollards of Kyle; but, a persecution being raised against them, he fled over seas, and took a copy of the new Testament in writing. Sometime after, he returned home, digged a vault in the bottom of his own house, unto which he retired, serving God, reading his new book, and instructing such as had access to him. But to return, John Nisbet, being somewhat advanced in years, and one who had the advantage of a tall, strong, well-built body, and of a bold, daring, public spirit, went abroad and joined in the military, which was of great use to him afterwards. Having spent some time in foreign countries, he returned to Scotland, and swore the covenants when king Charles at his coronation swore them at Scoon in 1650. Then, having left the military, he came home and married one Margaret Law, who proved an equal, true and kind yoke-fellow to him all the days of her life, and by whom he had several children, three of whom survived himself, _viz._ Hugh, James and Alexander. In the month of Dec. 1683, she died on the 8th day of her sickness, and was buried in Stone-house church-yard. This behoved to be done in the night, because it might not be known, neither would any do it but such as might not appear in the day-time. The curate having knowledge of it, threatened to take the corpse up, burn it or cast it to the dogs; but some of the persecuted party sent him a letter, assuring him, That if he touched these graves they would burn him and his family, and all he had;--so he forbare. He early applied himself to the study of the holy scriptures, which, through the grace of God, was so effectual, that he not only became at last one well acquainted with the most interesting parts of practical religion, but also he attained no small degree of knowledge in points of principle, which proved of unspeakable advantage to him in all that occurred to him in the after-part of his life, in maintaining the testimony of that day. He married and took up the Hardhill in the parish of Loudon, in which station he behaved with much discretion and prudence. For no sooner did prelacy and Erastianism appear on the field, in opposition to our antient and laudable form of church-government, at the restoration of Charles II. than he took part with the presbyterian side. And having _anno_ 1664, got a child baptized by one of the ejected ministers (as they were then called), the incumbent or curate of the parish was so enraged, that he declared his resolution from the pulpit, to excommunicate him the next Lord's day. But behold the Lord's hand interposed here; for, before that day came, the curate was landed in eternity. This gentleman, being always active for religion, and a great encourager of field-meetings, was, with the rest of Christ's faithful witnesses, obliged to go without the camp bearing his reproach. When that faithful remnant assembled together, and renewed the covenant at Lanerk 1666, his conscience summoned him out to join them in that particular circumstance, which being known and he threatened for such an action, he resolved to follow these persecuted people, and so kept with them in arms till their defeat upon the 28th of Nov. at Pentland hills, at which fight he behaved with great courage and resolution. He fought till he was so wounded, that he was stript for dead among the slain, and yet such was the providence of God, that (having more work for him to accomplish) he was preserved. He had espoused Christ's cause by deliberate choice, and was indeed of an excellent spirit; and, as Solomon says, _more excellent than his neighbour_. His natural temper was likewise noble and generous: As he was travelling through a muir on a snowy day, one of his old neighbours (who was seeking sheep) met him, and cried out, "O Hardhill, are you yet alive! I was told, you was going in a pilgrim's habit, and that your burns were begging, and yet I see you look as well as ever." Then taking out a six-dollar, he offered it to him. John, seeing this, took out a ducat, and offered it to him, saying, "I will have none of yours, but will give you if you please; for you may see that nothing is wanting to him that fears the Lord, and I would never have thought that you (calling him by his name) would have gone so far with the enemies of God, as to sell your conscience to save your gear, &c. Take warning, H. go home and mourn for that, and all your other sins, before God; for, if mercy do not prevent, you will certainly perish." The poor man thanked him, put up his money, and went home. After this remarkable escape he returned home, where probably he continued (not without enduring many hardships) till the year 1670, that by his fame for courage, wisdom and resolution among the sufferers, when that party who were assembled near Loudon-hill to hear the gospel, June 1st, came in view of an engagement with Claverhouse (who attacked them that day at Drumclog), Hardhill, not being present, was sent for by one Woodborn in the mains of Loudon, to come in all haste to their assistance. But before they got half-way they heard the platoons of the engagement, and yet they rode with such alacrity, that they just came up as the firing was over. Upon their approach, Hardhill (for so he was commonly called) cried to them to jump the ditch, and get over upon the enemy sword in hand. Which they did with so great resolution and success, that in a little they obtained a complete victory over the enemy, wherein Hardhill had a share, by his vigorous activity in the latter end of that skirmish. The suffering party, knowing now that they were fully exposed to the rage and resentment of their bloody persecuting foes, resolved to abide together. And for that purpose sent a party to Glasgow in pursuit of the enemy, among whom Hardhill was one. After which he continued with them and was of no small advantage to the honest party, till that fatal day June 22d, that they fled and fell before the enemy at Bothwel-bridge. Here, says Wodrow, he was a captain, if I mistake not. And being sent with his party along with those who defended the bridge, he fought with great gallantry, and stood as long as any man would stand by him, and then made his retreat just in time, and through the goodness of God, he escaped from their hands at this time also. After Bothwel, he was denounced a rebel, and a large reward offered to such as could apprehend him. At which time the enemy seized all that he had, stripped his wife and four children of all, turning them out of doors, whereby he was reduced as one of those mentioned Hebrews xi. 38. _They wandered about in desarts and in mountains, and in dens and caves of the earth_, &c. Thus he lived for near the space of five years, suffering all manner of hardships, not accepting deliverance, that he might preserve to himself the free enjoyment of the gospel, faithfully preached in the fields. And being a man of a public spirit, a great observer of fellowship meetings (alas, a duty now too much neglected!) and very staunch upon points of testimony, and become very popular among the more faithful part of our sufferers, and was by them often employed as one of their commissioners to their general meetings, which they had erected some years before this, that they might the better understand the mind of one another in carrying on a testimony in that broken state. One thing very remarkable was--The Sabbath night (being that day eight days before he was taken) as he and four more were travelling, it being very dark, no wind, but a thick small rain: no moon, for that was not her season; behold, suddenly the clouds clave asunder, toward east and west, over their heads, and a light sprang out beyond that of the sun, which lasted above the space of two minutes. They heard a noise, and were much amazed, saying one to another, What may that mean? but he spoke none, only uttering three deep groans, one of them asked him, What it might mean? He said, "We know not well at present, but within a little we shall know better: yet we have a _more sure word of prophecy_, unto which we would do well to take heed:" And then he groaned again, saying, "As for me, I am ready to live or to die for him, as he in his providence shall call me to it, and bear me through in it; and although I have suffered much from prelates and false friends these 21 years, yet now I would not for a thousand worlds I had done otherwise; and if the Lord spare me, I will be more zealous for his precious truths, and if not, I am ready to seal his cause with my blood; for I have longed for it these 16 years, and it may be I will ere long get it to do. Welcome be his will, and if he will help me through with it, I shall praise him to all eternity." Which made them all wonder, he being a very reserved man; for although he was a strict observer of the Sabbath, a great examiner of the scripture, and a great wrestler in prayer, yet he was so reserved as to his own case and soul's concernment, that few knew how it was with him as to that, until he came to prison. All this and more could not escape the knowledge of the managers, as is evident from Earlston's answers before the council 1683, and we find that one of the articles that John Richmond suffered for, at the cross of Glasgow, March 19th 1684, was his being in company with John Nisbet. This made the search after him and other sufferers more desperate. Whereupon in the month of November 1683, having retired amongst other of his lurking places, unto a certain house called Midland, in the parish of Fenwick, where were assembled for prayer and other religious exercises (on a Saturday's night) other three of his faithful brethren, _viz._ Peter Gemmel, a younger brother of the house of Horse-hill in the same parish, George Woodburn, a brother of the Woodburns in the Muirs of Loudon, and one John Fergushill from Tarbolton. Upon notice that lieutenant Nisbet, and a party of col. Buchan's dragoons were out in quest of the wanderers (as they were sometimes called) they resolved on the Sabbath morning to depart. But old John Fergushill, not being able to go by reason of some infirmities, they were obliged to return back with him, after they had gone a little way from the house; and were, the same day, apprehended. The way and manner of which, with his answers both at Ayr, and before the council at Edinburgh, as they stand in an old manuscript given under his own hand, while he was their prisoner, is as follows: "First when the enemy came within sight of the house, we seeing no way of escape, John Fergushill went to the far end of the house, and the other two and I followed. And ere we were well at the far end of the house, some of the enemy were in the house. And then in a little after they came and put in their horses, and went to and fro in the house for more than an hour, and we four still at the far end of the house; And we resolved with one another to keep close till they should come just on us; and if it should have pleased the Lord to have hid us there, we resolved not to have owned them; but if they found us out, we thought to fight, saying one to another, It was death at length. They got all out of the house, and had their horses drawn forth. But in a little time came back[216], tittling one to another, and at last cried for a candle to search the house with; and came within a yard of us with a light burning in their hand. According to our former resolution, we did resist them, having only three shot; and one of them misgiving, and they fired above twenty-four shot at us, and when we had nothing else, we clubbed our guns, till two of them were quite broke, and then went in grips with some of them; and when they saw they could not prevail, they cried, All to go out and fire the house. Upon which we went out after them, and I received six wounds in the going out. After which, they getting notice what I was, some of themselves cried out to spare my life, for the council had offered 3000 merks for me. So they brought me towards the end of the yard, and tied my hands behind my back, (having shot the other three to death). He that commanded them, scoffingly asked me, What I thought of my self now? I smiled and said, I had full contentment with my lot, but thought that I was at a loss that I was yet in time and my brethren in eternity. At which he swore he had reserved my life for a farther judgment to me. When we were going towards Kilmarnock; he (the lieutenant, who was a cousin of his own) called for me, and he and I went before the rest, and discoursed soberly about several things. I was free in telling him what I held to be sin, and what I held to be duty; and when we came to Kilmarnock tolbooth, he caused slack my arms a-little, and inquired if I desired my wounds dressed: and at the desire of some friends in the town, he caused bring in straw and some cloaths for my brother John Gemmel[217] and me to lie upon, but would not suffer us to cast off our cloaths. On Monday, on the way to Ayr, he raged against me, and said that I had the blood of the three men on my head that were killed yesterday; and that I was guilty of all, and the cause of all the troubles that were come on the poor barony of Cunningham first and last. But when we came near the town, he called me out from the rest, and soberly asked me, What he should say to the superior officers in my behalf? I told him, That if the Lord would keep me from wronging truth, I was at a point already in what he put me to, as to suffering. When we first entered the tolbooth of Ayr, there came two and asked some things at me, but they were to little purpose. Then I was taken out with a guard and brought before Buchan. He asked me, _1st_, If I was at that conventicle? I told him, I looked upon it as my duty. _2dly_, How many armed were there? I told him, I went to hear the gospel preached, and not to take up the account of what men were there. _3dly_, Where away went they, &c.? I told him it was more than I could tell. _4thly_, Do you own the king? I told him, while he owned the way and work of God, I thought myself bound both to own and fight for him, but when he quitted the way of God, I thought I was obliged to quit him. _5thly_, Will ye own the duke of York as king? I told him, I would not; for it was both against my principles and the laws of the nation. _6thly_, Was you clear to join with Argyle? I said, No. He held me long, and spoke of many things. We had the musters through hands, popery, prelacy, presbyterianism, malignants, defensive and offensive arms, there being none in the room but him and I. I thought it remarkable, that all the time from sabbath and to this present, I had and have as much peace and quietness of my mind, as ever in my life. O help me to praise him! for he alone did it. Now, my dear friends and acquaintance, cease not to pray for me while I am in the body, for I may say I fear nothing, but that, thro' weakness, I wrong truth. And my last advice is, that ye be more diligent in following Christian duties. Alas! that I was not more sincere, zealous and forward for his work and cause in my day.--Cease to be jealous one of another, and only let self-examination be more studied, and this, through his blessing, shall open a door to more of a Christian soul-exercise; and more of a soul-exercise, through his blessing, would keep away vain jangling, that does no way profit, but gives way to Satan and his temptations, &c. "When I came to Edinburgh, I was the first night kept in the guard. The next night I was brought into their council-house, where were present Drummond (_viz._ Perth) Linlithgow and one Paterson, together with some others. They first said to me, that they looked upon me as one acquainted with all that was done amongst these rebellious persons, therefore the lords of his majesty's privy council would take it as a great favour that I would be free in telling them what I knew, that might most conduce to the peace and security of the nation. I told them, That when I came to particulars, I should speak nothing but truth, for I was more afraid to lie than to die, but I hoped they would be so much christians as not to bid me tell any thing that would burden my conscience. Then they began thus: (1.) What did ye in your meetings? I told them, We only sung a part of a psalm, read a part of the scripture, and prayed time about. (2.) Why call ye them fellowship and society-meetings? _A._ I wonder why you ask such questions, for these meetings were called so when our church was in her power. (3.) Were there any such meetings at that time? _A._ There were in some places of the land. (4.) Did the ministers of the place meet with them in these? _A._ Sometimes they did, and sometimes they did not. (5.) What mean you by your general meeting, and what do you do at them? While I was thinking what to answer, one of themselves told them more distinctly than I could have done, and jeeringly said, looking to me, When they have done, then they distribute their collections. I held my peace all the time. (6.) Where keep ye these meetings? _A._ In the wildest muirs we can think off. (7.) Will ye own the king's authority? _A._ No. (8.) What is your reason? you own the scriptures and your own confession of faith? _A._ That I do with all my heart. (9.) Why do ye not own the king's authority (naming several passages of scripture, and that in the 23d chapter of the confession)? _A._ There is a vast difference, for he being a Roman catholic, and I being not only brought up in the presbyterian principles from my youth, but also sworn against popery. (10.) What is that to you though he be popish, he is not bidding you be a papist, nor hindring you to live in your own religion? _A._ The contrary does appear, for we have not liberty to hear a gospel-preaching, but we are taken, killed and put to the hardest of sufferings. They said, It was not so, for we might have the gospel, if our wild principles would suffer us to hear it. I said, They might say so, but the contrary was well known through the land, for ye banished away our faithful ministers, and thrust in such as live rather like profligates than like ministers; so that poor things neither can nor dare join with them. (11.) Are ye clear to join with Argyle? _A._ No. Then one of them said, Ye will have no king but Mr. James Renwick; and asked, If I conversed with any other minister upon the field than Mr. Renwick? I told them, I conversed with no other:----And a number of other things that were to little purpose. "Sirs, this is a true hint of any material thing that passed betwixt them and me. As for their drinking of healths, never one of them spoke of it to me, neither did ever any of them bid me pray for their king; but they said, That they knew I was that much of a christian, that I would pray for all men. I told them, I was bound to pray for all; but prayer being instituted by a holy God, who was the hearer of prayer, no christian could pray when every profligate did bid them, and it was no advantage to their cause to suffer such a thing. "How it may be afterwards with me, I cannot positively say, for he is a free Sovereign, and may come and go as he pleaseth. But this I say and can affirm, that he has not quarreled with me since I was prisoner; but has always waited on to supply me with all consolation and strength, as my necessity required; and now when I cannot lay down my own head nor lift it without help, yet of all the cases that ever I was, I had never more contentment. I can now give the cross of Christ a noble commendation. It was always sweet and pleasant, but never so sweet and pleasant as now. Under all my wanderings, and all my toilings, a prison was still so terrifying to me, that I could never have been so sure as I would have been. But immediately at my taking, he so shined on me, and ever since that, he and his cross are to me far beyond whatever he was before. Therefore let none scare or stand at a distance from their duty for fear of the cross, for now I can say from experience, that it is as easy, yea, and more sweet, to ly in prison in irons, than it is to be at liberty. But I must forbear at present." Upon the 26th, he was ordered by the council to be prosecuted before the justiciary. Accordingly on the 30th he was before the justiciary, and arraigned, his own confession being the only proof against him, which runs thus, "John Nisbet of Hardhill, prisoner, confesses, when examined before the council, That he was at Drumclog, had arms, and made use of them against the king's forces; and that he was at Glasgow; and that he was at a field meeting within these two months, betwixt Eglesham and Kilbride; &c." The which being read, he adhered to, but refused to subscribe it. The assize brought him in guilty, and the lords sentenced him to be hanged at the grass-market, Dec. 4th, betwixt two and four in the afternoon, and his lands, goods and gear to be forfeited to the king's use. It was inserted by the council in his confession, That the reason why he could not join with Argyle was, that one Cleland told him, that Argyle and his party were against all kingly government. Mr. Wodrow thinks this false, and that it was only foisted in by the clerk of the council, it not being the first time that things of this nature had been done by them. But he behoves to have been in a mistake here, for in one of Hardhill's papers, in manuscript, left behind him in way of testimony, he gives this as the first reason for his not joining with Argyle, and the second was to the same purpose with what Mr. Wodrow has observed, _viz._ because the societies could not espouse his declaration, as the state of the quarrel was not concerted according to the ancient plea of the Scottish covenanters, and because it opened a door to a sinful confederacy. His sentence was accordingly executed, and he appeared upon the scaffold with a great deal of courage and christian composure, and died in much assurance, and with a joy which none of his persecutors could intermeddle with. It was affirmed by some, who were present at his execution, that the scaffold or gibbet gave way and came down, which made some present flatter themselves, that by some laws in being, he had won his life (as they used to say in such cases). But behold a disappointment here, for he behoved not to escape so (for to this end he was born). Immediately all was reared up, and the martyr executed. In his last testimony, which is inserted in the cloud of witnesses, after a recital of many choice scripture texts, which had been comforting and strengthening to him in the house of his pilgrimage, he comes among other things in point of testimony, to say, "Now, my dear friends in Christ, I have alway since the public resolutioners were for bringing in the malignants, and their interest, thought it my duty to join with the Lord's people, in witnessing against these sinful courses, and now see clearly that it has ended in nothing less than the making us captains, that we may return to Egypt by the open doors, that are made wide to bring in popery, and set up idolatry in the Lord's covenanted land, to defile it. Wherefore it is the unquestionable and indispensible duty of all who have any love to God and to his son Jesus Christ, to witness faithfully, constantly and conscientiously against all that the enemies have done or are doing to the overthrow of the glorious work of reformation, and banishing Christ out of these lands, by robbing him of his crown rights.----And however it be, that many, both ministers and professors, are turning their back upon Christ and his cause, reproaching and casting dirt upon you and the testimony of the day. Yet let not this weaken your hands, for I assure you it will not be long to the fourth watch, and then he will come in garments dyed in blood, to raise up saviours in mount Zion, and to judge the mount of Esau; and then the cause of Jacob and Joseph shall be for fire, and the malignants, prelates and papists, shall be for stubble; the flame thereof shall be great: But my generation work being done with my time, I go to him who loved me, and washed me from all my sins." Then he goes on declaring, that he adhered to the scripture, confession of faith, catechisms larger and shorter, and all the pieces of reformation attained to in Scotland from 1638, to 1649, with all the protestations, declarations, &c. given by the faithful since that time; owns all their appearances in arms, at Pentland, Drumclog, Bothwel, Airs-moss, &c. against God's stated enemies, and the enemies of the gospel, and kingly government, as appointed and emitted in the word of God, they entering covenant ways and with covenant qualifications. And withal adds, "But I am persuaded, Scotland's covenanted God will cut off the name of Stuart, because they have stated themselves against religion, reformation, and the thriving of Christ's kingdom and kingly government in these lands; and although men idolize them so much now, yet ere long there shall none of them be to tyrannize in covenanted Britain any more." Then he proceeds in protesting against popery, prelacy, the granters and accepters of the indulgence, and exhorting the people of God to forbear contention and censuring one another; to keep up their sweet fellowship and society-meetings, with which he had been much comforted:----And concludes, bidding farewel to all his dear fellow-sufferers, to his children, christian friends, sweet Bible, and to his wanderings, and contendings for truth. Welcomes death, the city of his God, the blessed company of angels, and the spirits of just men; but above all, the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost;----Into whose hands he commits his spirit. Amen. After he wrote his last speech, he was taken out immediately to the council, and from that to the place of execution. All the way thither he had his eyes lifted up to heaven. He seemed to rejoice, and his face shined visibly. He spoke but little till he came to the scaffold. When he came there, he jumped upon it and cried out, "My soul doth magnify the Lord, my soul doth magnify the Lord. I have longed these 16 years to seal the precious cause and interest of precious Christ with my blood, who hath answered and granted my request, and has left me no more to do but to come here and pour out my last prayer,--sing forth my last praises of him in time on this sweet and desirable scaffold, mount that ladder, and then I shall get home to my father's house, see, enjoy, serve and sing forth the praises of my glorious Redeemer for ever, world without end." Then he resumed the heads of his last testimony to the truth, and enlarged on what he owned and disowned, but the drums being beat, little could be heard. Only with difficulty he was heard to say, "The covenanted God of Scotland hath a dreadful storm of wrath provided, which he will surely pour out suddenly and unexpectedly, like a thunderbolt, upon these covenanted lands, for their perfidy, treachery, and apostacy, and then men shall say, they have got well away that got a scaffold for Christ." He exhorted all to "make use of Christ for a hiding place; for blood, blood, shall be the judgment of these lands." He sang the first six verses of the 34th psalm, and read the 8th of the Romans, and prayed divinely with great presence of mind and very loud. Then went up the ladder rejoicing and praising the Lord, which all evidently saw: And so ended the race which he had run with faith and patience upon the 4th of Dec. 1685, in the 58th year of his age. He was a man of strong memory, good judgment, and much given to self-denial. It is said of him, that, under his hidings in a cave, near or about his own house, he wrote out all the new testament; which probably (according to some accounts) might be a transcription of an old copy, which one of his ancestors is said to have copied out in the time of popery, when the scriptures were not permitted to be read in the vulgar language. Hardhill was always a man very particular upon the testimony of the day, which made some compliers censure him as one too harsh and rugged in point of principle; but this must be altogether groundless. For in one of the forementioned manuscripts, he lets fall these words, "Now as for misreports, that were so much spread of me, I declare, as a dying person going out of time to eternity, that the Lord never suffered me in the least to incline to follow any of those persons who were drawn away to follow erroneous principles. Only I thought it still my duty, to be tender of them, as they had souls, wondring always wherefore I was right in any measure, and they got leave to fall in such a manner. I could never endure to hear one creature rail and cry out against another, knowing we are all alike by nature." And afterwards when speaking of Argyle's declaration, he farther says, "Let all beware of refusing to join with ministers or professors, upon account of personal infirmities, which is ready to raise prejudice among persons. But it shall be found a walking contrary to the word of God, and so contrary to God himself, to join either with ministers or professors, that hold it lawful to meddle with sinful things; for the holy scriptures allow of no such thing. He is a holy God, and all that name the name of God must depart from evil." There were also twenty-six steps of defection drawn up by him (yet in manuscript) wherein he is most explicit in proving from clear scripture proofs the sinfulness of the land's apostacy from God, both nationally and personally, from the public resolutions to the time of his death in the year 1685. He was by some thought too severe in his design of killing the prisoners at Drumclog. But in this he was not altogether to blame, for the enemies word was No quarters, and the sufferers were the same; and we find it grieved Mr. Hamilton very much, when he beheld some of them spared, after the Lord had delivered them into their hand. _Happy shall he be that rewardeth thee as thou hast served us_, &c. Psalm cxxxvii. 8. Yea Hardhill himself seems to have had clear grounds and motives for this, in one of the above mentioned steps of defection, with which we shall conclude this narrative. "_Fifteenthly_, As there has been rash, envious and carnal executing of justice on his and the church's enemies, so he has also been provoked to reject, cast off, and take the power out of his people's hand, for being so sparing of them, when he brought forth and gave a commission to execute on them that vengeance due unto them, as it is Psalm cxlix. 9 For as justice ought to be executed in such and such a way and manner as aforesaid; so it ought to be fully executed without sparing, as is clear from Joshua vii. 24. &c. For sparing the life of the enemy, and fleeing upon the spoil, 1 Sam. xv. 18. Saul is sharply rebuked, and though he excused himself, yet for that very thing he is rejected from being king. Let the practice of Drumclog be remembered and mourned for. If there was not a deep ignorance, reason might teach this; for what master, having servants and putting them to do his work, would take such a flight at his servants hands, as to do a part of his work, and come and say to the master, That it is not needful to do the rest; when the not doing of it would be dishonourable to the master, and hurtful to the whole family. Therefore was the wrath of the Lord against his people, insomuch that he abhorred his inheritance, and hiding his face from his people, making them afraid at the shaking of a leaf, and to flee when none pursueth, being a scorn and a hissing to enemies and fear to some who desire to befriend his cause. And, O lay to heart and mourn for what has been done to provoke him to anger, in not seeking the truth to execute judgment, and therefore he has not pardoned. _Behold! for your iniquities have you sold yourselves, and for your transgressions is your mother put away_, Isa. l. 1.; &c." _The Life of Mr. ALEXANDER PEDEN._ Mr. Alexander Peden was born in the parish of Sorn in the shire of Air. After he had past his courses of learning at the university, he was, for some time, employed to be schoolmaster, precentor and session clerk to Mr. John Guthrie, minister of the gospel then at Tarbolton[218]. When he was about to enter into the ministry, he was accused by a young woman, as being the father of a child, which she was with. But of this aspersion he was fully cleared, by the confession of the real father. The woman, after suffering many calamities, put an end to her own life, in the very same place where Mr. Peden had spent 24 hours seeking the divine direction, while he was embarrassed with that affair. A little before the restoration, he was settled minister at New Glenluce in Galloway, where he continued for about the space of three years, until he was among others thrust out by the violence and tyranny of these times. When he was about to depart from that parish, he lectured upon Acts xx. from the seventh verse to the end, and preached in the forenoon from these words in the 31st verse, _Therefore watch, and remember, that for the space of three years I ceased not to warn every man_, &c. asserting that he had declared unto them the whole counsel of God, and had kept back nothing, professing he was free from the blood of all souls. In the afternoon, he preached from the 32d verse, _And now, brethren, I commend you to the word of his grace_, &c. which occasioned a weeping day in that church. He many times requested them to be silent, but they sorrowed most of all when he told them, they should never see his face in that pulpit again. He continued till night, and when he closed the pulpit door, he knocked three times very hard on it, with his Bible, saying three times over, I arrest thee, in my Master's name, that none ever, enter thee, but such as come in by the door, as I have done. Accordingly never did curate or indulged enter that pulpit, until the revolution, that one of the presbyterian persuasion opened it. About the beginning of the year 1666, a proclamation was emitted by the council against him (and several of the ejected ministers); wherein he was charged with holding conventicles, preaching and baptizing children at the Ralstoun in Kilmarnock parish in October last, and another in Castlehill in Craigy parish, where he baptized 25 children. But upon his non-appearance at this citation, he was next year declared a rebel, and forfeited in both life and fortune.[219] After this, he joined with that faithful party, which, in the same year, was broke at Pentland hills; and with them he came the length of Clyde, where he had a melancholy view of their end, and parted with them there. Afterward, when one of his friends said to him, Sir, You did well that left them, seeing you was persuaded that they would fall and flee before the enemy, he was offended, and said, Glory, glory to God, that he sent me not to hell immediately, for I should have stayed with them, though I should have been all cut in pieces. In the same year he met with a very remarkable deliverance. For he, Mr. Welch and the laird of Gler-over, riding together, they met a party of the enemy's horse whom there was no evading. The laird fainted, fearing they should be taken. Mr. Peden, seeing this, said, Keep up your courage and confidence, for God hath laid an arrest on these men, that they shall do us no harm. When they met, they were courteous, and asked the way. Mr. Peden went off the way, and shewed them the ford of the water of Titt. When he returned, the laird said, Why did you go? you might have let the lad go with them. No, said he, they might have asked questions of the lad, which might have discovered us; but as for me, I knew they would be like Egyptian dogs; they could not move a tongue against me, my time not being yet come, &c. He passed his time sometimes in Scotland and sometimes in Ireland[220], until June 1673, that he was by Major Cockburn taken in the house of Hugh Ferguson of Knockdew in Carrick, who constrained him to stay all night. Mr. Peden told them it would be a dear night's quarters to them both, accordingly they were both carried prisoners to Edinburgh. There the said Hugh was fined in 1000 merks for reset, harbour and converse with him. Some time after his examination he was sent prisoner to the bass one sabbath morning. Being about the public worship of God, a young girl, about the age of fourteen years, came to the chamber door mocking with loud laughter. He said, Poor thing, thou laughest and mockest at the worship of God, but ere long God shall write such a sudden and surprising judgment on thee, that shall stay thy laughing &c. Very shortly after that, as she was walking on the rock, a blast of wind swept her off to the sea, where she was lost. Another day as he was walking on the rock, some soldiers were passing by, and one of them cried, the devil take him. He said, Fy, fy! poor man, thou knowest not what thou art saying; but thou shalt repent that. At which he stood astonished, and went to the guard distracted, crying out for Mr. Peden, saying, The devil would immediately come and take him away. Mr. Peden came, and spoke to and prayed for him, and next morning came to him again and found him in his right mind, under deep convictions of great guilt. The guard being to change, they commanded him to his arms, but he refused; and said, He would lift no arms against Jesus Christ, his cause and people; I have done that too long. The governor threatened him with death to-morrow by ten o-clock. He confidently said, three times over, That though he should tear him in pieces, he should never lift arms that way. About three days after, the governor put him forth of the garrison, letting him ashore. And he, having a wife and children, took a house in East Lothian, where he became a singular christian. He was brought from the Bass to Edinburgh, and sentence of banishment parted upon him in Dec. 1678 with other 60 prisoners for the same cause, to go to America, never to be seen again in Scotland, under pain of death. After this sentence was past, he often said, That that ship was not yet built that should take him or these prisoners to Virginia, or any other of the English plantations in America. When they were on ship-board in the road of Leith, there was a report that the enemies were to send down thumbkins to keep them in order; on which they were much discouraged. He went above deck and said, Why are ye so discouraged; you need not fear, there will neither thumbkins nor bootkins come here; lift up your hearts, for the day of your redemption draweth near: If we were once at London, we will all be let at liberty, &c. In their voyage thither, they had the opportunity of commanding the ship and escaping, but would not adventure upon it without his advice. He said, Let all alone, for the Lord will set all at liberty in a way more conducive to his own glory and our own safety. Accordingly when they arrived, the skipper who received them at Leith, being to carry them no farther, delivered them to another to carry them to Virginia, to whom they were represented as thieves and robbers. But when he came to see them, and found they were all grave sober Christians, banished for presbyterian principles, he said, he would sail the seas with none such. In this confusion, that the one skipper would not receive them, and the other would keep them no longer for being expensive to him, they were set at liberty. Some, says the skipper, got compliments from friends in London. Others assure us, That they got off through means of the Lord Shaftesbury, who was always friendly to the presbyterians. However it is certain that they were all liberated at Gravesend, without any bond or imposition whatever. And in their way homeward the English showed them no small degrees of kindness. After they were set at liberty, Mr. Peden stayed in London and other places of England until June 1670, that he came to Scotland, and that dismal day, the 22d of that month, when the Lord's people fell and fled before their enemies at Bothwel-bridge, he was 40 miles distant (being near the border), where he kept himself retired until the middle of the day, that some friends said to him, Sir, the people are waiting for sermon, (it being the Lord's day). To whom he said, Let the people go to their prayers; for me, I neither can nor will preach any this day; for our friends are fallen and fled before the enemy at Hamilton, and they are hashing and hagging them down, and their blood is running down like water. Shortly after this stroke at Bothwel-bridge, he went to Ireland, but did not stay long at that time. For in the year 1630, being near Mauchlin in the shire of Ayr, one Robert Brown, in Corsehouse in Loudon parish, and one Hugh Pinaneve, factor to the earl of Loudon, stabling their horses in that house where he was, went to a fair in Mauchlin, and in the afternoon, when they came to take their horses, they got some drink; in the taking of which the said Hugh broke out into railing against our sufferers, particularly against Mr. Cameron, who was lately, before that, slain at Airs-moss. Mr. Peden, being in another room overhearing all, was so grieved that he came to the chamber door and said to him, Sir, hold your peace; ere twelve o'clock you shall know what for a man Mr. Cameron was: God shall punish that blasphemous mouth of yours in such a manner, that you shall be set up for a beacon to all such railing Rabshakehs. Robert Brown, knowing Mr. Peden, hastened to his horse, being persuaded that his word would not fall to the ground; and fearing also that some mischief might befal him in the said Hugh's company, he hastened home to his own house, and the said Hugh to the earl's; and casting off his boots, he was struck with a sudden sickness and pain through his body, with his mouth wide open, and his tongue hanging out in a fearful manner. They sent for the said Robert to take some blood from him, but all in vain; for he died before midnight. After this, in the year 1682, he married that singular christian John Brown, at his own house in Priesthall (in the parish of Moor-kirk in Kyle) upon one Mabel Weir. After marriage, he said to the bride Mabel, You have got a good man to be your husband, but you will not enjoy him long; prize his company, and keep linen by you to be his winding-sheet, for ye will need it when ye are not looking for it, and it will be a bloody one. Which sadly came to pass in the beginning of May 1685. In the same year 1682, he went to Ireland again, and coming to the house of William Steel in Glenwhary in the county of Antrim, he enquired at Mrs. Steel, if she wanted a servant for threshing of victuals. She said, They did, and asked what his wages were a-day and a-week. He said, The common rate was a common rule. To which she assented. At night he was put to bed in the barn with the servant lad, and that night he spent in prayer and groaning. To-morrow he threshed with the lad, and the next night he spent in the same way. The second day the lad said to his mistress, This man sleeps none, but groans and prays all night; I can get no sleep with him; he threshes very well and not sparing himself, though I think he hath not been used to it, &c.; and when I put the barn in order, he goes to such a place and prays for the afflicted church of Scotland, and names so many people in the furnace, &c. He wrought the second day; his mistress watched and overheard him praying, as the lad had said. At night she desired her husband to enquire if he was a minister: which he did, and desired him to be free with him, and he should not only be no enemy to him but a friend. Mr. Peden said, he was not ashamed of his office, and gave an account of his circumstances. But he was no more set to work, or to lie with the lad. He staid some considerable time in that place, and was a blessed instrument in the conversion of some, and the civilizing of others, &c. There was a servant lass in that house, whom he could not look upon but with frowns; and at last he said to the said William Steel and his wife, Put her away, for she will be a stain to your family; she is with child, and will murder it, and will be punished for the same. Which accordingly came to pass; for which she was burnt at Craigfergus; the usual punishment of malefactor, in that country. In the year 1684, being in the house of John Slowan in the parish of Conert, in the same country of Antrim, about 10 o'clock at night sitting by the fireside, discoursing with some honest people, he started to his feet, and said, Flee off, Sandy, and hide yourself, for col ---- is coming to this house to apprehend you, and I advise you all to do the like, for they will be here within an hour. Which came to pass. When they had made a most inquisitive search without and within the house, and went round the thorn bush where he was lying praying, they went off without their prey. He came in and said, And has this gentleman given poor Sandy such a fright, and other poor things, for this night's work, God shall give him such a blow within a few days, that all the physicians on earth shall not be able to cure. Which likewise came to pass; for he soon died in great misery, vermin issuing from all the pores of his body, with such a nauseous smell that none could enter the room where he lay. At another time, when he was in the same parish, one David Cuningham, minister in the meeting-house there, one Sabbath day broke out into very bitter reflections upon Mr. Peden. One Mr. Vernon, one of Mr. Cuningham's elders, being much offended thereat, told Mr. Peden on Monday what he had said. Mr. Peden, taking a turn in his garden, came back and charged him to go tell Mr. Cuningham from him, That before Saturday's night he should be as free of a meeting-house as he was. Which accordingly came to pass, for he got a charge that same week not to enter his meeting-house under pain of death. One time travelling alone in Ireland, being a dark mist, and night approaching, he was obliged to go to a house belonging to a quaker, where he begged the favour of his roof all night. The quaker said, Thou art a stranger, thou art very welcome, and shalt be kindly entertained, but I cannot wait upon thee, for I am going to the meeting. Mr. Peden said, I will go along. The quaker said, Thou mayest if thou pleasest, but thou must not trouble us. He said, I shall be civil. When they came to the meeting (as their custom was) they sat for some time silent, some with their faces to the wall, and some covered; and, there being a void in the loft above, there came down the appearance of a raven, and sat on one man's head, who rose up and spoke with such vehemence, that the foam flew from his mouth. It went to a second, and he did so likewise. Mr. Peden, sitting next the landlord, said, Do you not see? You will not deny yon afterward. He answered, Thou promised to be silent. From a second it went to a third man's head, who did as the former two. When they dismissed, on the way home, Mr. Peden said to his landlord, I always thought there was devilry amongst you, but I never thought that he had appeared visibly till now I have seen it. O! for the Lord's sake, quit this way, and flee to the Lord Jesus, in whom there is redemption thro' his blood, even the forgiveness of all your iniquities. The poor man fell a-weeping and said, I perceive that God hath sent you to my house, and put it in your heart to go along with me, and permitted the devil to appear visibly among us this night. I never saw the like before; let me have the help of your prayers, for I resolve, through the Lord's grace, to follow this way no longer. After this he became a singular Christian; and when dying, blessed the Lord that in mercy he sent the man of God to his house. Before he left Ireland, he preached in several places, particularly one time near the forementioned Mr. Vernon's house in 1685, where he had made a most clear discovery of the many hardships his fellow-sufferers were then undergoing in Scotland; and of the death of king Charles, the news of which came not to Ireland till twenty-four hours thereafter. After this he longed to be out of Ireland; what through the fearful apprehension of that dismal rebellion that broke out there about four years after, and what from a desire he had to take part with the sufferings of Scotland. And before his departure from thence, he baptised a child to one John Maxwel a Glasgow-man (who had fled over from the persecution) which was all the drink-money (as he expressed it) that he had to leave in Ireland. After he and twenty Scots sufferers came aboard, he went above deck, and prayed, (there not being then the least wind) where he made a rehearsal of times and places when and where the Lord had heard and helped them in the day of their distress, and now they were in a great strait. Waving his hand to the west (from whence he desired the wind) he said, Lord, give us a loof-full of wind; fill the sails, Lord, and give us a fresh gale, and let us have a swift and safe passage over to the bloody land, come of us what will. When he began to pray, the sails were hanging all straight down, but ere he ended they were all blown full, and they got a very swift and safe passage over. In the morning, after they landed, he lectured ere they parted on a brae side; in which he had some awful threatening against Scotland, saying, The time was coming, that they might travel many miles in Galloway, Nithsdale, Ayr and Clydesdale, and not see a reeking house or hear a cock crow; and further added, My soul trembles to think what will become of the indulged, backslidden and upsitten ministers of Scotland; as the Lord lives, none of them shall ever be honoured to put a tight pin in the Lord's tabernacle nor assert Christ's kingly prerogative as Head and King of his church. After his arrival in Scotland, in the beginning of the year 1683, he met with several remarkable deliverances from the enemy. One time fleeing from them on horseback, he was obliged to ride a water where he was in eminent danger. After he got out, he cried, Lads, do not follow me, for I assure you, ye want my boat, and so will drown; and consider where your landing will be, &c.--which affrighted them from entering the water. At another time, being also hard pursued, he was forced to take a bog and a moss before him. One of the dragoons, being more forward than the rest, run himself into that dangerous bog, where he and the horse were never seen more. About this time he preached one Sabbath night in a sheep-house (the hazard of the time affording no better). That night he lectured upon Amos vii. 8. _And I will set a plumb-line in the midst of my people the house of Israel,_ &c. On this lecture he said, I'll tell you good news--Our Lord will take a feather out of Antichrist's wing, which shall bring down the duke of York, and banish him out of these kingdoms----And there shall never a man of the house of Stuart sit upon the throne of Britain after the duke of York, whose reign is now short; for their lechery, treachery, tyranny, and shedding the precious blood of the Lord's people.--But oh! black, black! will the days be that will come upon Ireland! that they shall travel forty miles, and not see a reeking house or hear a cock crow, &c. When ended, he and those with him lay down in the sheep-house, and got some sleep; and early next morning went up a burn-side and stayed long. When he came back, he sang the 32d psalm from the 7th verse to the end; and then repeated that verse, _Thou art my hiding-place, thou shalt from trouble keep me free; Thou with songs of deliverance about shalt compass me._ Saying these and the following are sweet lines which I got at the burn-side this morning, and will get more to-morrow; and so will get daily provision.----He was never behind any who put their trust in him, and we will go on in his strength, making mention of his righteousness, and of his only. He met with another remarkable deliverance, for the enemy coming upon him, and some others, they were pursued by both horse and foot a considerable way. At last, getting some little height between them and the enemy, he stood still and said, Let us pray here; for if the Lord hear not our prayers and save us, we are all dead men, &c. Then he began, saying, Lord, it is thy enemy's day, hour and power, they may not be idle: But hast thou no other work for them, but to send them after us? send them after them to whom thou wilt give strength to flee, for our strength is gone. Twine them about the hill, Lord, and cast the lap of thy cloke over old Sandy and their poor things, and save us this one time; and we'll keep it in remembrance, and tell it to the commendation of thy goodness, pity and compassion, what thou didst for us at such a time. And in this he was heard; for a cloud of mist interveened immediately betwixt them; and in the mean time a post came to the enemy to go in quest of Mr. Renwick and a great company with him. At this time it was seldom that Mr. Peden could be prevailed on to preach; frequently answering and advising people to pray much, saying, It was praying folk that would get through the storm; they would yet get preaching, both meikle and good, but not much good of it, until judgment was poured out to lay the land desolate, &c. In the same year 1685, being in Carrick, John Clark of Muirbrook, being with him, said, Sir, what think ye of this time? Is it not a dark and melancholy day? Can there be a more discouraging time than this? He said, Yes, John, this is a dark discouraging time, but there will be a darker time than this; these silly graceless creatures the curates shall go down, and after them shall arise a party called presbyterians, but having little more but the name, and these shall as really as Christ was crucified without the gates of Jerusalem on mount Calvary bodily, I say, they shall as really crucify Christ in his cause and interest in Scotland, and shall lay him in his grave, and his friends shall give him his winding-sheet, and he shall ly as one buried for a considerable time; O then, John, there shall be darkness and dark days, such as the poor church of Scotland never saw the like, nor ever shall see if once they were over; yea, John, this shall be so dark that if a poor thing would go between the east sea-bank and the west sea-bank, seeking a minister to whom they would communicate their case, or tell them the mind of the Lord concerning the time, he shall not find one. John asked, Where the testimony should be then? He answered, In the hands of a few, who should be despised and undervalued of all[221], but especially by these ministers who buried Christ; but after that he shall get up upon them, and at the crack of his winding sheet as many of them as are alive, who were at his burial, shall be distracted and mad with fear, not knowing what to do; then, John, there shall be brave days such as the church of Scotland never saw the like, but I shall not see them, but you may. About this time as he was preaching in the day-time, in the parish of Girvin, and being in the fields, one David Mason, then a professor, came in haste trampling upon the people, to be near him. At which he said, There comes the devil's rattle-bag; we do not want him here. After this, the said David became officer and informer in that bounds, running through rattling and summoning the people to their unhappy courts for non-conformity, at which he and his got the name of the devil's rattle-bag.----Since the revolution, he complained to his minister, that he and his family got that name.----The minister said, Ye weel deserved it, and he was an honest man that gave you it; you and yours must enjoy it; there is no help for that. It is very remarkable, that being sick, and the landlord, where he stayed, being afraid to keep him in his house (the enemy being then in search of hiding people), made him a bed among the standing corn; at which time a great rain fell out, insomuch that the waters were raised, and yet not one drop to be observed within ten feet of his bed, while he lay in that field. Much about the same time he came to Garfield, in the parish of Mauchlin, to the house of one Matthew Hog (a smith to trade). He went to his barn, but thought himself not safe there, foot and horse of the enemy searching for wanderers (as they were then called). He desired the favour of his loft, being an old waste house two story high. This he refused. He then said, Weel, weel, poor man, you will not let me have the shelter of your roof, but that same house will be your judgment and ruin yet. Some time after this, the gable of that house fell and killed both him and his son. His last sermon was preached in the Collimwood at the water of Air, a short time before his death. In the preface before this sermon, he said, There are four or five things I have to tell you this night; and the 1_st_ is, A bloody sword, a bloody sword, a bloody sword for thee, O Scotland, that shall pierce the hearts of many. 2_dly_, Many miles shall ye travel and see nothing but desolation and ruinous wastes in thee, O Scotland. 3_dly_, The fertilest places in Scotland shall be as waste as the mountains. 4_thly_, The women with child shall be ript up and dashed in pieces. And 5_thly_, Many a conventicle has God had in thee, O Scotland, but ere long God will make a conventicle that will make Scotland tremble. Many a preaching hath God bestowed on thee, but ere long God's judgment shall be as frequent as these precious meetings were, wherein he sent forth his faithful servants to give faithful warning of the hazard of thy apostacy from God, in breaking, burning and burying his covenant, persecuting, slighting and contemning the gospel, shedding the precious blood of his saints and servants. God sent forth a Welwood, a Kid, a King, a Cameron, a Cargil and others to preach to thee, but ere long God shall preach to thee by fire and a bloody sword. God will let none of these mens words fall to the ground, that he sent forth with a commission to preach these things in his name, &c. In the sermon he further said, That a few years after his death there would be a wonderful alteration of affairs in Britain and Ireland, and Scotland's persecution should cease; upon which every one would believe the deliverance was come, and consequently would fall fatally secure; but you will be all very far mistaken, for both England and Scotland will be scourged by foreigners, and a set of unhappy men in these lands taking part with them, before any of you can pretend to be happy, or get a thorough deliverance, which will be more severe chastisement than any other they have met with, or can come under, if once that were over. After much wandering from place to place, through Kyle, Carrick and Galloway (his death drawing near), he came to his brother's house, in the parish of the Sorn, where he was born, where he caused dig a cave, with a willow bush covering the mouth thereof, near to his brother's house. The enemy got notice, and searched the house narrowly several times, but him they found not. While in this cave, he said to some friends[222], 1_st_, That God would make Scotland a desolation. 2_nd_, There would be a remnant in the land, whom God would spare and hide, 3_dly_, They would be in holes and caves of the earth, and be supplied with meat and drink; and when they came out of their holes, they would not have freedom to walk for stumbling on dead corpses. And 4_thly_, A stone cut out of the mountain would come down, and God would be avenged on the great ones of the earth, and the inhabitants of the land for their wickedness; and then the church would come forth with a bonny bairn-time at her back of young ones; and he wished that the Lord's people might be hid in their caves as if they were not in the world, for nothing would do until God appeared with his judgments, &c.; and withal gave them this sign, That if he be but once buried, they might be in doubt, but if oftener than once, they might be persuaded that all he had said would come to pass, and earnestly desired them to take his corpse out to Airs-moss, and bury him beside Richie (meaning Mr. Richard Cameron) that he might have rest in his grave, for he had got little during his life. But he said, bury him where they would, he would be lifted again; but the man that would first put hands to his corpse, four things would befal him, 1_st_, He would get a great fall from a house. 2_dly_, He would fall in adultery. 3_dly_, In theft, and for that he should leave the land. 4_thly_, Make a melancholy end abroad for murder. All which came to pass. This man was one Murdoch, a mason to trade, but then in the military service, being the very first man who put hands to his corpse. Mr. Peden had for some time been too credulous in believing the obliquous misrepresentations of some false brethren concerning Mr. James Renwick, whereby he was much alienated from him; which exceedingly grieved Mr. Renwick, stumbled some of his followers, and confirmed some of his adversaries, who boasted that now Mr. Peden was turned his enemy[223]. But now, when dying, he sent for him, who came to him in all haste, and found him lying in very low circumstances. When Mr. Renwick came in, he raised himself upon his elbow, with his head on his hand, and said, Are you the Mr. James Renwick there is so much noise about? He answered, Father, my name is James Renwick, but I have given the world no ground to make any noise about me, for I have espoused no new principles or practices, but what our reformers and covenanters maintained, &c. He caused him sit down and give him an account of his conversion, principles and call to the ministry. All which Mr. Renwick did in a most distinct manner. When ended, Mr. Peden said, Sir, You have answered me to my soul's satisfaction; I am very sorry that I should have believed any such ill reports of you, which not only quenched my love to, and marred my sympathy with you, but made me express myself so bitterly against you, for which I have sadly smarted. But, Sir, ere you go, you must pray me, for I am old and going to leave the world. Which he did with more than ordinary enlargement. When ended, he took him by the hand and drew him to him, and kissed him, saying, Sir, I find you a faithful servant to your Master; go on in a single dependence upon the Lord, and ye will get honestly through, and clear off the stage, when many others who hold their heads high will ly in the mire and make foul hands and garments. And then prayed that the Lord might spirit, strengthen, support and comfort him in all duties and difficulties[224]. A little before his death he said, Ye will all be displeased where I will be buried at last, but I discharge you all to lift my corpse again. At last one morning early he left the cave and came to his brother's door. His brother's wife said, Where are you going, the enemy will be here? He said, I know that. Alas! Sir (said she), what will become of you, ye must go back to the cave again. He said, I have done with that, for it is discovered; but there is no matter; for within forty-eight hours I will be beyond the reach of all the devil's temptations, and his instruments in hell and on earth, and they shall trouble me no more. About three hours after that he entered the house, the enemy came, found him not in the cave, searched the barn narrowly, casting the unthreshen corn, searched the house, stabbing the beds, but entered not into the place where he lay. After a weary pilgrimage, within forty eight hours he became an inhabitant of that land, where the weary are at rest, being then past sixty years of age. He was buried in the laird of Affleck's isle; but a troop of dragoons came and lifted his corpse, and carried it[225] two miles, to Cumnock gallows-foot (after he had been forty days in the grave) where he lies buried beside other martyrs. Thus died Mr. Alexander Peden so much famed for his singular piety, zeal and faithfulness, and indefatigableness in the duty of prayer; but especially who exceeded all we have heard of in latter times, for that gift of foreseeing and foretelling future events, both with respect to the church and nation of Scotland and Ireland, and particular persons and families, several of which are already accomplished. A gentleman of late, when speaking in his writings of Mr. Peden, says, Abundance of this good man's predictions are well known to be already come to pass[226]. And although these things are now made to stoop or yield to the force of ridicule and the sarcasms of the profane, and fashions of an atheistical age and generation, yet we must believe and conclude with the Spirit of God, that the secrets of the Lord both have been, are, and will be with them who fear his name. There are some few of Mr. Peden's sermons in print, especially two preached at Glenluce _anno_ 1682. the one from Matth. xxi. 38. and the other from Luke xxiv. 21.; which prophetical sermons, though in a homely stile, are of a most zealous and spiritual strain; now re-printed in a late collection of sermons. As for those papers handed about under Mr. Peden's name, anent Mr. James Renwick and his followers, they are, with good reason, looked upon as altogether spurious. _The Life of Mr. JOHN BLACKADDER._ Mr. John Blackadder was a lineal descendent, and the only representative of the house of Tullialen. After he had undergone his courses of classical learning, he was ordained minister of the gospel at Traquair near Dumfries, where he continued faithfully to discharge the trust committed unto his charge, until he was with many others of his faithful brethren thrust out by that act commonly called, the drunken act of Glasgow, in the year 1662.--At that time, a party came from Dumfries to seize him; but he was gone out of the way. But his wife and children (to whom the soldiers were extremely rude) were forced to retire to Barndennoch in Glencairn parish. But there he and his numerous family[227] met with further troubles: for in the year 1665, a party of Sir James Turner's men came in quest of him; but happily he and his wife were at Edinburgh. However with great fury and terrible oaths and execrations in the middle of the night they turned out the children from their beds, caused one of them to hold the candle till they searched his book and papers, and took what they lifted. They stabbed the beds with their swords, and threatened to roast the children on the fire, and caused one of them to run near half a mile in a dark night in his shirt. After this he went and preached in the fields, where he had numerous meetings, particularly at the hill of Beeth in Fife in the year 1670. He had been before this, by the council's letter, put to the horn; and after this, came west about the year 1675, and preached in the parish of Kilbride and other places. The same year being in the Cow-hill in Mr. Livingston parish, he went out in the evening (being in the month of August) unto a retired place. When he came in again, he seemed somewhat melancholy. Being asked by some friends, what was the reason? He said he was afraid of a contagious mist that should go through the land in many places that night, which might have sad effects, and death to follow; and as a mean he desired them to keep doors and windows as close as possible, and notice where it stood thickest and longest: which they did; which was upon a little town called the Craigs, wherein was but a few families; and within four months after that, thirty corpses went out of that place: great dearth and scarcity followed for three years space after. Mr. Blackadder was in his judgment against the indulgence, and preached sometimes with Mr. John Dickson, they being both of one sentiment. He continued under several hardships until the year 1678, that he went over to Mr. M'Ward in Holland. Having continued sometime there, and then returned home, he was about Edinburgh in the time of Bothwel[228]; and, after that, was of no small use to the prisoners in dissuading them from taking the bond, and other compliances; which he did by letters. After he had endured a series of hardships, and surmounted a number of difficulties, he came to discharge his last public work at a moor side, at the new house in the parish of Livingston, March 28th, 1681. He lectured upon Micah iv. chapter from the 9th verse, where he asserted, "That the nearer the delivery, our pains and showers would come thicker and sorer upon us; and that we had been in the fields; but ere we were delivered, we would go down to Babylon; that either popery would overspread the land, or else would be at the breaking in upon us, like an inundation of water." He preached upon 1 Thess. iii. 3. And, amongst other things desired people to take good heed what ministers they heard, and what advice they followed: and, praying, he said, he was as clear and willing to hold up the blest standard of the gospel, as ever, and blessed the Lord he was free of every bond and imposition; and said, "The Lord rebuke, give repentance and forgiveness to these ministers who persuaded the poor prisoners to take the bond; for their perishing at sea was more shaking to him than some thousands of them that had been slain in the fields." He went to Edinburgh, and being got notice of by major Johnston, he was by him apprehended upon the 6th of April following, and brought first to general Dalziel, then to the guard, and then before a committee of council, consisting of the chancellor, general, advocate, and bishop Paterson. The chancellor asked, if he had excommunicated the king, or was at Torwood? He answered, he was not there these four years. Chan. But do ye approve of what was done there? Answ. I am not free to declare my inward sentiments of things and persons; and therefore I humbly beg to be excused[229]: You may form a libel against me, and I shall endeavour to answer it as I can. Chan. But we hear you keep conventicles since the indemnity. Answ. I am a minister of the gospel, though unworthy, and under the strictest obligation to exercise my ministry as I shall be answerable at the great day. I did and do full count it my duty to exercise my ministry as I am called thereunto. Chan. But you have preached in the fields, that is to say, on moors and hill sides. I shall not ask you, if ye have preached in houses, though there is no liberty even for that. Answ. I place no case of conscience, nor make any difference between preaching in houses and in the fields, but as it may best serve the conveniency of the hearers; nor know I any restriction as to either in the word. My commission reaches to houses and fields, within and without doors. Chan. We doubt, you know and have seen the laws discharging such preaching. Answ. I have, and I am sorry that ever any laws were made against preaching the gospel. Chan. Not against the gospel, but against preaching rebellion--The chancellor asked, if he kept conventicles in Fife? which he did not deny.--He was carried to the guard. The council sat in the afternoon; but he was not again called before them; but without a farther hearing, was sentenced to go to the Bass. Accordingly, April 7th, he was carried thither, when on the way, at Fisher's-row there happened to be a gathering of people, the captain, apprehending it might be for his rescue, told Mr. Blackadder, if they attempted any thing of this kind, he would instantly shoot him through the head: He told the captain he knew nothing of any such design. He continued there, till the end of this year 1685, when he contracted a rheumatism from the air of the place. A motion was made for his liberation on bail on this account; but it never took effect; and so he entered into the joy of his Lord about the beginning of the year 1686 and as the interest of Christ always lay near his heart through his life, so amongst his last words he said, "The Lord would yet arise, and defend his own cause in spite of all his enemies." Thus died Mr. John Blackadder, a pious man, and a powerful preacher. There are several well vouched instances of the Lord's countenancing his ministry, while in the fields, and of the remarkable success of his sermons, (which were not so low and flat but the pious learned might admire them, nor so learned but the plainest capacity might understand them). In a word, he was possessed of many singular virtues. His going through so many eminent dangers with such undaunted courage, was remarkable, and his love to God and his church exemplary. I have only seen two of his many pathetick sermons, which are very extensive upon the sufferings of Christ from Isa. liii. 11. _He shall see of the travail of his soul and shall be satisfied_, &c--The reader will find them in a small collection of sermons lately published. _The Life of Mr. JAMES RENWICK._ Mr. James Renwick was born in the parish of Glencairn in Nithsdale, Feb. 15, 1662. His parents though not rich, yet were exemplary for piety. His father Andrew Renwick (a weaver to trade) and his mother Elizabeth Corsan, had several children before Mr. James, who died young; for which when his mother was pouring forth her motherly grief, her husband used to comfort her with declaring, that he was well satisfied to have children, whether they lived or died, young or old, providing they might be heirs of glory. But with this she could not attain to be satisfied, but had it for her exercise to seek a child from the Lord, that might not only be an heir of glory, but might live to serve him in his generation: whereupon when Mr James was born, she took it as an answer of prayer, and reputed herself under manifold engagements to dedicate him to the Lord, who satisfied her with very early evidences of his accepting that return of his own gift, and confirmed the same with very remarkable appearances of his gracious dealings with the child. For, by the time he was two years of age, he was observed to be aiming at prayer even in the cradle and about it, wherewith his mother conceived such expectations and hopes, that the Lord would be with him, and do good by him, &c. so that all the reproaches he sustained, difficulties and dangers that afterwards he underwent, to his dying day, never moved her in the least, from the confidence that the Lord would carry him through, and off the stage in some honourable way for his own glory. His father also, before his death, (which was Feb. 1, 1679.) obtained the same persuasion, that his time in the world would be but short, but that the Lord would make some eminent use of him. After he had learned to read the Bible, about 6 years old, the Lord gave him some sproutings of gracious preparations, training him in his way, exercising him with doubts and debates above childish apprehension, about the Maker of all things, how all things were made, and for what end; and with strange suppositions of so many invisible worlds above and beneath, with which he was transported into a train of musing, and continued in this exercise for about the space of two years, until he, by prayer and meditation on the history of the creation, came to a thorough belief that God made all things, and that all which he made was very good. And yet after he came to more maturity, he relapsed to a deeper labyrinth of darkness about these foundation truths, and was so assaulted with temptations of atheism, that being in the fields and looking to the mountains, he said, "If these were all devouring furnaces of burning brimstone, he would be content to go through them all, if so be he could be assured there was a God." Out of which he emerged through grace into the sweet serenity of a settled persuasion of the being of a God, and of his interest in him. From his younger years he made much conscience of obeying his parents, whose order (if they had spoken of putting him to any trade) he would no way decline, yet his inclination was constant for his book, until providence propitiously furnished him with means of greater proficiency at Edinburgh, by many, who were so enamoured of his hopeful disposition, that they earnestly promoted his education; and when he was ready for the university, they encouraged him in attending gentlemen's sons for the improvement of their studies and his own both; which consorting of youths, as it is usually accompanied with various temptations to youthful vanity, so it inticed him, with others, to spend too much of his time in gaming and recreations. Then it was, for no other part of his time can be instanced, when some, who knew him not (for these were only his traducers), took occasion from this extravagance, to reproach him with profanity and flagitiousness, which his nature ever abhorred, and disdained the very suspicion thereof. When his time at the college drew near an end, he demonstrated such a tenderness of offending God, &c. that, upon his refusal of the oath of allegiance then tendered, he was denied his share of the public solemnity of laureation with the rest of the candidates; but received it privately at Edinburgh. After which he continued his studies, attending on the then private and persecuted meetings for gospel-ordinances for a time. But upon a deplorable discovery of the unfaithfulness of the generality, even of non-conformist ministers, he was again for some time plunged in the deeps of darkness; doubting what should be the end of such backsliding courses, until, upon a more inquisitive search after such ministers as were freest from these defections, he found more light, and his knowledge of the iniquity of these courses was augmented and his zeal increased. And being more confirmed, when he beheld how signally the faithful ministers were owned of the Lord, and carried off the stage with great stedfastness, faith and patience, especially after the death of that faithful minister and martyr, Mr. Donald Cargil (at whose execution he was present July 27, 1681.), he was so commoved, that he determined to embark with these witnesses in that cause for which they suffered: and he was afterward so strengthened and established in that resolution, getting instruction about these things in and from the word, so sealed with a strong hand upon his soul, that all the temptations, tribulations, oppositions and contradictions he met with from all hands to the day of his death, could never shake his mind to the least doubt concerning them. Accordingly in this persuasion, upon grounds of scripture and reason, &c. in Oct. 1681, he came to a meeting with some of these faithful witnesses of Christ, and conferring about the testimonies of some other martyrs lately executed (which he was very earnest always to gather and keep on record), he refreshed them greatly by a discourse shewing how much he was grieved and offended with those who heard the curates, pleaded for cess-paying, and defended the owning of the tyrant's authority, &c. and how sad it was to him that none were giving a formal testimony against these things; and in the end, added, "That he would think it a great ease to his mind, to know and be engaged with a remnant that would singly prosecute and propagate the testimony against the corruptions of the times to the succeeding generations, and would desire nothing more than to be helped to be serviceable to them." At his very first coming amongst them, he could not but be taken notice of; for, while some were speaking of removing of the bodies of the martyrs lately executed at the Gallowlee, Mr. Renwick was very forward to promote it, and active to assist therein, and when the serious and sincere seekers of God who were interspersed up and down the land, and adhered to the testimony, as Messrs. Cameron and Cargil left it, towards the end of that year 1681, began to settle a correspondence in general, for preserving union, understanding one another's minds, and preventing declensions to right or left hand extremes. In the first of which (the duke of York holding a parliament at Edinburgh), they agreed upon emitting that declaration published at Lanerk Jan. 12, 1682, wherein Mr. Renwick was employed proclaiming it, but had no hand in the penning thereof, otherwise it might have been more considerately worded than what it was; for, though he approved of the matter of it, yet he always acknowledged there were some expressions therein somewhat unadvised. After publishing this declaration, the next general meeting, finding themselves reproached and informed against both at home and abroad in foreign churches (as if they had fallen from the principles of the church of Scotland), thought it expedient to send the laird of Earlstoun to the United Provinces to vindicate themselves from these reproaches, and to crave that sympathy which they could not obtain from their own countrymen. Which at length, thro' mercy, proved so encouraging to them, that a door was opened to provide for a succession of faithful ministers, by sending some to be fitted for the work of the ministry there. Accordingly Mr. Renwick, with some others, went thither. His comrades were ready and sailed before, which made him impatiently haste to follow. Yet, at his departure, to a comrade, he affirmed, "Though they were gone before him, as they did not depart together, so he saw something should fall out, which should obstruct their coming home together also." Which was verified by the falling off of Mr. Flint (however forward at that time) unto a contrary course of defection. When he went over, he was settled at the university of Groningen, where he plied his studies so hard, and with such proficiency, that (upon the necessities of his friends in Scotland longing for his labours, and his own ardent desire to be at the work) in a short time he was ready for ordination.--To precipitate which, his dear friend Mr. Robert Hamilton, (who merited so much of those who reaped the benefit of Mr. Renwick's labours afterward) applied to one Mr. Brakel, a godly Dutch minister, who was much delighted at first with the motion, and advised it should be done at Embden; but this could not be obtained, because the principal man there who was to have the management of the affair was in his judgment Cocceian, &c. Whereupon Mr. Hamilton solicited the classes of Groningen to undertake it; which they willingly promised to do; and calling for the testimonial of Mr. Renwick and the rest who went over at that time, Mr. Renwick's was produced (being providentially in readiness when the others were a-wanting) and though in a rude dress, was sustained. The classes being conveened, they were called in and had an open harangue, wherein open testimony was given against all the forms and corruptions of their church: whereat they were so far from being offended, that after a solemn and serious consideration of their cause, they declared it was the Lord's cause, and cost what it would, though all the kings of the earth were against it, they would go through with it. They all three should have passed together, but upon some discontents arising, the other two were retarded. It was the custom of the place, that every one that passes, must pay twenty guilders for the use of the church, but they jointly declared that they would be at all the charges themselves. But the next difficulty was, that being told it was impossible for any to pass without subscribing their catechism, &c. and observing that their forms and corruptions are therein justified, Mr. Renwick resolutely answered, He would do no such thing, being engaged by solemn covenant to the contrary. This was like to spoil all, but at length they condescended that he subscribe the confession and catechism of the church of Scotland, a practice never before heard of in that land; which was accepted. The day of ordination being come, Mr. Renwick was called in a very respectful way. After spending some time in prayer, the examination began, which lasted from ten in the morning, to two o'clock in the afternoon. Then His friends, who were attending in the church, were called in (amongst whom was his honoured friend Mr. Hamilton, and another elder of the church of Scotland[230]), to be witness to the laying on of the hands; which, after the exhortation, they performed with prayer, the whole meeting melting in tears; and thereafter he had a discourse to the classes. With this solemnity the classes were so much affected, that at dinner (to which he and his friends were invited) the preses declared the great satisfaction all the brethren had in Mr. Renwick, that they thought the whole time he was before them, he was so filled with the Spirit of God, that his face seemed to shine, and that they had never seen nor found so much of the Lord's Spirit accompanying any work as that, &c. But no sooner were these difficulties over, than others of a more disagreeable aspect began to arise, which if they had appeared but one day sooner might have stopped the ordination, at least for a time. But the very next day, Mr. Brakel told them, That a formed libel was coming from the Scottish ministers at Rotterdam, containing heavy accusations against the poor society people in Scotland, &c. which they behoved either to vindicate, or else the ordination must be stopped, but this being too late as to Mr. Renwick, it came to nothing at last. After his ordination, he had a most longing desire to improve his talent for the poor persecuted people in Scotland, who were his brethren; and having received large testimonials of his ordination and learning (particularly in the Hebrew and Greek tongue) from the classes, and finding a ship ready to sail, he embarked at the Brill; but waiting some days upon a wind, he was so discouraged by some profane passengers pressing the king's health, &c. that he was forced to leave that vessel, and take another bound for Ireland. A sea storm compelled them to put in to Rye harbour in England, about the time when there was so much noise of the Rye-house plot, which created him no small danger; but, after many perils at sea, he arrived safe at Dublin, where he had many conflicts with the ministers there, anent their defections and indifference; and yet in such a gaining and gospel-way, that he left convictions on their spirits of his being a pious and zealous youth, which procured him a speedy passage to Scotland. In which passage he had considerable dangers and a prospect of more, as not knowing how or where he should come to land, all ports being then so strictly observed, and the skipper refusing to let him go till his name be given up. But yet at last he was prevailed on to give him a cast to the shore, where he began his weary and uncertain wanderings (which continued with him till he was apprehended) thro an unknown wilderness, amongst unknown people, it being some time before he could meet with any of the societies. In Sept. 1683, he commenced his ministerial work in Scotland, taking up the testimony of the standard of Christ, where it was fixed, and had fallen at the removal of the former witnesses Messrs. Cameron and Cargil, which in the strength of his Master he undertook to prosecute and maintain against opposition from all hands, which seemed insupportable to sense and reason. In the midst of which difficulties, he was received by a poor persecuted people, who had lost all that worldly enjoyment they had, for the sake of the gospel. His first public meeting was in a moss at Darmead, where for their information and his own vindication, he thought it expedient not only to let them know how he was called to the ministry, and what he adhered to, but besides to unbosom himself about the then puzzling questions of the time, particularly concerning ministers, defections, &c.--shewing, whom he could not join with, and his reasons for so doing; and in the end told them, on what grounds he stood, and resolved to stand upon; which he resolved (the Lord assisting him) to seal with his blood. After this the father of lies began to spue out a flood of reproaches to swallow up and bury his name and work in contempt, which was very credulously entertained and industriously spread, not only by profane, but even by many professors, &c. Some saying, he had excommunicated all the ministers in Scotland, and some after they were dead; whereas he only gave reasons why he could not keep communion with some in the present circumstances. Others said, That he was no presbyterian, and that his design was only to propagate schism. But the truth was, he was a professed witness against all the defections of presbyterians from any part of their covenanted work of reformation, &c. Again, other ministers alleged he was sectarian, independent or anabaptist, or they knew not what. But when he had sometimes occasion to be among them, in and about Newcastle and Northumberland[231], they were as much offended as any, at his faithful freedom in discovering the evils of their way, and declared that they never met with such severe dealing from any presbyterian before him. But the general out-cry was, that he had no mission at all. Others slandering him, that he came only by chance, at a throw of the dice; with many other calumnies, refuted by the foregoing relation. On the other hand, some gave out that he and his followers maintained the murdering principles of the delirious and detestable blasphemies of Gib; all which shameless and senseless fictions he ever opposed and abhorred. Yea some ministers, more seemingly serious in their essays to prepossess the people against him, said, "That they had sought and got the mind of the Lord in it, that his labours should never profit the church of Scotland, nor any soul in it, &c." assuring themselves he would break, and bring to nothing, him and them that followed him ere it were long; comparing them to Jannes and Jambres, who withstood Moses. All which reproaches he was remarkably supported under, and went on in his Master's business, while he had any work for him to do. In the mean while, by the noise that went through the country concerning him, the council got notice; and thereupon, being enraged at the report of his preaching in the fields, they raised a hotter and more cruel persecution against him than can be instanced ever to be against any one man in the nation; nay, than ever the most notorious murderer was pursued with. For, having publicly proclaimed him a traitor, rebel, &c., they proceeded to pursue his followers with all the rigour that hellish fury and malice could suggest or invent; and yet the more they opposed, the more they grew and increased. In 1684, his difficulties from enemies, and discouragements from friends opposite to him, and manifold vexations from all hands, began to increase more and more; and yet all the while he would not intermit one day's preaching, but was still incessant and undaunted in his work; which made the ministers inform against him, as if he had intruded upon other men's labours; alledging, that when another minister had appointed to preach in a place, he unexpectedly came and preached in the same parish, and for that purpose instanced one time near Paisley; whereas he went upon a call from severals in that bounds, without knowing then whether there was such a minister in that country. It is confessed, that he hath sometimes taken the churches to preach in, when either the weather, instant hazard at the time, or respect to secresy or safety did exclude from every other place. But, could this be called intrusion, to creep into the church for one night, when they could not stand, nor durst they be seen without. This year, in prosecution of a cruel information, the soldiers became more vigilant in their indefatigable diligence to seek and hunt after him; and from whom he had many remarkable deliverances: particularly in the month of July, as he was going to a meeting, a country man, seeing him wearied, gave him a horse for some miles to ride on, they were surprized with lieutenant Dundass and a party of dragoons. The two men with him were taken and pitifully wounded. He escaped their hands, and went up Dungavel hill, but was so closely followed (they being so near that they fired at him all the time), that he was forced to leave the horse (losing thereby his cloak-bag with many papers) and seeing no other refuge, he was fain to run, in their sight, towards a heap of stones, where, for a little moment getting out of their sight, he found a hollow place into which he crept; and committing himself by earnest ejaculation to God, in submission to live or die; and believing, that he should yet be reserved for greater work, that part of scripture often coming into his mind, Psalm vi. 8. _Depart from me all ye workers of iniquity_, together with these words, Psalm xci. 11. _For he shall give his angels charge_, &c. In the mean time, the enemy searched up and down the hill, yet were restrained from looking into that place where he was. Many such sore and desperate chaces he and those with him met; some continuing whole nights and days, without intermission, in the wildest places of the country, for many miles together, without so much as a possibility of escaping the sight of those who pursued them. This year Sept. 24. letters of intercommuning were issued out against him, commanding all to give him no reset or supply, nor furnish him with meat, drink, house, harbour or any thing useful to him; requiring all sheriffs &c. to apprehend and commit to prison his person, wherever they could find him; by virtue of which the sufferers were reduced unto incredible straits, not only in being murdered, but by hunger, cold, harrassing, &c. in which perplexity, having neither a possibility to flee nor ability to fight, they were forced to publish an apologetical representation of their sentiments, shewing how far they might, according to the approven principles and practices, and covenant engagements of our reformers, &c. restrict and reduce into practice that privilege of extraordinary executing of judgment, on murdering beasts of prey, professing and prosecuting a daily trade of destroying innocents, &c.----When this declaration was first proposed, Mr. Renwick was somewhat averse to it, fearing the sad effects it might produce; but, considering the necessity of the case would admit of no delay, he consented and concurred in the publication thereof. Accordingly, it was fixed upon several market-crosses and parish church-doors Nov. 8. 1684. After the publication of this declaration, rage and reproach seemed to strive which should shew the greatest violence against the publishers and owners of it. The council published a proclamation for discovering such as own, or will not disown it; requiring that none above the age of fifteen travel without a pass, and that any who could apprehend any of them should have 500 merks for each person, and then every one should take the oath of abjuration; whereby the temptation and hazard became so dreadful, that many were shot instantly in the fields, others, refusing the oath were brought in, sentenced and executed in one day, yet spectators at executions were required to say, whether these men suffered justly or not. All which dolorous effects and more, when Mr. Renwick with a sad and troubled heart observed, he was often heard to say, though he had peace in his end and aim by it, yet he wished from his heart that declaration had never been published. Neither was the year 1685, any thing better. For it became now the enemy's greatest ambition and emulation, who could destroy most of these poor wandering mountain men (as they were called); and when they had spent all their balls, they were nothing nearer their purpose than when they began; for the more they were afflicted, the more they grew. _The bush did burn but was not consumed, because the Lord was in the bush._ Charles II. being dead, and the duke of York, a professed papist proclaimed in Feb. 1685. Mr. Renwick could not let go this opportunity of witnessing against that usurpation of a papist upon the government of the nation, and his design of overturning the covenanted work of reformation, and introducing popery. Accordingly he and about 200 men went to Sanquhar May 28. 1685. and published that declaration, afterward called the Sanquhar declaration. In the mean time the earl of Argyle's expedition taking place, Mr. Renwick was much solicited to join with them. He expressed the esteem he had of his honest and laudable intention, and spoke very favourably of him, declaring his willingness to concur if the quarrel and declaration were rightly stated, but because it was not concerted according to the ancient plea of our Scottish covenants, &c. he could not agree with them; which created unto him a new series of trouble and reproach, and that from all hands, and from none more than the indulged. In the year 1686. Mr. Renwick was constrained to be more public and explicit in his testimony against the designs and defections of the time; wherein he met with more contradictions and opposition from all hands and more discouraging and distracting treatment, even from some who once followed him; and was much troubled with letters of accusation against him from many hands. One of the ministers that came over with Argyle, wrote a very vindictive letter[232] against him, which letter he answered at large. He also was traduced both at home and abroad by one Alexander Gordon, who sometimes joined with that suffering party. But by none more than one Robert Cathcart in Carrick, who wrote a most scurrilous libel against him; from which Mr. Renwick vindicated himself in the plainest terms. But this not satisfying the said Robert Cathcart, he did, in the name of his friends in Carrick and the shire of Wigton (though without the knowledge of the half of them), take a protest against Mr. Renwick's preaching or conversing within their jurisdiction; giving him occasion with David to complain, _They speak vanity, their heart gathereth iniquity_, &c; _yea mine own familiar friend in whom I trusted, hath lift up his heel against me._ Notwithstanding of all former obloquies he sustained from all sorts of opposers, he had one faithful and fervent wrestler on his side, Mr. Alexander Peden; and yet a little before his death, these reproachers so far prevailed with him as to instigate him to a declared opposition against Mr. Renwick, which not only contributed to grieve him much, but was also an occasion of stumbling to many[233] others of the well affected, and to the confirmation of his opposers. Yet nevertheless he proceeded in his progress through the country, preaching, catechizing and baptizing; travelling through Galloway, where he was encountered with a most insolent protestation given in against him by the professors between Dee and Cree, subscribed by one Hutchison, which paper he read over at a public meeting in that bounds (after a lecture upon Psalm xv. and a sermon from Song ii. 2.), giving the people to know what was done in their name, with several animadversions thereon, as that which overturned several pieces of our valuable reformation; exhorting them, if there were any there who concurred therein, that they would speedily retract their hand from such an iniquity, &c.[234] Shortly after this, while his work was increasing daily on his hand, and his difficulties multiplying, the Lord made his burthen lighter by the help of Mr. David Houston from Ireland, and Mr. Alexander Shields, who joined with him, all in one accord, witnessing against the sins of the time; which as it was very refreshing to him, and satisfied his longing, desires and endeavours, so it furnished him withal to answer those who said, That he neither desired to join with another minister, not so much as to meet with any other for joining. The first being already confuted, and as for the other, it is well known how far he travelled both in Scotland and England to meet with ministers for a coalescence, who superciliously refused. He once sent a friend on that purpose to a minister of great note in Glendale in Northumberland, but he peremptorily refused. At another time, in the same country, before that he happened to be in a much respected gentlewoman's house, where providentially Dr. Rule came to visit, whom Mr. James, in another room, overheard discharging her by many arguments to entertain or countenance Mr. Renwick, if he should come that way; whereupon he sent for the doctor, letting him know that the same person was in the house, and that he desired to discourse with him on that head, but this he refused. After this one informed against him to the Holland ministers, who returned back with Mr. Brackel's advice to Mr. Renwick and others; but as it relished of a gospel spirit, not like that of his informers, it was no way offensive to him. Mr. Roelman, another famous Dutch divine, and a great sympathizer once with Mr. Renwick and that afflicted party, by their informations, turned also his enemy, which was more weighty to him, that such a great man should be so credulous; but all these things never moved him, being fully resolved to suffer this and more for the cause of Christ. In 1687, a proclamation was issued out Feb. 12. tolerating the moderate presbyterians to meet in their private houses to hear the indulged ministers, while the field meetings should be prosecuted with the utmost rigour of law, &c. A second proclamation was given June 28. allowing all to serve God in their own way, in any house, &c. A third was emitted Oct. 5. declaring that all preachers and hearers at any meeting in the open fields should be prosecuted with the utmost severity that law will allow, &c. and that all dissenting ministers who preach in houses should teach nothing that should alienate the heart of the people from the government; and that the privy counsellors, sheriffs, &c. should be acquainted with the places set apart for their preaching, _etc._ This proclamation it seems was granted as an answer to an address for the toleration given in, in name of all the presbyterian ministers July 21. 1687. Whereupon Mr. Renwick found it his duty not only to declare against the granters, but also against the accepters of this toleration; warning also the people of the hazard of their succession to it, _etc._ At which the indulged were so incensed, that no sooner was their meeting well settled, than they began to shew their teeth at him, calling him an intruder, a jesuit, a white devil, going through the land carrying the devil's white flag; that he had done more hurt to the church of Scotland, than its enemies had done these twenty years, _etc._: As also spreading papers through the country, as given under his hand, to render him odious; which in truth were nothing else than forgeries, wherein they only discovered their own treachery. Yet all this could not move him, even when his enemies were shooting their arrows at him; being not only the butt of the wicked, but the scorn of professors also, who were at their ease; and a man much wondered at every way; yet still he continued at his work, his inward man increasing more and more, when his outward man was much decaying; and his zeal for fulfilling his ministry, and finishing his testimony still increasing the more, the less peace and accommodation he could find in the world; at the same time becoming so weak, that he could not mount or sit on horseback; so that he behoved to be carried to the place of preaching, and never in the least complained of any distemper in the time thereof. In the mean while, the persecution against him being so furious, that in less than five months after the toleration, fifteen most desperate searches were made for him: To encourage which a proclamation was made Oct. 18. wherein a reward of 100 pounds sterling was offered to any who could bring in the persons of him, and some others, either dead or alive. In the beginning of the year 1688, being now drawing near the period of his course, he ran very fast, and wrought very hard both as a christian and as a minister: And having for some time had a design to emit something in way of testimony against both the granters and accepters of the toleration, that might afterward stand on record. He went toward Edinburgh, and on his way at Peebles he escaped very narrowly being apprehended. When at Edinburgh he longed and could have no rest till he got that which he, with the concurrence of some others, had drawn up in form delivered; and upon inquiry, hearing that there was to be no presbytery or synod of tolerated ministers for some time, he went to a minister of great note amongst them[235], whom he heard was moderator, and delivered a protestation into his hands; and then, upon some reasons, emitted it in public as his testimony against the toleration[236]. From thence he went to Fife, and preached some sabbaths: and, upon the 29th of January, preached his last sermon at Borrowstonness. Then returned to Edinburgh, and lodged in a friend's house in the Castle hill, who dealt in uncustomed goods; and wanting his wonted circumspection (his time being come), one John Justice, a waiter, discovered the house that very night; and hearing him praying in the family, suspected who it was, attacked the house next morning Feb. 1. and pretending to search for uncustomed goods, they got entrance; and, when Mr. Renwick came to the door, Mr. Justice challenged him in these words, My life for it this is Mr. Renwick.--After which he went to the street crying for assistance to carry the dog Renwick to the guard. In the mean time, Mr. James and other two friends essayed to make their escape at another door, but were repelled by the waiters. Whereupon he discharged a pistol which made the assailants give way; but as he passed thro' them, one with a long staff hit him on the breast, which doubtless disabled him from running. Running down the Castle-wynd toward the head of the Cowgate, having lost his hat, he was taken notice of, and seized by a fellow on the street, while the other two escaped. He was taken to the guard, and there kept some time. One Graham, captain of the guard, seeing him of a little stature and comely youthful countenance, cried, What! is this the boy Renwick that the nation hath been so much troubled with. At the same time one bailie Charters, coming in, with great insolency accused him with bawdy houses, which he replied to with deserved disdain. Then he was carried before a quorum of the council; and when Graham delivered him off his hand, he was heard say, Now I have given Renwick up to the presbyterians, let them do with him what they please. What passed here could not be learned. He was committed close prisoner and laid in irons, where as soon as he was left alone he betook himself to prayer to his God, making a free offer of his life to him, requesting for through-bearing grace, and that his enemies might be restrained from torturing his body; all which requests were signally granted, and by him thankfully acknowledged before his execution. Before he received his indictment, he was taken before the chancellor, into the viscount of Tarbet's lodging, and there examined concerning his owning the authority of James VII. the cess, and carrying arms at field-meetings; and delivered himself with such freedom and boldness as astonished all present. The reason why he was interrogate anent the cess was, a pocket-book found about him, in which were the notes of two sermons he had preached on these points which he owned. There were also some capitals in the same book, and because the committee was urgent to know these names, partly to avoid torture, and knowing they could render the persons no more obnoxious, he ingenuously declared the truth of the matter.----Which ingenuity did much allay their rage against him; and being asked by the chancellor, What persuasion he was of? He answered, Of the protestant presbyterian persuasion. Again, How it came to pass he differed then so much from other presbyterians, who had accepted of the toleration, and owned the king's authority; and what he thought of them? He answered, He was a presbyterian, and adhered to the old presbyterian principles (which all were obliged by the covenant to maintain), and were once generally professed and maintained by the nation from 1640, to 1660, from which they had apostatized for a little liberty (they knew not how long), as you yourselves (said he) have done for a little honour. The chancellor replied, and the rest applauded, That they believed, that these were the presbyterian principles, and that all presbyterians would own them as well as he, if they had but the courage, _etc._ However on Feb. 3. he received his indictment upon the three foresaid heads, _viz._ disowning the king's authority, the unlawfulness of paying the cess, and the lawfulness of defensive arms. All which he was to answer on the 8th of February. To the indictment was added a list of forty-five, out of which the jury was to be chosen, and a list of the witnesses to be brought against him; which are too tedious here to insert. After receiving his indictment, his mother got access to see him, to whom he spoke many savoury words. And on Sabbath Feb. 5. he regretted that now he must leave his poor flock; and declared, "That if it were his choice, he could not think on it without terror, to enter again into and venture upon that conflict with a body of sin and death; yet if he were again to go and preach in the field, he durst not vary in the least nor flinch one hair-breadth from the testimony, but would look on himself as obliged to use the same freedom and faithfulness as he had done before." And in a letter on Feb. 6. he desired that the persons, whose names were decyphered, might be acquainted with it, and concludes, "I desire none may be troubled on my behalf, but rather rejoice with him, who, with hope and joy, is waiting for his coronation-hour." Another time his mother asked him, How he was? He answered, He was well, but that since his last examination he could scarcely pray. At which she looked on him with an affrighted countenance, and he told her, He could hardly pray, being so taken up with praising, and ravished with the joy of the Lord. When his mother was expressing her fear of fainting, saying, How shall I look upon that head and those hands set up among the rest on the port of the city, _etc_! He smiled, telling her, She should not see that, for (said he) "I have offered my life unto the Lord, and have fought that he may bind them up, and I am persuaded that they shall not be permitted to torture my body, nor touch one hair of my head farther." He was at first much afraid of the tortures, but now, having obtained a persuasion that these should not be his trials, thro' grace he was helped to say, "That the terror of them was so removed, that he would rather choose to be cast into a chaldron of burning oil, than do any thing that might wrong truth." When some other friends were permitted to see him, he exhorted them to make sure their peace with God, and to study stedfastness in his ways; and when they regretted their loss of him, he said, "They had more need to think the Lord, that he should now be taken away from these reproaches[237] which had broken his heart, and which could not be otherwise wiped of, even though he should get his life, without yielding in the least." Monday Feb. 8. he appeared before the justiciary, and when his indictment was read, the justice-clerk asked him, If he adhered to his former confession, and acknowledged all that was in the libel? He answered, "All except where it is said I have cast off all fear of God; that I deny; for it is because I fear to offend God, and violate his law, that I am here standing ready to be condemned." Then he was interrogate, If he owned authority, and James VII. to be his lawful sovereign? He answered, "I own all authority that hath its prescriptions and limitations from the word of God, but cannot own this usurper as lawful king, seeing both by the word of God, such an one is incapable to bear rule, and likewise by the ancient laws of the kingdom, which admit none to the crown of Scotland, until he swear to defend the Protestant religion; which a man of his profession could not do."--They urged, Could he deny him to be king? Was he not the late king's brother? Had the late king any children lawfully begotten? Was he not declared to be his successor by act of parliament! He answered, "He was no question king _de facto_, but not _de jure_, that he was brother to the other king, he knew nothing to the contrary; what children the other had he knew not; but from the word of God, that ought to be the rule of all laws, or from the ancient laws of the kingdom, it could not be shewen that he had or ever could have any right." The next question was, If he owned and had taught it to be unlawful to pay cesses and taxations to his majesty? He answered, "For the present cess enacted for the present usurper, I hold it unlawful to pay it, both in regard it is oppressive to the subject, for the maintenance of tyranny, and because it is imposed for suppressing the gospel. Would it have been thought lawful for the Jews in the days of Nebuchadnezzar to have brought every one a coal to augment the flame of the furnace to devour the three children, if so they had been required by that tyrant, &c.?" Next they moved the question, If he owned he had taught his hearers to come armed to their meetings, and in case of opposition to resist? He answered, "It were inconsistent with reason and religion both to do otherwise; you yourselves would do it in the like circumstances. I own that I taught them to carry arms to defend themselves, and resist your unjust violence." Further they asked if he owned the note-book and the two sermons written therein, and that he had preached them? He said, "If ye have added nothing I will own it, and am ready to seal all the truths contained therein with my blood."--All his confession being read over, he was required to subscribe it. He said, "He would not do it, since he looked on it as a partial owning of their authority." After refusing several times, he said, "With protestation I will subscribe the paper as it is my testimony, but not in obedience to you." Then the assizers were called in by fives and sworn, against whom he objected nothing; but protested, "That none might sit on his assize, that professed Protestant or Presbyterian principles, or an adherence to the covenanted work of reformation[238]." He was brought in guilty, and sentence passed, That he should be executed in the grass-market on the Friday following. Lord Linlithgow justice-general asked, If he desired longer time? He answered, "It was all one to him, if it was protracted, it was welcome; if it was shortened, it was welcome; his Master's time was the best:"--Then he was returned to prison. Without his knowledge, and against his will, yea, after open refusing to the advocate to desire it, he was reprieved to the 17th day; which gave occasion to severals to renew their reproaches. Though none who suffered in the former part of this dismal period, spoke with more fortitude, freedom and boldness than Mr. Renwick, yet none were treated with so much moderation. The lenity of the justiciary was much admired beyond their ordinary; for they admitted him to say what he pleased without threatening and interruption, even though he gave none of them the title of lord, but Linlithgow, who was a nobleman by birth. And though his friends (which was not usual after sentence) were denied access, yet both papists and episcopals were permitted to see him. Bishop Paterson often visited him, nay he sought another reprieve for him; which would easily have been granted, had he only petitioned for it. The bishop asked him, Think you none can be saved but those of your principles? He answered, "I never said nor thought that none could be saved, except they were of these principles; but these are truths which I suffer for, and which I have not rashly concluded on, but deliberately and of a long time have been confirmed that they are sufficient points to suffer for." The bishop took his leave, declaring his sorrow for his being so tenacious, and said, "It had been a great loss he had been of such principles, for he was a pretty lad." Again, the night before he suffered, he sent to him, to signify his readiness to serve him to the utmost of his power. Mr. Renwick thanked him for his courtesy, but knew nothing he could do, or that he could desire. Mr. M'Naught, one of the curates, made him a visit in his canonical habit, which Mr. Renwick did not like. The curate among other things asked his opinion concerning the toleration, and those that accepted it. Mr. Renwick declared that he was against the toleration, but as for them that embraced it, he judged them to be godly men. The curate leaving him, commended him for one of great gravity and ingenuity, &c. Dalrymple the king's advocate came also to visit him, and declared that he was sorry for his death, and that it should fall out in his short time. Several popish priests and gentlemen of the guard, with some of the tolerated ministers, were permitted to converse with him. The priest at leaving him was overheard saying, He was a most obstinate heretic, for he had used such freedom with them as it became a proverb in the tolbooth at the time; Begone (said they), as Mr. Renwick said to the priests. Several petitions were wrote from several hands, of the most favourable strain that could be invented, and sent him to subscribe, but all in vain; yea, it was offered to him, if he would but let a drop of ink fall on a bit of paper, it would satisfy; but he would not. In the mean time, he was kept so close that he could get nothing wrote. His begun testimony which he was writing was taken from him, and pen and ink removed. However he got a short paper wrote the night before, which is to be found in the cloud of witnesses, as his last speech and testimony. On Tuesday the 14th, he was brought before the council on account of the informatory vindication, but what passed there cannot be learned, farther than their signifying how much kindness they had shewn him, in that they had reprieved him without his supplication; a thing never done before. He answered with extraordinary cheerfulness, rejoicing that he was counted worthy to suffer shame for the name of his Master. A friend, asking him, how he was?--He said, Very well, and he would be better within three days. He told his mother, That the last execution he was witness to was Robert Gray's, and that he had a strong impression in his mind that he should be the next; and often said, He saw need for his suffering at this time; and that he was persuaded his death would do more good than his life for many years could have done. Being asked, what he thought God would do with the remnant behind him? He answered, It would be well with them, for God would not forsake nor cast off his inheritance. On the day of his execution, the chief jailor begged that at the place of execution, he would not mention the causes of his death, and would forbear all reflections. Mr. Renwick told him, That what God would give him to speak, that he would speak, and nothing less. The jailor told him, that he might still have his life, if he would but sign that petition which he offered him. He answered, That he never read in scripture or in history, where martyrs petitioned for their lives, when called to suffer for truth, though they might require them not to take their life, and remonstrate the wickedness of murdering them; but in the present circumstance he judged it would be found a receding from truth, and a declining from a testimony for Christ. His mother and sisters, having obtained leave to see him, after some refreshment, in returning thanks, he said, "O Lord, thou hast brought me within two hours of eternity, and this is no matter of terror to me, more than if I were to ly down in a bed of roses; nay, thro' grace, to thy praise, I may say, I never had the fear of death since I came to this prison; but from the place where I was taken, I could have gone very composedly to the scaffold. O! how can I contain this, to be within two hours of the crown of glory." He exhorted them much "to prepare for death, for it is (said he) the king of terrors, though not to me now, as it was sometimes in my hidings; but now let us be glad and rejoice, for the marriage of the Lamb is come, and his wife hath made herself ready. Would ever I have thought that the fear of suffering and of death could be so taken from me! But what shall I say to it? It is the doing of the Lord, and marvellous in our eyes.--I have many times counted the cost of following Christ, but never thought it would be so easy; and now who knows the honour and happiness of that? _He that confesseth me before men, him will I confess before the Father._" He said many times, "Now I am near the end of time, I desire to bless the Lord, it is an expresly sweet and satisfying peace to me, that he hath kept me from complying with enemies in the least." Perceiving his mother weep, he exhorted her "to remember that they who loved any thing better than Christ were not worthy of him. If ye love me, rejoice that I am going to my Father, to obtain the enjoyment of what eye hath not seen, nor ear heard, &c." Then he went to prayer, wherein he run out much in praise, and pleaded much in behalf of the suffering remnant, that the Lord would raise up witnesses that might transmit the testimony to succeeding generations, and that the Lord would not leave Scotland, asserting with great confidence of hope, that he was strengthened in the hope of it, that the Lord would be gracious to Scotland. At length, hearing the drums beat for the guard, he fell into a transport, saying, Yonder the welcome warning to my marriage; the bridegroom is coming; I am ready, I am ready. Then taking his leave of his mother and sisters, he intreated them not to be discouraged, for ere all were done, they should see matter of praise in that day's work. He was taken to the low council-house (as was usual) where after his sentence was read, they desired him to speak what he had to say there. He said, "I have nothing to say to you, but that which is written in Jer. xxiv. 14, 15. _As for me, behold I am in your hand_, &c." He was told that the drums would beat at the scaffold all the time, and therefore they desired him to pray there; but he refused, and declared he would not be limited in what he would say, and that he had premeditated nothing, but would speak what was given him. They offered him any minister to be with him; but he answered, "If I would have had any of them for my counsellors or comforters, I should not have been here this day. I require none with me but this one man;" meaning the friend that was waiting upon him. He went from thence to the scaffold with great cheerfulness, as one in a transport of triumphant joy, and had the greatest croud of spectators that has perhaps been seen at any execution; but little was heard on account of the beating of the drums all the time without intermission from his first ascending the scaffold until he was cast over. Yet from the friends and others, permitted to attend him, there were some of his last words collected, which were as follows. When he went first unto the scaffold, some forbade him to speak any thing, because the people could not hear; which he took no notice of. There was a curate standing at the side of the scaffold, who, tempting him, said, Own our king and we shall pray for you. He answered, I will have none of your prayers; I am come here to bear my testimony against you and such as you are. The curate said, Own our king and pray for him, whatever you say against us--He replied, "I will discourse no more with you. I am within a little to appear before him, who is King of kings and Lord of lords, who shall pour shame, contempt and confusion upon all the kings of earth, who have not ruled for him." Then he sang Psalm ciii. read Rev. xix.: then prayed, commending his soul to God through the Redeemer, and his cause to be vindicated in his own time, and appealed to the Lord if this was not the most joyful day he ever saw in the world; a day that he had much longed for. He insisted much in blessing the Lord in honouring him with the crown of martyrdom, an honour which the angels were not privileged with, being incapable of laying down their lives for their princely Master. He complained of being disturbed in worshipping God; but, said he, I shall be above these clouds; then shall I enjoy thee, and glorify thee, without interruption or intermission for ever. Prayer being ended, he spoke to the people much to the purpose of his written testimony, whereof somewhat was remembered to this effect: "SPECTATORS, I am come here this day to lay down my life for adhering to the truths of Christ, for which I am neither afraid nor ashamed to suffer. Nay I bless the Lord that ever he counted me worthy, or enabled me to suffer any thing for him; and I desire to praise his grace that he hath not only kept me from the gross pollutions of the time, but also from the many ordinary pollutions of children; and for such as I have been stained with, he hath washed and cleansed me from them in his own blood. I am this day to lay down my life for these three things: (1) For disowning the usurpation and tyranny of James duke of York. (2.) For preaching that it was unlawful to pay the cess expresly exacted for bearing down the gospel. (3.) For teaching, that it was lawful for people to carry arms for defending themselves in their meeting for the persecuted gospel-ordinances. I think a testimony for these is worth many lives, and if I had ten thousand I would think it little enough to lay them all down for the same. "Dear friends, I die a Presbyterian Protestant; I own the word of God as the rule of faith and manners; I own the Confession of Faith, larger and shorter Catechisms, Sum of saving knowledge, Directory for public and family Worship, Covenants national and solemn League, Acts of general assemblies, and all the faithful contendings that have been for the covenanted reformation. I leave my testimony approving the preaching in the fields, and the defending the same by arms. I adjoin my testimony to all these truths that have been sealed by bloodshed, either on scaffold, field or seas, for the cause of Christ. I leave my testimony against popery, prelacy, Erastianism, &c. against all profanity, and every thing contrary to sound doctrine and the power of godliness, particularly against all usurpations and encroachments made upon Christ's right, the Prince of the kings of the earth, who alone must bear the glory of ruling in his own kingdom the church, and in particular against this absolute power, usurped by this usurper, that belongs to no mortal, but is the incommunicable prerogative of Jehovah, and against his toleration, flowing from this absolute power." Here he was ordered to have done.----He answered, I have near done; and then said, "Ye that are the people of God, do not weary to maintain the testimony of the day in your stations and places; and, whatever ye do, make sure an interest in Christ, for there is a storm coming, that shall try your foundation. Scotland must be rid of Scotland before the delivery come; and you that are strangers to God, break off your sins by repentance, else I will be a sad witness against you in the day of the Lord." Here they made him desist, and go up the ladder, where he prayed and said, "Lord, I die in the faith that thou wilt not leave Scotland, but that thou wilt make the blood of thy witnesses the seed of thy church, and return again and be glorious in our land.----And now, Lord, I am ready; the bride, the Lamb's wife, hath made herself ready." The napkin being tied about his face, he said to his friend attending, "Farewel; be diligent in duty, make your peace with God through Christ. There is a great trial coming. As to the remnant I leave, I have committed them to God. Tell them from me, not to weary nor be discouraged in maintaining the testimony, and the Lord will provide you teachers and ministers, and when he comes, he will make these despised truths glorious in the earth." He was turned over with these words in his mouth, Lord, into thy hands I commend my spirit, for thou hast redeemed me, Lord God of truth. Thus died the faithful, pious, and zealous Mr. James Renwick on the third day over the 26th year of his age, a young man and a young minister, but a ripe Christian and renowned martyr of Christ, for whose sake he loved not his life dear unto the death, by whose blood and the word of his testimony he overcame, and thus got above all snares and sorrows, and to the conviction of many that formerly reproached him was as signally vindicated of, as he was in his life shamefully reproached with all the aspersions, obloquies and calumnies, that were cast upon him for prosecuting that testimony for truth, which now he sealed with his blood, in such a treasure of patience, meekness, humility, constancy, courage, burning love and blazing zeal, as did very much confound enemies, convince neutrals, confirm halters, comfort friends, and astonish all. He was of stature somewhat low, of a fair complexion, and, like another young David, of a ruddy and beautiful countenance. Most men spoke well of him after he was dead; even his murderers, as well as others, said, They thought he went to heaven. Malignants generally said, He died a Presbyterian. The viscount of Tarbet (one of the counsellors), one day in company, when speaking of him, said, "That he was one of the stiffest maintainers of his principles that ever came before them. Others we used always to cause one time or other to waver, but him we could never move.--Where we left him, there we found him. We could never make him yield or vary in the least. He was the man we have seen most plainly and pertinaciously adhering to the old way of Presbyterian government, who, if he had lived in Knox's days, would not have died by any laws then in being." He was the last that on a scaffold sealed his testimony for religion, liberty, and the covenanted work of reformation in Scotland. Besides what hand Mr. Renwick had in the informatory vindication, and the forementioned testimony against the toleration (both of which have long ago been published), there was also of late, by some well wishers to the same cause and testimony, published a collection of very valuable prefaces, lectures and sermons of his, in two volumes; as also another collection of very choice letters, wrote by him from July 8. 1682, to the day of his death, Feb. 17. 1688. There is also a treatise of his upon the admission of ruling elders, which the reader will find affixed to his life and vindication of his testimony wrote by Mr. Shields. _Wherefore seeing we also are compassed about with so great a cloud of witnesses, &c.--These are they which came out of great tribulations, and have washed their robes, and made them white in the blood of the Lamb.--I saw, under the altar, the souls of them that were slain for the word of God, and for the testimony which they held: and they cried with a loud voice, saying, How long, O Lord, holy and true, dost thou not judge and avenge our blood on them that dwell on the earth--Here is the patience of the saints, here are they that keep the commandments of God and the faith of Jesus._--Heb. xii. 1. Rev. vii. 14. and vi. 9, &c. xiv. 2. N. B. In Scotland during these twenty eight years persecution, according to calculation, above 18000 people suffered death, or the outmost hardships and extremities; whereof 1700 were banished to the plantations, besides 750 banished to the northern islands, of these 200 were executed. Those who suffered by imprisonment, confinement and other cruelties of this nature, were computed at or above 3600, including the 800 last mentioned, and 55 who were panneled to be executed when apprehended. Those killed in several skirmishes or on surprise, and those who died of their wounds on such occasions were reckoned to be 680. Those who went to voluntary banishment to other countries, &c. were calculated at 7000. About 498 were murdered in cold blood without process of law, beside 362 who were by form of law executed. But the number of those who perished through cold, hunger and other distresses, contracted in their flight to the mountains, and sometimes even in the article of death murdered by the bloody soldiers, cannot be well calculated, but will certainly make up the number above specified. And yet like the Lord's church and people of old, while in Egypt, the more they were oppressed the more they grew, the blood of the martyrs being always the seed of the church. Yea to the honour of truth, and the praise of that God whom they served, they were so far from being spent, wasted or eradicated, that at the revolution they could raise a regiment in one day without beat of drum, the ancient motto of the church of Scotland being verified now as evidently as ever, _Behold the bush burned with fire, and the bush was not consumed._ See a more full account of these sufferings in the memoirs of the church of Scotland, from page 290 to 295. _The Life of Mr. ALEXANDER MONCRIEF._ In virtue of an act of the general assembly 1642, appointing a list of six able men for the planting of vacant churches, Mr. Moncrief was pitched upon for the church of Skunie in Fife; and upon Sept. 26. 1643, was received there with great contentment. After which he had an active hand in carrying on the work of reformation at that time; and was nominated in the commission for the affairs of the kirk. In the years 1650 and 1651, he made no small appearance among these called protestors; and had a particular hand in the western remonstrance, and the causes of God's wrath, which were drawn up about that time. During Cromwel's usurpation, he suffered much on account of his loyalty, in praying for the king. Upon account of which his house was often searched, and rifled by the English, and he obliged to hide himself. Upon the Sabbath he had spies set upon him, and was closely watched where he went after preaching. He was frequently pursued, and one time a party of horse came after him, yet by a special providence (though attacked once and again by them) he got clear of them. Yet a little after he was seized by them in a neighbouring congregation and imprisoned some time[239]. After he was liberated, he was pitched upon as a person of great courage and magnanimity to present the protestation and testimony[240] against the toleration, and the errors and sectaries that then prevailed in church and state, given in Oct. 1658, to general Monk, drawn up and signed by himself, Messrs. Rutherford, James Guthrie and many others. This he did with the greatest firmness, for which he was exposed unto new extremities, but what return he had for all his faithfulness and loyalty to the king comes immediately to be discovered. For no sooner was the king restored and settled in his dominions, than this worthy and good man was involved in a new series of sufferings. For, being assembled at Edinburgh, with Mr. James Guthrie and eight others of his brethren in Aug. 1660, where they drew up that humble supplication and address to the king, commonly called, The paper of the 23d of August, they were all imprisoned in the castle of Edinburgh, except Mr. Hay of Craignethen, who escaped. He continued under confinement until July 12. 1661, that he had his indictment and charge, much about the same time with Mr. James Guthrie, which runs upon his having a share in the remonstrance, and in forming the causes of God's wrath. Refusing to retract any thing in them, he was brought before the parliament several times, and their prosecution for his life was so hot, that the earl of Athol, and others in parliament particularly interested and concerned in this good man and his wife, being importuned by her to appear for him in parliament, dealt with her to endeavour to prevail with him to recede from some of his principles, otherwise, they told her, it was impossible to save his life. This excellent woman answered, "That they all knew she was happy in a good husband, and she had a great affection for him, and many children; yet she knew him to be so stedfast to his principles, where his conscience was concerned, that nobody needed deal with him on that head; for her part, before the world contribute any thing that would break his peace with his Master, she would rather chuse to receive his head at the cross." About the same time, two ladies of the first quality were pleased so far to concern themselves in his case, as to provide a compliment in plate (which was not unusual at that time), and send it to the advocate's lady. Afterward they went and visited her on his behalf, but were told by her it was impossible to save his life, and the compliment was again returned. Yet it was so over-ruled in providence, that Mr. Moncrief being much respected, and his hardships almost universally regreted, upon account of his eminent piety, integrity and uprightness, severals of all ranks, and different persuasions, and unknown to him, began to make application, and interpose for him, so that the spirit of some of his most violent persecutors began to abate, his process lingred, till, after a tedious imprisonment, he fell sick and obtained the favour of confinement in Edinburgh.----The parliament passed this sentence upon him, "That he, the said Mr. Alexander Moncrief, be for ever incapable of exercising any public trust, civil or ecclesiastic, within the kingdom, until, in the next session of parliament, further orders be taken concerning him, and discharge him in the mean time to go to his parish." And all this for owning before them his accession to the remonstrance and causes of God's wrath. After this sentence, when living peaceably some eight or nine miles from his own parish, people began to resort to him, and hear him preach, whereupon, under a most severe storm in the middle of winter, by virtue of an act made against him, he was charged to remove twenty miles from his house and charge, and seven or eight from a bishop's seat or royal burgh; and was with his family forced from his house, and obliged to wander in that great storm; and yet when he had removed to a place at a competent distance, even then he got a second charge to remove further, till he was obliged to go to a remote place in the Highlands, where his God who had all along countenanced and supported him wonderfully in his troubles, honoured him to be instrumental in the conversion of many. The persecution somewhat abating, he brought his family to Perth, for the education of his children, where he continued preaching the gospel. A few at first, but afterwards a great many, attended his ministry. Being again informed against, a party of the horse-guards were sent to apprehend him, but he escaped, though his house was narrowly searched. This forced him from his family, and he was obliged to lurk a good while after this. At length he came with his family to Edinburgh, where he preached the gospel many years under a series of persecution. He was intercommuned in the year 1675, and his house, and many other places in and about the city, were narrowly searched for him, yet he was always marvelously hid, of which many instances might be given. When he went to the country, many a time parties of the guard were sent in quest of him, and sometimes he would meet them in his return, and pass through the midst of them unknown. When he was one time lodged in a remote part of the suburbs of Edinburgh, a captain, with a party, searched every house and chamber of the closs, but never entered into the house he was in, though the door was open. Again, when he was lurking in a private family without the walls of Edinburgh, a party was sent to apprehend him. Providentially he had gone out to walk by the house; the party, observing him by his gravity to be a minister, said one to another, That may be the man we are seeking.----Nay, said another, he would not be walking there. Again, when he was advertised that the soldiers were coming to search for him in his own house, he lingered till another minister came to him, and said, Sir, you must surely have a protection from heaven, that you are so secure here, when the town is in such disorder, and a general search to be made. Immediately he went off, and in a little after Mr. Moncrief went out; and was not well down stairs before the guard came up and searched his house. He took a short turn in the street, and came back just as the guard went off. But the persecution growing still worse, he was obliged to disperse his family for some time. He was solicited, when in these circumstances, to leave the kingdom, and had an ample call to Londonderry in Ireland, yet he always declined to leave his native country, and, in his pleasant way, used to say, He would suffer where he had sinned, and essay to keep possession of his Master's house, till he should come again. He had a sore sickness about the beginning of June 1680. In which time he uttered many heavenly expressions. But he recovered and continued in this the house of his pilgrimage until harvest 1688, when he died, and got above all sin and sorrow, after he had endured a great fight of affliction to obtain a crown of eternal life. He was mighty in prayer, and had some very remarkable and strange returns thereof. His memory was savoury a long time after his death. Many could bear witness, that God was with him of a truth. He left many seals of his ministry in Fife, and was a most faithful and painful minister. His sufferings are a little hinted at in the fulfilling of the scripture, though neither he nor his persecutors are mentioned there. The relation runs thus: "The first relates to a considerable family in this country, who made it their business to trouble and persecute the minister of that parish, an eminently holy and faithful man, yea, upon account of his faithfulness, the old laird of that house did pursue him, out of malice, with a false libel before the synod, either to get him broken and put out of the parish, or at least to crush his spirit and weaken him in the exercise of his ministry, but did there meet with a disappointment the Lord clearing the innocence of his servant, and the malice of the other. At which time that gentleman, while he went to the stable where his horses were, being then at the synod on that account, was in the place stricken with sickness, forced to hasten home, and take his bed; and there seized with horror of conscience, which made him often cry, intreating most earnestly for his minister, whom he had thus persecuted, and often said, Oh! to see his face; and told his friends, that if he would not come to him, they should carry him to his house. But his lady did out of malice, in a most rude and violent way, hinder the minister's access to him, and thus that poor gentleman in great horror and anguish died. "After his death his lady still pursued the quarrel with no less malice, until she also fell sick, and had much terror upon her conscience, crying out for the minister, who was providentially absent, so that she was denied in that which she kept back from her husband; but he came to her before her death, and she confessed, with much bitterness, her wrong to him. After this, a young man, who had been their chaplain, and engaged by them to appear as a witness against that godly man, was so terrified in his conscience, that he could get no rest till he went to the next synod, to acknowledge that horrid sin, in bearing false witness against his minister; but being by some kept from a public appearance, he went to another part of the country, where it is reported he died distracted. "Last of all the young laird, who succeeded in that estate, would needs pursue the quarrel, and finding more access through the change of the times, did so endeavour with some who were in power, that an order was passed for banishing him out of that parish; and although he was then otherwise accused upon account of the public cause, yet it was known, the violent persecution of that gentleman was the main cause of that sentence, as those who had a hand in passing it did confess; for he had solemnly sworn, that if he lived there, that minister should not be in that place. Returning to his house a few days after, and boasting how he had kept his word, and got his minister cast out of his parish, he was suddenly struck by the Lord with a high fever, which plucked him away in the very strength of his years." Fulfilling of the scriptures, page 428. _The Life of Mr. ANGUS MACBEAN._ Mr. Angus MacBean was born about the year 1656. After he had spent some time at the grammar-school with good proficiency, he went to the university of Aberdeen; where he began to distinguish himself, no less for his great regard to practical religion (altho' he was yet of the episcopal persuasion), than for his extraordinary parts and abilities in learning. About this time the bishops, having found their mistake in sending men of little learning and less religion to the south and west parts of Scotland, where the people were much disaffected to them, applied to the professors of divinity to name some of the greatest abilities to be sent to these parts. Accordingly professor Minzies singled out Mr. MacBean from amongst all his students, to be sent to the town of Ayr; but he did not continue long there, having got a call to be minister of Inverness, which he accepted of, and was there admitted Dec. 29, 1683; and here he proved a very pathetic and zealous preacher, and one of the most esteemed of that way. He usually once a-week lectured on a large portion of scripture, which was not the custom then in that apostate and degenerate age. But notwithstanding of his being in the highest esteem among the prevailing party, the constancy shewn by the sufferers for the cause of truth, and the cruelty used toward them, made such deep impressions on his mind, as could never afterward be rooted out or effaced. As a native consequence of the toleration granted by the duke of York, the mass was openly set up in the castle of Inverness, against which Mr. MacBean preached publicly, and warned the people of the imminent danger the nation was then in. At which the priest was so incensed, that he sent Mr. MacBean a letter, challenging him to a public dispute. This letter he received in a crowd on the weekly market, where he usually walked with some constables to prevent common swearing. He went to a shop, and there wrote such an answer to the priest, as determined him to send him no more challenges. The report of this having spread, some of king James's officers (being there) entered into a resolution to go to church next Lord's day, and to take him out of the pulpit in case he uttered ought against that way. Of this he was informed late on Saturday, and by some friends was importuned to abstain from saying any thing that might exasperate them. But he preached next day on Col. i. 18. and proved, that Christ was the sole King and Head of his church, in opposition to the usurpation of both popery and Erastianism; whereupon the officers got all up to execute their design, which the good man did not observe till he turned himself about (for they sat in a loft on the left side of the pulpit). Then he said with an authority that put them out of countenance, For these things I am become the song of drunkards. On which they all sat down, for it was when drinking, that they had formed that wicked design. From the popish controversy, he was led to a more serious inquiry into the merits of what was then the real controversy; and after serious wrestling with God, and earnest prayer for light and direction from him, in which he spent several nights in his garden, he at length determined fully to declare for the truth, whatever might be the consequence: And accordingly in June 1687, he declined to sit in the presbytery, but continued to preach. In August, the presbytery were informed not only that he absented wilfully, but that he disowned the government of the church by arch-bishops, bishops, &c. and appointed a committee to converse with him. Who, having done so, at a subsequent diet, reported that Mr. MacBean declared plainly to them that he had no freedom to meet with them in their judicatories any more; that it was over the belly of convictions that he had entered into the ministry under bishops; and that these convictions were returning with greater force upon his conscience, so that he could not overcome them; that he was convinced presbytery was the only government God owned in these nations; that he was fully determined to make all the satisfaction he could to the presbyterians; to preach for them and in their favours; and that though he should be dispensed with by bishop and presbytery from keeping their meetings, he could not promise that, in his preaching, he would not give ground of misconstruction to those that owned prelacy. At the same time his colleague Mr. Gilbert Marshal farther reported, That Mr. MacBean, both in his public lectures and sermons, did so reflect upon the government of the church, as was like to make a schism at Inverness; and therefore he had caused cite him to that meeting, to answer for his reproachful doctrine that could not be endured. Mr. MacBean did not appear before them, nevertheless the magistrates prevailed with the presbytery to desist from proceeding against him at that time. But shortly thereafter the presbytery referred him to the synod of Murray, who appointed a committee to join with the presbytery of Inverness to deal with him. In the mean time Mr. MacBean went to church without his cannonical habit, publicly renounced prelacy, declared himself a presbyterian, and as he found not freedom in the exercise of his charge in that place, he demitted it. He preached his farewel sermon on Job xxxiv. 31, 32. The scriptures he advanced and insisted on, as warrants for his conduct, were Isaiah viii. 11,-14. Jerem. xv. 18,-21. 2 Cor. vi. 16, 18. and to prove that Christ was sole Head of the church, Eph. v. 23. Col. i. 18. 1 Pet. ii. 7. Next Lord's day he went to Ross, and there, in Mr. MacGiligen's meeting-house, preached the truths he formerly opposed; and some times thereafter he preached at Inverness, till he was, by order of the council, called to Edinburgh before them. On this surprizing change and alteration, a great opposition among the prevailing party soon appeared against him; which was the less to be wondered at, as he embraced every opportunity of declaring for the cause of truth, which they were most violent against; and therefore the presbytery of Inverness sent one of their number to inform the bishop of Murray, then at Glasgow, of the whole affair. But the bishop dying at that time, the arch-bishop of St. Andrews took the affair into his cognizance, and procured an order from the council to bring him to Edinburgh. In consequence of which he was carried south in Jan. 1688. in very tempestuous weather, and was called before the council, where he made a bold and noble stand in defence of the truths he had so solemnly professed. One of the questions asked at him, was, If he thought the king's power was limited? To which he answered, He knew no power, but the Almighty's, unlimited. And though the council could not find then wherewith to attack him, anent the state, yet, to please the bishops, he must be imprisoned: And upon the 27th of Feb. thereafter, the arch-bishop of St. Andrews conveened him before him and the bishop of Murray, and five doctors and ministers in Edinburgh, where (in the virtue of his metropolitan capacity) he deposed him from the exercise of any part of his pastoral office, and deprived him of all benefits that might accrue to him thereby, since the time of his wilful desertion; with certification, if he should transgress therein, the sentence of excommunication should pass against him. He was thereupon remanded back to prison; and though the town of Inverness wrote, earnestly soliciting him to make some compliance, that they might be favoured with his return, yet he valiantly withstood their intreaties, and by his answer dated July 1688. He dissuaded them from insisting on his return, as what he assured them would never happen, and condemns himself in the strongest manner for his adherence to prelacy, declaring against it in the most express way, as anti-scriptural as well as tyrannical. His confinement and the fatigue of his journey, having given such a shock to his constitution, as his life was in danger, Sir Robert Gordon of Gordonstoun, and Dun. Forbes of Culloden offered a bail bond for 10,000 merks to the earl of Perth, then chancellor, that they would present him when called upon, providing he was set at liberty; but he utterly refused to set him at liberty, though he was in a very languishing condition in the tolbooth; where he remained till Perth run away, and that the Edinburgh mob set the prisoners at liberty. After this he continued in the suburbs of Edinburgh, till in the month of Feb. 1689. he joyfully finished his course in the Lord, being in the 33d year of his age. Some days before, news came that the parliament of England had settled the crown on king William, who put an end to those bloody times, and that tyrannical government. Mr. MacBean without all doubt was a man, both pious and learned, although at first brought up in the prelatical persuasion, and when near his death frequently compared himself in this particular to Moses, who from mount Pisgah saw the land of promise, but for his sinful compliance, as he always called it, would not be allowed to enter therein, having some time before his death, a firm belief of the amazing deliverance which the church and nation soon met with, and left his mortal life rejoicing in hope of the glory of God. _The Life of Mr. THOMAS HOG._ Mr. Thomas Hog was born in the beginning of the year 1628, in the burgh of Tain, in the county of Ross. His parents were careful to give their son a liberal education; for which purpose he was early sent to school, and, from his commencement to the study of letters, he discovered an uncommon genius, and soon made such proficiency as rendered him respected during his youth. He was much addicted to the harmless diversions of that age, yet they did never abate his progress in his studies, nor his detestation of any thing immoral or unbecoming the character of a scholar. He was put to the university in the new town of Aberdeen, where he made great proficiency, till at last he was admitted master of arts, with the universal approbation of the regents of the college. About this time, a very remarkable incident fell out, which confirmed Mr. Hog's aversion to drunkenness, and his belief of an over-ruling providence: For, having accompanied a merchant of Aberdeen to a ship in the mouth of the river Dee, who was going a voyage (being one of his acquaintance), upon his return, with two burgesses who had gone the same errand, through the importunity of one of them, they turned all aside to take a bottle in an inn by the way. There he tarried till he thought they had drunk sufficiently, and, finding they were not disposed to go home, he laid down his share of the reckoning, and was going away, but they, being averse to part with him, and resolute in their cups, laid hold on him to stay, but he, being full six feet high, and proportionably strong and vigorous, soon twisted himself out of their gripes, and went off; and came home to his chamber, and went to bed at his usual hour, but, though in good health, he could get no rest till the clock struck one, when he fell asleep, and rested quietly till the morning, when he arose. At which time coming forth to his class, one met him weeping, and told him, That the two men he left yesternight, after continuing a while at their cups, fell a-contending and then a-fighting, in which the one killed the other. He asked, at what time? and being told just at one, he adored that providence which had both seasonably disposed him to leave them, and made him uneasy whilst the complication of sin was thus committing. And though Mr. Hog was adorned with these natural and acquired accomplishments which constitute a truly amiable person, heightened with the lustre of an unblameable life, yet, as he himself acknowledged, he remained a stranger to the saving operations of the Spirit of God till about the year 1638, when the arm of the Lord was gloriously revealed in the revival of the work of reformation, and the influences of his grace poured out upon many through the nation: and yet still his conversation was strictly moral, and he frequented societies, conversed and prayed with them, was in the diligent use of means, and in reference to the public state of religion and reformation, was found, bold and resolute; in his straits acknowledging the Lord, bringing these his difficulties before him, to which he thought he got some notable returns; yet upon all these he himself declared, That if he was then in a state of grace and salvation, he was not in that state afterwards, for that the whole of the following work, which, by the Spirit and Word of God, was wrought on his heart, was founded upon a strong and clear conviction of his having been at that time out of Christ, notwithstanding all the forementioned lengths. What the manner and means of his saving conversion were, we are at a loss to describe; only we find he was under a very deep and severe law-work, and that his convictions were very close, particular and pointed, setting his sin before him; and that during this work, which was of long continuance, whole clouds of sin were charged home upon him without end or measure, so that he was brought well nigh to despair, being then chaplain to the earl of Sutherland, where the work of God flourished in several souls about that house; and amongst whom the butler was at the same time under the same law-exercise, and yet the one did not know of the other; notwithstanding the countess (who was an eminent Christian), wanted not some discerning of what was a-working with them both, and particularly with Mr. Hog; as will appear by what follows: One time Mr. Hog, sitting alone in his chamber in extreme anguish, nothing but wrath in his view, a horrible temptation was thrown in like a thunderbolt, _viz._ Why do you continue under such intolerable extremity of distress? Put rather an end to a miserable life immediately. Upon this suggestion, he resented the temptation and the tempter with indignation; his pen-knife (at which the enemy pointed) lying well sharpened upon the table, lest the assault should have been renewed, he rose up and threw it over the window, after which he sat down and fell a-musing upon the intricacies of this his complicated distress, and while in the midst of this his terrible whirlpool, the countess, besides her custom (though she had been ever affable at table) knocked gently at the door, and invited him to go and partake with her of a present of summer fruit; he went with her, and behaved so, that nothing could be known concerning his former troubles. She discovered by her kind speech and behaviour, that she was either impressed with his danger, or that she suspected somewhat of the matter with him. After this entertainment he returned to his room, and found the temptation mercifully removed. As to the manner of his relief we learn in general, that, from a conviction of actual sin, he was carried up to the fountain-head, original sin, and to a conviction of unbelief as the seat of this fountain, according to Rom. xi. 32. John iii. 16, 38. The Lord having in this manner laid a solid, clear and excellent foundation, he was at length blessed with faith's views of the glory of Christ in his offices and person; which did so ravish his soul, as to render him most willing, through grace, to forego, endure, and, in his strength, to adventure upon any thing in his cause, and for his sake. But the last and most considerable adventure, while in this family, was his being the instrument to convert a young gentleman of the name of Munro who frequented the house, and though of a sober deportment, yet void of real religion. He took great pleasure in Mr. Hog's company, but wasted his time with idle, frothy and useless discourse. He bore with him for some time, but pitying his case, he used all means possible with him, till by divine grace he was wholly brought over from a state of black nature unto a state of grace; and if he had visited Mr. Hog often before, he made many more visits to him after this, but never gave him occasion to impeach him, for the gentleman became eminently gracious; and for an evidence that this free dealing was blessed, the good man in his after-conduct did so excel in the virtues opposite to the former blemishes, that he was esteemed for accommodating differences, and several gentlemen did submit their contests to him, and acquiesced in his sole determination. After Mr. Hog was settled at Killearn, this gentleman made him a visit; where, after their mutual endearments, the gentleman addressed Mr. Hog in this amazing dialect, "Sir, my course is nigh finished, and I am upon my entrance into a state of eternal rest. The Lord hath his own way of giving the watchful Christian previous warning concerning the end of the warfare, 2 Pet i. 14.; and I, being so privileged, have been seriously pondering where it may be most convenient to breathe out my last, and quietly lay down this tabernacle, and seeing, after deliberation, I can find no place nor company so fit as with you, I have adventured to come and die with you." At this time the gentleman was in good health, and ate his meat as well as ever, whereupon Mr. Hog endeavoured to divert him from these thoughts; but he firmly persisted in his persuasion: and accordingly in a few days he was seized with a fever, whereof he died. Mr. Hog was licensed to preach the gospel in the 26th year of his age, and ere one year elapsed, several parishes were competing for him, some of which could have yielded him a greater living than what he ever had; but he preferred Killearn to the rest, because he understood that sovereign grace was pursuing some elect vessels there, and he knew that several gentlemen (especially the baron of Foulis) were friends to religion there: And he was ordained minister in the year 1654 or 1655, with the unanimous consent and approbation of all concerned. Mr. Hog, being thus settled, he heartily applied himself to his work, taking heed to himself and his doctrine, that he might both save himself and them that heard him, casting a good copy or example before them, in all manner of temperance and Christian virtues, but more especially remarkable in his public character. His concern and sympathy with the ignorant was great, the bulk of the people of that parish, through the long infirmity of their former pastor, and the interveening vacation, being neglected in their examination, became very ignorant; but he was at great pains in spreading catechisms and other abstracts among them; and, going from house to house, he prayed with, exhorted and instructed them in the things pertaining to the kingdom of God; and his deportment was attended with as much majesty proper to that function, as had been observed in any; and no wonder, for few were favoured with so many testimonies of the divine presence, in the discharge of their ministry; as witness J----s N----o, E----b B----e his spouse, B----a B----e her sister, afterwards Mrs. S----d, Mrs. R----s, the judicious and famous John Monro of Ross, Mr. Thomas Taylor, Mr. Angus MacBean minister at Inverness, John Bulloch his own servant, Christian MacIntosh a poor woman in the depths of soul distress; holy Mr. Ross; Mr. John Welwood, and the so much famed John Monro, were either converted or confirmed by him while in this parish, or after his ejection, while he was settled at Knockgaudy in Murray; and none more particular than that instance of Monro of Lumlair, an heritor in that parish, who, upon some reprehensory expressions by Mr. Hog, which he was at first dreadfully offended at, yet were made the means of his thorough conversion, so that he ever looked on Mr. Hog after as his best friend, and laid himself out to promote the success of his ministry. So soon as it pleased the Lord thus to bless his parochial labours with a gracious change wrought upon a considerable number of the people, he took care to join the more judicious in societies for prayer and conference. These he kept under his own inspection, and did heartily concur with them; for he himself was much in the exercise of that duty, and had several notable returns thereof, of which we have several instances. _1st_, A good woman having come to him with this sore lamentation, that her daughter C---- L---- was distracted, Mr. Hog charged one or two devout persons (for he frequently employed such on extraordinary occasions) to set apart a day and a night for fasting and prayer, and then join with him in prayer for the maid next day. Accordingly when this appointment was performed, she recovered her senses as well as before. _2ndly_, A daughter of the laird of Parks, his brother-in-law, who lodged with him, being seized with a high fever, and little hope of life; Mr. Hog loved the child dearly, and while he and his wife were jointly supplicating the Lord in prayer, acknowledging their own and the child's iniquity, the fever instantly left her. This passage was found in his own diary, which he concludes with admiration upon the goodness of God, to whom he ascribes the praise of all. _3dly_, In like manner, a child of the reverend Mr. Urquhart having been at the point of death, those present pressed Mr. Hog to pray (for he was now become so esteemed that none other would in such case do it, he being present) upon which he solemnly charged them to join with him; and having fervently wrestled in prayer and supplication for some time, the child was restored to health. A like instance is found of a child of Kinmundy's in his own diary. _4thly_, One David Dumbar, who lived at a distance, being in a frenzy, came to Mr. Hog's house in one of his fits. Mr. Hog caused him to sit down, and having advised with Mr. Frazer of Brae, and some others present, what could be done for the lad; some were for letting blood, but Mr Hog said, The prelates have deprived us of money, wherewith to pay physicians, therefore let us employ him who cures freely, and so laid it on Mr. Frazer to pray, but he put it back on himself. So after commanding the distracted person to be still, he prayed fervently for the poor man, and he was immediately restored to his right mind. This is faithfully attested by those who were eye and ear witnesses. _5thly_, Mr. Hog having once gone to see a gracious woman in great extremity of distress, both of body and mind, he prayed with and for her, using this remarkable expression among many others, O Lord, rebuke this temptation, and we in thy name rebuke the same; and immediately the woman was restored both in body and mind. And yet notwithstanding the Lord had honoured him in such a manner, it is doubtful if any in his day more carefully guarded against delusions than he did, it being his ordinary, whenever he bowed a knee, to request to be saved from delusions, &c. But as Mr. Hog was sent of God to be an ambassador of peace to some, so he was also a messenger of wrath to others. Of which we have several instances, but none more particular than the following, of a certain gentleman in the parish, who had one dead in his family, and intended to bury in the kirk; but on account of the vulgar superstition the general assembly had by an act discharged the same, and Mr. Hog being a strenuous defender of the act of the church, the gentleman was non-plussed what to do; but one William Munro, a strong hectoring fellow, engaged to make his way good against all opposition, and succeeded so far that the people with the corpse were entering the church-yard when Mr. Hog got notice. He went out and set his back to the door through which the corpse was to pass, and began to reason with the people to convince them of their error in breaking through good order; but this had not the desired effect, for the fellow laid violent hands on Mr. Hog to pull him from the door; but he, having the spirit of a man as well as of a Christian, turned on his adversary, wrested the key out of his hand, and told the assailant, Were he to repel force with force, probably he would be no gainer; and then said to the people, "This man hath grieved the Spirit of the Lord, and you shall see either his sudden repentance or a singular judgment befal him." Accordingly the poor wretch continued in his wicked courses, and met with the foretold judgment in a few months after that. Having made a violent attack upon one, who drew out the wretch's sword and dagger, and thrust him through the belly, so that his bowels burst out, and he died most miserably. Another instance of this kind fell out, while he was lecturing in the laird of Lethem's house in the county of Murray. During the time of worship, he observed a servant laugh once and again, and after an admonition the third time, at which Mr. Hog paused a little, and then with an air of severity said, "The Spirit of God is grieved by one in the company, for mocking at these great truths, therefore I am bold to say, Such offers of grace shall be visibly and more suddenly punished than any here could wish, &c." After they had supped, and retired to their apartments, a message came to his chamber, telling him, that the forementioned mocker was seized with a sudden sickness and cried bitterly for him. Upon this Mr. Hog arose, quickly cast on his gown, and came down stairs to see him without losing a minute's time, but ere he got to him, the poor creature was dead. Mr. Hog was in judgment on that side called protestors, and therefore was in the beginning of the year 1661. deposed by the synod of Ross, because he would not decline that party judicially; and afterward when he knew he was to be put out of the charge at Killearn _anno_ 1662. he had a farewell sermon to them, where, with the apostle Paul, he took God and their own consciences to witness that he had not shunned to declare the whole counsel of God to them, and added, That the storm would be of a long continuance, but, after all, the sky would clear, and he would live to see it, and be called to his own charge again as minister of Killearn, and die with them. And further said, If any of you shall decline from that good way, and these truths wherein ye have been taught, and shall comply with the wicked designs now carried on, I take heaven and earth to witness against you, I take the stones of these walls I preached in, every word that was spoken, and every one of you to be witnesses against another. With many other words he exhorted them, and his labours were not altogether in vain; for there was not a parish in Scotland that complied less with the corruptions than they did. After his ejection, John Card, who was converted by his ministry, told him, That he should go to Murray. Of which he had no thoughts then, but in a little the laird of Park offered him Knockgaudy near Oldearn to labour and dwell in, of which he accepted, and went thither; where he was a very useful instrument in the hand of the Lord in turning many souls to him, as has been already said, and here finding his private ministry so blessed with success, he adventured to give the sacrament in this place, which was a bold attempt, considering the severity of the laws at that time. But this solemnity being remarkably blessed with the divine presence and glory, the communicants returned to their habitations with unspeakable joy, and amongst the rest one MacLoad who came from Ross-shire, and understood nothing of the English language; but, Mr. Hog understanding the Irish language, he told him, That he came hither obeying the command of his exalted Redeemer, and understood what was preached there in the English, as well as if every word had been spoken in his own tongue. Which when Mr. Hog interpreted to the rest, they were filled with wonder, and the good man was allowed to communicate, which he did with joy. _Anno_ 1668. he was imprisoned for the truth at Forres, upon a complaint for keeping conventicles, &c. and there he was wonderfully strengthened and comforted, having great joy in his sufferings. Upon his account many prayers were put up by many in Murray, and their prayers, as one faith of the church's prayers for Peter while in the like case, set God a-working. The effect was, That Mr. Hog, without his own knowledge or expectation, was set at liberty, without any concessions on his part. But what was more remarkable, he was again apprehended about the beginning of the year 1676. for the same cause, and sent to Edinburgh. He said to some in company, I thank my God, this messenger was most welcome to me: And giving a scratch with his nails on the wall, he said, I trust in the living God, that before my conscience shall get that much of a scratch, this neck (pointing to it) shall go for it. Accordingly when tried, he submitted himself joyfully to a prison, rather than bind himself from preaching; and was sent to the Bass, where by the air of the place and his close confinement he fell into a bloody flux, whereof he was in great danger. A physician being called, gave his opinion, Unless he was liberated from that place, there was no hope of life. But Mr. Hog, hesitating, would not address that mongrel court, at any rate. However the doctor, of his own accord, did it without his knowledge, and gave in a petition to the council, in the strongest terms he could devise. The petition being read, some of the lords interceeded for Mr. Hog, and said, That he lived more quietly, and travelled not the country so much as other presbyterians did. Upon which bishop Sharp, taking up the argument, said, That the prisoner did, and was in a capacity to do, more hurt to their interests, sitting in his elbow-chair, than twenty others could do by travelling from this corner of the land to the other; and if the justice of God was pursuing him, to take him off the stage, the clemency of the government should not interpose to hinder it; and it was his opinion that if there was any place in the prison worse than another, he should be put there. Which motion, being seconded by the prelates, was put to vote, and carried, To the closest prison in the Bass; which was speedily put in execution. When the keeper intimated this to Mr. Hog, he said, It was as severe as if Satan himself had penned it. His servant William Bulloch, being with him when he carried him down to that low, nasty dungeon in the Bass, fell a-weeping, and cried, Now, master, your death is unavoidable. But the good man, directing his eyes up, said, Now, that men have no mercy, the Lord will shew himself merciful; from the moment of my entering this dungeon I date my recovery. And so it fell out, for the very next day he recovered surprisingly, and in a short time was as well as ever. Yet afterward, when speaking of the arch-prelate, he never shewed any resentment, but merrily said, Commend him to me for a good physician. In the end of the year 1679 being brought to Edinburgh before the council, and refusing to take the bond to live peaceably, he was remanded back to prison, and afterwards liberated, but on what conditions we do not learn. About the year 1683, he fell again under the displeasure of the managers, for holding private conventicles, and was banished by the privy council, and ordained to remove off the kingdom in 48 hours, unless he gave caution not to exercise any part of his ministry, under a penalty of 5000 merks over and above performance; which conditions he would by no means submit to, and therefore retired to Berwick, and from thence to London, with a design the first opportunity to go from thence to Carolina; but the pretended plot, called the presbyterian plot, then falling out, he was thrown into prison, where he continued some time, till his money being near spent, for beside his own and his servant's maintenance, he paid 10 shillings sterling weekly to the keeper, for a place by himself, and not to be put down among thieves and felons, he said to his servant William, I'll set to-morrow apart for prayer and see that no person be allowed to come in to interrupt me. Accordingly he rose early and continued close at meditation and prayer till 12 o'clock, when a person in the habit of a gentleman desired to speak with him. William Bulloch told him, that his master was retired, &c. yet he still interceeded to see him. Upon which William, seeing him of a grave pleasant aspect, reported his desire to his master, who ordered him to his room. Mr. Hog received him courteously. The other entertained him with a discourse about suffering for a good God and a good cause, and shewed that _our light afflictions which are but for a moment, are not to be compared with the glory that shall be revealed_. After which he arose and embraced Mr. Hog most lovingly, exhorted him to continue in well-doing, and then took out of his pocket a white paper, and gave it to him. Mr. Hog, finding its weight, understood it was money, and said to the stranger, Upon what account, Sir, do you give me this money? The other answered, Because I am appointed by our great and exalted Master to do so. Mr. Hog asked his name, and upon his refusing to tell it, Mr. Hog said, Sir, it is not curiosity that prompts me to ask, but I hope to be enlarged, and then I shall account it my duty to call for you at your dwelling in this city, for I suppose you are a citizen in London. The other replied, You must ask me no more questions, but _be faithful to the death, and thou shalt have a crown of life_. Then he retired, and Mr. Hog never saw nor heard of any him more. When Mr. Hog opened the paper, there were five pounds sterling in it, which to the good man was sweeter than if he had got 1000 pounds settled on him yearly[241]. After he was set at liberty, being at London in the year 1685. when the duke of Monmouth landed in England, and Argyle in Scotland, he plainly told some of his acquaintance, That God would never honour any of these men to be instruments of our deliverance. And much about the same time, some protestants at court, knowing he was in the city, and that he was endued with a prophetic spirit, drew king James's attention so far, that he wanted Mr. Hog should be consulted concerning affairs at that juncture. This being communicated to him, he concealed his mind, till he consulted the Lord by prayer. In the mean time he made ready for his departure, and then told them (what he charged them to report to him faithfully) That if king James had seriously adhered to the principles of our holy reformed religion, his throne should have been established in righteousness, and if he would yet turn from popery matters might be well with him, but if otherwise the land would spue him out. When this was reported, the king ordered he should be speedily apprehended, but he, having foreseen this, eschewed it by a speedy flight to Holland. When in Holland, he was soon introduced to the prince of Orange, who had him in great esteem, and therefore let him into the secret of his resolution to deliver these nations from popery and tyranny. In the indulgence Mr. Hog agreed with worthy Mr. M'Ward and Mr. Brown, yet was far from clearness to withdraw from all presbyterian[242] ministers, who either had not taken the benefit of the indulgence, or those exposed to suffering notwithstanding the same. Mr. Hog returned to Scotland _anno_ 1688. where he stayed till 1691.; that his old parishioners, finding the way cleared, sent commissioners to accompany him back to his parish of Killearn; where he was received with great joy in June or July that year. But his constitution being broken, he was unable to discharge his function much in public after that; however his conversation became still more heavenly. King William as a reward to his merit, resolving to have this good man near him, sent him a commission to be one of his chaplains, which was no mean evidence of his esteem for him, and the truth of his prediction concerning him. But before ever that honour was bestowed upon him, he was seized with the trouble, or rather the complication of troubles, whereof he died. His sickness was considerably long, and accompanied with great pain. One time his judicious servant, hearing the heavy moans he made, asked, Whether it was soul or bodily pain that extorted such heavy groans from him? To which he composedly replied, No soul trouble, man, for a hundred and a hundred times my Lord hath assured me that I shall be with him for ever, but I am making moan for my body. And thereupon entertained him agreeably concerning the Lord's purging away sin from his own children, Isa. xxvii. 9. At another time he said, Pity me, O ye my friends, and do not pray for my life; you see I have a complication of diseases upon me; allow me to go to my eternal rest. And then with deep concern of soul he cried, Look, O my God, upon mine affliction, and forgive all my sins. And yet, says his servant, never was his conversation more heavenly and spiritual, than when thus chastised. Toward his end he was much feasted with our Saviour's comfortable message to his disciples, John xx. 17. _I ascend to my Father, and to your father; and to my God, and your God._ To the writer of some remarkable passages of his life he said, He could not give a look to the Lord, but he was persuaded of his everlasting love. And to Mr. Stuart (who succeeded him in that place) at another time he said, Never did the sun in the firmament shine more brightly to the eyes of my body, than Christ the Sun of Righteousness hath shined on my soul. "And some time after," (continues the same writer), "when I understood he was very low, I made him my last visit; and when I asked him how he did, he answered, The unchangeableness of my God is my rock. Upon Sabbath evening, for I stayed with him that week, when I came from the church, his speech was unintelligible to me, but his servant desired me to pray, and commit his soul and body to God. After prayer I retired a little, and when I returned, I found all present in tears at his dissolution, especially his wife and his faithful servant William Bulloch." Mr. James Hog and the forementioned writer of the remarkable passages add, That Mr. Thomas Hog had many times foretold that his Lord and husband was coming; so in the end he cried out, "Now he is come, my Lord is come, praise, praises to him for ever more. Amen." And with these words death closed his eyes, upon the 4th day of Jan. 1692, being about 60 years old. Mr. Hog was of a tall stature, but more remarkable for his courage and fortitude of mind; he was most temperate in his diet and sleep. Gluttony, he said, is a great incentive to lust, and rising betimes is not only good for the health, but best adapted for study, wherein he took great pleasure. His more serious work, his necessary diversions, as visiting of friends, &c. and even meaner things were all gone about by the rule of duty. He was sought unto by many for his good and faithful advices, and in prayer he was most solemn and fervent, the profoundest reverence, the lowest submission, and yet a marvelous boldness and intimacy with God attended his engagements in this exercise. It might truly be said of him as of Luther when he prayed. It was with so much reverence as if he was praying to God, and with so much boldness as if he had been speaking to his friend. And though the Lord did not bless him with natural children, he gave him the powerful assurance of that promise, Isa. lvi. 5. _I will give thee a name better than of sons and daughters_, which he signally fulfilled to him in making him the instrument of begetting many sons and daughters to the Lord. _The Life of Mr. ROBERT FLEMING._ Mr. Robert Fleming was born at Bathens _anno_ 1630. He was son to Mr. James Fleming minister of the gospel there, who, being a very godly and religious man, took great care of his son's education; and for that purpose sent him first to the college of Edinburgh, where he ran through the course of philosophy with great applause, and made great progress in the learned languages. Then being translated to St. Andrews, he passed his course of theology in that university under the conduct of worthy Mr. Rutherford. His natural parts bring very great, his understanding quick and penetrative, his judgment clear and profound, his fancy rich, his memory strong, and expressions masculine, they did with such a grace take with them who were not acquainted with his accents or idioms, and to all these his acquired learning was answerable, the culture of which he, through the divine blessing, improved with great diligence. History, the eye of learning, he singularly affected, especially sacred history, the right eye. But to him all history was sacred, seeing he considered God's actions more than man's therein. Nor did he value any man, but for the knowledge of God, wherewith he himself was so much acquainted; for his conversion to God was very early. Before he was full 23 years old, he was called to a pastoral charge, and was settled therein at Cambuslang in the shire of Clydesdale, where he served the Lord in the ministry, till after the restoration of Charles II. when that storm arose that drove out so many, and particularly that act (commonly called the Glasgow act) whereby near 400 faithful ministers were ejected, of whom the world was not worthy. He had taken to wife Christiana Hamilton, justly famed for her person, gifts and graces. By her he had seven children, and with them and himself, sweetly committed unto his God's provision, he humbly received the honour of his ejection. Of the children the Lord received three of them to himself, before their mother, and two of them died afterward; the other two survived their father for some time. As for his worldly substance, his share seemed according to Agur's desire, and with Luther he said, To his knowledge he never desired much of it, or was very careful for or about it; for during the most tragical days, his table was spread and cup filled, and his head anointed with fresh oil, his children were liberally educated, and in his work he was profusely rich; but of his own laying up he had no treasure but in heaven. His own testimony of his life was this, It was once made up of seeming contrarieties, great outward trouble and great inward comfort, and I never found (said he) more comfort than when under most affliction. For some time after his ejection, he lived mostly at Edinburgh, Fife and other places until Sept. 1673, that all the ministers in and about Edinburgh being called to appear before the council to hear their sentence, to repair unto the places of their confinement; but he and some others not appearing were ordered to be apprehended wherever they could be found. Which made him shift as well as he could for some time, till he was at last apprehended and imprisoned in the tolbooth of Edinburgh, where he was during the time of Bothwel battle. A little after he was, with some others, called before the council, and tho' they were willing to find bail for their appearance when called, yet because they refused to live peaceably, and not to rise against the king or any authorized by him, they were remanded to prison. However he was liberated[243] and went to Holland, where, after the death of the famous and faithful Mr. Brown, he was admitted minister of the Scots congregation at Rotterdam. And here again his activity in the ministry was such as was to be expected from such a large soul, comprehensive of the interest of God and his church. What a writer he was need not here be told, but in preaching he might be called a Boanerges and Barnabas also for converse, and for all things useful. What might Cambuslang testify of him! What might Edinburgh and adjacent places, where, after his ejection, he lived and laboured? What might Rotterdam say, where, from the year 1679, till towards his end, he was a most bright and shining light? There was no time wherein we may suppose that he had no good design going on. It is well known that the sun of his life did set on an excellent design, which was, of sending forth a treatise concerning the ways of the Holy Ghost's working upon the souls of men, &c. As he was religious, so he was said to be of a peaceable and friendly disposition, as not affecting controversy much, so that when speaking of the differences amongst some brethren, he would say, I am amazed to see good men thus tear one another in the dark, nor can I understand how they should have grace in a lively exercise, who value their own particular designs above the interest of the catholic church, &c. Nor is it to be forgot what he said to one of his own begotten sons in the faith, I bless God (said he) that in 15 years time I have never given any man's credit a thrust behind his back, but when I had ground to speak well of any man, I did so with faithfulness, and when I wanted a subject that way, I kept silence. And according to his practice, his life was a life of worship extraordinary. His solemn dedication of himself to his God was frequent; his soliloquies with him almost perpetual; as spending his days and years after this manner, in order to which we find it was his custom from the 15th or 16th year of his age, to set apart the first day of every year for renewing his covenant with God; or if interrupted that day, to take the next day following. For the first years of his life we cannot give any particular account of the manner of his doing this; but we may guess what they have been, from the few instances following. 1691. In the entry of this new year, (as I have now done for many years most solemnly) I desire again to renew my personal engaging of myself to the Lord my God, and for him, and with my whole heart and desire to enter myself into his service, and take on his blessed yoke, and humbly to lay claim, take and embrace him (O him!) to be my God, my all, my light and my salvation, my shield and exceeding great reward. _Whom have I in heaven but thee, O Lord, or in the earth whom I desire besides thee?_ And now under thy blessed hand my soul desires, and does here testify my trusting myself and securing my whole interest, my credit, my conduct, my comfort, my assistance, and my poor children and to leave myself herein on thy gracious hand, on my dearest Lord, whilst in time, as I write this the 2d day of January 1691. R. FLEMING. 1692. In the entry and first day of this new year, that I desire as formerly to enter (in this hidden record) a new surrender and offering of myself to my dear Lord and Master, who hath been wonderfully tender and gracious to me, and hath brought me by his immediate conduct through the days and years of my pilgrimage past, hath still cared for his poor servant, and given more singular mercies and evidences of respect than to many else; and now, as still formerly, hath taken me through this last year with singular evidences of his presence and assistance, and as I trusted myself to my Lord, so he hath graciously answered; for which and his special grace hitherto, I desire to insert this witness of my soul's blessing the Lord my God. And now I do here with my full and joyful consent testify my giving up myself again to the Lord, and to his work and service here, and wherever he shall call me, with desire to consecrate my old age to my God and the guide of my youth. I love my Master and his services, and let my ears be nailed to the posts of his door, as one who would not go free from that blessed yoke and service, and lay in hope the whole assistance hereof on his grace and help, &c. To him I commit myself, my ways, my works and services, which, with my whole desire, I offer to my Lord, in whose hand I desire to secure my credit for the gospel's sake, my comfort and enlargement in this day of deep trouble and anguish, together with my poor children and the whole interest of my family and concerns, desiring to put myself with humble confidence, and all that is dear to me, under his care and conduct. O my soul, bless thou the Lord! This I write the first of Jan. 1692. _My Lord and my God._ R. FLEMING. 1694. In the first day and Monday of this new year 1694, that as I have formerly through most of my life past, so now I desire to renew my dedication and engagement to the Lord my God, and to join in the same witness with what herein hath been formerly with my whole heart and desire, and to offer to my dearest Lord praise, in remembrance of what he hath been through the year past, and in the whole of my life, whose gracious tender conduct hath been so wonderfully (and well hast thou, Lord, dealt with thy servant according to thy word) in all that hath befallen me, &c. And now I do again by a surrender witness my entire commitment of myself, my poor children, my credit for the gospel, my conduct and comfort in so extraordinary a juncture to my dearest Lord, to his gracious and compassionate care and providence; together with my works, and any small design to serve him and my generation; and I do intreat new supplies of his grace and strength to secure and make his poor servant (if it were his blessed will) yet more abundantly forth-coming to him. And with hopes of acceptance I write this Jan. 1st, 1694. _Post tenebras spero lucem._ R. FLEMING. But now drawing near his end in the same year 1694, upon the 17th of July he took sickness, and on the 25th died. On his first arrest, O friends, said he to such as were about him, sickness and death are serious things; but till the spark of his fever was risen to a flame, he was not aware that that sickness was to be unto death; for he told a relation, That if it should be so, it was strange, seeing the Lord did not hide from him the things that he did with him and his. Yet before his expiration, he was apprehensive of its approach: Calling to him a friend, he asked, What freedom he found in prayer for him? seems God to beckon to your petitions, or does he bring you up and leave dark impressions on your mind? This way, said he, I have often known the mind of the Lord. His friend telling him he was under darkness in the case, he replied, I know your mind, trouble not yourself for me; I think I may say, I have been long above the fear of death. All the while his groans and struggling argued him to be under no small pain, but his answers to enquiring friends certified that the distress did not enter his soul. Always he would say, I am very well, or, I was never better, or, I feel no sickness. This would he say, while he seemed to be sensible of every thing besides pain. But the malignant distemper wasting his natural spirits, he could speak but little, but what he spoke was all of it like himself. Having felt himself indisposed for his wonted meditation and prayer, he thus said to some near him, I have not been able in a manner to form one serious thought since I was sick, or to apply myself unto God; he has applied himself unto me, and one of his manifestations was such as I could have borne no more. Opening his eyes after a long sleep, one of his sons asked how he did? He answered, Never better. Do you know me? said his son. Unto which with a sweet smile he answered, Yes, yes, dear son, I know you. This was about two hours before he died. About an hour afterwards he cried earnestly, Help, help for the Lord's sake, and then breathed weaker and weaker till he gave up the ghost, and after he had seen the salvation of God he departed in peace in the 64th year of his age. Thus lived and died Mr. Fleming, after he had served his day and generation. His works yet declare what for a man he was; for besides the forenamed treatise, the confirming work of religion, his epistolary discourse, and his well known book, the fulfilling of the scriptures; he left a writing behind him under this title, A short index of some of the great appearances of the Lord in the dispensations of his providence to his poor servant, &c. And although the obscurity of these hints leaves us in the dark, yet as they serve to shew forth his Master's particular care over his servant, who was most industrious in observing the Lord's special providences over others, and perhaps may give some further light into the different transactions of his life, they are here inserted. * * * * * "How near I was brought to death in my infancy, given over and esteemed a burthen to my friends, so as my death was made desirable to them; I being the refuse of my father's children, yet even I was then God's choice, and in a most singular way restored. 2. That remarkable deliverance, in receiving a blow by a club when a child, which was so near my eye as endangered both my sight and life. 3. The strange and extraordinary impression I had of an audible voice in the church at night, when being a child I had got up to the pulpit, calling me to make haste, &c. 4. That I, of all my father's sons, should be spared, when the other three were so promising, and should thus come to be the only male heir surviving of such a stock. 5. That solemn and memorable day of communion at Gray-friar's in the entry of the year 1648, where I had so extraordinary a sense of the Lord's presence, yea, whence I can date the first sealing evidence of my conversion, now 40 years past. 6. The Lord's gracious and signal preservation and deliverance given me at Dumbar fight. 7. These solemn times and near approaches of the Lord to my soul; the first at Elve when I went there, and the other a little after my father's death in the high study. 8. The scripture Acts xii. was given me to be my first text, and how I was unexpectedly and by surprize engaged therein. 9. The great deliverances at sea going to Dundee, the first time in company with the duke of Lauderdale, the other in company with Mr. Gray of Glasgow. 10. That extraordinary dream and marvellous vision I had twice repeated, with the inexpressible joy after the same. 11. These memorable impressions and passages about my health, when it seemed hopeless, at my first entry upon the ministry, and the strange expression of Mr. Simpson of Newmills. 12. The Lord's immediate and wonderful appearance for me in my first entry to the ministry, with that extraordinary storm on the day of my ordination, and the amazing assault which followed the same in what befel, wherein Satan's immediate appearance against me was so visible.--13. The great and conspicuous seal given to my ministry from the Lord, in the conversion of several persons, with that marvellous power which then accompanied the word on the hearts of the people. 14. That signal appearance of the Lord and his marvellous condescendence in my marriage lot, and in the whole conduct of the same. 15. My deliverance from so imminent hazard of my life in my fall from my horse at Kilmarnock. 16. The Lord's marvellous assistance at the two communions of Cathcart and Dunlop, with the great enlargement I had at the last of these two places at the last table. 18. That as my entry to my charge was with such a bright sunshine, so no less did the Lord appear at my parting from that place, &c. 18. The Lord's special providence as to my outward lot after my removal thence, in many circumstances that way. 19. The gracious sparing my wife so long, when her life was in such hazard in the years 1665 and 1672. 20. The preservation I had in going over to Fife in the year 1672. and the settlement I got there. 21. The dream at Boussay, wherein I got such express warning as to my wife's removal, with the Lord's marvellous appearance and presence the Thursday after at St. Johnston's. 22. That extraordinary warning I got again of my dear wife's death, and of the manner of it at London in the year 1674. 23. These two remarkable scripture places given me at West Nisbet in my return from London 1674. _viz._ that in Rom. iv. in the forenoon, and that in Psal. cxv. in the afternoon. 24. Those great and signal confirmations given me at my wife's death, and that great extraordinary voice so distinct and clear which I heard a few nights after her death. 25. These special confirmations given me at my leaving my country at West Nisbet, Ridsdale, Stanton, and the first at sea from the Shiels. 26. These solemn passages to confirm my faith from Heb. xi. and Exod. xxxiii. and at other times at London, and the last night there before I went away. 27. These extraordinary and signal times I had at my first entering at Rotterdam. 28. These two marvellous providences that did occur to me at Worden, and about the business of William Mader. 29. The marvellous sign given me of the state of my family, in what happened as to the sudden withering of the tree, and its extraordinary reviving again at my first entry to my house at Rotterdam. 30. The great deliverance from fire in the high street. 31. The good providence in returning my diary after it had been long lost. 32. The special providence in preserving my son from perishing in water. 33. The surprizing relief when cited by the council[244] of Scotland to appear, with that sweet resignation to the Lord which I had then under such a pungent trial. 34. The remarkable event of a warning I was forced to give that some present should be taken away by death before the next Lord's day. 35. The Lord's immediate supporting under a long series of wonders (I may truly say) for which I am obliged in a singular way to set up my Ebenezer, that hitherto hath the Lord helped. 36. The remarkable appearance of the Lord with me (which I omitted in its place) in the strange providence relating to Mr. Monypenny's death in Preston-pans. 37. The solemn providence and wonder in my life, my fall under the York coach in August 1654, when the great wheel went over my leg, so as I could feel it passing me without hurting, far less breaking my leg, as if it had been thus carried over in a just poise, to let me see how providence watched over me, &c. 38. The comfort God gave me in my children, and those extraordinary confirmations I got from God upon the death of those sweet children whom God removed from me to himself." Now, reader, go and do thou likewise, for _blessed is that servant, whom his Lord, when he cometh, shall find so doing_, Matth. xxiv. _The Life of Mr. ALEXANDER SHIELDS._ Mr. Alexander Shields, son to James Shields of Haugh-head in the Merse, born _anno_ 1660, or 1661, and being sent to school (when capable of instruction) made such proficiency there, that in a short time he entered upon the study of philosophy under Sir William Paterson, then regent of the college of Edinburgh, (afterwards clerk to the bloody council) where he made no less progress. For, being of a lively genius and penetrating wit, he soon commenced master of arts, and that with no small applause. And having furnished his mind with no small degree of the ancillary knowledge of learning, he began to think upon the study of divinity in view for the ministry. But finding little encouragement this way for any who could not in conscience join with prelacy, or the prevailing defections of those called the indulged, he took a resolution, and went over among others to Holland (shortly before or after Bothwel) for the further improvement of his studies, where he continued some short time, and then returned home to his native country. But upon his going to London, to be an amanuensis to Dr. Owen, or some of the English divines who were writing books for the press; he had a letter of commendation to one Mr. Blackie a Scots minister, who, appointing him to speak with him at a certain season, had several ministers convened unknown to him, and did press and enjoin him to take license. So that being carried into it, in that sudden and surprizing way, he did accept of it from the Scots dissenting ministers at London, but without any imposition for sinful restriction. However, the oath of allegiance becoming in a little time the trial of that place, Mr. Shields studied, as he had occasion, to shew the sinfulness thereof, which these ministers took so ill that they threatened to stop his mouth, but he refused to submit himself thereunto. But it was not long here that he could have liberty to exercise his office. For, upon the 11th day of January 1685, he was, with some others, apprehended by the city-marischal (at a private meeting in Gutter-lane) who came upon them at an unawares, and commanded them to surrender in the king's name. Mr. Shields, being first in his way, replied, What king do you mean? by whose authority do you disturb the peaceable ordinances of Jesus Christ?----Sir, you dishonour your king in making him an enemy to the worship of God. At which the marischal said, He had other business to do than to stand pratting with him. Mr. Shields made an attempt to escape, but was not able; and he and his companions were brought before the lord mayor, who threatened to send him to Bridewell. However bail was offered and admitted for him, to answer at Guildhall upon the 14th. Upon which day he attended, with a firm resolution to answer. But while he went out for a refreshment, he was called for, and none answering, his bail bond was forfeited, which afterward gave him no small uneasiness when his bail's wife said to him, Alas! why have you ruined our family? However, to prevent further damage, he appeared on the 20th, when he was arraigned in common form and examined, Whether he was at Bothwel, and if he approved of bishop Sharp's death? with several other questions. To which he replied, That he was not obliged to give an account of his thoughts, and that he came there to answer to his indictment, and not to such questions as these. Upon which he was taken to Newgate by a single officer without any mittimus or any express order unto what prison he should be committed. By the way (says he[245]) he could have escaped, had he not been led or betrayed there by flattery. It was some days before his mittimus came, by which he was ordered to be kept in custody till the next quarter session, which was to be at Guildhall on the 23d of Feb. following. But Charles II. in this interval dying, he was, with other seven who were apprehended with him, March 5, put on board the Kitchen yacht for Scotland, and landed at Leith on the 13th, and the next day Mr. Shields was examined before the council, where he pled the liberty of his thoughts, putting them to prove his accusation, and waving a direct answer anent owning the king's authority; which gave way to his slip afterwards, as he (in his own impartial account of his sufferings) observes among other reflections "In this I cannot but adore the wisdom of the Lord's conduct, but with blushing at the folly of mine. I was indeed determined, I think, by a sovereign hand, and led upon this not usually trodden path by truth's confessor beyond my ordinary genius or inclination, to fence with these long weapons, declining direct answers which is the most difficult road, and most liable to snares; and wherein it is more hard to avoid wronging truth than in the plain and open-hearted way." However, he was remanded back to prison till the 23d, when he was brought before the justiciary, and interrogate, Whether he would abjure the apologetical declaration, and own the authority of James VII.? But being still on the reserve, he was sent back till the 25th, and from thence continued till the day following, which he calls the day of his fatal fall, the just desert of his former blind and bold approaches to the brink of these precipices over which he had looked, and was now left to fall therein. Here he was again examined to the effect aforesaid, and withal threatened with the most severe usage if he did not satisfy them. Whereupon he gave in a minute in writing, wherein, after a short preamble, he says, "The result of my thoughts is in the sincerity of an unfeigned conscience and in the fear of God, that I do renounce and disown that and all other declarations, in so far as that they declare war against the king expresly, proposedly or designedly, and assert that it is lawful to kill all employed by his majesty or any, because so employed in church, state, army or country." When they read this, they said it was satisfactory, and required him to hold up his hand. This he still refused, till allowed to dictate to the clerk what words he should swear. Which being done, he protested, that it might not be constructed to any other sense than the genuine words he delivered in the minute he did subscribe and swear. That which induced him to this, he says, was, "They gave it in his own meaning, and so far was his mind deceived, that by a quibble and nice distinction they thought that the word might bear, That this was not a disowning of that nor no declaration that ever he saw (save one of their pretending) nor that neither but in so far, or if so be; which different expressions he was taught to confound by scholastic notions infused into him by the court, and some of the indulged ministers while in prison, &c." Having so done, the justiciary dismissed him, but, on pretence he was the council's prisoner, he was sent back to his now more weary prison than ever. For he had no sooner made this foolish and unfaithful step of compliance (as he himself expresses it) than his conscience smote him, and continuing so to do, he aggravated his fall in such a sort as he wanted words to express. Yet after all this his dangers were not over, for having wrote a letter to John Balfour to be by him transmitted to some friends in Holland declaring his grief and sorrow, and his mind anent his former compliances, &c. it fell into the enemies hands; whereupon he was again brought before the lords of council, and though much threatening ensued, yet he owned the letter, and declared his sorrow for what he had formerly done. After which they appointed him to confer with the arch-bishop of St. Andrews, and the bishops of Glasgow and Dunkeld. With them he had a long reasoning, and among other things they objected that all powers were ordained of God, be they what they will. He answered, "All power is ordained of God by his provident will, but every power assumed by man is not so by his approbative and preceptive will." One of the prelates said, That even his provident will is not to be resisted.----He answered, That the holy product of it cannot and may not, but the instrument he made use of some times might be resisted. It was urged that Nero was then regnant when this command of non-resistance was given.----He answered, That the command was given in general for our instruction how to carry in our duty under lawful magistrates, abstracting from Nero. Then they asked him, How he would reconcile his principles with that article in the confession of faith, that difference in religion, &c.----He answered, "Very easily: For though difference in religion did not make void his power, yet it might stop his admission to that power where that religion he differed from was established by law, &c." He was continued till Aug. 6. when he was again before the justiciary and indicted; which made him write two letters, one to the advocate and the other to his old regent Sir William Paterson, which he thought somewhat mitigated their fury. Whereupon he drew up a declaration of his sentiments, and gave in to the lords of council, upon which much reasoning betwixt him and them ensued. After two conferences wherein he was asked many questions, in the third he condescended to sign the oath of abjuration, (which they had so much insisted he should again take, as he had at their command torn his name from the first) only it was worded thus, If so be such things are there inserted; which he told them, he was sure was not the case: This with difficulty was granted. As he subscribed he protested before them, "That none were to think by this he justified the act of succession or the abrogation of the ancient laws about it, or the want of security for religion or liberty, or that he acknowledged the divine approbation of it, &c." When all was over he was delayed till to-morrow. But to-morrow he was sent to the Bass, and doubtless would have suffered, had he not got out in woman's clothes and eloped. After his escape (without seeking after any other party whatsoever) he came straight to Mr. Renwick, and that faithful contending remnant then in the fields, where upon the 5th of Dec. 1686. he attended a meeting for preaching at the wood of Earlston in Galloway. After which he continued with Mr. Renwick for some time: In which time he ceased not, both in public and private, to give full proof and evidence of his hearty grief and sorrow for his former apostacy and compliances. Upon the 22d he came to their general meeting, where he gave them full satisfaction in espousing all and every part of their testimony and likewise made a public confession of his own guilt; wherein he acknowledged, (1.) That he had involved himself in the guilt of owning the (so called) authority of James VII. shewing the sinfulness thereof, taking shame to himself. (2.) He acknowledged his guilt in taking the oath of abjuration and his relapsing into the same iniquity, the sinfulness of which he held forth at great length, and spake so largely to these particulars as discovering the heinousness of that sin as made Mr. Renwick say, "I think none could have done it, unless they had known the terrors of the Lord;" and added, "I thought it both singular and promising to see a clergyman come forth with such a confession of his own defections, when so few of that set are seen in our age to be honoured with the like." After this when Mr. Renwick and the united societies were necessitated to publish their informatory vindication, Mr. Shields went over to Holland to have the same printed about the beginning of the year 1687.; but it appears he was necessitated to return home before that work was finished. After Mr. Renwick's death he continued for some time in the fields preaching in Crawford muirs at Disinckorn-hill in Galston parish and many other places, and about the end of the same year 1688. when Kersland and the united societies, who had, in the inter-regnum of the government, thrust out some of the curates, and demolished some of the popish monuments of idolatry, were obliged to publish a vindication of themselves in these proceedings; which they did at the cross of Douglas. Mr. Shields being present did sing some verses in the beginning of the 76th psalm, _In Judah's land God is well known_, &c. making some notes and while expatiating on the same, said, That this psalm was sweetly sung by famous Mr. Robert Bruce at the cross of Edinburgh at the break of the Spanish Armada the same time a hundred years ago. Upon the 3d of March 1689. when Mr. Linning, he and Mr. Boyd renewed the covenants at Borland-hill in Lismahago, Mr. Shields stood up again before a vast confluence of people, and declared his unfeigned sorrow for his former sin of compliances, &c. to the affecting of all the multitude, and the abundant satisfaction of the godly there present, who had been grieved therewith. At and after the revolution he was of much service to the army, and greatly esteemed by King William. And after his return home he, with the foresaid Messrs. Linning and Boyd, presented a large paper of proposals to the first general assembly after the revolution[246]; both craving a redress of their grievances, and likewise shewing on what terms they and their people could and would join with them, &c. But this paper being judged by the committee of this assembly to contain "peremptory and gross mistakes, unreasonable and impracticable proposals, and uncharitable and injurious reflections, tending rather to kindle contentions than compose divisions[247]," it never once got a hearing, but was thrown over the bar of that assembly. And yet notwithstanding all this, the three foresaid brethren being resolved to unite with them at any rate, gave in another called the shorter paper, importing their submission, casting down all their former proposals and desires at the assembly's feet, "to be disposed of as their wisdom should think fit." Which paper he, through their insinuation, was brought to subscribe, and of which, it is said[248], he sadly repented afterwards. For having dropt his former testimony at their feet, who trampled on it, and though they did not rent him, yet they soon found out a way to get rid of him. For, Soon after the revolution, he was settled minister at St. Andrews, where he continued in the discharge of his office until the year 1699, that he, with Messrs. Borland, Stobo and Dalgliesh, were pitched upon to go over with his countrymen to the national settlement at Darien in America, where he, by letters under his own hand, gave particular account of matters there; wherein it is evident that his spirit was quite sunk with the divisions, impiety and unrighteousness of too many of that handful, and at last was sadly crushed with the fatal disappointment of that undertaking, by the conduct of the then government; which he shewed, had it been faithfully and well managed, might have been of great advantage to this nation, as well as to the Christian religion; and yet for want of a proper reinforcement, they were either cut off or dissipated. While in Caledonia he preached mostly on Acts xvii. 26, 27. _God hath determined the times before appointed, and the bounds of our habitation_. One time, as he and the rest of the ministers made a tour up the country, upon their return they were bewildered in the woods, and hearing the noise of the sea, they got at last to the shore, and so were obliged to pass through various windings and bendings of the coast under lash of the swelling surges or waves of the sea, being sometimes obliged to climb upon their hands and feet upon the steep and hard rocks, until at last Mr. Shields was like to faint, which troubled them much. Their provision and cordials were spent, at length they came to a welcome spring of fresh water springing out of the rock by the sea side: "This well (says Mr. Borland) was to us as that well was to Hagar in the wilderness.--By this well we rested a little, and Mr. Shields having drunk of it, was refreshed and strengthened, and with the help of the Lord we were enabled to proceed on our journey." After which Mr. Shields and Mr. Borland escaped death very narrowly, the ship sinking in the harbour of Kingston a very little after they were gone out of it. He died of a malignant fever, June 14. 1700. in a Scot's woman's house at Port-Royal, in Jamaica, a little after he left Caledonia. A kind country woman Isabel Murray, paid the expence of his funeral. His last preaching was from the last words of Hosea, _Who is wise? and he shall understand these things: prudent? and he shall know them, for the ways of the Lord are right, and the just shall walk in them, but transgressors shall fall therein_[249]. And thus the so much famed Mr. Alexander Shields, after he had tasted somewhat of the various vicissitudes of life and fortune, was obliged to die in a strange land. He was a man of a low stature, ruddy complexion, quick and piercing wit, full of zeal whatever way he intended, of a public spirit, and firm in the cause he espoused; pretty well seen in most branches of learning, in arguing very ready, only somewhat fiery, but in writing on controversy he exceeded most men in that age. His works are the Hind let loose, Mr. Renwick's life, and the vindication of his dying testimony, his own impartial relation, the renovation of the covenant at Borland hill. There are also some lectures and sermons of his in print; a vindication of our solemn covenants, and several of his religious letters both before and since the revolution. After his death Mr. Linnings published an essay of his on church-communion. But how far this agrees with his conduct at the revolution, or what coherency it hath with his other writings, or if Mr. Linning had any hand therein, is not my province to determine at present. There are also three pocket volumes of his journals yet in manuscript, which were, among other valuable papers, redeemed from destruction after Mr. Linning's death. _The Life of Mr. JOHN DICKSON._ Mr. John Dickson born of creditable parents (as some say, related to Mr. David Dickson) was sent to the grammar-school, and from thence to the university; where, after he had gone through his courses of learning, he studied divinity, and then passed his trials for the ministry; and, being found duly qualified for that office, he was licensed. And, some time before the restoration, was ordained and settled minister at Rutherglen, where he continued for some time a most faithful, diligent and painful preacher of the gospel. But very soon after the restoration of Charles II. (prelacy beginning to advance in Scotland) he was, upon the 13th of October 1660. brought before the committee of estates, and by them imprisoned in the tolbooth of Edinburgh, information having been given in against him by Sir James Hamilton of Elistoun[250], and some of his parishioners, of some expressions he had used in a sermon alledged to reflect upon the government and the committee of estates, tending to sedition and division. For which he was kept in prison till the parliament sat down, and his church vacated; and though he got out at this time, yet he was exposed to much trouble and suffering afterwards, as now comes to be observed. After this, Mr. Dickson was obliged to wander from place to place with the rest of those who could not in conscience comply with the current of defection and apostacy at that time, preaching to such as employed him; wherein he ceased not, in shewing the sinfulness of bonding, cess paying, and of the indulgence, and likewise wrote a faithful warning to the shire of Fife against the same, shewing in the most affecting and striking manner the hazard and evil of such compliance[251]. In 1670. we find he preached at Glenvail, and in June that year he and Mr. Blackadder preached to a numerous congregation at Beeth-hill in Dunfermline parish in Fife. While they were at public worship upon the Lord's day, a lieutenant of militia in that place came up on horseback to the people, and made a great deal of disturbance, threatening to fright and if possible to scatter them; whereupon one more courageous than the rest stept forward to him, and, after intreating him to remove peaceably, took his horse by the bridle, pulled out a pistol, and told him, He would shoot him dead if he was not silent: And whether he would or would not, he was there compelled to sit on horseback till public worship was over, after which he had his liberty to go where he pleased. Upon the back of this horrid insult (as the persecutors were pleased to call it), upon the 11th of Aug. a decreet was obtained by the king's advocate against Mr. Dickson, Mr. Blackadder and several other ministers, wherein they were charged with holding conventicles in houses and in fields, and being after citation called and not compearing, they were in absence denounced and put to the horn, which obliged them to wander up and down the country, sometimes preaching in the fields where they had opportunity. And thus continued Mr. Dickson in the midst of imminent hazards: For, by virtue of a new modelled council June 4th, 1764. there were orders to send out parties in quest of all conventicle preachers (as they were called, who accepted not of the indulgence), amongst whom were Mess. Dickson, Welch, and Blackadder, &c. 400 pounds sterling were offered for Mr. Welch, and 1000 merks for Mr. Dickson and each of the rest. Nay, the soldiers were indemnified and their assistants, if any slaughter was committed in apprehending them, in case any resistance was made. By which Mr. Dickson was exposed unto new dangers, but yet he escaped their fury for some time. But after Bothwel-battle the persecution becoming still hotter, and the searches more frequent, he was apprehended in 1680.; and being brought in to Edinburgh prisoner by some of the guard, under caution to answer before the council Sep. 1st. Accordingly the council ordered him to be sent to the Bass, where he continued to be prisoner near the space of eleven years. While he was prisoner in the Bass he wrote a most excellent letter to some friends, wherein he not only bewails and laments the apostacy of these lands from God, &c. demanding what our noble Scots worthies would think or say, were they then alive to behold the same, but also gives many practical and suitable directions how to behave in following Christ, and owning his cause under the cross, and walking in the furnace of affliction and tribulation, &c. After he got out of the Bass, he returned very early at the revolution back to his flock at Rutherglen, where he again exercised his ministerial function, and that upon all hazards.[252] In the year 1698. Oct. 4th, at the sitting down of the synod at Air, he preached a very free and faithful sermon, upon the duty and qualifications of a faithful watchman from these words, Ha. lxii. 6. _I have fit watchmen upon thy walls, O Jerusalem_, &c. And although Mr. Dickson still acceded to the revolution church, yet he was much grieved when he beheld how far inferior the glory of the second temple was to the first, which does most evidently appear from his own words in a letter to one a little before his death (which was in the year 1700.) and which may stand here for his dying testimony, the contents whereof are as follows. "The conception you have of the dispensation of the Lord towards this poor plagued church, and the temper of the spirits of professors under this dispensation, are not different from what many of the Lord's people are groaning under. There is palpably a sensible difference betwixt what the church now is, and what it was many years ago; yea, what it hath been within these few years. The church hath lost much ground, and is still upon the losing hand, and it seems will continue so until it pleases the Lord to pour down his Spirit from on high, or else by some sharp awakening dispensation rouse up drowzy souls out of the lethargy wherein they are fallen, &c. It is many years since the sun fell low upon Scotland, many a dismal day hath it seen since 1649. At that time our reformation mounted towards its highest horizon, and since we left our building on that excellent foundation laid by our honoured forefathers, we have still moved from ill to worse, and is like still more (unless our gracious God prevent it) until we slide ourselves out of sight and sense of a reformation. We have been lately trysted with a wonderful deliverance from the slavery of heaven-daring enemy, but not one line of reformation is pencilled upon our deliverance[253]. We have the shell of ordinances and church-government, but want the kernel, the great things of Christ's law; as to contend for his interest is wrapt under a cloud. It is a long time since our covenant and solemn engagements looked pale. They have lost colour and verdure since the rescinding our vows to God. These covenants are turned skeletons, fearsome and affrighting, and former respect to them is like gradually to dwine away under a consumption. There are some few things that made them the glory of nations that are turned to a shadow: "(1.) They were the fruits of many prayers, fasting, tears, wrestling, and indefatigable labours of the greatest and best men that ever breathed in our nation, recovering a people sunk into antichristian darkness, to enjoy liberty due to them by Christ's purchase. "(2.) The renewing them so many times in old king James's reign spoke out the fervency of these worthy spirits, in ardour and affection to them, as so many jewels of so great value, that they were set as gems and pearls in Christ's crown, to wear so long as his interest remained in the church. "(3.) The blessing accompanying the entering unto and renewing these covenants were so fluent in all church-ordinances, both secret, private and public, that whatever was planted in so fruitful a soil of such blessing and influence of the Spirit, could not but grow up as calves in the stall, fat and full of sap. "(4.) These covenants were to our forefathers, like the renting of their own cloths, as Elisha did, and taking up Elijah's mantle, and clothing themselves with it, 2 Kings ii. 12, 13.; enjoying of Moses's spirit, Deut. xxiv.; and like Joshua (chap. xxiv.) when dying, leaving a testimony of remembrance to posterity, by engaging them in these covenants. "(5.) So long as our church cleaved to these our covenants, it fell out with them as it did with king Asa, 2 Chron. xv. 2.; that the Lord was with them while they were with him. But, our fathers offspring forsaking God, he forsook them: from that day that our covenants were so ignominiously treated, unto this day, all calamities as to our religious concerns have fallen upon us. "(6.) The late sufferers, of all who shed their hearts blood upon the fields and scaffolds, imprisonments and banishments, were all dyed with the crimson blood of the covenant: from that day of the force and fury of enemies, these solemn vows of our worthy forefathers, and the enemies taking up Christ's march-stones (which were the bounds set by the Most High, when he divided to the church of Britain its inheritance, and separated the sons of Adam, Deut. xxix. 8.), the giddy church straying in the wilderness is much fallen out of sight either of pillar of cloud or fire. Our intermixtures are turned pernicious to the glory and honour of Christ's house which should not be a den of buyers and sellers. Although the suffering of our late brethren seemed to be heavy to bear, yet two prime truths were sealed with their blood (and that of the best, as of our honourable nobles, faithful ministers, gentry, burghers and commons of all sorts) which were never before sealed either by the blood of our primitive martyrs, our late martyrs in the dawning of our reformation; and the two truths were, Christ's headship in the church in despite of supremacy and bold erastianism, and our covenants: Which two great truths were in the mouths of all our worthies, when mounting their bloody theatres and scaffolds, ascending as it were up unto God in a perfumed cloud of transporting joy, that they were honoured to suffer upon such clear grounds. That supremacy was so agasted by our covenants, that no rest could it have till it got the grave stone laid upon them, and so conjured all who tasted the liquor of that supremacy, that the thoughts of getting the buried covenants out of the grave were more terrible to them than the devils, who are now in the place of our vows to God, managing their diabolical games in these places where the covenants were most in honour and request, the one burned and the other rising in its room. Much blood and treasure have been spent to set the flourishing crown upon Christ's head in Scotland. Declarations, acts of councils and parliament, remonstrances, engagements, vows and covenants; but the sealing blood of the late martyrs was the cope-stone of all. The primitive martyrs sealed the prophetic office of Christ with their hearts blood, the reforming martyrs sealed his priestly offices with their blood; but last of all our martyrs have sealed his kingly office with their best blood: They indeed have cemented it upon his royal head, so that to the end of the world it shall not drop off again. Let us never dream of a reviving spirit among us, till there be a reviving respect to these solemn vows of God. If there was but a little appearance of that spirit which actuated our worthy forefathers in our public assemblies and preachings, ye would see a wonderful alteration in the face of affairs: The fields, I assure you would look white near to harvest. If ye would adventure to trace our defections from the breach of the act of classes in the year 1650, all along to this day of our being bound in the grave of our neutrality, and all to edge up the spirit of the people to a due sense of our woful and irrevocable like backsliding from God (who hath acted many wonders for Scotland) you would find a perfumed smoke of incense springing from our altar in savoury and soul refreshing blessings. But ah! when shall this day dawn? so long as the common enemy are gaining their long-wished for hopes, That ministers in their public preaching must confine themselves to their nicknamed faith and repentance; without noticing any incroachments upon Christ's proper rights to his church in the glorious work of reformation, lest constructed fire-{illegible}ands and seditions, which in running the full career may gradually drop into superstition through neutrality, and thence plunge into an abyss of the shadow of popery. But to sum up shortly all my present thoughts of the time in this one, I cannot see an evasion of the church, in its present circumstance, from a sharp and more trying furnace than ever it has yet met with, come the trial from what airth it will, it fears me: Our principles are so slippry, and the truths of God so superficially rooted in us, that when we are thrown in the furnace, many of us shall melt to dross. It is many years since I heard one of the greatest seers in our nation, in horror and with fear, dreading the heavy judgments of God upon the biassed professors in the west of Scotland. But all that I say, not diminishing my hopes of the Lord's reserving his purchased inheritance in his own covenanted land, though Malachi be affrighted at the day of his coming, and be made to cry out, _Who may abide it_, chap. iii. 1, 2, 3. _when he sits as refiner and purifier of the sons of Levi_: A remnant shall be left, that shall be as the teil tree or the oak whose feed is in them, when they cast their leaves; so the holy seed shall be the substance thereof. "To revive a reflection upon two stupenduous passages of providence, I know would have an imbittering relish to many professors in our country side. The one is upon the last indulgence, wherein professors by bond and penalty obliged themselves to produce their minister before the council, when called. For this was a restriction so narrow, that all the freedom and faithfulness of ministers in their office was so blocked up, that either conscience towards God in discharging of necessary duties behoved utterly to be buried, or else the life of their minister exposed to sacrifice.--And if this be not an universal evil to be mourned over, let conscience and reason judge; yet this is looked upon to be but a trip, in these gloomy times, of inconsiderable moment, though it was the brat clecked by that supremacy, which not only hath wounded our solemn vows to death, but bound the freedom and faithfulness of the church seers, as to the public interest of Christ in their graves, &c. "The other stupenduous providence is the obliterating the rich blessing of the gospel in our late suffering times, when blessings not only accompanied these solemn field-meetings, but extraordinary influences, in gifts of freedom and faithfulness, were poured down upon these ministers, who went out with their lives in their hands, setting their faces as flints against the heaven-daring violence done to the mediator. I call to mind a passage with perpetuated remembrance, that in one shire of this kingdom there were about thirty ministers who cheerfully offered up their service to Christ, all by turns out of Edinburgh. Each of these, when they returned back to Edinburgh again, being questioned what pleasure, what delight, and what liberty they had in managing that hazardous task? they answered, That so soon as they set foot in these bounds, another spirit came upon them; and no other reason could they give for it, but that God wrought so mightily, that they looked upon it as _genius loci_, that God sensibly at that time was in that county working wonders; but the most part of all these are in their places, resting on their beds, and their works follow them. "Thus in answer to yours I have given you some of my confused thoughts of the present times, wishing you God's blessing in sucking honey out of the eater." JOHN DICKSON. * * * * * Thus lived and died worthy Mr. John Dickson, in a good old age _anno_ 1700, after he had, by his longevity, seen somewhat of the glory both of the first and second temple, and emerged forth of all his troubles, having got a most perspicuous view of our national apostacy, our breach of covenant and other defections past, present and to come, with the Lord's goodness and mercy toward his own remnant: And all this from the top of mount Pisgah, when he was just about to enter upon the confines of Emmanuel's land in glory. Of his works we have only seen his synod sermon, and the foresaid letters, in print. If there be any other, it is more than is known at present, except the foresaid warning to the indulged in the shire of Fife, which was some time ago also published: All which shew him to have been a most pathetical writer, his writings (tho' but few) making as striking and lively an impression upon the mind, as any man's of his time. _The Life of Sir ROB^T. HAMILTON of Preston_. Mr. Hamilton (afterwards Sir Robert Hamilton) brother to Sir William Hamilton of Preston, was born about 1650, and probably a son to Sir Walter Hamilton the reformer, and lineally descended from that famous Sir John Hamilton of Preston, who was commissioner for east Lothian at that black parliament held at Edinburgh, 1621, where he most boldly voted against the ratification of the five articles of Perth; for which, and because he would not recall his vote, the king's commissioner, the marquis of Hamilton, and the secretary, thought to have disgraced him, but found themselves utterly disappointed: For although they sent the bishop of Dumblane, and after him lord Scone for that purpose, he would not; and when by the secretary desired to absent, he told him, he would stay and bear witness to the truth, and would render his life and all he had, before he would recall one word he had spoke; and that they should find him as true to his word as any Hamilton in Scotland[254]. Mr. Hamilton having received a liberal education (as is usual for men in such circumstances) before he was twenty-six years of age or thereby, the Lord, in his free and sovereign mercy, and by the efficacious working of the Holy Spirit, inclined his heart to fall in love with his service; and for that purpose he made him attend the free and faithful, (though persecuted) gospel, at that time preached in the fields; whereby in a short time he came to espouse the true covenanted testimony of the church of Christ in Scotland, for which he was, through divine grace, enabled to be a true and faithful witness to his life's end. The first of his public appearances, we find he made in defence of that noble cause wherein he had embarked, was in the year 1679; when (after consulting with faithful Mr. Cargil) he, with Mr. Thomas Douglas and faithful Rathillet, drew up that declaration (afterward called the Rutherglen declaration) which they published upon the 27th of May, at the market-cross of that burgh, after they had extinguished the bone-fires; that day being kept as a holy anniversary-day for the birth and restoration of Charles II. After this he returned with that little handful to Evandale, where he was by them appointed to command in chief June 1st, at the skirmish of Drumclog, wherein he shewed much bravery in putting Claverhouse and that bloody crew to light, killing 36 or 40 of them, Claverhouse himself narrowly escaping. But the Erastian party coming up to that little army shortly after this, created them and Mr. Hamilton their general no small disturbance, they being to them _a snare upon Mispah, and a net spread upon Tabor_.----And though he most strenuously opposed them in all their sinful courses of defection and compliance, yet he was by them treacherously betrayed, in giving his consent to their publishing the Hamilton declaration;--they promising to be faithful in all time coming in preaching against the indulgence and all the land's defections; and that what was ambiguous in that declaration should be, at the honest party's desire, explained, what was wrong should be left out, and what was wanting should be supplied, before it was printed, or otherwise published, save the reading of it that day:--one word of which they never fulfilled or kept. But it were a task too tedious here to enumerate all the struggles and contendings among them at that time; only it is to be remarked, that it was through Mr. Hamilton's great (I may say deserved) confidence in Mr. Cargil's faithfulness (who was the principal minister among those called the protesting party) that Mr. Hamilton was again by the corrupt party so pitifully ensnared in subscribing their declaration to the duke of Monmouth, when they were about to engage with the enemy: For they being intent upon supplicating, the honest party consented only that an information should be drawn up by Mr. Cargil and Mr. Morton, and sent to him, of his own and his father's rebellion against God, by their blasphemy, persecution and usurpation in church and state, &c. but the corrupt party drawing up their own supplication, sent one of their party with it in the one hand, and pen and ink in the other, to Mr. Hamilton to subscribe, just as they were going to engage the enemy. Mr. Hamilton asked, If it was Mr. Cargil's work? He answered, Yes, (whereas Mr. Cargil knew nothing of it). Whereupon, being in haste, and having no doubt of Mr. Cargil's veracity therein, he did that which was still matter of great grief to him afterwards, as he himself, in a letter from Holland dated 1685, doth fully testify. After their defeat at Bothwel-bridge, Mr. Hamilton was by the Erastian party and their accomplices, most horridly stigmatized and reproached, as that he should have betrayed them to the enemy, sold them for money, swept the priming off the cannon at the bridge, &c. But from all these he has been by one (whom we must take to have been a very impartial writer on that affair) some time ago sufficiently vindicated; unto whom, for brevity's sake, the reader must at present be referred[255]. Shortly after Bothwel, he went over to Holland; upon which his estate was forfeited 1684, and he sentenced to be executed whenever apprehended. During his stay here he was of great service and use to his own countrymen, and had the honour to be employed by them as commissioner of the persecuted true Presbyterian church of Christ in Scotland, having received commission from them to represent their case, and crave the sympathy of foreign churches; and it was by his skill, industry and faithfulness in prosecuting this commission, that he prevailed with the presbytery of Groningen _anno_ 1683, to ordain the famous and faithful Mr. James Renwick, a minister of the gospel, for the persecuted true Presbyterian church of Christ in Scotland. And afterwards, as their delegate with the presbytery of Embden, to ordain Mr. Thomas Lining a minister of the gospel for the same church. Mr Hamilton, by virtue of his commissions which about that time he had received from the united societies[256], went through several places of Germany in the end of the year 1686: For an old manuscript (given under his own hand dated March 10th, 1687) bears, that through many hazards and difficulties, he arrived about the 10th of Oct. at Basil in Switzerland, from whence he went to Geneva about the 16th of Nov. and so into Bern, Zurich, and other places in Batavia and the Helvetian Cantons, not without many imminent hazards and dangers. In which places he conferred with the most part of their professors and other learned men, craving their judgment and sympathy toward his mother church, and the poor persecuted people in the kingdom of Scotland[257]. But having emerged forth of all these difficulties, he returned home at the revolution, about which time his brother Sir William Hamilton of Preston died, and he fell heir to his brother's estate and honours. And although after that he was still designed by the name of Sir Robert Hamilton of Preston, yet because he could not in conscience enter into, possess or enjoy that estate, unless he had owned the title of the prince and princess of Orange, as king and queen of these three covenanted nations, and in consequence of that own the prelatical government as then established, upon the ruins of the cause and work of God in these nations,--he never entered or intermeddled with his brother's estate any manner of way; but with Moses he made that noble choice, rather _to suffer affliction with the people of God than enjoy the pleasure of sin for a season_, and did esteem a stedfast adherence to the cause of Christ, (with all the reproaches that followed thereon) greater riches than all his brother's estate. For out of a true love to Jesus Christ, his covenanted cause, interest and people, he laid his worldly honour in the dust, continuing still a companion in the faith, patience, affliction and tribulation of that poor, mean and despised handful of the Lord's witnesses in these lands, who still owned and adhered unto the state of the Lord's covenanted cause in Scotland. A little after his return from Holland, when Messrs. Lining, Shields and Boyd, were drawing and enticing those who had formerly been faithful for, and owning and suffering for the Lord's covenanted cause into a conformity and compliance with the defection of that time, in a general meeting held at Douglas on the 6th of November 1689, he gave a faithful protestation against these proceedings, as by them carried on, and particularly their owning the then government, while sworn to prelacy, in opposition to our laudable establishment and covenanted work of reformation: As also against the raising of the Angus regiment, which he took to be a sinful association with malignants:--And likewise against joining with Erastian ministers at that time, from whom they had formerly most justly withdrawn, without any evidence of repentance, for the many gross sins and defections they were guilty of.--And (as the last-cited author elsewhere observes[258]) after these three ministers aforesaid had yielded up that noble cause, and drawn many of the owners thereof into the same state of compliance with them, he had the honour to be the chief instrument in the Lord's hand, in gathering together, out of their dispersion, such of the old sufferers as had escaped these defections that so many were fallen into, and in bringing them again unto an united party and general correspondence, upon the former laudable and honest state of the testimony. And farther, he had also a principal hand in drawing up and publishing that faithful declaration, published at Sanquhar Aug. 10, 1692, for which he was apprehended by some of the old persecuting soldiers, at Earlstoun, upon the 10th of Sep. following, and by them carried to Edinburgh, and there and elsewhere kept prisoner till the 5th of May 1693. When he was brought before the council, Sep. 15th 1692, there were present the viscount of Tarbet, president Lothian, Ker, general Livingston, lord Linlithgow, lord Bradalbain, and Sir William Lockhart solicitor. He was by them examined concerning that declaration, but he declined them, and all upon whom they depended, as competent judges, because they were not qualified according to the word of God and our solemn covenants: And being interrogate, If he would take the oath of allegiance? he answered, No, it being an unlimited oath, not bottomed upon our covenants. If he would own the authority of K. William and Q. Mary? He answered, I wish them well. But being asked again, If he would own them and their government, live peaceably, and not rise against them? He answered, When they were admitted according to the laws of the crown, the acts of parliament 1648 and 1649, bottomed upon our sacred covenants and sound qualifications, according to these, pursuing the ends of these covenants, &c. then I shall give my answer.----Whereupon some of them turned hot, and Lothian said, They were pursuing the ends of the covenant. To whom he replied, How can that be, when joining with, and exalting the greatest of its enemies, whom by covenant we are bound to extirpate. Another answered, He had taken the coronation oath.--At which Mr. Hamilton asked, What religion was established when that oath was taken? They said, Prelacy was abolished. But he returned, Presbytery was not established, so that he is not bound to us in religion, save to prelacy in Scotland. But being urged to the last question, he adhered to his former answers; at which some of them raged, and said, He would give no security for obedience and peaceable living? To which he made answer saying, I marvel why such questions are asked at me, who have lived so retiredly hitherto, neither found plotting with York, France, or Monmouth, or any such, as the rumour was; nor acting any thing contrary to the laws of the nation enacted in the time of the purity of presbytery. Lothian said, We are ashamed of you. He replied, Better you be ashamed of me, than I be ashamed of the laws of the church and nation, whereof you seem to be ashamed. Lothian said, You desire to be involved in troubles. Sir Robert answered, I am not so lavish of either life or liberty; but if the asserting of truth was an evidence thereof, it might be thought more strange. But being remanded back unto prison, where he continued until the 3rd of May 1693, that he was liberate. The day before his liberation he gave in a most faithful protestation and declinature to the privy council and parliament of Scotland, with another letter of the same nature to Sir James Stuart the advocate, and upon his coming forth of the tolbooth, he was so far from yielding one jot in the least, that he left another faithful protestation in the hands of the keepers of the tolbooth, shewing, that for his adhering to, and appearing for the fundamental laws and laudable constitution of our church and covenanted nation, he had been apprehended and kept for 8 months close prisoner, and that very unjustly; and that for his own exoneration and truth's vindication to leave this protestation; disdaining all engagements to live peaceably, which were a condemning himself of former unpeaceableness, which he positively denies; as also in coming in any terms of oaths or bonds with those who have broken covenants, overturned the reformation, and destroyed the people of God; or engaging unto a sinful peace with them, or any in confederacy with them, &c. declaring his present outcoming merely on the account of finding open doors, and desired his protestation to be inserted in the ordinary register, &c.[259] From his liberation to the day of his death, he continued most faithful in contending earnestly for _the faith once delivered to the saints_, Jude, ver. 3.; and did greatly strengthen and encourage the rest of the suffering remnant, with whom he continued in Christian communion, both by his pious and godly example, and seasonable counsel and advice, with respect to principles, and what concerned the salvation of their souls, for the right carrying on the testimony for the cause that they were owning. Some years before his death, he was taken ill with the stone, by which he endured a very sharp and sore affliction, with a great deal of Christian patience and holy submission to the holy will of God; and when drawing near his journey's end, he gave a faithful testimony to the Lord's noble and honourable cause, which he had so long owned and suffered for: And upon the account of this gentleman's being most unjustly branded[260] for running to some extremes in principles, both before and since the revolution, a copy of his own dying testimony may perhaps be the best vindication of him from such aspersions, that at present can be produced; which is as follows: "Though I have many things that might discourage me from shewing myself this way at such a time, when the Lord's controverted truths, his covenanted reformation, and the wrestlings of his faithful and slain witnesses, are things so much flouted at, despised and buried, not only by the profane, but alas! even by the ministers and professors of this generation; yet I could not but leave this short line to you, who, of all interests in the world, have been my greatest comfort, being now come to the utmost period of my time, and looking in upon my eternal state, it cannot be readily apprehended by rational men, that I should dare to write any thing, but according to what I expect shortly to be judged, having had such a long time to consider on my ways, under a sharp affliction. As for my case, I bless God it is many years since my interest in him was secured, and under all my afflictions from all airths, he hath been a present help in time of my greatest need. I have been a man of reproach, a man of contention; but praise to him, it was not for my own things, but for the things of my Lord Jesus Christ. Whatever were my infirmities, yet his glory, the rising and flourishing of his kingdom, was still the mark I laboured to shoot at, nor is it now my design to vindicate myself from the calumnies that have been cast upon my name; for when his slain witnesses shall be vindicated, his own glory and buried truths raised up, in that day, he will assuredly take away the reproaches of his servants, and will raise and beautify the name of his living and dead witnesses: Only this I must add, Though that I cannot but say that reproaches have broken my heart, yet with what I have met with before, and at the time of Bothwel-battle, and also since, I had often more difficulty to carry humbly under the glory of his cross, than to bear the burden of it. _O!_ peace with God, and peace of conscience is a sweet feast! "Now as to his public cause, that he hath honoured you in some measure to side with, stand fast therein; let no man take your crown; for it is the road he will take in coming to this poor land; and praise him for honouring such poor things as you are, as to make you wish well to his cause, when church and state, and all ranks, have turned their back upon it: and my humble advice to you as a dying brother is, To stand still, and beware of all tampering with these betrayers of the royal interest, and concerns of Christ's kingdom, and listen to no conferences with the ministers and professors of this generation, till the public defections of this land from the doleful source of all our ruin and misery, that sin of the public resolutions, the compliance with prelacy, the church-ruining and dividing indulgences and toleration, until the present sinful course of vindicating all these defections, and burying all the testimonies against the same: I say, until these be acknowledged, and publicly rejected and disowned, both by church and state. "I die a true Protestant, and to my knowledge a reformed Presbyterian, in opposition to popery, prelacy, and malignancy, and whatever is contrary to truth, and the power of godliness, as well against flattering pretenders to unwarrantable zeal on the right hand, as against lukewarmness on the left; adhering with my soul to the holy sweet scriptures, which have often comforted me in the house of my pilgrimage, our confession of faith, our catechisms, the directory for worship, covenants, national and solemn league and covenant, acknowledgment of sins and engagement to duties, with the causes of God's wrath, and to all the faithful public testimonies given against defections of old or late, particularly these contained in the informatory vindication, and that against the toleration, and the two last declarations emitted since this fatal revolution, which testimonies I ever looked upon as a door of hope of the Lord's returning again to these poor backslidden lands. "And now, my dear friends, let nothing discourage you in that way. The Lord will maintain his own cause, and make it yet to triumph. The nearer to-day it may be the darker, but yet _in the evening time it shall be light_, and the farther distant ye keep from all the courses and interests of this generation, the greater will your peace and security be. O! labour to be in Christ, for him, and like him, much in reading of the holy scriptures, much in prayer and holy unity among yourselves. Be zealous and tender in keeping up your private fellowship for prayer and Christian conference, as also your public correspondences and general meetings, go to them and come from them as these intrusted, really concerned and weighted with Christ's precious controverted truths in Scotland, and labour still to take Christ along with you to all your meetings, and to behave yourselves as under his holy and all-seeing eye when at them, that ye may always return with a blessing from his rich hand. "Now farewel, my dear Christian friends, the Lord send us a joyful meeting at his own right hand after time; which shall be the earnest desire, while in time, of your dying friend," _Sic subscribitur_, R. HAMILTON. BORROWSTONESS, _Sept. 5th, 1701._ And so, after he had come through many tribulations, and at last endured a series of sore bodily affliction, in all which he was still kept faithful, in testifying for the word of Christ's patience, until he yielded up his life to that God who gave him his being, at Borrowstoness, Oct. 21st, being then 51 years of age; and _because thou hast kept the word of my patience, I will also keep thee from the hour of temptation, which shall come upon all the world, to try them that dwell upon the earth_. Thus ended another of Christ's faithful witnesses, Sir Robert Hamilton, who (for soundness in the faith, true piety, the real exercise of godliness, a conversation becoming the gospel, and a true understanding of the right state of the Lord's cause in every part thereof, accompanied with a true love and affection to, and zeal according to knowledge for the same), with stedfastness and stability to the last, maintained his cause against every opposition (being equally superior to the influence of fear or flattery); and was preferable to the most part of his station in that age; and without flattery it may be said, he was an honour to the name of Hamilton and to his nation. The faithful Mr. Renwick called him _Mi pater_, my father, and ever had a high esteem and regard for him, as the contents of most part of his letters bear: Yea, in the very last letter he wrote, he accosts him thus, "If I had lived and been qualified for writing a book, and if it had been dedicated to any, you would have been the man; for I have loved you, and I have peace before God in that; and I bless his name that ever I have been acquainted with you, &c." And indeed he was not mistaken in him, for he was one who both professed and practiced truth, was bold in Christ's cause, and had ventured life, wealth, reputation and all, in defence thereof. He was of such constancy of life and manners, that it might be truly said of him, which was said of the emperor Marcus Antoninus, _In omni vita sui similis, nec ulla unquam in re mutatus fuit. Itaque vere fuit vir bonus, nec fictum aut simulatum quicquam habuit._ _An ACROSTIC on his Name._ Sin wrought our death, death strikes and none doth spare; It levels sceptres with the plowing-share; Raging among poor mortals every where. Religion's lovers death must also own, Or this brave soul his life had not laid down. But weep not: Why? death challenges but dross, Eternal gain compensates temporal loss; Rest from his labour, sickness, grief and pain: This makes him happy, and our mourning vain. Had he not reason rather to be glad At death's approach, that life he never had Must meet him there? He enters now that land, In view of which, believing, he did stand, Longing for ling'ring death; still crying, Come; Take me, Lord, hence, unto my father's home. O faithless age! of glory take a sight; Nor death nor grave shall then so much affright. _The Life of Mr. WILLIAM VETCH._[261] Mr. William Vetch was born in the shire of Clydesdale, at Roberton seven miles from Lanerk, _an._ 1640. He was the youngest son of Mr. John Vetch, who was minister of that place for about the space of 45 years. His brethren were, Mr. John Vetch, who was minister of Westruthers in the shire of Berwick 54 years; another brother, Mr. James Vetch was ordained minister in Mauchlin in the shire of Ayr, 1656; a third, Mr. David Vetch, the most eminent of them all, was sometime minister at Govan near Glasgow, co-temporary and co-presbyter with the famous Mr. Durham, to whom Mr. Rutherford gave this testimony at his trials, "That the like of Mr. David Vetch in his age, for learning and piety, he had never known." Mr. William, being laureat at Glasgow _anno_ 1650, was resolved to follow the study and practice of physick, as having so many brethren in the function of the ministry, and episcopacy being appearingly to be settled in the kingdom. And being then in the family of Sir Andrew Ker of Greenhead, great Mr. Livingston minister of Ancrum frequenting that house (as did other godly ministers) by many arguments dissuaded him from his intended design, and exhorted him to follow the footsteps of his brethren, who were then much esteemed in the church. About the beginning of 1663, he went to Murray land, where he was sometime chaplain to Sir Hugh Campbel of Calder's family; but at the instigation of M'Kenzie then bishop of Murray, he was obliged about Sept. 1664, to leave this family. He then returned home to his father then dwelling at Lanerk, being ejected from his own parish by the prelates: in which time he fell acquainted with one Marion Fairlie, whom he married; and being a woman eminent for religion, she proved a great blessing to him afterwards. In the year 1666 he was solicited and prevailed upon by Mr. John Welch to join that party who were so oppressed by the inhuman cruelties of Sir James Turner and his forces then lying at Dumfries. Accordingly, after the Galloway forces had taken Sir James, Mr. Vetch and major Lermont went west and joined them on a hill above Galston. Next day, they sent him with 40 or 50 horse to take up quarters in the town of Ayr. After some respite, they marched up the water of Ayr towards Douglas, and from thence to Lanerk; Dalziel and his forces having come as far as Strathaven in quest of them; but hearing they were at Lanerk, turned his march after them. In the mean time, the honest party being above 1500 horse and foot, it was thought proper that both the national and solemn league and covenant should be by them renewed; which they did with great solemnity: and hearing that Dalziel approached, they concluded it would be best to abide some time there, as the heavy rains had made Clyde impassable for him except by boat, (and that being broken) until the water decreased; and that 50 of their number might be able to stop his passage at the river; which might be both a dash upon the enemy, and encouraging to friends to join them at that place. But unhappily a letter came at that juncture from Sir James Stuart (after the revolution, advocate) to Messrs. Welch and Semple, to come as near Edinburgh as possible, where they would get men and other necessaries. This made them break their resolution, and march for Bathgate, where, both night and snow coming on, they concluded to go forward to Collington. Having taken up their quarters, they consulted how they should do in answer to Mr. Stuart's letter; and at last voted Mr. Vetch to go to Edinburgh, and converse with him anent the promised supply. This, against his own mind at the importunity of col. Wallace, he undertook.--And having disguised himself with a baggage horse, an old hat and cloke, Mr. M'Cormick conveyed him a little way, minding him of several things to communicate to James Stuart. He had but gone a little till he met a brisk strong fellow riding with a drawn sword in his hand, who asked, Which way he came? He said, Biggar way. But, says he, Did you not see all Colington on fire? I fear my house be burnt; for I hear the Whigs are come. Mr. Vetch declared his ignorance of this, and so they parted. Near Greenhill park, he met three women, who told him, that if he went by Greenhill house, &c. he was a dead man; for there lord Kingston was placed with a party to intercept all the Whigs from coming to the town. This made him take a bye-road to Libberton wynd. A little farther, he espied a centinel on horseback, which obliged him to take Dalkeith way. But coming thither, some colliers told him, there was no getting to the town; all the ports were shut and guards set upon them. This put him to a stand. Reason said, You must turn back; credit cried, You must go forward, else lose your reputation; and so he proceeded, till taken by two centinels, and carried to the Potter-row port, where he was examined by the captain of the guard; and instead of being let into the city, was sent with a file of musqueteers back to lord Kingston. Mr. Vetch, in this sad dilemma, had no other comfort but to put up his desires to God, that he would direct him what to do or say, if he had a mind to spare him any longer. Being examined by Kingston, to whom he gave soft answers; in the mean time, an alarm rose, that the Whigs (as they called them) approached; Kingston called them to their arms; whereupon Mr. Vetch called for arms, saying, he would go against them in the first rank: This made Kingston say, he was a brave fellow. After the hurry was over, with great difficulty he got off into the town. But finding nothing could be got there, the next morning hearing that the western forces marched toward Pentland hills, he adventured to return by Libberton way toward the house in the muir; and making his escape at Pentland town, when passing through Roslin moor, coming to Glencross water, a frontier of Dalziel's horse had almost taken him. But being within cry of capt. Paton (now lieutenant of the rear-guard of the western army) who beat back Dalziel's horse, and delivered him, saying, O Sir, we took you for a dead man, and repented sore we sent you on such an unreasonable undertaking. As they rode toward Pentland hills, they perceived their friends leaving the high way, marching their main body towards the hill, and a select body to the top: general Dalziel's coming from Currie through the hills, occasioned this. It was about 12 o'clock the 28th of November 1666. It had been snow and frost the night before, the day was pretty clear and sunshine. In half an hour, Dalziel's select party under Drummond fell upon their select party; but was beat back, to the great consternation of their army, hundreds of whom, as they were marching through the hills, threw down their arms and run away. Drummond himself afterward acknowledged, that if they had pursued this advantage, they had utterly ruined Dalziel's army. M'Leland of Barmaguhen and Mr. Crookshanks commanded the first party, who took some prisoners; major Lermont commanded the second party, who beat the enemy again, where the duke Hamilton narrowly escaped by the dean of Hamilton's laying his sword upon the duke's back, which warded off the country man's blow upon him. Dalziel sending up a party to rescue him, major Lermont's horse was shot under him; but he, starting back to a dyke, killed one of the four pursuers, mounted his horse, and came off in spite of the other three.--The last encounter was at day-light going, when the covenanters were broke, and Mr. Vetch falling in amongst a whole troop of the enemy who turned his horse in the dark, and violently carried him along with them, not knowing but he was one of their own. But they falling down the hill in the pursuit, and he wearing upward, the moon rising clear, for fear of being discovered, he was obliged to steer off; which they perceiving, cried out, and pursued after him, discharging several shot at him; but their horses sinking, they could not make the hill, and so he eloped, and came that night to a herd's house in Dunsyre common, within a mile of his own habitation. A little after this, he met with another remarkable deliverance at the laird of Auston's, when the enemy were there in pursuit of his son-in-law major Lermont. After this, Mr. Vetch was obliged to abscond, and so he went off for Newcastle, where he continued some time. Here he took the name of William Johnston, his mother being of that name. After a considerable time of trouble, when he had the flux through the fatigue and cold he had got in the winter, he went home to visit his wife, where he again narrowly escaped, and so returned again to Newcastle. From thence he was invited to London, where he preached sometimes for Mr. Blackie, particularly one Sabbath on these words, _If thou hadst known in this thy day_, &c. After the blessing was pronounced, some of the auditors cried, Treason, treason; which surprized Mr. Blackie and the people, till one col. Blood stood up and said, Good people, we have heard nothing but reason, reason: and so he took off Mr. Vetch, which ended the business. Thus Mr. Vetch travelled from place to place, sometimes at London, sometimes Nottingham, Chester, Lanchester, sometimes in Northumberland, especially in Reidsdale, till 1671, that he was persuaded to bring his wife and family to that county, which he did, and settled for some time within the parish of Rothbury in Northumberland. But no sooner was he settled here (though in a moorish place) than the popish gang stirred up enemies unto him on account of his little meeting, which obliged him to remove five miles, farther up the country to a place called Harnam hall, where many, out of curiosity, frequented his preaching. Likewise Anabaptists, who kept 7th day Sabbaths, were punctual attenders. Here he had no small success in the reformation of people's morals; several instances of which, for brevity's sake, must here be omitted[262]. But the devil, envying these small beginnings, again stirred him up enemies, particularly one justice Lorrain, who, at the instigation of the clergy, issued out warrants to apprehend him. But this misgiving, Lorrain, in one of his drinking fits, promised to go in person next Sabbath, and put an end to these meetings. But not many hours after, he by an unusual and strange mean got his leg broke: so that he could travel none for many weeks after. This design being frustrated, one parson Ward of Kirkhails went up to the bishop of Durham, and returned well armed, as he thought, against Mr. Vetch, having orders to excommunicate all such. But being delayed by another curate, they drank all night together; and that he might be home against Sabbath, he so tired his horse, that he was not able to get him on alone. He hired the herd man of Harnam to lead him, taking his club to drive him on; but while he so unmercifully was beating the poor beast, it, without regard to his coat, canon, or the orders he carried, struck him on the cheek, till the blood gushed out; which made the boy that led the horse (seeing him fall) run to a gentlewoman's house hard by, who sent out two servants with a barrow, who carried him in where he had his wounds dressed, and lay there several weeks under a cure; and so they were again disappointed. Having continued there four years, he removed to Stanton-hall, where he found the country filled with papists, and the parish church with a violent persecutor, one Thomas Bell. This Bell, though he was his own country-man, and had received many favours from Mr. Vetch's brother, yet was so maliciously set against him, that he vowed to some professed papists, who were stimulating him on against that meeting, that he should either ruin Mr Vetch, or he him. And, as the event proved, he was no false prophet; for he never gave over till he got one major Oglethorp to apprehend him, which he did Jan. 19, 1679. After different turns, he was brought to Edinburgh, and Feb. 22. brought before a committee of the council, where bishop Sharp was preses. The bishop put many questions to him to see if he could ensnare him. One of them was, Have you taken the covenant? He answered, This honourable board may easily perceive, I was not capable to take the covenant, when you and other ministers tendered it. At which the whole company gave a laugh, which somewhat nettled the bishops. They asked, Did you never take it since. Answ. I judge myself obliged to covenant myself away to God, and frequently to renew it. At which bishop Paterson stood up and said, You will get no good of this man: he is all evasion. After other questions, he was required to subscribe his own confession, which he assented to, if _in mundo_, without their additions; which at last through Lundy's influence they granted. And though they could prove nothing criminal against him, he was remanded back to prison, and by a letter from the king turned over to the criminal court, which was to meet March 18th. but was adjourned to two different terms after, till the month of July, that sentence of death was to have been passed upon him, upon the old sentence in 1666. Mr. Vetch, now finding sentence of death was to be passed upon him, prevailed with his friend Mr. Gilbert Elliot to ride post to London, where not having access to Lauderdale, he applied to Shaftsbury, and got his case printed, and a copy given to each member of parliament, The king being applied unto, and threatened with a parliamentary enquiry, wrote a letter, and sent express to stop all criminal process against him: which expresses, procured at last by Lauderdale out of antipathy to Monmouth, who was minded to have interceeded to the king for him, he was liberated under a sentence of banishment, to retire to England; which he did in a short time after. In the mean time these affairs were transacting, bishop Sharp was cut off at Magus moor, the account of which it were needless to relate here, being touched elsewhere: excepting a circumstance or two somewhat different, or more full, than some others on that particular; that is, after they had fired several pistols at him in the coach, being pulled out, Burly having a brazen blunderbuss charged with several bullets, fired it so near his breast, that his gown, cloaths and shirt were burnt, and he fell flat on his face; they, thinking a window was made through his body, went off, but one staying to tie his horse's girth, heard his daughter call to the coachman for help, for her father was yet alive: which made him call back the rest, (knowing if he was not dead, their case would be worse than ever) Burly (or Balfour) coming to him while yet lying on his face, (as is said) putting his hat off with his foot, struck him on the head till his brains were seen; then, with a cry, he expired. Searching his pockets, they found the king's letter for executing more cruelties, as also a little purse with two pistol bullets, a little ball made up of all colours of silk, like an ordinary plumb, a bit of parchment, a finger breadth in length, with two long words written upon it which none could read, though the characters were like Hebrew or Chaldaick. This they took, but meddled with neither money nor watch. After he was by the council's order examined by two surgeons, the blue marks of the bullets were seen about his neck, back and breast, where his cloaths were burnt; but in all these places, the skin was not broke: so that the wound in his head had only killed him; which occasioned an universal talk, that he had got proof against shot from the devil, and that the forementioned purse contained the sorcery or charm. However, his brother got liberty to erect a marble monument on him, which instead of honour (the only end of such sumptuous structures) stands yet in St. Andrews as an ensign of his infamy unto this day. The rising of Bothwel immediately followed this. But being broke, an indemnity was granted to those concerned therein. But one of the conditions being, that no minister should preach without liberty given, which no faithful minister could assent to. However Monmouth, upon Shaftsbury's recommendation, inserted Mr. Vetch's name in the roll with the rest. But by bishop Paterson's means, his name was excluded. This made Monmouth say he should get the matter done another way, as soon as he came to London. Which coming to Lauderdale's ears at court, by means of lord Stairs, the king signed a warrant, turning the sentence of death to banishment from Scotland only; and so he was liberated, and returned back to his old habitation in England. But not long after his return, hearing they intended in these parts to apprehend him again, he retired westward in the English borders; where he frequently preached, _viz._ Kilderhead, Wheeler, Causeway, Deadwater, &c. What wonderful success the preaching of the gospel had by ministers retiring thither under the persecuting period, to the repressing, yea, almost extinguishing, the feuds, thefts and robberies so connatural unto these places and people about the borders, has been worth a singular and serious observation. Before his apprehending, he had preached with much success at Blewcairn in Lauder moor, and several places in the Merse and Teviotdale, especially at Fogo moor, upon these words, Psal. cii. _Thou shalt arise, and have mercy on Zion_, &c. After which he had a very remarkable escape from his enemies. After his return, upon a line from Mr. Temple, he went to Berwick. But the news coming in the mean time there, that the earl of Argyle was escaped from Edinburgh, caused no small confusion in that place; out of which he emerged, and at last having surmounted several difficulties, by means of his good friends and acquaintance, he got to the house of Mr. Ogle the outed minister of Berwick, now six miles from the place. He desired him to stay till Sabbath was over, and perform an old promise of giving a sermon to one Hall and his lady; to which he assented. But going to bed after this confusion, he being weary fell asleep, and dreamed that his house at Stanton-hall (more than 30 miles distant) was all on fire; which made him awake with no small consternation, resolving to take journey home. But it not being time to rise, he fell asleep, and dreaming the same thing over again, awaking all in a sweat. The doubling of the dream he took for a clear call to go home, and telling the dream to Mr. Ogle, (who called it a maggot) he excused himself the best way he could to the laird and lady, to whom he was to preach, and went off. About a mile and a half from his own house, he met Torwoodlee's man, who said, O Sir, you are long looked for at your house: which made him ask what was the matter, and if his family was all well? He answered, Yes; but, says he, there is a stranger, _viz._ Argyle, and your wife longs to see you, and we have been for two days sending about the country to find you. After meeting and some converse, with his wife's consent, (who was now near her time) he undertook to do his best for bringing the earl safe to London, and so he took Argyle under the name of Mr. Hope along with him to Midburn Grange, where he was to preach that Sabbath; and on Monday, he took him to a friend's house between Newcastle and Newburn, where he left Argyle and went to Newcastle, and bought three horses for him at his own expence, the earl being then scarce of money: after which they came to Leeds, and then to Roderam; and took up there one night; from thence they set off, and at last arrived safe at London. After staying some time in London, Argyle set off to join with Monmouth in Holland, and Mr. Vetch returned to his house in Stanton-hall. But the thing breaking out, he narrowly escaped being taken; and after lurking sometimes in one place, and sometimes in another, he was obliged to go over secretly to Holland, where he met with old friends and acquaintances, Monmouth, Argyle, earl of Melvil, Polwart, Torwoodlee, and James Stuart. Monmouth and Argyle, having agreed to make a descent at one time, the one to England, and the other to Scotland, several of their friends were sent over _incognito_, to warn their friends in both kingdoms to make ready. It was Mr. Vetch's part, to give Northumberland and the Scots borders notice. Mr. Vetch had a verbal commission from Argyle to procure money for buying arms, drums, colours, horses, and taking on men, especially Oliverian officers: somewhat of all which he did. But the matter taking air, he was obliged to hide himself near Reidsdale head, even from his very friends, till the season of appearing came, where he narrowly escaped being taken, while hid on Carter-hill covered with a turff of heather, col. Strothers and Meldrum's troop being out in quest of him and others. But this enterprize failing, Argyle being defeated and taken in Scotland, and Monmouth in England, the design came to nothing, only Mr. Vetch, besides his time, trouble (wherein he was in many dangers) lost about 120 l. ster. and its interest; and Argyle's son, the late duke, gave him repeated promises to reimburse him, yet never was there any thing of this kind done, his kindness being soon forgot. But prior to this affair of Monmouth and Argyle, one tyrant was cut off to make way for another. But as the death of king Charles II. is related by so many historians, it were needless to relate the whole affair here: only the following circumstances seem more full and somewhat different from the accounts of the most part of writers in that period. The king's harlot, the Duchess of Portsmouth, (for so we may call her) being by the Duke of York's direction to give the king a treat on Sabbath night, and being by him stored with wines, especially Claret, which the king loved; after he was drunk, they bribed his coffee-man to put a dose of poison in his coffee, and then advised the Duchess to keep him all night; and likewise knowing that when he first awaked in the morning, he usually called for his snuff, they hired the Duchess's chambermaid to put poisoned snuff into his box. Accordingly having drunk the coffee at night, in the morning he awoke, and cried out he was deadly sick, and called for his box and took a deal of it. Then growing worse, he called for his servant to put on his cloaths; which doing, he staggered and got to the window, and leaning on it, cried, I am gone, I am poisoned, have me to my chamber. The Duke getting notice, came running undrest to lament his fate, saying, Alas, Sir! what is the matter? To whom he answered, O you know too well; and was in a passion at him. In the mean time he called for an antidote against poison he had got from a German mountebank; but that could not be found, being taken out of the way: neither was his physician to be got being as was thought out of town. All things failing, he being so enraged, made at his brother. But all entries being secured, in the mean time the duke seeing him so enraged, and that the poison was not likely soon to do his turn, set four ruffians on him, which made him cry out; but they soon choked him with his cravat, and beat him instantly on the head, so that he died. It is said, his head swelled bigger than two heads, and his body stunk, so that they were obliged to take him out in the night, and bury him _incognito_[263]. But to return; after the defeat of Monmouth and Argyle, Mr. Vetch was obliged to lurk for some time in a wood near Newcastle, until the storm was a little calmed: and then he ventured to Newcastle, to see his wife and family, where he met with some of his Scots relations; and some other good people of the town were also there.--They spent a part of the night in prayer and mourning over the sad case that the church and nation were now in, the most part fearing they were never like to see good days again. After this, Mr. Vetch being wearied with such toil and confinement, went with a Nottingham merchant to Yorkshire, and staid some time in a town called Southeave.--From thence he was invited to preach to the people of Beverly. Here he met with another remarkable deliverance; for the mayor and aldermen compassed the house where he was preaching, and caused the clerk mark down all their names: but Mr. Vetch, by means of his landlord, got off under the name of William Robertson, and so he escaped, and hid himself, sometime amongst bushes, and then went to a man's house two miles from town, where he preached out the rest of his sermon to some people that followed that way, and then went home with his landlord. From thence Mr. Vetch returned to Yorkshire, where he met with another deliverance; for a Scots jesuit priest, knowing him, procured a warrant to apprehend him; but, by a divine providence, he escaped their hand, and so went toward Newcastle. From Newcastle, he went to Nottingham. While there, king James's indemnity and liberty was proclaimed, and then he had a call from the people of Beverly to be their minister, which he complied with. At this place he had a numerous congregation, and several times he was invited to preach at Hull six miles from thence.--There the people declared, There was never such a reformation in that place. Some of the justices of the peace in that place, being papists, were greatly incensed against it, and used all means to break his preaching there, but were opposed by the people. Mr. Vetch never had more satisfaction of his ministerial work (as he himself says) than in that place. Having preached six or seven months there, and settled a meeting-house and a people greatly reformed,--he was strongly invited to his native country by those who had accepted of the toleration then granted. And his wife being forward for his return, he took his leave of Beverly, a pleasant city, having preached his farewel sermon, where there were many tears shed. In his way home, he visited his friends at Darntoun, who persuaded him to stay some time, where he settled a congregation, and left one Mr. Long for his successor to that people. After all impediments removed, he returned to his native land; where the people in the parishes of Oxnam, Creilland, Eckford, Linton, Marbottle and Harnam gave him a call to preach to them at Whitton hall; unto which charge he entered in April 1688. Here he continued that summer, and sometimes was invited to preach at Reidsdale on the English side. But the prince of Orange having landed in England, Nov. 4, 1688. the ministers of Scotland who had been outed, thought it expedient to meet at Edinburgh, and called all their brethren to attend there to consult of matters. It fell out unexpectedly to Mr. Vetch, that the meeting voted him to preach the next day after he came, in the new meeting-house over against Libberton's wynd. This he was most averse to, being a stranger to the transactions for the most part in Scotland for upwards of 30 years. But his reasons not being heard, he was so perplexed what to do, that till 8 o'clock, he could not find a text: but at length falling upon Psal. cxix. 18. _Thou hast trod down all that err from thy statutes_, &c. he was taken up the whole night in thinking on it without going to bed. When he came to the pulpit, seeing 16 of the old ministers sitting, and the congregation greatly increasing, his fear increased also. However, he delivered his thoughts upon the subject with respect to the then circumstances with such freedom and plainness as offended the prelates, who afterwards sent him a message, that ere long they resolved to be even with him.--All the answer he returned them was, to put on their spurs.--Upon the other hand, he seemed to give some offence to the godly party by some free expressions he had with respect to the present government, if presbytery was erected. When the Presbyterian church was restored, he had calls from several parishes, _viz._ one to Creilland, another to Melross, and a third to Peebles; which he was persuaded by the earl of Crawford and others to embrace: and yet he met with such opposition there, from the old duke of Queensbury, that the church was so over-awed as to loose him from that charge: and he having a call from Edinburgh, one from Paisley, and another from Dumfries, the assembly, hearing his aversion to Edinburgh, voted him to Dumfries, after he had been minister of Peebles full four years from Sept. 1690 to 1694, when he was settled or admitted to his ministry at Dumfries. He left Peebles with great aversion, not only with respect to the parish, but the country round about; and upon a new call, struggled to be back; but lost it only by four voices. However, he lost all his legal stipend the four years, which, with the expences of suit, amounted to 10,000 merks. Mr. Vetch's hard usage from the assembly, with their illegal removing him, merely to please the duke, and to send him to Dumfries, made him resolve to leave the nation, and refuse to submit to their sentence. In the mean time his old friends in England, hearing this, sent a gentleman to Peebles to bring him back to them. Mr. Vetch went with him; but he refused to settle with them, till he had handsomely ended with the commission of the church, to whom the matter was referred. Upon his return, they persuaded him to submit: which at last he did, and continued minister in that place until the day of his death, which fell out (if I mistake not) about the year 1720, being then about 80 years of age. From the foregoing account two things are conspicuous: first, that the whole of Mr. Vetch's life, at least during the persecuting period, was attended with a train of remarkable occurrences of divine providence. Secondly, that in that time, he behoved to be a most powerful and awakening preacher from the influence he had upon the manners or morals of those who attended his sermons. Nor is it any disparagement to him that that black-mouthed calumniator in his Presbyterian Eloquence displayed, has published to the world, "That he murdered the bodies as well as souls of two or three persons with one sermon, because (says he) preaching in the town of Jedhurgh, he said, _There are two thousand of you here, but I am sure eighty of you will not be favored_; upon which three of his ignorant hearers dispatched themselves soon after." Indeed it must be granted, that, after the revolution in the latter end of his life, he became somewhat inimical and unfriendly to dissenters[264], at least some of those who professed to own and adhere unto the same cause and testimony that he himself had contended and suffered somewhat for; whether this proceeded from the dotage of old age (as some would have it) or from mistaken principles, or any thing else, we cannot, and shall not at present determine. _The Life of JOHN BALFOUR of Kinloch_. John Balfour of Kinloch (sometime called Burly) was a gentleman in the north of Fife. He joined with the more faithful part of our late sufferers, and altho' he was by some reckoned none of the most religious, yet he was always zealous and honest-hearted, courageous in every enterprize and a brave soldier, seldom any escaping that came in his hands. He was the principal actor in killing that arch-traitor to the Lord and his Christ, James Sharp. After which his goods and gear were inventoried by the sheriff, and he forfeited in life and fortune, a reward of 10,000 merks offered to any that could apprehend him. He was a commanding officer at Bothwel and Drumclog. At Drumclog he was the first who, with his party, got over the ditch upon the enemy. At Bothwel he was still among the more faithful part, and at the fight behaved with great gallantry. At that meeting at Loudon-hill dispersed May 5th, 1681. it is said, that he disarmed one of duke Hamilton's men with his own hand, taking a pair of fine pistols belonging to the duke from his saddle, telling him to tell his master, he would keep them till meeting. Afterward, when the duke asked his man, What he was like? he told him, he was a little man, squint-eyed, and of a very fierce aspect, the duke said, He knew who it was, and withal prayed that he might never see his face, for if he should, he was sure he would not live long. After this he lurked mostly among his suffering brethren; and a little before the revolution went over to Holland, where he joined the prince of Orange (afterward king William), and having still a desire to be avenged upon those who persecuted the Lord's cause and people in Scotland, it is said he obtained liberty from the prince for that purpose, but died at sea before their arrival in Scotland. Whereby that design was never accomplished, and so the land was never purged by the blood of them who had shed innocent blood, according to the law of the Lord, Gen. ix. 6. _Whoso sheddeth man's blood, by man shall his blood be shed._ _An Abstract of a Speech delivered by Lord WARRISTON, before the Assembly of Divines at Westminster, after the delivery of some Queries from the Parliament to them._ Mr. Prolocutor, I am a stranger. I will not meddle with the parliament privileges of another nation, nor the breaches thereof, but as a christian, under one common lord, a ruling elder in another church, and a parliament man in another kingdom, having commission from both that church and state, and at the desire of this kingdom assisting in their debates, intreat for your favour and patience to express my thoughts of what is before you. In my judgment, that is before you which concerns Christ and these kingdoms most, and above all, and which will be the chiefest mean to end or continue these troubles. And that not only speaking _humaniter_, and looking to the disposition of these kingdoms, but especially in regard of the divine dispensation, which hath been so special and sensible in the rise and continuance of these commotions, as I can neither be persuaded that they were raised for, or will be calmed upon the settlement of civil rights and privileges either of kings or princes, whatsoever may seem to be our present success; but I am convinced they have a higher rise from, and for the highest end, the settling of the crown of Christ in these islands, to be propagated from island to continent; and until king Jesus be set down on his throne, with his sceptre in his hand, I do not expect God's peace, and so not solid peace from men in these kingdoms. But establish that, and a durable peace will be found to follow that sovereign truth. Sir, let us lay to heart what is before us, a work which concerns God and man most of any thing in agitation now under the sun, and for which we will one day be called to a more strict account than for any other passage of our life. Let us both tremble and rejoice when we reflect upon what is under debate, and now in our hands. I was glad to hear the parliament confess their willingness to receive and observe whatsoever shall be shown from the word of God to be Christ or his church, their rights or due; albeit I was sorry to see any, in the delivery thereof, intermix any of their own personal asperity, any aspersions upon this assembly, or reflections on another nation; so in this day of law for Christ, wherein justice is offered, if he get not right in not shewing his patent from his father, and his churches from himself, it will be counted your fault. Sir, all christians are bound to give a testimony to every truth when called to it, but ye are the immediate servants of the Most High, Christ's proctors and heralds, whose proper function it is to proclaim his name, and preserve his offices, and assert his rights. Christ has had many testimonies given to his prophetical and priestly offices by the pleadings and sufferings of his saints, and in these latter days seems to require the same unto his kingly office. A king loves a testimony to his crown best of any, as that which is tenderest to him, and confessors and martyrs for Christ's crown are the most royal and most stately of any state martyrs; so although Christ's kingdom be not of this world, and his servants did not fight therefore when he was to suffer, yet it is in this world, and for this end was he born. To give a testimony to this truth, among others, were we born, and must not be ashamed of it, nor deny it; but confess and avouch it by pleading, doing and suffering for it, even when what is in agitation seems most to oppose it, and therefore requires a seasonable testimony. But it lies upon you, Sir, &c. who have both your calling from Christ for it, and at this time a particular calling from many, that which the honourable houses require from you at such a time, when the settlement of religion thereon, and when it is the very controversy of the times, and the civil magistrates not only call you before them to aver the truth therein, but also giveth you a good example, cometh before you out of tenderness to their civil trust and duty, to maintain the privileges of parliament; to give a testimony assentatory to their civil rights and privileges, and to forewarn you lest you break the same, and incur civil premunires. Sir, this should teach us to be as tender, zealous and careful to assert Christ and his church, their privileges and rights, and to forewarn all lest they endanger their souls by encroaching thereon, and lest their omissions and remissness bring eternal premunires upon them, let all know that the spirit of your Master is upon you, and that Christ hath servants who will not only make pulpits to ring with the sound of his prerogative, but also, if they shall be called to it, make a flame of their bodies burning at the stake for a testimony to it, carry it aloft through the earth (like the voice in Sicily) that _Christ lives and reigns alone in his church_, and will have all done therein according to his word and will, and that he has given no supreme headship over his church to any pope, king or parliament whatsoever. Sir, you are often desired to remember the bounds of your commission from man, and not to exceed the same. I am confident you will make as much conscience not to be deficient in the discharge of your commission from Christ. But now, Sir, you have a commission from God and man together, to discuss that truth, That Christ is a king, and has a kingdom in the external government of his church, and that he has set down laws and offices, and other substantials thereof; and a part of the kingdom the which to come we daily pray (as Perkins shews well). We must not now before men mince, hold up, or conceal any thing necessary for this testimony; all these would seem to me to be retiring and flying, and not to flow from the high spirit of the Most High, who will not flinch for one hour, nor quit one hoof, nor edge away a hem of Christ's robe royal. These would seem effects of desertion, tokens of being ashamed, afraid or politically diverted; and all these and every degree of them, Sir, I am confident will be very far from the thoughts of every one here, who by their votes and petitions, according to their protestations at their entry, have shewed themselves so zealous and forward to give their testimony, albeit they easily saw it would not be very acceptable to the powers on earth, who would hamper, stamp and halve it. But would ye answer to that question, If this were a parliament, and if it was a full and free one, would he not, and should he not be esteemed a great breaker of privileges, and _contemptor curiæ_, albeit we are not so wise, yet let us be as tender and jealous in our day and generation. Truly, Sir, I am confident you will not be so in love with a peaceable and external profession of any thing that may be granted to the church, as to conceal, disclaim or invert your Master's right. That were to lose the substance for a circumstance, to desert and dethrone Christ, to serve yourselves and enthrone others in his place: a tenant doing so to his lord or landlord forfeits all. Ye are commanded to be faithful in little, but now ye are commanded to be faithful in much; for albeit the salvation of souls be called _cura curaru_, the welfare and happiness of churches (made up of these) is far more; but the kingdom of Christ is _q. d. optimum maximum_, and to have it now under your debate, as it is the greatest honour God doth bestow upon an assembly, so it is the greatest danger: For according now as God shall assist or direct you, you may, and will be the instruments of the greatest good or evil on earth. Let us do all in, with, for and by Christ. Remember the account we have to make to him, who subjects the standing or falling of his crown in this island to our debate. I speak _humaniter_, for _diviniter_ I know it is impossible, and albeit we should all prove false and faint-hearted, he can, and will soon raise up other instruments to assert, publish, and propagate his right to a _forum consistorii_. He will have it thoroughly pled and judged betwixt his kingdom and the kingdoms of the earth. And seeing he has begun to conquer, he will prevail over all that stand in his way, whether pope, king or parliament, that will claim any part of his headship, supreme prerogative, and monarchy over his own church. Sir, some may think you have had a design in abstaining so long from asserting the divine right of church government, now to come in with it truly. Sir, I look upon this check, as a good providence for your great sparing and abstaining in that point, and must bear witness to many passages of God's good hand in it, in not suffering us to make a stand of our desires concerning religion, either in Scotland or here, albeit we have often set down _mensura voti_ to ourselves; but he has as often moved us step after step to trace back our defections, and make the last innovations a besom to sweep out the former, and the king refused to be a mean to engage in a covenant with himself and others, and so has drawn us, against our wills, and beyond our desires, to perform our duty, and to give a testimony to his truth, that much of God and divine wisdom and design, and little of man and his politic projects, might be seen in the beginning, progress and continuance of the whole work, by this good hand of God: And for this end I hope these queries are brought to your hand at this time. Sir, your serving the parliament a while, I am confident, has been and will be still, not that they may serve you, but for to serve the Lord Jesus Christ; and that parliament will glory more in their subordination and subservience to him, than in the empire and command over the world. Sir, we may hear much of the breach of privilege, and of the covenant, in relation to civil rights. Let us remember in the covenant the three orders in the title and preface, three main duties in the body, and the three effects in the close. The covenant begins with the advancement, and ends with the enlargement of the kingdom of Christ, as the substantials and over-word of the whole. The first article of the seven is Christ, an article like _dies Dominica_ in the week, all the rest are _in Domino_, and subordinate thereunto: And all laws contrary to the will of Christ are acknowledged to be void in his kingdom, and so they should, with far greater reason than the constable's orders against the ordinance of parliament are void in law. But, Sir, Christ's throne is highest, and his privileges supreme as only King and Head of his church, albeit kings and magistrates may be members in it. There is no authority to be balanced with his, nor posts to be set up against his, nor Korahs to be allowed against his Aarons, nor Uzziahs against his Azariahs. Is it so small a thing to have the sword? but they must have the keys also. Truly, Sir, I am confident that the parliament, and both nations will acknowledge themselves engaged under this authority, and as they would not be drawn from it (for we must deny our places, take up our cross, lay aside our love to father or mother, paternal or civil, yea lay down our lives, to aver and confess this truth against all allurements and terrors) so ye would never endeavour to draw us to any other, and whatsoever reflection to the contrary was insinuated by the deliverer of this message, I cannot but impute it to personal passion, which long ago was known to the world, but will never believe the honourable house will allow thereof, as being far beneath their wisdom, and contrary to your merit. And, Sir, seeing these queries are before you, I am confident that whatever diversity of opinion may be among you in any particular, ye will all hold out Christ's kingdom distinct from the kingdoms of the earth, and that he has appointed the government of his own house, and should rule the same; and that none of this assembly, even for the gaining of their desires in all the points of difference, would by their silence, concealment and connivance, weaken, commutate or sell a part of this fundamental truth, this sovereign interest of Christ; and that ye will all concur to demonstrate the same by clear passages of scripture, or necessary consequences therefrom, and by constant practice of the apostles, which are rules unto us. Sir, I will close with remembering you of two passages of your letter[265] sent, by order of the house of commons, to the general assembly of the church of Scotland, that you will set out such discipline as, to the utmost of your power, you may exalt Christ the only Lord over the church, his own house, in all his offices, and present the church as a chaste virgin to Christ; and for this end that you were not restrained by the houses in your votes and resolutions, nor bound up to the sense of others, nor to carry on a private design in a civil way, but by your oath were secured against all flattering of your judgment, and engaged thereby according to the house's desire, to use all freedom becoming the integrity of your consciences, the weight of the cause, and the integrity and honour of such an assembly. I will no more, Sir, trouble you, but with one word upon the whole matter, to desire you seriously to consider if this business, whereon the eyes of God are fixed, deserves not a special day of humiliation and prayer, for the Lord's extraordinary assistance and direction of this assembly. _The Lives of Messrs. ROBERT TRAILS._ Messrs. Robert Trails, the father and son, deserve a place among the Scots Worthies, as they were brought to much trouble for their faithfulness and zeal for our reformation-principles. Old Mr. Robert Trail, one of the ministers of Edinburgh, along with Mr. James Guthrie and others, met in a private house in Edinburgh, and assisted in drawing up a humble address and supplication to the king; but before it was finished, they were apprehended by the managers of the times, and committed prisoners to the castle of Edinburgh, without a hearing; matters went so high at that time, that a simple proposal of petitioning the king for a redress of grievances was reckoned criminal. Mr. Robert Trail was brought Aug. 1661. before the lords of articles, and afterwards before the parliament, where he delivered an excellent speech in his own defence, and pointed out the cruelty and injustice then exercised, and the many false accusations that were exhibited against him and his reverend brethren at that time. This excellent speech of his may be seen in Wodrow's history, vol. I. page 73. After seven months imprisonment he wrote to Mr. Thomas Wylie minister at Kirkudbright. He says, "I need not write to you how matters do here. This I must say, your imprisoned brethren are kindly dealt with by our kind Lord, for whose cause and interest we suffer; and if any of us be straitened, it is not in him, for we have large allowance from him, could we take it. We know it fares the better with us, that you and such as you, mind us at the throne. We are waiting from day to day what men will do with us; at best we are expecting banishment, but our sentence must proceed from the Lord; and whatsoever it shall be as good from him; and whithersoever he shall send us, he will be with us, and shall let us know that the earth is his, and the fulness thereof." This was the resigned Christian temper of these worthies. He was afterwards banished, and took refuge in Holland. On the 19th of July 1677, their persecuting fury also broke out against his son Mr. Robert Trail. Being accused with holding field-conventicles, he was brought before the council, where he acknowledged, that he had kept house-conventicles. But being asked, if he had preached at field-conventicles, he referred that to proof, because the law made it criminal. He owned he had conversed with Mr. Welch when on the English border, and that he was ordained to the ministry by Presbyterian ministers at London in 1670. But refusing to clear himself by oath, he was therefore sent to the Bass; major Johnston got 1000 l. Scots for apprehending him. We have no account at what time he was released; but he was afterwards an useful minister to a congregation of dissenters in London; where he continued many years and laboured with great diligence, zeal and success. Here he published his vindication of the Protestant doctrine of justification, prompted thereto by his zeal for that distinguishing doctrine of the reformation; and his sermons on the throne of grace and the Lord's prayer, at the earnest desire of those who heard them. His sermons on Heb. x. 20, 21, 22, 23, 24. intitled, _A stedfast adherence to the profession of our faith_, were published after his death, at the request of many of his hearers. The simplicity and evangelical strain of his works have been savoury to many, and will ever be so, while religion and scripture-doctrine are in request. _FINIS_ CONTENTS. Page INTRODUCTION 28 The Life of Mr. Patrick Hamilton, 41 Mr. George Wishart, 46 Mr. Walter Mill, 60 James Stuart Earl of Murray, 64 Mr. John Knox, 77 Mr. George Buchanan, 90 Mr. Robert Rollock, 96 Mr. John Craig, 99 Mr. David Black, 101 Mr. John Davidson, 105 Mr. William Row, 108 Mr. Andrew Melvil, 111 Mr. Patrick Simpson, 119 Mr. Andrew Duncan, 126 Mr. John Scrimzeor, 129 Mr. John Welch, 132 Mr. Robert Boyd, 152 Mr. Robert Bruce, 154 Mr. Josias Welch, 162 John Gordon Viscount of Kenmuir, 164 Mr. Robert Cunningham, 181 Mr. James Mitchel, 183 Mr. Alexander Henderson, 189 Mr. George Gillespie, 196 Mr. John M'Clelland, 200 Mr. David Calderwood, 205 Mr. Hugh Binning, 210 Mr. Andrew Gray, 216 Mr. James Durham, 220 Mr. Samuel Rutherford, 229 Archibald Campbel Marquis of Argyle, 239 Mr. James Guthrie, 254 John Campbel Earl of Loudon, 264 Mr. Robert Bailey, 275 Mr. David Dickson, 279 Sir Archibald Johnston, Lord Wariston, 287 Mr. James Wood, 299 Mr. William Guthrie, 303 Mr. Robert Blair, 318 Mr. Hugh M'Kail, 336 Mr. John Nevay, 354 Mr. John Livingston, 357 Mr. John Semple, 366 Mr. James Mitchel, 371 Mr. John Welwood, 384 William Gordon of Earlstoun, 389 Messrs. John Kid and John King, 392 Mr. John Brown, 395 Henry Hall of Haugh-head, 398 Mr. Richard Cameron, 401 David Hackston of Rathillet, 410 Robert Ker of Kersland, 415 Mr. Donald Cargil, 419 Mr. Walter Smith, 433 Mr. Robert Garnock, 437 Mr. Robert M'Ward, 455 Captain John Paton, 458 John Nisbet of Hardhill, 472 Mr. Alexander Peden, 485 Mr. John Blackadder, 499 Mr. James Renwick, 503 Mr. Alexander Moncrief, 528 Mr. Angus M'Bean, 533 Mr. Thomas Hog, 536 Mr. Robert Fleming, 549 Mr. Alexander Shields 557 Mr. John Dickson, 577 Sir Robert Hamilton of Preston, 584 Mr. William Vetch, 594 John Balfour of Kinloch, 607 A speech of Lord Warriston's, 608 The lives of Messrs. Trails. 613 ERRATA. Page 262. Line 5. from the foot, after _cried_, read, _The covenants, the covenants shall yet be Scotland's reviving_. P. 292. l. 18. from the foot, for 1657, r. 1651. P. 505. l. 29. for _in_ r. _from_. P. 448. l. 29. for _Fanquirs_ r. _Tanquirs_. P. 452. l. 7. for _Learmoril_ r. _Learmond_. P. 499. l. 10. from the foot, for _Fullialen_ r. _Tullialen_. P. 500. foot note, for _Stirleg_ r. _Stirling_. P. 502. l. 17. for _first_ r. _farther_. P. 603. foot note, last line, for _they_ r. _the king_. FOOTNOTES [1] Mr Renwick's life wrote by Mr Shields and published _anno_ 1724. [2] Of these records belonging to the state carried away by Cromwel to secure our dependence on England, there were 85 hogsheads lost Dec. 18, 1660, in a ship belonging to Kirkaldy, as she was returning with them from London. And as for the church records and registers, a great many of them also (either through the confusion of the then civil wars, or falling into the hands of the prelates while prelacy prevailed in Scotland) are also a-missing. PREFACE to Stevenson's History. [3] Mr Wodrow in history. [4] Sure 'tis a serious thing to die; my soul What a strange moment must it be when near Thy journey's end, thou hast the gulph in view! That awful gulph no mortal e'er repass'd, To tell what's doing on the other side. The GRAVE, by Blair [5] Mr Henry on 1 Cor. xi. 1. [6] For confirmation of this, see the Edinburgh monthly review for February 1774. [7] See the parliamentary chronicle, or God on the mount [8] See act v. parl. 1640 act v. 1644. act xv. 1649.; acts of the general assembly, sess. 26. 1638. sess. 23. 1639. sess. 6. 1642. sess. {illegible} 1647. sess. 31. 1648, &c. [9] Act v. sess 1. parl. 1. James VII. See James VII. and William and Mary's acts of parliament abridged, p. 42. [10] Such as Messrs Currie, Ferguson, and Smith of Newburn &c. who, in order to palliate and extenuate the evil of the present backsliding courses, seem to have left no stone unturned to expose or blacken the reforming period. [11] See more anent patronage and our covenants in the notes, pag. 184 and 185. [12] Although toleration principles be now espoused, boasted of and gloried in by many, yea by some from whom other things might be expected, yet it is contrary to scripture. See Gen. xxxv. 2. &c. Deut. xiii. 6. Judg. ii. 2. Ezek. xliii. 8. Prov. xvii. 15. Zech. xiii. 2. Rom. xiii. 6. Rev. ii. 14, &c. And how far the civil magistrate is to exert his power in punishing heretics, I shall not at present determine, or whether the word _extirpate_ in our solemn league and covenant extends to the temporal or spiritual sword, only there are different sentiments and expositions, yet sure I am that according to the very nature of things that which is morally good (being a commanded duty) needs no toleration; and that which is morally evil no mortal on earth can lawfully grant an immunity unto: And betwixt these there is no medium in point of truth and duty. And it is observable, that where toleration or toleration principles prevail, real religion never prospers much; and besides all it is of woful consequence, for as in natural bodies antipathies of qualities cause destruction, so in bodies politic different religions, or ways of worship in religion, cause many divisions and distractions, whereby the seamless coat of Christ is like to be torn in pieces, and this oftentimes terminates in the ruin of the whole. _For a kingdom, city or house divided against itself_ (saith Christ) _cannot stand._ And yet some will say, That toleration is a good thing, for by it people may live as good as they please. I answer, It is true, but they may also live as bad as they please, and that we have liberty and freedom to serve God in his own appointed way, we have him primarily to thank for it, as for all his other mercies and goodness toward us. [13] Witness the Quebec act, establishing popery in Canada, 1774.--The Catholic bills granting a toleration to Papists in England and Ireland, 1778, with the gloomy aspect that affairs bear to Scotland since that time. [14] This doctrine of original sin is plainly evinced from scripture, canonical and apocryphal, Job xiv. 4. Psal. li. 5. Rom. v. 12. _etc._ 1 Cor xv. 21. John iii. 6. Apocrypha Eccles. xxv. {illegible}6; asserted in our church standards, illustrated and defended by many able divines (both ancient and modern) and by our British poets excellently described: Thus, Adam, now ope thine eyes, and first behold Th' effects which thy original crime hath wrought In some, to spring from thee, who never touch'd Th' excepted tree, nor with the snake conspir'd, Nor sinn'd thy sin; yet from that sin derive Corruption to bring forth more violent deeds. PARADISE LOST. Lib. ix. Conceiv'd in sin, (O wretched state!) before we draw our breath: The first young pulse begins to beat iniquity and death. Dr WATTS. [15] However much these leading articles in the Arminian and Pelagian scheme be now taught and applauded yet sure they are God-dishonouring and soul-ruining tenets, contrary to scripture, God's covenant, and eversive of man's salvation. For, (1.) They are contrary to scripture, which teaches us that we are no less dependant in working than in being, and no more capable to act from a principle of life of ourselves, than to exist. _The way of man is not in himself, neither is it in man that walketh to direct his steps. What hast thou, O man, but what thou hast received? How to perform that which is good I find not_, Jer. x. 23. 1 Cor. iv. 7. Rom. vii. 18. _So that a man can do nothing, except it be given him from above; and no man can come unto me except the Father draw him_, saith Christ, John iii, 27. vi. 44. See Con. ch. ix. § 3. Article of the church of England 10. And for good works, however far they may be acceptable to God in an approbative way (as being conformable to his command, and agreeable to the holiness of his nature) yet we are assured from his word that moral rectitude in its very summit can never render one acceptable in his sight in a justifying way, _for by the works of the law shall no man be justified; not by works of righteousness that we have done_, &c. Rom. iii. 28. Gal. ii. 16. Tit. iii 5. So though good works or gospel obedience, and true holiness be absolutely necessary unto salvation, (as being the fruits and evidences of a true and lively faith in every believer) the greatest saint being the best moralist, yet there are no ways meritorious of man's salvation; no, this depends upon God's eternal purposes, Rom. ix. 11. Eph. i. 4.--We find it often said in scripture, that it shall be rendered to every man _according to his works_, Rom. iii. 6. Rev. xxii. 12 &c. but never for their works; yea works (though otherwise materially good in themselves) in an unregenerate man become sinful before God, _for whatsoever is not of faith is sin_, Rom. xiv. 23. although the omitting of them be more dishonouring to him, Rom. viii. 8. Psal. xxvi. 5. Matth. xxiii. 23. See Conf. chap. xvi. § 2,3,7.--And so Luther, Calvin, Diodati, Beza, Perkins, Fisher, Flavel, Owen, Simson, Binning, Dickson, Gray, Rutherford, Durham, Gillespie, Guthrie, Renwick, Pool, Henry, Halyburton, Boston, Marshal and many others. (2.) They are antipodes to reason, and strike eminently against the very nature of God's covenant, for according to the tenor of the covenant of works, nothing but perfect, personal and perpetual obedience can merit (if any thing in a degenerate creature may be so called) and can any reasonable man look his own conscience in the face and say, that he is the person that can perform this. Again, if we betake ourselves unto the covenant of grace, reason itself might blush and be ashamed once to suppose, that the blood of the immaculate Son of God stood in any need of an addition of man's imperfect works, in order to complete salvation. See Catechising on the Heidelberg catechism on question lii. page 180. Blackwall's _ratio sacra_, page 17, &c. (3) They must be very dangerous, soul-ruining and Christ dishonouring errors, for it might be counted altogether superfluous for a person to come to a physician for a cure, while he is not in the least suspicious of being infected with any malady: So in like manner, can it be expected that any soul can cordially come (or be brought) to Christ, without a due sense of its infinite distance from God by nature? of the impossibility of making any suitable approaches to him? and of the utter disability to do any thing that may answer the law, holiness and righteousness of God therein, _etc._? _For they that be whole_ (at least think themselves so) _need not a physician_, saith Christ; _and I came, not to call the righteous_ (or such as think themselves so) _but sinners to repentance_, Mark ix. 12. From hence observe, that whosoever intends to forsake his sin, in order to come to Christ, or effectually to correct vice, before he believes on him, must needs meet with a miserable disappointment, for _without faith it is impossible to please God_, Heb. xi. 6. and in the end sink himself into an immense and bottomless chaos of uncertainties, like one lopping the branches off a tree to kill the root; _no man cometh to the Father but by me, and without me ye can do nothing_, says Christ himself, John xiv. 6. xv. 5. The love of God being the _prima causa_, the obedience and meritorious righteousness of Christ the foundation, source and spring of man's salvation and all true happiness, _for by grace ye are saved_, Eph. 2. 8. And whosoever has been made rightly to know any thing of the depravity of his nature in a lapsed state, or experienced any thing of the free grace of a God in Christ, will be made to acknowledge this, _That it is God that worketh in us both to will and to do of his good pleasure_, Phil. ii. 13. And yet I know it is objected, That it is highly dishonouring to the Author of nature, to argue man to be such a mean and insufficient creature, and that it can never be supposed, that a gracious and merciful God would make such a number of intelligent beings to damn them, or command a sinner to repent and come to Christ, and condemn him for not doing it, if it were not in his own power upon moral suasion to obey, &c. It is true indeed, that in comparison of the irrational insect and inanimate creation, man is a noble creature, both as to his formation, _I am wonderfully made_, Psal cxxxix. 14. and also in his intellectual parts, but much more in his primeval state and dignity, when all the faculties of the mind and powers of the soul stood entire, being endued not only with animal and intelligent, but also heavenly life, _Thou hast made him a little lower than the angels_, Psal. viii. 5. But then in what follows, these objecters seem, either inadvertently, or willingly, to have forgot, (1.) _That man in honour abideth not_, Psal. xlix. 12, (or as the Rabbins read, and some translate it, as Cartwright, Ainsworth, Leigh and Broughton) _Adam in honour abideth not one night_. Adam, by his disobedience, not only introduced a jarr into the whole creation, rendered his posterity decrepit and lame, but also lost all power to any spiritual good, the whole of his intellectual parts concreated with him being either corrupted, darkened, obliterated or lost. Indeed Dr Taylor would have us believe, that what Adam lost, and more, was restored to Noah, Gen. ix. and that man's mental capacities are now the same as Adam's in innocence, saving so far as God sees fit to set any man above or below his standard, some are below Adam in rational endowments and some are above him, of the latter he thinks Sir Isaac Newton was one (doctrine of original sin, page 235. supplement, page 85.) The fallacy of which is so obvious and absurd that it deserves no observation, for every man to his dear bought experience may know, that man now unassisted by all the dark remains of original, natural, moral and political knowledge he is master of, can acquire no certain knowledge of any part of his duty, as to moral good or evil, but by a gradation of labour, slow and multiplied deductions, and much less is he able to bind the strong man and cast him out. And yet all this is no way dishonouring to the great author of nature as to the works of his hands, for although he made man at first, he made him not originally a sinful man, so that it is our sin that is dishonouring to him. _Lo, this have I found out_, says the wisest of men, _that God at first made man upright, but he sought out many inventions_. (2.) That in a proper sense God neither made man to save nor to damn him, but only for his pleasure and the manifestation of his own power and glory, Rev. iv. 11. Conf. chap. ii. § 3. (3.) Although we have lost power to obey, yet he still retains his right to demand obedience, and nothing can be more suitable to the justice, wisdom and sovereignty of God, than to maintain his right to perfect obedience from man whom he originally endued with all power and abilities for what he commanded; neither is he any wise bound to restore that power again to man, which he by his disobedience lost. (4.) All mankind by the fall stand condemned by God's judicial act, _In the day that thou eatest thereof thou shalt surely die_, Gen. ii. 17. And you'll say, a judge does a malefactor no injury in condemning him, when by the law he is found guilty of death, _and cursed is every one who confirmeth not all the words of this law to do them_, Deut. xxvii. 26.; and much less the supreme Judge of all, who can do nothing wrong to any, in condemning man, _for the wages of sin is death_, Rom. vi. 13. _and hath not the potter power over the clay_, &c.--And finally, if the first Adam's posterity be thus naturally endued with a power to do that which is spiritually good, pray what need was there for the second Adam to die to quicken his elect, Eph. ii. 1.; indeed we are commanded to repent and turn from our iniquities, _turn ye, turn ye, and live_, Ezek. xxxiii. 11. and ye _will not come unto me that ye might have life_, John v. 40. But who, excepting a bold Arminian, will say, that these texts imply a natural power in man to turn, come or not as he pleases. If this were the case, the same Spirit of God would not have said elsewhere, _Draw me and we will run after thee; turn thou us, and we shall be turned_, Cant. i. 4. Jer. xxxi. 18; _surely after I was turned, I repented_, ver. 19; it was not before I was turned I repented: No, this command and complaint only points out our duty, but the prayers and promises in the word shew us our ability for the performance thereof. And yet after all, proud ignorant man must needs be his own Saviour, and if God say not so too, Cain will be wroth and his countenance fall, Gen. iv. 5. _But let the potsherds strive with the potsherds of the earth; but we unto him that striveth with his Maker._ [16] Mr John Dickson in a letter while prisoner in the Bass. [17] See Josephus _de bello Jud._ lib. v. and vi.; and of this destruction Eusebius lib. iii. chap. 6.; and the life of Titus Vespasian. [18] Well may we tremble now! what manners reign? But wherefore ask we? when a true reply Would shock too much. Kind heaven, avert events, Whose fatal nature might reply too plain! ---- Vengeance delay'd but gathers and ferments; More formidably blackens in the wind, Brews deeper draughts of unrelenting wrath, And higher charges the suspended storm. Young's NIGHT THOUGHTS. [19] Here Christ's crown rights not only became the word of their testimony, but also the very motto of their civil and military banners, insomuch as when that gallant Scots army lay at Dunce muir, (_anno_ 1639) each captain had his colours flying at his tent door, whereon was this inscription in letters of gold, CHRIST'S CROWN AND COVENANT. Stevenson's History, Vol. II. p. 729. [20] Here it neither can nor need be expected, that, in such a number of lives they could be all found alike precise in point of public testimony; yet I would fain expect, that what is here recorded of them might be somewhat equivalent to whatever blemishes they otherwise had, seeing their different sentiments are also recorded: Otherwise I presume it were hard to please all parties. For Mr Wodrow has been charged by some (and that not without some reason) that, in favours of some of his indulged _quondam_ brethren, in the last volume of his history, he has not only smothered some matters of fact relative to the more honest part of our sufferers, but even given the most faithful part of their contendings the epithets of unwarrantable heats, heights, flights, extravagancies, extremities, _etc._ [in his history, vol. II. p. 133, 298, 584.] Again, he and Mr Currie (in his essay on separation, p. 160, and 211) have blamed the publishers of the cloud of witnesses (but on very slender grounds) for corrupting, perverting and omitting some testimonies of our late sufferers, whom they say, came "not to the same length of principles with themselves, or those they had pickt out for that purpose." To avoid both rocks, all possible care has been here taken, and yet it must needs meet with its fate also, according to the various capacities, tempers and dispositions of the readers (and why not censure if blame-worthy?): Yet it is hoped that the honesty, labour and diligence used therein, will counterpoise all other reflections or exceptions. [21] See collection of acts of parliament (said to be Andrew Stevenson's) preface to part II. [22] Mr Rutherford, in a letter to the Earl of Cassils. See his letters, part I. epist. 23. [23] Fuller in the preface to his lives in the holy state. [24] It is not at all pretended that all and every part of their works, is here inserted, but only those most commonly in print or those come to the knowledge of the publishers. [25] Vid. Bede's ecclesiastical history, lib. i. ch. 13. Buch. history, book v. [26] Book iii. cap. 8. [27] Hind let loose, period II. page 11, prior edition. [28] The queen and Darnly became so irreconcileable, that as he never rested until he had caused the Italian Rizzio to be murdered, the queen never rested till she caused her husband to be murdered, and divine justice after all never rested till it had caused her to be murdered; so that blood followed blood, till the whole knot was destroyed. DEFOE'S memoirs, p. 59. [29] Sir James Melvil of Halhill, in his memoirs, from page 173 to page 178, seems to insinuate, that altho' the earl of Moray was at first of a gentle nature, religiously educated, well inclined, good, wise, &c. yet when he was advanced to the helm of government, through the mean of flatterers, he became more proud and rough in his proceedings, which, together with his too remiss conduct anent his own preservation after so many warnings, was the cause of his own ruin.--And says further, That he was compelled sometimes to receive and apply divers sentences of Solomon concerning chancellors and rulers to this good regent, which he ordered him to commit to writing that he might carry them in his pocket: But before he was slain, this different gloss on the life and character of Moray is contradicted, in substance, by the historians, Knox and Buchanan. [30] Buchanan's history, vol. II. P. 392. [31] Spotswood's history, P. 234. [32] In the memoirs of the duke of Sully, prime minister to Henry IV of France, Vol. 1. page 392. Edin. edit. 1773, there is the following note: James de Bethune, arch bishop of Glasgow in Scotland, came to Paris in quality of ambassador in ordinary from the queen of Scotland, and died there in 1603, aged 66 years, having 57 years suffered great vicissitudes of fortune, since the violent death of cardinal de Bethune arch-bishop of St. Andrews his uncle, which happened in 1646: His epitaph may be still seen in the church of St. John de Lateran. [33] Vide Calderwood's history, page 31. [34] In the space of two or three days, there were about 70000 protestants murdered in cold blood in Paris, and other parts of France. This massacre was begun in the night of St. Bartholomew's day in the reign of Charles IX. of that kingdom; the king of Navarre, afterward Henry the Great, narrowly escaped on that occasion, for he was then in Paris, on account of the solemnization of his marriage with Charles's sister, which marriage the papists had contrived, in order to draw as many protestants into that city as possible, that they might have them in their power. See the account of this mournful event at large in Sully's memoirs, volume I. [35] Spotswood says he was born within the parish of Killearn, at house of Drunmakill. History, page 325. [36] In the midst of these evils, he (the king) caused to put hands on that notable man Mr. George Buchanan: But by the merciful providence of God he escaped the rage of those that sought his life, although with great difficulty, and remains alive to this day, (anno 1566) to the glory of God, the great honour of this nation, and to the comfort of those who delight in learning and virtue. KNOX's history. [37] A little before his death, he returned home from court to visit his friends, during which time king James sent him several messages, and, at last, a very threatening letter to return in twenty days, but he, finding his death approaching, sent him back a letter of admonition relative to the government of his kingdom, and well-being of his council, and, at the end, told him, that he could run the hazard of his majesty's displeasure without danger, for that "by the time limited, he would be where few kings or great men should be honoured to enter;" at reading which it is said the king wept. [38] His works that are now extant, make two folio volumes.--His treatise, de jure regni apud Scotos, was condemned by act of parliament, about two years after his death, which happened at Edinburgh on the 28th of September, 1582. These pamphlets going under the name of the witty exploits of George Buchanan, seem to be spurious, although it is true he pronounced many witty expressions, many of which have (I suppose) never been committed to writing, and some of which I could mention, were it here necessary. [39] Mira et vera relatio de Davidis Black transmigratione in coelestem patriam. [40] Mr Robert Montgomery, minister in Stirling, had made a simoniacal purchase of the Arch-bishopric of Glasgow from the earl of Lennox, for which he was to give him five hundred pounds sterling of yearly rent. Accordingly on the 8th of March 1582. Montgomery came to Glasgow, with a number of soldiers, and pulled the minister in the pulpit by the sleeve, saying, "Come down sirrah;" the minister replied. "He was placed there by the kirk, and would give place to none who intruded themselves without order." Much confusion and bloodshed ensued in the town. The presbytery of Stirling suspended Montgomery, in which the general assembly supported them: Lennox obtained a commission from the king to try and bring the offenders to justice. Before that commission court met, the earls of Marr and Gowrie, the master of Oliphant, young Lochlevin, &c. carried the king to Ruthven castle, and there supplicated him to revoke his commission to Lennox, which he did: and the king ordered him to leave the country, which, after some delays, he also did, retiring to Berwick. Afterwards two persons concerned in the affair at Ruthven, were charged to leave the realm upon pain of corporal punishment, because the council had adjudged that affair to be treason against the king and government. The earl of Gowrie was ordered to leave the kingdom, notwithstanding he had, at the command of the council, confessed that the fact at Ruthven was treason. [41] The persons concerned in the raid of Ruthven, assembled an army at Stirling and took the castle, from thence they sent a supplication to the king to redress their grievances. In the mean time, the earl of Gowrie, lingering about Dundee was apprehended and committed to prison, which discouraged the party at Stirling very much, so that they fled in the night, and got to Berwick; the captain of the castle and three others were hanged; Gowrie was likewise executed on the 2d of May 1584. [42] Bennet, in his memorial, says, That while he (James) grasped at arbitrary power, to which he discovered an inclination thro' the whole of his reign, it has been observed, and not without good reason, that he made himself mean and contemptible to all the world abroad, though affecting to swagger over his parliament and people at home, which he did in a manner that was far from making or showing him great. [43] Mr James Melvil was confined at last to Berwick, where he ended his days, Jan, 1614. [44] The epigram is as follows, Cur stant clausi Anglis libri duo, regia in arca, Lumina cæca duo, pollubra sicca duo? Num sensum, cultumque Dei tenet Anglia clausum, Lumine cæca suo, sorde sepulta suo? Romano et ritu, dum regalem instruit aram Purpuream pingit religiosa lupam. [45] Spotswood doth not ascribe any thing of the form of presbyterian church government to Mr. Knox, because they admitted of superintendents in the church in his time, which he thinks was Episcopacy: but says, That Mr. Andrew Melvil brought this innovation (as he is pleased to call it) from Geneva about the year 1575. Hist. p. {illegible} &c. [46] _The Protestation offered to the estates convened in Parliament at Perth, in the beginning of July_, anno 1606. The earnest desire of our hearts is to be faithful, and in case we would have been silent and unfaithful at this time, when the undermined estate of Christ's kirk craveth a duty at our hands, we should have locked up our hearts with patience, and our mouths with taciturnity, rather than to have impeached any with our admonition. But that which Christ commandeth, necessity urgeth, and duty wringeth out of us, to be faithful office bearers in the kirk of God, no man can justly blame us, providing we hold ourselves within the bounds of that Christian moderation, which followeth God, without injury done to any man, especially these whom God hath lapped up within the skirts of his own honourable stiles and names, calling them, Gods upon earth. Now therefore, my lords, convened in this present parliament, under the most high and excellent majesty of our dread sovereign, to your honours is our exhortation, that ye would endeavour with all singleness of heart, love and zeal, to advance the building of the house of God, reserving always into the Lord's own hand that glory, which he will communicate neither with man nor angel, viz. to prescribe from his holy mountain a lively pattern, according to which his own tabernacle should be formed: Remembering always that there is no absolute and undoubted authority in this world, excepting the sovereign authority of Christ the king, to whom it belongeth as properly to rule the kirk according to the good pleasure of his own will, as it belongeth to him to save his kirk by the merit of his own sufferings. All other authority is so intrenched within the marches of divine commandment, that the least overpassing of the bounds set by God himself, bringeth men under the fearful expectation of temporal and eternal judgments. For this cause, my lords, let that authority of your meeting in this present parliament, be like the ocean, which, as it is greatest of all other waters, so it containeth itself better within the coasts and limits appointed by God, than any rivers of fresh running water have done. Next, remember that God hath let you to be nursing fathers to the kirk, craving of your hands, that ye would maintain and advance, by your authority that kirk, which the Lord hath fashioned by the uncounterfeited work of his own new creation, as the prophet speaketh, _He hath made us, and not we ourselves_; but that that ye should presume to fashion and shape a new portraiture of a kirk, and a new form of divine service which God in his word hath not before allowed; because, that were you to extend your authority farther than the calling ye have of God doth permit, as namely, if ye should (as God forbid) authorize the authority of bishops, and their pre eminence above their brethren, ye should bring into the kirk of God the ordinance of man, and that thing which the experience of preceding ages hath testified to be the ground of great idleness, palpable ignorance, insufferable pride, pitiless tyranny, and shameless ambition in the kirk of God. And finally, to have been the ground of that antichristian hierarchy, which mounteth up on the steps of pre eminence of bishops, until that man of sin came forth, as the ripe fruit of man's wisdom, whom God shall consume with the breath of his own mouth. Let the sword of God pierce that belly which brought forth such a monster; and let the staff of God crush that egg which hath hatched such a cockatrice; and let not only that Roman antichrist be thrown down from the high bench of his usurped authority, but also let all the steps, whereby he mounted up to that unlawful pre eminence, be cut down, and utterly abolished in this land. Above all things, my lords, beware to strive against God, with an open and displayed banner, by building up again the walls of Jericho, which the Lord hath not only cast down, but hath also laid them under a horrible interdiction and execration; so that the building of them again must needs stand to greater charges to the builders, than the re-edifying of Jericho to Hiel the Bethelite, in the days of Achab; For he had nothing but the interdiction of Joshua, and the curse pronounced by him, to stay him from building again of Jericho; but the noblemen and estates of this realm, have the reverence of the oath of God, made by themselves, and subscribed with their own hands, in the confession of faith, called the king's majesty's published oftener than once or twice, subscribed and sworn by his most excellent majesty, and by his highness, the nobility, estates, and whole subjects of this realm, to hold them back from setting up the dominion of bishops. Because, it is of verity, that they subscribed and swore the said confession, containing not only the maintenance of the true doctrine, but also of the discipline protested within the realm of Scotland. Consider also, that this work cannot be set forward, without the great slander of the gospel, defamation of many preachers, and evident hurt and loss of the people's souls committed to our charge. For the people are brought almost to the like case, as they were in Syria, Arabia and Egypt, about the 600th year of our Lord, when the people were so shaken and brangled with contrary doctrines, some affirming, and others denying, the opinion of Eutyches, that in end they lost all assured persuasion of true religion; and within short time thereafter, did cast the gates of their hearts open to the peril, to receive that vile and blasphemous doctrine of Mahomet; even so the people in this land are cast into such admiration to hear the preachers, who damned so openly this stately pre eminence of bishops, and then, within a few years after, accept the same dignity, pomp and superiority in their own persons, which they before had damned in others, that the people know not what way to incline, and in the end will become so doubtful in matters of religion and doctrine, that their hearts will be like an open tavern, patent to every guest that chooses to come in. We beseech your honours to ponder this in the balance of a godly and prudent mind, and suffer not the gospel to be slandered by the behaviour of a few preachers, of whom we are bold to affirm, that if they go forward in this defection, not only abusing and appropriating the name of bishops to themselves, which is common to all the pastors of God's kirk; but also taking upon themselves such offices, that carry with them the ordinary charge of governing the civil affairs of the country, neglecting their flocks, and seeking to subordinate their brethren to their jurisdiction; if any of them, we say, be found to step forward in this cause of defection, they are more worthy, as rotten members, to be cut off from the body of Christ, than to have superiority and dominion over their brethren, within the kirk of God. This pre eminence of bishops is that Dagon, which once already fell before the ark of God in this land, and no band of iron shall be able to hold him up again. This is that pattern of that altar brought from Damascus, but not shewed to Moses in the mountain, and therefore it shall fare with it as it did with that altar of Damascus, it came last in the temple, and went first out. Likewise the institution of Christ was anterior to this pre eminence of bishops, and shall consist and stand within the house of God, when this new fashion of the altar shall go to the door. Remember, my lords, that in times past your authority was for Christ, and not against him. Ye followed the light of God, and strived not against it; and, like a child in the mother's hand, ye said to Christ, _Draw us after thee_. God forbid, that ye should now leave off, and fall away from your former reverence borne to Christ, in presuming to lead him, whom the Father hath appointed to be leader of you. And far less to trail the holy ordinances of Christ by the cords of your authority, at the heels of the ordinances of men. And albeit your honours have no such intention to do any thing which may impair the honour of Christ's kingdom; yet remember, that spiritual darkness, flowing from a very small beginning, doth so insinuate and thrust itself into the house of God, as men can hardly discern by what secret means the light was dimmed, and darkness creeping in got the upper hand; and in the end, at unawares, all was involved in a misty cloud of horrible apostacy. And lest any should think this our admonition out of time, in so far as it is statute and ordained already by his majesty, with advice of his estates in parliament, that all ministers, provided to prelacies, should have vote in parliament; as likewise, the General Assembly (his majesty being present thereat) hath found the same lawful and expedient, We would humbly and earnestly beseech all such, to consider, _First_, That the kingdom of Jesus Christ, the office bearers and laws thereof, neither should, nor can suffer any derogation, addition, diminution or alteration besides the prescript of his holy word, by any inventions or doings of men civil or ecclesiastical. And we are able, by the grace of God, and will offer ourselves to prove, that this bishopric to be erected, is against the word of God, the ancient fathers, and canons of the kirk, the modern most learned and godly divines, the doctrine and constitution of the kirk of Scotland since the first reformation of religion within the same country, the laws of the realm, ratifying the government of the kirk by the general and provincial assemblies, presbyteries and sessions; also against the well and honour of the king's most excellent majesty, the well and honour of the realm and quietness thereof; the established estate and well of the kirk in the doctrine, discipline and patrimony thereof; the well and honour of your lordships, the most ancient estate of this realm, and finally, against the well of all, and every one, the good subjects thereof, in soul, body and substance. _Next_, That the act of parliament, granting vote in parliament to ministers, is with a special provision, that nothing thereby be derogatory or prejudicial to the present established discipline of the kirk and jurisdiction thereof in general and synodical assemblies, presbyteries and sessions. _Thirdly_ and lastly, The General Assembly (his majesty sitting, voting and consenting therein) fearing the corruption of that office, hath circumscribed and bounded the same with a number of cautions; all which, together with such others as shall be concluded upon by the assembly, were thought expedient to be inserted in the body of the act of parliament, that is to be made for confirmation of their vote in parliament, as most necessary and substantial parts of the same. And the said assembly hath not agreed to give thereunto the name of bishops, for fear of importing the old corruption, pomp and tyranny of papal bishops, but ordained them to be called commissioners for the kirk to vote in parliament. And it is of verity, that according to these cautions, neither have these men, now called bishops, entered to that office of commissionary to vote in parliament, neither since their ingyring, have they behaved themselves therein. And therefore, in the name of the Lord Jesus Christ, who shall hold that great court of parliament to judge both the quick and the dead at his glorious manifestation; and in name of his kirk in general, so happily and well established within this realm, and whereof the said realm hath reaped the comfortable peace and unity, free from heresy, schism and dissention these 46 years by-past; also in name of our presbyteries, from which we have our commission; and in our own names, office bearers and pastors within the same, for discharging of our necessary duty, and disburdening of our consciences in particular, We Except and Protest against the said bishopric, and bishops, and the erection, or confirmation or ratification thereof at this present parliament; most humbly craving, that this our protestation may be admitted by your honours, and registrate among the statutes and acts of the same, in case (as God forbid) these bishoprics be erected, ratified, or confirmed therein. _This Protestation was subscribed by the ministers, whose names follow,_ MESSRS. Andrew Melvil, James Melvil, William Scott, James Ross, John Carmichael, John Gillespie, William Erskine, Colin Campbel, James Muirhead, John Mitchel, John Davidson, John Coldon, John Abernethy, James Davidson, Adam Bannantyne, John Row, William Buchanan, John Kennedy, John Ogilvie, John Scrimgeour, John Malcolm, James Burden, Isaac Blackfoord, Isaac Strachan, James Row, William Row, Robert Merser, Edmund Myles, John French, Patrick Simpson, John Dykes, William Young, William Cooper, William Keith, Hugh Duncan, James Merser, Robert Colvil, William Hog, Robert Wallace, David Barclay, John Weemes, William Cranston. [47] These were, 1. Kneeling at the communion. 2. Private communion. 3. Private baptism. 4. Observation of holydays. 5. Confirmation of children. [48] See them in Calderwood's history, page 708. [49] Vide Mr. Welch's dispute with Gilbert Brown the papist, in preface. [50] The first was called Dr. Welch, a doctor of medicine, who was unhappily killed, upon an innocent mistake in the Low Countries. Another son he had most lamentably lost at sea, for when the ship in which he was, was sunk, he swam to a rock in the sea, but starved there for want of necessary food and refreshment, and when sometime afterward his body was found upon the rock, they found him dead in a praying posture upon his bended knees, with his hands stretched out, and this was all the satisfaction his friends and the world had upon his lamentable death. Another he had who was heir to his father's graces and blessings, and this was Mr. Josias Welch minister at Temple patrick in the north of Ireland, commonly called the Cock of the conscience by the people of that country, because of his extraordinary awakening and rouzing gift: He was one of that blest society of ministers, which wrought that unparallelled work in the north of Ireland, about the year 1636 but was himself a man most sadly exercised with doubts about his own salvation all his time, and would ordinarily say, That minister was much to be pitied, who was called to comfort weak saints, and had no comfort himself. He died in his youth, and left for his successor, Mr. John Welch minister in Irongray in Galloway, the place of his grandfather's nativity. What business this made in Scotland, in the time of the late episcopal persecution, for the space of twenty years, is known to all Scotland. He maintained his dangerous post of preaching the gospel upon the mountains of Scotland notwithstanding of the threatenings of the state, the hatred of the bishops, the price set upon his head, and all the fierce industry of his cruel enemies. It is well known that bloody Claverhouse upon secret information from his spies, that Mr. John Welch was to be found in some lurking place at forty miles distance, would make all that long journey in one winter's night, that he might catch him, but when he came he missed always his prey. I never heard of a man that endured more toil, adventured upon more, or escaped to much hazard, not in the world. He used to tell his friends who counselled him to be more cautious, and not to hazard himself so much, That he firmly believed dangerous undertakings would be his security, and that whenever he should give over that course and retire himself, his ministry should come to an end; which accordingly came to pass, for when, after the battle of Bothwel bridge, he retired to London, the Lord called him by death, and there he was honourably interred, not far from the king's palace. [51] With Mr. Welch other five godly ministers was banished for the same cause, viz. John Forbes, who went to Middleburgh, to the English staple there, Robert Dury, who went to Holland, and was minister to the Scots congregation in Lyden, John Sharp, who became minister and professor of divinity at Die in the Delphinate, where he wrote Carlus Theologeous, &c. and Andrew Duncan and Alexander Strachan, who in about a year got liberty to return into their former places. Calderwood's history, page ult. [52] Fulfilling of the scripture, part 1st, page 450. [53] This was the famous Leighton doctor of divinity in the two universities of St. Andrews and Leyden, who, for writing of Zion's plea against prelacy, was apprehended at London by two ruffians, and brought before arch bishop Laud, who sentenced him (besides a fine of 10,000 pounds) to be tied to a stake, and receive thirty-six stripes with a triple cord, and then to stand two hours in the pillory (which he did in a cold winter night), and then to have his ear cut, his face fired and his nose slit; and the same to be repeated that day seven night, and his other ear cut off, with the slitting of the other side of his nose and burning his other cheek; all which was done with the utmost rigour, and then he was sent prisoner to the fleet, where he continued, till upon a petition to the parliament in 1640, he was released, and got for his reparation a vote of 6000 pounds, which it is said was never paid, and made warden of that prison wherein he had been so long confined, but through infirmity and bad treatment he did not long survive, being then seventy two years of age. See this more at length in Stevenson's history, vol. 30, page 948. [54] Livingston's memorable characters, page 74. [55] By the calculation of Mr. Livingston's account he behoved to be only 75 years of age; but Mr Calderwood makes him 77; and says he had an honourable burial, being accompanied with four or five thousand people to the grave. Vide his history, page 818. [56] Mr. Blair says, that he told him, that for three years he durst not say, my God, and that his conscience smote him for the same.--Blair's memoirs, page 39. [57] About this time the king created one marquis, ten earls, two viscounts and eight lords, and while he was in Scotland he dubbed fifty-four knights on different occasions. See Crawford's peerage, &c. [58] This minister is supposed to have been Mr. Rutherford, who was by some said to be the author of that pamphlet, intitled, The last and heavenly speech, &c. of John Viscount of Kenmuir. [59] It would appear from the date of the last of Mr. Rutherford's letters to this noble lady, that she lived till or a little after the restoration. [60] Mr. Livingston in his memorable Characteristicks, last edition. [61] See Stevenson's history of church and state, vol. II. page 234. [62] Bailey's letters, &c. page 587. [63] See these articles in the history of church and state, vol. II. p. 745. and the civil wars of Great Britain, p. 20, &c. [64] At that time the assembly sat in king Henry VIII's chapel, and when the weather grew cooler, in Jerusalem chamber, a spacious room in Westminster abbey. The prolocutor, Dr. Twisse, had a chair set at the upper hand, a foot higher than the earth; before it stood two chairs for Dr. Burgess and Mr. White assessors: before these stood a table where Mr. Byfield and Mr. Roborough, the two scribes sat; upon the prolocutor's right hand sat the Scots commissioners; on the left hand the English divines to the number of about 118, whereof about two thirds only attended close. They met every day of the week, except Saturday, six or seven hours at a time, and began and ended with prayer. [65] Such as the author of the appendix to Spotswood's history, and others. [66] Mr. Henderson's monument was afterwards repaired, as it now stands intire a little to the westward of the church. On one side the inscription begins with these words, _Hanc quisquis urnam transiens, &c._ On another side it begins, _Qui contra grassantes per fraudem et tyrannidem._ And the English inscription on a third side-- Reader, bedew thine eyes Not for the dust here lies, It quicken shall again, And aye in joy remain: But for thyself, the church and state Whose woe this dust prognosticates. The fourth side of the urn has no inscription. [67] Mr. Bailey in his speech to the general assembly, 1647. [68] It appears that he was also chaplain to the viscount Kenmuir about the year 1634. [69] Such as our catechisms, directory for worship, form of church-government, and when the confession of faith was about to be compiled, they added to our Scots commissioners Dr. Gouge, D. Hoyt, Mr. Herle the prolocutor, (Dr. Twisse being then dead), Mr. Gataker, Mr. Tuckney, Mr Reynold's and Mr. Reeves, who prepared materials for that purpose. [70] Mr. Bailey in his letters. [71] See the preface to Stevenson's history. [72] Although patronage be a yoke upon the neck of the church, which neither we nor our fathers were able to bear, contrary to Acts i. 13, &c. vi. 6. xiv. 23. 2. Cor. viii. 19. the practice of the primitive church, reason and the natural rights of mankind, yet in the beginning of our reformation from popery, it was somewhat more tolerable (not to say necessary) than now, when there were few ministers, the people but just emerging out of gross darkness, and our noblemen and gentlemen then being generally not only pious religious men, but also promoters of our reformation (the quite contrary of which is the case at present); and yet our wise reformers, while in an advancing state, made several acts both in church and state as barriers against this increasing evil, and never rested until by an Act of Parliament 1649, they got it utterly abolished. Soon after the restoration this act among others was declared null, and patronage in its full force restored, which continued till the revolution, when its form was changed, by taking that power from patrons and lodging it in the hands of such heritors and elders as were qualified by law. But as if this had not been enough, to denude the people of that right purchased to them by the blood of Christ, patronage was, in its extent, by act of parliament 1712, restored, and is now universally practiced with as bad circumstances as ever.----And yet it is to be feared after all, that there are many now-a-days, more irritated and chagrined at this evil, because it more sensibly crosses their own inclination, then because it is an usurpation upon the church of Christ, else they would give a more ample testimony against the other branches of those incroachments made upon Christ's crown and royal dignity. These who would see more of the evil consequences of patronage, and popular elections vindicated, may consult _Rectius instruendum_; Park upon patronage; the suffrages of the people; the full vindication of the people's right, &c. a plea for the church of Scotland against patronage; the candid inquiry; and an attempt to prove every species of patronage foreign to the nature of the church, &c. [73] And may we not tremble and be afraid of the same judgments? for how applicable is this to out case in Scotland at present, wherein these our national vows and covenants are not only slighted and neglected, yea flouted at by many in this profane generation, but even some having a more seeming zeal for religion, stand not to argue and say, "That although these covenants were binding on our forefathers who made and took them, yet they can be no way obligatory on us who were never personally engaged therein." But let such for certainty know, that as these solemn vows have their foundation in scripture, Numb. xxx. 7. Deut. v. 3. Josh. xxiv. 25. Psal. lxxvi. 11. Isa. xix. 18. Jer l. 5. Gal. iii. 15. The duties engaged to therein being purely theological and moral, they must have respect unto all circumstances and periods of time, and besides their form being _formalis ratio_, _i.e._ formal reason, and the action solemn, the majesty of heaven being both a party and witness therein, the obligation must be perpetual, which no mortal on earth can lawfully dispense with, and so shall bind and oblige all Scotsmen under penalty of breach of God's covenant while sun and moon endure. [74] See the forementioned letter and note in a pamphlet intitled, Some predictions or prophecies of our Scots Worthies, &c., from page 20 &c. [75] This protestation had been given in a little before this, to a meeting of ministers in the little kirk of Edinburgh. See Calderwood's history, page 675. [76] See his own history, page {illegible}32. [77] Mr. Calderwood gave in a protest against the assembly 1649, for enabling the directory for election of ministers, which protest was not given in, so favours of patronage, as the author of the modest inquiry would insinuate, for Mr. Calderwood in his _Altare Damascenum_ hath affirmed once and again, in the strongest terms, the people's right to choose their own pastor. [78] This gentleman entered advocate in the year 1648, and was, by the Protector, made one of the judges of the session in the year 1657, and became president in the year 1681. In the year 1682, he had to retire to Holland: in 1689, he was restored to his office, and in 1690, was created a viscount. He wrote the institutions of the law of Scotland, and also published a system of physic greatly valued at that time, with a book intitled, a vindication of the divine attributes, in which there is discovered great force of argument and sound knowledge. [79] It is said that the presbyterians and independents being on a certain time to dispute before Cromwell, while he was in Scotland, in or about Glasgow, whereat Mr. Binning being present, managed the points controverted, that he not only non plussed Cromwell's ministers, but even put them to shame, which, after the dispute, made Oliver ask the name of that learned and bold young man, and being told his name was Mr. Hugh Binning, he said, He hath bound well indeed, but clapping his hand on his sword, said, This will loose all again. [80] According to the date of his exhortations at Kirkliston, June 11th. 1653, and his letter to lord Warriston, when on his death-bed affixed to his select sermons, dated Feb. 7, 1656, it should appear, if both be authentic, that he was at least two years and a half in the ministry. [81] It appears that Mr Gray was some short time married to that worthy young gentlewoman, who afterward was married to Mr. George Hutcheson sometime minister of the gospel at Irvine. [82] See these overtures at large in the account of his life prefixed in his commentary on the Revelation. [83] See his letters, part iii. letter 27. [84] See Stevenson's history, vol. 1. page 149. Rowe's history, page 295. [85] It is reported, that when King Charles saw _lex rex_ he said, it would scarcely ever get an answer; nor did it ever get any, except what the parliament in 1661 gave it, when they caused to be burnt at the cross of Edinburgh, by the hands of the hangman. [86] See his letter to Col. Gib, Ker, part II. letter 59. [87] Betwixt this toleration and that of the duke of York there was this difference; in this all sects and religions were tolerated, except popery and prelacy; but in that of York these two were only tolerated, and all others except those who professed true presbyterian covenanted principles; and as for Queen Ann's toleration, it was nothing else than a reduplication upon this to restore their beloved {illegible} prelacy again. [88] It is commonly said, that when the summons came he spoke out of his bed and said, Tell them I have got summons already before a superior judge and judicatory, and I behove to answer my last summons, and ere your day come I will be where few kings and great folks come. When they returned and told he was a-dying, the parliament put to a vote, Whether or not to let him die in the college. It carried, Put him out, only a few dissenting. My lord Burleigh said, Ye have voted that honest man out of the college, but ye cannot vote him out of heaven. Some said, He would never win there, hell was too good for him. Burleigh said, I wish I were as sure of heaven as he is, I would think myself happy to get a grip of his sleeve to hawl me in. See Walker's Rem. page 171. [89] See this testimony and some of his last words published in 1711. [90] This appears to be these papers bearing the name of representations, propositions, protestations, &c. given in by him, and Messrs. Cant and Livingston to the ministers and elders met at Edinburgh, July 24th 1652. [91] It appears that he married a second wife by whom he had only one child alive. See his letters part III. letter 55. [92] Part I. letter 4, and part III. letter 37. [93] See this discourse at large in Stevenson's history, page 674. [94] See a more full account of these transactions in Stevenson's history, vol. III. page 176. [95] Some accounts bear that this was a rape committed by him. [96] See the national covenant. [97] See the coronation of Charles II. page 38, &c. [98] See these articles at large and his answers in Wodrow's church history, vol. 1. page 43,----52. [99] See the appendix to Wodrow's history, No. 18. [100] The historian Burnet in the introduction to his history page 30. &c. is pleased to say, "This Argyle was a pretender to high degrees of piety. Warriston went to very high notions of lengthened devotions, and whatsoever struck his fancy during these effusions he looked on it as an answer of prayer." But perhaps the bishop was much a stranger both to high degrees of piety and lengthened devotions, and also to such returns of prayer, for these two gallant noblemen faced the bloody ax and gibbet rather than forgo their profession, with more courage, and (I may say) upon better principles or grounds of suffering than what any diocesan bishop in Scotland at least, or even the doctor himself was honoured to do. [101] Or the wrestling of the church of Scotland, page 166. [102] Wodrow in his history, vol. I. page 56. [103] It surely was a piece of ill advised conduct (as many of themselves afterward acknowledged), that ever they elected or admitted any of that family of Ahab, after the Almighty had so remarkably driven them forth of these kingdoms, unto the regal dignity, upon any terms whatsoever; particularly Charles II. after he had given such recent proofs of his dissimulation and dissaffection unto the cause and people of God in these nations. After which they never had a day to prosper; for by contending against malignants, and yet at the same time vowing and praying for the head of malignants they not only had malignants and sectaries to fight with, but also made a desuetude unto their former attainments, and so came to contend with one another, until prelacy proved their utter ruin at last. It is objected that king Charles was a good natured man, and that the extermination of our excellent constitution, was from evil counsellors. It is but too true, that evil counsellors have many times proved the ruin of kingdoms and commonwealths, else the wise man would not have said. _Take away the wicked from before the king, and his throne shall be established_, Prov. xxv. 5. But take the matter as it is, he was still the head of that constitution and (not to speak of his other immoralities), a most perfidious, treacherous and wicked man, and could engage to day and break to-morrow, and all to obtain an earthly crown. For a further illustration of this, see a letter shewing the defection of both addressers and protestors, &c; Dr. Owen's sermon before the protector in Scotland; the history of the Stuarts; and Bennet's memorial of Britain's deliverances, &c. [104] Apologetical relation, § v. page 83. [105] See these protestations in Wodrow's church-history, vol. I. p. 58 & 59. [106] This unjust sentence was pronounced in the high church of Glasgow by Mr. John Carstairs, who prefaced Mr. Durham's posthumous works some of which are supposed to be vitiated by him especially his treatise on scandal. [107] See this paper called the humble petition in Crookshank's history, vol. I. p. 64. [108] Wodrow's history, vol. I. p. 61. [109] History of his own times, page 127. [110] Mr. Alexander Hamilton, when a student at the college of Edinburgh, at the hazard of his life, took down Mr. Guthrie's head and buried it, after it had stood a spectacle for twenty seven years; and it is observable that the very same person afterward succeeded him at Stirling, where he was minister for twelve years. [111] He was crowned on the 8th of June by Spotswood arch-bishop of St. Andrews, assisted by the bishops of Rose and Murray, Laud then bishop of London had the direction of the ceremony. He preached in the chapel royal, and insisted upon the benefit of conformity, and the reverence due to the ceremonies of the church &c. But this discourse was far from being to the gust of the people. See Stevenson's history, Vol. I. Bennet's memorial, page 178. [112] Vide Bailie's Letters, Vol. I. page 69. [113] History of the Stuarts, Vol. I. page 140. [114] History of the Stuarts, vol. I. p. 140. [115] Memoirs of the duke of Hamilton, p. 163. [116] Rushworth's history, vol. I. Oldmixon, vol. I. p. 14{illegible}. [117] See Dr. Welwood's memoirs, p. {illegible}0. [118] See these speeches in the history of church and state, vol. III. pages 1215-25. [119] His son James earl of Loudon suffered much after his father's death, during the persecuting period; and at last was obliged to leave his native country, and died an exile at Leyden, after having endured a series of hardships. And there are recent instances of the truly noble and independent spirit for liberty this worthy family have all along retained, which, we doubt not, will be transmitted to their posterity. [120] Of his life prefixed to his letters. [121] See this and another of his letters to Lauderdale, Wodrow's history, Vol. I. page 129. [122] See the first discourse in Stevenson's history page 562.; and the last in the assembly-journal. [123] See Mr. Livingston's memorable characteristics, page 81. [124] See further of these declarations and protests in Stevenson's history of church and state, page 361. [125] See a more full account of these affairs in the history of church and state, vol. III. page 1009. [126] See the said reasons, &c. page 50. [127] Blair's memoirs, page 121. [128] Wodrow's history, Vol. I. page 164. [129] Wodrow's history, Vol. I. page 175. [130] See his history, page 203. [131] Preface to the apologetical relation. [132] Crookshank's history, Vol. I. page 248. [133] The reader will find this speech in Naphtali, and in the appendix to Wodrow's history. [134] About the time of Middleton's parliament 1661, or 1662, Mr. Wood in company of Mr. Vetch, went into one Glen's shop in Edinburgh to see Sharp, whom he had not seen since he turned bishop.--Sharp discoverning his head to receive the commissioner they had a full view of his face to whom Mr. Wood looked very seriously, and then with much affection uttered these words, "O thou Judas, apostate, traitor, that has betrayed the famous presbyterian church of Scotland to its utter ruin as far as thou canst, if I knew any thing of the mind of God, thou shall not die the ordinary and common death of men." And though this was spoken eighteen years before it was exactly accomplished, _anno_ 1679. See Vetch's large life biography, prior edition, page 471. [135] Wodrow's history, vol. I. page 208. [136] See Wodrow's and Crookshank's histories. [137] Rutherford's letters, part III. let. 66. [138] After the rest of his brethren were cast out, people so flocked to his sacramental occasions, that the church was so thronged, that each communicant (it is said), had to shew their tokens to the keepers of the door before they got entrance, to prevent disorder and confusion. [139] Wodrow's history, Vol. I. page 111. [140] In the form of a crooked boy who laughed in his face, _&c_, fulfilling of the scriptures, Vol. I. page 357. [141] His own memoirs, page 11, and 13. [142] Fulfilling of the scriptures, Vol. I. page 375. [143] It seems to have been about this time, that Mr. Blair married his first wife Beatrix Hamilton, a very gracious woman, of the house of {illegible}. [144] See the {illegible} of Mr. {illegible} [145] See his testimony in Naphtali and Samson's riddle. [146] Mr. Crookshanks. This was about the Nov. 1662, when the council commenced a process against Sir James Stuart for entertaining him in that family. See his history, vol, II, page 134. [147] Bishop Guthrie says, That the chief managers here were Mess. William Ardir, William Guthrie, and John Nevay; and that the covenanters were of foot 2000 and horse 500 strong (but this is more than probable). See his memoirs, page 177. Bailie's letters adds Mssrs. Mowet, Thomas Wylie, Gabriel Maxwel, and Alexander Blair, and says they were some 800 foot and 12 horse strong, Vol. II. page 295,--299. [148] See the fulfilling of the scriptures, part I. page 434. Wodrow's history, vol. I. page 143. [149] See the process and his answers at large in Wodrow's history, vol. 1. page 144. [150] Wodrow's history, vol. I. page 113. [151] See Stevenson's History, vol. III. page 223. [152] It is generally told, that when his mother was ready to be delivered of him, his father, being in the next room, intreated the midwife, if possible, to stop the birth a few minutes, but she answered, She could not. Afterwards, being asked the reason of it, he answered, He would not die an ordinary death. [153] Wodrow's history, vol. I. page {illegible}92. [154] Mr. Wodrow thinks he was at Pentland; but in his answers before the committee he says otherwise. [155] Crookshank's history, vol. 1. page 343. [156] The author of the narration of his torture, which is inserted at large in Naphtali. [157] Wodrow's history, vol. I. appendix, No. 93. [158] In his history, page 415. [159] See this petition inserted in Naphtali. [160] See this testimony at large in the same book. [161] Wodrow's history, Vol. I. page 443. [162] Mr. Crookshanks, in his history page 419, calls him Mr. James Welwood, which alteration proceeds probably from a mistake in P. Walker's remarkable passages of the lives of Semple, Welwood, &c. page 26. edit. 1728. [163] Vid. Rutherford's letters, epist. 139. [164] Here observe that though this worthy gentleman mentions the right of patronage, yet it is with this proviso and limitation, the choice or consent of the people; otherwise says he it would wrong the majesty of God, take away the Christian liberty of the people, and invalidate his own right; and how unlike is this to the species of patronage and claim of patrons at the time, when nothing but absolute power and arbitrary measures will satisfy them. [165] His son Alexander Gordon here narrowly escaped being taken, by means of one of his tenants, who knowing him as he rode thro' Hamilton, made him dismount, put on woman's cloaths, and rock the cradle. After this he went over to his brother in law Mr. Hamilton, to represent the low case of the united societies to the churches of the Netherlands; he was by them called home, and when returning back a second time, he was apprehended by the enemy and put to the torture, but by means of his friend the duke of Gordon, his life was spared. However, he was sent to the Bass, and from thence (I suppose) to Blackness, where from 1683, he continued till he was liberated at the Revolution.--It is to be lamented, that neither he, after this, nor his son Sir Thomas, fully followed the steps of their ancestors. [166] Since the publication of the above, I received the following account of the taking of Mr. King in a letter from a correspondent. Mr King having come to pay his respects to the Laird of Blair, (in Dalry parish near Kilwinning to whom formerly he had been some time chaplain) one Bryce Blair, a farmer, who had been groom there while Mr. King was about that house, getting notice, came and desired Mr King to pay him a visit, to which he consented. Accordingly, he went where he preached a short word on the Saturday night following. But on the Sabbath morning, a party of the enemy (according to some, Crighton's dragoons) being in quest of him, and getting the scent, two of them in disguise came to an old man feeding cattle near Bryce Blair's house, and asked him, whether he knew where that godly minister Mr. King was; for they were afraid he would be taken, as the enemy were in pursuit of him; and if they knew where he was, they would secure him from them. The old man having more honesty than policy, cried out, I'll run and tell him. Whereupon they rode full speed after him to the house. Finding a servant of the house waiting on Mr King's and his servant's horses, they immediately dismounted, and having driven their own horses into the standing corn, threatening him not to stir from the spot on pain of death, one of them took his saddle, and putting it on Mr. King's horse said, Many a mile have I rode after thee, but I shall ride upon thee now. By this time the rest had surrounded the house, and Mr. King and his servant being in bed they immediately commanded them to rise and put on their cloaths. While his servant was putting on his spurs, one of the soldiers damned him, saying, was he putting a spur on a prisoner? To whom he replied, He would put on what he pleased: For which he received from him a blow: then another gave that soldier a blow, saying, Damn you, sir, are you striking a prisoner, while making no resistance. In the hurry, Mr. King's servant threw his master's wallees into a peat loft. Thus they were both carried off. They hired one David Cumming in the same parish to be their guide to Glasgow, who willingly consented. They pressed a horse for him to ride upon; but they had not gone far, when the horse ran stark mad, and, jumping and striking all around him with such violence as affrighted the beholders, they were obliged to let him go; but no sooner was he returned home, than he became as calm as ever. Cumming had to go on foot to Glasgow. From thence Mr. King was sent to Edinburgh. After which his servant was set at liberty. For what afterward became of Cumming see the Appendix. [167] See a short hint of their advocates pleadings and petition in behalf of Mr. King, Crookshank's history, vol. II. page 27. [168] Crookshank's history, vol. I. page 255. [169] M'Ward, in his earnest contendings, page 541. [170] The Rev. Mr. George Barclay, who was very public at this time, and had his hand at many a good turn, and was a blessed instrument to the edification of many souls, but got a waft of that murthering east wind, in the year 1679--said, The best days that ever he had in preaching of the gospel was in the bounds belonging to the laird of Haugh-head, worthy Henry Hull, &c. [171] Those who dispensed the sacrament of the Lord's supper here, were Messrs. Archibald Riddel, John Welch, Andrew Morton, Patrick Warner, George Barclay and others. [172] Probably this was Mr. Henry Erskine, the late Mr. Erskine's grandfather. [173] King James II. never took the coronation oath of Scotland. [174] Another account bears, that his last sermon was preached at the water of Renan in Galloway, and that it was a very prophetical one. But though he might have preached there, yet, according to the order of time and place as above specified, it does not appear to have been the last sermon that he preached. [175] It was said, Earshall got 500 l. and Ochiltree 10,000 merks. However some time after, one morning about break of day, a fiery pillar of a bloody colour seemingly about two yards long, was seen hanging above that house. The same day about two o'clock after noon the castle took fire, and was with charters, plate and all, burnt down to the ground. The son said to the father while it was burning, "This is the vengeance of Cameron's blood." That house was never built. For the new house, estate and all, they are gone from that race to others. [176] See Wilson's impartial relation of Bothwel-bridge, p. 67. [177] Some of these bloody enemies said, That that handful were men of the greatest courage that ever they set their faces to fight against, although they had been at battles abroad; and that if they had been as well trained, horsed and armed as they were, they would surely have been put to flight. And few of them escaped, for their shots and strokes were deadly, of which few recovered; for though there were but nine of the covenanters killed, yet there were twenty-eight of the enemy killed or died of their wounds in a few days. Walker's memoirs, p. 56. [178] See his letters and answers in the cloud of witnesses. [179] See more of this laird of Blackstoun, in the appendix. [180] For a particular account of this gift, see Samson's Riddle, &c. page 139, 144. [181] See more of Murray in the Appendix. [182] It would appear, he was retaken about the end of that year, by the acts of council; and liberate without any conditions: which was a thing uncommon at this time. Vid. Wodrow's history, Vol. {illegible}, page 146. N. B. It has been thought somewhat strange, that the posterity of such ancient and religious families as this and Earlstoun should be now extinct in their houses and estates. But this needs be no paradox; for the condition of the covenant or promise of property and dignity is,--_if thy children will keep my covenant and testimony, their children shall also sit upon thy throne for ever, and shall return unto the Lord thy God, and obey his voice; thy God will bring them unto the land which thy fathers possessed, and thou shall possess it._ Now the contrary practices must produce the contrary effects: and upon none more remarkable than those who apostatize from the profession, principles and piety of their ancestors. It is said, that Sir Thomas Gordon of Earlstoun fell into a profligate and irreligious life. And for Donald Ker, he fell in with king William, and was killed at the battle of Steinkirk in Flanders, 1692. And for John Crawford (alias Ker) who married his sister, and with her the estate of Kersland, he got a patent to be a rogue, _patrem sequitur sua proles_, from Queen Ann and her ministry, by virtue of which, he feigned himself sometimes a Jacobite, and sometimes an old dissenter, or Cameronian, (as he calls them) unto whom he gives high encomiums. What correspondences he might have with some of these who had been officers in the Angus regiment I know not; but it is evident from the minute of the general meeting that he was never admitted into the community, or secrets of the genuine old dissenters: for, though he attended one or more of their meetings, yet he was refused, and so could never influence them to publish any of their declarations. But more of this, if the Lord will, elsewhere on another occasion. The reader will find the above mentioned patent on the frontispiece of his memoirs: And what satisfaction he himself had in this dirty work and wicked courses in the courts interest, as he himself calls it, and how he was by them repaid as he deserved, in these memoirs, from page 31 to 81, &c. [183] It appears that it was about this time, that he resolved to go over to Holland, but we have no certain account where or what time he stayed there; but from the sequel of the following account it could not be long. [184] See Walker's remarkable passages of the life of Mr. Cargil, &c. page 8. [185] The first of these was clearly verified in the case of lord Rothes, and the second was verified in the remembrance of many yet alive. (1.) Every person knoweth that Charles II. was poisoned. (2.) His brother the duke of York died at St Germains in France. (3.) The duke of Monmouth was executed at London. (4.) The duke of Lauderdale turned a belly god, and died on the chamber-box. (5.) The duke of Rothes died raving under the dreadful terror of that sentence, &c. (6.) Bloody Sir George MacKenzie died at London, and all the passages of his body running blood. (7.) General Dalziel died with a glass of wine at his mouth in perfect health. See Walker's remarks, page 10. [186] About this time the Gibbites were all taken and imprisoned in the tolbooth and correction house of Edinburgh, but, by the duke of York and his faction, were soon liberated; after which the four men and two women went west to the Frost moss, betwixt Airth and Stirling, where they burnt the Holy Bible, every one of them using expressions at that horrid action which are fearful to utter. [187] To these two men he said, If I be not under a delusion, (for that was his ordinary way of speaking of things to come) the French and other foreigners with some unhappy men in this land, will be your stroke: it will come at such a nick of time when one of these nations will not be in a capacity to help another. For me, I am to die shortly by the hand of those murderers, and shall not see it, I know not how the Lord's people will endure it that have to meet with it; but the foresight and forethought of it make me tremble. And then, as if it had been to himself, he said, Short but very sharp. [188] Sometimes he ran on foot, having lost several horses in his remarkable escapes, one of which was shot under him at Linlithgow-bridge. [189] The week before he was taken, he married two persons; and being in the Leewood, John Weir and his wife brought him his dinner. Being pressed to eat, he said, Let me alone, I cannot be pressed: for I took not that meal of meat these 30 years but I could have taken as much when I rose up as when I sat down. Vide Walk. Relation, page 45. [190] See his examination and answers at large in Wodrow's history Vol. II. page 184. [191] Vid Walker in his remarkable passages, &c. [192] See a more full account of this in Wilton's impartial relation of Bothwel-bridge, page 13. &c. [193] The reader will find an account of these their transactions in their own register now published of late, under the title of Faithful Contendings displayed, &c. [194] What relates to this worthy, I have extracted from the account of his life wrote by himself when in prison yet in manuscript; what concerns his trial and martyrdom, I have collected from history and other writings. [195] {illegible} he says they saw a remarkable flash of fire the elements seeming as it were to open and then to close again. [196] In his narrative he condescends upon four different times he apprehended he heard or saw the enemy; the last of which he was in company with another returning from a sermon. But I forbear to relate these as I did with a late instance in the life of Mr. Cargil lest they should seem incredible in this sceptical age. [197] I have been more full in relating the way and manner of this skirmish, as it is omitted, so far as I can learn, in the histories of the sufferings of the church of Scotland. [198] This seems to have been the skirmish at Bewly bog only mentioned in history. [199] Whether this was Mr Law after the revolution minister at Edinburgh, Mr. Hutcheson or another, I can not say. [200] Probably this was R. Garnock, who though a private man, was honoured of the Lord to be a public witness, which was most galling to them. [201] N. B. The faithful and pious Mr. Renwick was present, and much affected at this execution: after which he assembled some friends, and lifted their bodies in the night, and buried them in the West Kirk. They also got their heads down; but, day approaching, they could not make the same place but were obliged to turn aside to Lauriston's Yards (to whom one Alexander Tweedie then in company with them, was gardener) where they in a box interred them. The said gardener, it is said, planted a white rose-bush above them, and a red one below them a little; which proved more fruitful than any bushes in all the garden. This place being uncultivated for a considerable time, they lay till October 7th, 1728, that another gardener trenching the ground found them. They were lifted and by direction were laid on a table in the summer house of the proprietor; and a fair linen cloth cut out and laid upon them, where all had access to come and see them; where they beheld a hole in each head which the hangman broke with his hammer when he drove them on the pikes. On the 19th, they were put in a full coffin covered with black, and by some friends, carried unto Gray-Friars church-yard, and interred near the martyr's tomb (being near forty-five years since their separation from their bodies) they were re-buried on the same day Wednesday, and about four o'clock afternoon the same time that at first they went to their resting place: and attended, says one present, "with the greatest multitude of people old and young men and women, ministers and others, that ever I saw together." And there they ly awaiting a glorious resurrection on the morning of the last day, when they shall be raised up with more honour, than at their death they were treated with reproach and ignominy. [202] Some accounts bear that Naphtali was wrote by him, but Wodrow says otherwise. [203] So says the history of the civil wars, page 186. The history of Montrose's wars, or memoirs of his life, page 12{illegible}.; and his letters to the covenanters, appendix, page 49. [204] Although Montrose got off at this time, yet when he made another insurrection _anno_ 1650, he was fought and routed by a few troops under the command of the forementioned colonels Strahan, Hacket and Ker, and he himself taken afterwards in the land of Assen's, bound and brought to Edinburgh, where he was by the parliament condemned to be hanged May 21st, on a gallows thirty feet high, three hours space, his head to be cut off and placed on the tolbooth, and his legs and arms to be hanged up in other public towns of the kingdom, which was executed accordingly. See the history of the civil wars, page 30. Montrose's memoirs, page {illegible}, &c. [205] Blair's memoirs, page 113. [206] See this engagement in Cromwel's life. [207] See a more full account of the battle in Wodrow's history, vol. 1. page 250, &c. [208] Their sword or short shabble yet remains, and may now be seen in the hands of the publisher of this collection. It was then by his progenitors, counted to have twenty eight gaps in its edge, which made them afterwards observe that there were just as many years in the time of the persecution, as there were steps or broken pieces in the edge thereof. [209] Hebrews xi. 57, 58. [210] Wilson's history of Bothwel-bridge, page 41. [211] This house and family was always a harbour and succour to our late sufferers both gentlemen, ministers and private Christians; for which, after this and their non conformity to prelacy, they were not only harrassed, pilaged and plundered to the number of ten or twelve times during that period, but also both the said James Howie the possessor, and John Howie his son, was by virtue of a proclamation, May 5th, 1689, declared rebels, their names inserted in the fugitive roll, and put up on the parish church-doors, whereby they were exposed to close hiding, in which they escaped many imminent dangers, and yet were so happy as to survive the revolution at last, yet never acceded to the revolution church, &c. But the said James Howie, when dying, Nov. 1691, emitted a latter will or testimony, wherein he not only gave good and satisfying evidence of his own well being, and having interest in Jesus Christ, but also gave a most faithful testimony to Scotland's covenanted work of reformation, and that in all the parts and periods thereof. [212] In the time of this, or another plunder shortly after this, some of the soldiers burnt the Bible in the fire in a most audacious manner. [213] This seems to have been when he made a tour through Ayr-shire to Galloway: a little after they were surprized by the enemy on a fast day, near Loudon hill, upon May 5th 1681. [214] Mr. Wodrow's history, Vol. II. [215] The reader may consult his last speech, which is at full in the cloud of witnesses. [216] Here it was commonly said, that after the enemy went off at the first, they met with two persons one of whom told them, They were good seekers but ill finders; or somewhat to that purpose, which made them return. It has also been said, that one of their men confessed this at his death. However this be, people could not help observing that not many years ago three of the offspring of the other person blamed lost their lives by fire near the same place where these three gallant martyrs were killed. Whether it had any reference to that, God knoweth, I shall not, can not determine. Only we may say, _The Lord is known by the judgment he executeth_, Psal. ix. 16. [217] This John Gemmel was brother to the martyr, and being lying of a fever in a house in the same parish, called Derwholling, he was that day apprehended by some of the same party, together with the goodman of the house Thomas Wylie, and his son William Wylie for reset. They were all taken to Ayr, where the said Thomas Wylie died. While in Ayr, it is said, this John Gemmel dreamed one night that he should be banished, and his fellow-sufferer Hardhill should be hanged: which accordingly came to pass.--They were taken to Edinburgh and examined, and the foresaid William Wylie was required to take the oath of allegiance, but refused. They ordered him to take the test. This he refused also. They asked his reasons. He said, He had taken more oaths already than he had well kept, and if there should come a change of government, where stood he then? Bishop Paterson's brother came, and clapping his hands on his shoulder said, Thomas, as sure as God is in the heavens, you'll never see a change of government. But in this he proved a false prophet. However, he and John Gemmel were, with eleven more banished to Barbadoes, and sold for slaves there, where they continued for about three years, and at last purchased their liberty and returned home at the Revolution. The first known person they saw, after their landing at Irvine, was lieutenant Nisbet, by whom they had been apprehended; and of whom see more in the appendix. [218] According to Mr. Wodrow he was sometime also precentor at Finwick. See the History, Vol. I. page 443. [219] Wodrow's History, Vol. I. page 235. [220] Walker, in his eighth additional passage, &c. says, That he was in Ireland in the year 1670.; but of this we have no farther ac-{footnote truncated} [221] In an old copy there are these words. "In the hands of a few who shall have neither magistrate nor minister among them, who shall be sore despised and undervalued of all, &c." Whether this alteration proceeds from different informations or from partiality is hard to determine, only it is affirmed that the author of these passages was then amongst that party who had neither magistrate nor minister at that time; Or at least was not in full communication with any party, if it was not those adhering to Mr. Hepburn. [222] The foresaid old copy says, This was within two hours of his death. [223] Renwick's life wrote by Mr. Shields, page 99. [224] Some have doubted of the certainty of this interview; however, there is no seeming improbability in it, nor does it make any thing to the disparagement of either Mr. Peden, or Mr. Renwick. [225] After this (says Patrick Walker) that troop of dragoons came to quarter in Cambusnethen, two of them were quartered in the house of James Gray (one of his acquaintance) and being frighted in their sleep, they started up and clapped their hands, crying, Peden, Peden. These two dragoons affirmed, That out of their curiosity they opened his coffin to see his corps, and yet they had no smell, though he had been forty days dead. [226] John Ker of Kersland, in his memoirs, page 8 where he adds, that when some people were going to join Argyle in 1685, Mr. Peden after a short ejaculation, bid them stop, for Argyle was fallen a sacrifice that minute. Some taking out their watches marked the time, which accordingly answered his being taken. [227] Amongst the branches of this numerous family, were Mr. Adam Blackadder, who was first imprisoned in Stirling at seventeen years of age, and afterwards in Blackness, in the year 1684, for waiting on his father John Blackadder, who came over with Argyle 1685, and was apprehended, but afterwards set at liberty; and that religious gentleman Colonel Blackadder sometime governor of Stirling castle since the revolution. Whither that Dr. William Blackadder mentioned in history was that Mr Blackadder who was at Bothwel, or if he was son to Mr John Blackadder and brother to the above mentioned, I cannot say at present. [228] It was one Mr. William Blackadder that was at Bothwel. [229] A historian says, that Mr. Blackadder was as free to have declared his disapprobation of what was done there, as he was of his not being there--But whether it be not a slur thrown upon the memory of this worthy man, to insinuate that he should suffer such hardships and so many years imprisonment merely out of ill nature, when he was free to have declared what would have satisfied them, must be left with the reader. [230] See this in his testimonials from the classes, which are inserted in his life at large, pag. 25, &c. [231] This seems to have been when he made a hasty journey thither in the year 1684 and 1686. See his letters page 98, and 136. [232] See his letters and the answers, with the reasoning on Cathcart's affair at large from page 84 to 97. [233] Mr. Peden on his death-bed sent for him, and after some conference owned he had been misinformed anent him; exhorted him to go forward, and he would be carried honestly through; asked his forgiveness, and desired him to pray with him before he departed: all which Mr. Renwick did with great cheerfulness. See Walker's remarks of the life of Mr. Peden. [234] See his letter to Earlston, page 163. [235] Mr. Hugh Kennedy then moderator. [236] This testimony was again of late republished by some friends to the same cause. [237] For besides these reproaches already noticed, with many others, he and his followers were charged as men of anarchical, murdering and bloody principles, which makes it the less wonder that their successors should be still charged with the same. [238] And it is to be remarked, that many of the Jury were professors, and eminent in the tolerated meetings; while others, even of the malignants, chose rather to run the hazard of the penalty, as the laird of Torrence, who compeared not, and Somerville chamberlain of Douglas, who, though when he appeared, yet when he saw Mr Renwick turn about, and direct his speech to them, he ran away, saying, He trembled to think to take away the life of such a pious like man, though they should take his whole estate. The list of the Assizers is as follows: James Hume of Kimmergen. John Hume of Nine wells. John Martin clerk to the manufactory. Alexander Martin sometimes clerk of ---- Robert Halyburton merchant. Thomas Laurie merchant. Archibald Johnston merchant. Thomas Wylie merchant. James Hamilton vintner. William Cockburn merchant. James Hamilton jun. stationer. Robert Currie stationer. Joseph Young merchant. John Cuningham merchant in Glasgow. Ninian Banantine of Kaims, chancellor. [239] Wodrow's history, Vol. I. page 71, &c. [240] In this testimony among other things they say, "We do profess our dissatisfaction that the civil powers should take upon them to prescribe public humiliation and thanksgiving, with the causes and diets thereof, to all the ministers and members of this church, as being contrary to the well warranted privileges and constant practice of the church itself, and in its own nature introductory to greater encroachments, and putting into the hands of the civil powers the modelling of the public worship of God, a thing most properly ecclesiastic, &c." [241] This relation was attested by William Bulloch, who was his faithful servant near thirty years who was eye and ear witness, and was inclined to think he was an angel. [242] It must, of necessity, here be observed, That any who are acquainted with the historical accounts of these times, will find that Mr. Hog was not so explicit upon point of public testimony, as the more faithful part of our sufferers at that time; otherwise he was, for parts and attainments, a very remarkable and extraordinary man, as this narrative in part discovers. [243] Pat. Walker in his remarks says, That while he was in prison he dealt earnestly with Messrs. King and Kid (then under sentence of death) to give a healing testimony in favours of the indulged. And that he was liberate upon the terms of the indemnity, &c. However be as it will, to derogate from nothing due to the memory of Mr. Fleming, It is well known, that though he was never actively indulged himself, yet he ran into some extremes in coalescence with them; which was no small grief at that time to faithful Mr. M'Ward, as witness his earnest contendings, &c. [244] This seems to have been in the year 1685, upon a process of forfeiture and citation of appearance given him amongst others, but upon a representation given in by him, his diet was deserted: which made up a part of his compliances. [245] In his own impartial relation, page 11. [246] _To the Moderator and remanent Members of the General Assembly, now convened at Edinburgh, October 1690, The humble Proposals of Mr. Alexander Shields_, &c. If our eye could suitably affect our hearts this day, Right Reverend, we might find much matter, both of rejoicing and mourning, in the wonderful commencement and advancement of this work of reformation. We are called to rejoice with thanksgiving for the mercy of God manifested and magnified in the progress of this work hitherto; that the Lord hath been pleased in sovereign mercy to prevent and surprize us with such a reviving in our bondage, by the repression of tyranny, suppression of popery, and depression of prelacy. When the doctrine of this church is asserted, and the confession of faith formerly received, is read, voted, approven and established by parliament. The worship and ordinances of Christ are administred in great purity, plenty and peace: The government of Christ's institution, is at length restored to what it was _anno_ 1592. And the discipline retrieved to such a fond of freedom, that all ecclesiastic courts may without restraint, or being accountable to any exotic usurped power in the magistrate, assert all the authority, and exercise the power, wherewith Christ hath intrusted them. Which power, if duly and diligently improved, and put in execution, may, through the blessing of God, contribute very much to the reducing of order, and the redress of many disorders in this church. And now the causes of our disunion and division, in times of defection, being in a great measure removed, when erastian usurpations are abrogated, the churches intrinsic power redintegrated, and the corruptions introduced by compliances, so far abdicated and antiquated, that they are not, in the constitution of the church, and do not continue to be the scandal and snare of the times; we hope and expect a remedy may be found for our breaches and divisions, that we thought incurable, and union and communion in the Lord may be attained. We are no less obliged to mourn, when we observe this house of the Lord so unlike the former, wanting many things the former had, and pestered with many things the former wanted. They that have seen our former reformation in its integrity, before the late deformation, can hardly refrain from weeping at the sight of the sad disproportion between this and the former. In the former, as the constitution was calculate in the nearest conformity to the divine pattern, so the builders had always a care to pull down what was to be demolished, before they established what was to stand; and to purge away the rubbish from the foundation, before they promoved the superstructure. Accordingly, when prelacy was reintroduced at several times, the first thing they did, when they recovered their power, was always to exert it, in condemnation of that corruption, and of these assemblies and meetings that promoved, abetted, favoured, or complied. And when the erastian supremacy began to encroach upon the church's liberties, and to bring the ministry into bondage, they did not think it enough to wrestle against it, by personal witnessings; but, by the good hand of God upon their endeavours, never ceased until it was condemned by acts of assembly. They proceeded also with great earnestness and vigilance, to purge the church of corrupt and scandalous ministers. But now, after all the rubbish and filth, brought into the house of God, by invasions and usurpations of the enemies, and defections of friends, when now opportunity and capacity is given to rebuild and beautify the house of the Lord, and to repair the desolations thereof, the present building is so far advanced, without pulling down and purging away the rubbish, and condemning these corruptions and defections, in compliance with them, or confessing and forsaking them, as our fathers used to do. And the prelatical clergy, after all the evil they have done, and bitter fruits they have produced, are yet kept in many places, and like to continue, as a seminary and nursery of a corrupt ministry. As long as this rubbish stands, there can be little hope either of purity or stability in the superstructure. In former reformations also, the advancement used to be progressive, beginning where the former reformation stopt, and going forward, after they had got removed what obstructed: But now the motion is retrograde, going as far back as that in 1592, muffling many excellent steps of reformation attained after that in 1649. In former reformations, our worthy ancestors used to begin with renovation of the national covenants, and acknowledgments of the breaches thereof, which hitherto hath been neglected, to the great grief of many. It is also matter of lamentation to reflect, that in former reformations, though adversaries troubled the builders, hired counsellors against them, to frustrate their purpose: Yet, being furnished and spirited of the Lord, for that generation work, they never studied to please men, but to acquit themselves, as faithful servants of their princely Master Jesus Christ, in witnessing against all sins and corruptions of great and small impartially; and in acts of assembly, ordaining and recommending to all ministers, this faithfulness, in applying their doctrine to the sins of the time, under pain of censure. But now, though there was never greater freedom and encouragement for, and necessity of faithfulness, when the adversaries of Judah are seek up to build, but on design to mar the work, and many are too much inclining to join in affinity with the people of those abominations; yet it is sadly wanting, and much desiderated among many ministers, who being long accustomed to fears, and constrained silence, have not yet recovered their confidence and courage, to cry aloud against, and not to spare the iniquities of the time. Though in former reformations, this church was for order and authority, beautiful as Tirzah, comely as Jerusalem, and terrible as an army with banners; Yet now alas! the crown hath fallen from our heads, wo unto us that we have sinned. This holy and beautiful fabric hath been burnt up, with the fire of enemies fury, with the fire of our divisions, and with the fire of the Lord's indignation, burning against us for our defections, whereby the Lord was provoked to forsake his house; and since his departure there hath been nothing but disorder among his children and servants. The popish, prelatic and malignant party, have come in by force and fraud, and by the cedings of those, that should have stood in the gap, have broke down the carved work of our covenanted reformation, rescinding all the legal bulwarks of ecclesiastical constitutions, civil sanctions, and national covenants, wherewith it was fenced. Wherein, alas! they were too much encouraged by our faint resistance, and too universal involvement in the sin of submitting to, and countenancing of the intrusions of the prelatical party. At length having set up these their ensigns for signs, in sign of complete victory, obtained over the servants and subjects of our exalted Prince, after they had invaded his kingdom and place, and made havock and slaughter of such as would not yield; they offered some tempting terms, whereupon they would suffer them to live in subjection to these usurpations, painted indeed with pretences of favours, but really, at least indirectly, requiring a recognizance of the usurper's power, and a cessation from opposing the peaceable possession of their robberies. These and the like defections, on the one hand, together with many extravagancies on the other, have brought the godly into many confusions. We did indeed demur to concur with and follow, and did think it our duty to withdraw from these ministers who promoted courses of defection after specified; and to adhere to those (though but few) who were more stedfast and faithful. When the case was so stated that we thought communion could not be kept by us with them, from whom we withdrew, without sin; while the very exercise of their ministry was so far depending upon, subordinate unto, complying with, modified and authorized by _unlawful usurpators_, that our joining would have inferred, at least in our conference, a submission to, symbolizing with, and approving of their offensive yieldings to these encroachments. Yet we never thought this a schism: Therefore, That this happy and desirable union, may be holy and comfortable, in a way that may procure, and secure our union and communion with the Lord: And, considering in all the periods of this church from the first reformation, a witness hath never been wanting, against the same, or equivalent corruptions, that have offended us: And no method can be more adapted for recovering and restoring, union, than that which was used for preserving it: And that having aimed hitherto, to offer and keep up our mite of a testimony against the same: if now, under the convictions of its remaining righteousness, we shall pass from it; and so seem to condemn what we approved before, and approve what we condemned before, it will leave an undefiable reproach, not only on ourselves, but on our contendings and sufferings. We earnestly desire, Right Reverend, you would be pleased to condescend to us, in some things, that we humbly conceive, are very needful, just to be sought, and easy to be granted. We know and are confident, your zeal for truth and peace, will suggest the same means and measures, for obtaining this end, and will urge you to take notice of the same things, we desire, without our advertisement: Nor do we take upon us to prescribe the methods, terms or conditions, necessary for composing these unhappy differences, and restoring the holy and happy union in the Lord; but we think, the word and works of God this day, point at these which we crave leave in the bowels of Christ, to remonstrate unto your serious consideration: I. That to the end the causes of our divisions, the anger of the Lord as the holy cause, and our mutual offences, as the sinful cause may be removed, that the effect may cease, a mutual, impartial, and accurate search and trial may be made into our ways, to find out, and remember from whence we are fallen, and discover our manifold and manifest defections, from the right ways of the Lord; that the great wrongs and indignities done to our great Head and King by enemies encroachments on his prerogatives, and his kingdom's liberties, and our compliances therewith, on the one hand, and on the other, may not be past in oblivion but diligently inquired into; and what accession to them, or participation with them, all of us have been involved in, these thirty years bygone: Particularly that it be laid to heart, what indignity to the Lord Jesus, and injury to his church, was done by the introduction of abjured, diocesan and erastian prelacy, and the several degrees of compliance therewith; as ministers leaving their pastoral charge, at the command of the magistrate, and laying aside the exercise of their ministry, giving way unto, and not testifying against the intrusions of prelatic curates: Particularly owning and submitting to their ministry, and receiving ordinances dispensed by them, and by counsel and example, encouraging others to do the like; which we cannot but plead and protest against, as sinful and scandalous. 1. Because they were, and are manifest intruders, not entering in at the door, in the way and order of Christ, and not having, yea despising and renouncing a call from the people, and ordination by the presbytery and having no other external call, authority, or right to officiate in this church, as its proper pastors, but the collation of bishops, and presentation of patrons, who are none of Christ's officers, and forfeiting and foregoing any other right, that any of them formerly could pretend to, by palpable defection to the enemies of this church. 2. Because both in principle and profession, and in the way of their entry unto their pastoral charge, they were, and are erastians, deriving their power from, and subjecting it in its exercise to another head than Christ, the magistrate's supremacy, by which only they were authorised, without Christ's warrant, or the church's consent. 3. Because they were and are schismatics, who caused divisions and offences, contrary to the doctrine of this church, breaking her union and order, going out themselves from the fellowship of this church, and leading people away from her vowed reformation; yea, who violently thrust out, and persecuted her faithful pastors and children, for adhering to that reformation, which they designed to raze and ruin. 4. Because they were, and are perjured covenant breakers, avowedly disowning our covenants, and stated in opposition to that reformation, which is therein sworn to be maintained. 5. Because they were, and are in several points erroneous, in their doctrine, many of them tainted with the leaven of popery, arminianism, and socinianism, and all of them hetrodox, in the point of the magistrate's power in church matters, in the matter of oaths, and in condemning the work of our reformation, and covenants; seducing thereby their hearers, and both positively by these doctrines, and privately by with-holding other necessary instructions and warnings, murdering their souls. 6. Because they were, and are, upon all these accounts, scandalous, and the object of the church's censure: And though through the iniquity of the times, their deserved censure hitherto hath not been inflicted, yet they stand upon the matter convict, by clear scripture-grounds, and by the standing acts, and judicial decision of this church, in her supreme judicatories. 7. Because this hearing and submitting to them, was required as a badge, test, and evidence of due acknowledgment of, and hearty compliance with erastianism and prelacy, or his majesty's government ecclesiastic, Act parl. 1. Char. II. July 10th, 1663, which made it a case of confession to withstand it. 8. Because, by our covenants, we are obliged to stand at a distance, from such courses of defection, and to extirpate them, yet, in contradiction hereunto, we were commanded by the rescinders of the covenants, to hear the prelatic curates, as a badge of our yielding to the rescinding of the covenants. 9. Because this course was offensive and stumbling, both in hardning those that complied with prelacy, and weakning the hands of those that opposed it, and inferred a condemning of their sufferings upon this head. Especially, 10. When communion with them was so stated, that therein was not only a case of controversy among the godly, in which always abstinence is the surest side, not only is the judgment of many a case of confession, which it is always dangerous to contradict and condemn, but undeniably a case of competition, between the true church of Scotland, her ministers and professors, owning and adhering to her holy establishments, claiming a divine right to their offices and privileges, contending for the church's reformation; and a schismatical party, setting up a new church, in a new order, under a new head, robbing them of their offices and privileges, and overturning the reformation. II. We must presume to plead also, That enquiry be made into the heinous and heaven-daring affront done to the holiness of God, in the horrid violation of our holy covenants, national and solemn league; not only how the popish, prelatical, and malignant party, have broken them, enacted the breaches of them by law, burnt them and endeavoured to bury them, by making it a capital crime to own their obligation, and by bringing in and substituting in their room, conscience-ensnaring anti covenants, oaths, bonds, and engagements renouncing the former, and obliging to courses contradictory thereunto: But that it may be considered, how many ways ministers and professors, in this time of tentation and tribulation, have been guilty of breach of these holy covenants; particularly by consenting unto, subscribing, swearing, and taking any of the new multiplied, mischievously contrived, capriciously conceived, and tyrannically imposed oaths, tests, or bonds, in matters of religion, since the overturning of the covenanted reformation and establishment of prelacy; and by persuading people to take them, and forbearing a necessary warning of the danger of them, and leaving people in the dark to determine themselves, in the midst of these snares. All which we plead and protest against, as sinful and scandalous: 1. Because all of them did infer, import, and imply a sinful unitive conjunction, incorporation, association and confederacy with the people of these abominations, that were promoting a course of apostacy from God. 2. Because all of them were incapable of qualifications required in sacred engagements, to be taken in truth, righteousness and judgment. 3. Because all of them, in the sense of the imposers, interpreted by their acts and actings, were condemnatory of, and contradictory unto the covenants, and some part of the covenanted reformation. 4. Because, by the ancient acts of assembly, all public oaths imposed by the malignant party, without consent of the church, are condemned, July 28, 1648. Ante merid. sess. 18. and sess. 26 those ministers are ordained to be censured, who subscribe any bonds, or take any oaths not approven by the General Assembly; or by their counsel, countenance and approbation, make themselves accessory to the taking of such bonds and oaths by others. III. In like manner, we dare not forbear to cry and crave, That it may be considered, what wrongs Christ hath received from the Erastian and Antichristian usurpation of the supremacy, encroaching upon the prerogative of the Lord Jesus Christ, his incommunicable Headship and Kingship, as Mediator, giving to a man a magisterial, and Architectonic power, to alter and innovate, authorize and exauctorate, allow or restrain, and dispose of the government and governors of the church, according to his pleasure; invading the liberties of the gospel church, introducing a civil dominion upon her government, contrary to its nature, being only a ministerial stewardship, distinct from the civil government, in its nature, causes, ends, officers, and actings; and giving to the magistrate the power of the keys, without and against Christ's donation and authority, even the dogmatic, critic and diatactic decisive suffrage and power in causes ecclesiastic, which Christ hath intrusted to the church representative; and denying to the church the exercise of these keys and powers, without the magistrate's warrant and indulgence. We crave also, That it may be inquired into, how far this encroachment hath been connived at, submitted unto, complied with, homologate, strengthened and established, by receiving and accepting, without consent of the church, yea against the express dissent and testimony of some faithful ministers, to the contrary, the indulgences _anno_ 1669, and 1679; and by the silence of others, not witnessing against the same, and others censuring the faithful for discovering the sinfulness thereof.----Which we remonstrate upon these grounds, complexly considered: 1. Because, as the contrivance and end of the grant thereof was to advance and establish the supremacy; to engage presbyterians, either to co-operate towards the settling and strengthening thereof, or to surcease from opposing the peaceable possession of the granter's usurpation, and to extort from them, at least an indirect recognizance of acknowledged subordination in ministerial exercises, to his usurped power, in a way which would be best acquiesced in; to suppress the preaching and propagation of the gospel in persecuted meetings in fields and houses, so necessary at that time; and to divide, and increase differences and animosities among presbyterians, by insinuating upon these called the more moderate, to commend the indulger his clemency, while other non-conformists, adhering to interdicted duties, were justly complaining of the effects of his severity. And as the woeful effects of it, strengthening the supremacy, weakening the hands of those that witnessed against it, extinguishing zeal, and increasing many divisions, did correspond with these wretched designs; so these could not be counteracted, but very much strengthened and promoted, by the acceptance of the indulgence, which, in its own nature, was so palpably subservient thereto, even though there had been a testimony against these designs and ends, yet when the means adapted to these ends, were complied with, it was rendered irrite, and _contra factum_. 2. Because as the supremacy received much strength and increment from the indulgence, so reciprocally it had its rise, spring, conveyance and subsistence from the supremacy, from which it flowed, upon which it stood, and by which at length it was removed. And in the grant and conveyance of the indulgence, all the power of the supremacy was arrogate, asserted and exerted, in first taking away the power of the keys from Christ's stewards, and then restoring only one of them to some few, with restrictions bounding, and instructions regulating them in the exercise of that. The acceptance whereof, so clogged with these complex circumstances, without a clear and distinct testimony, in that case of confession, hath at least a great appearance (which should have been abstained from) of a conniving at, submitting unto, complying with, and homologating of that Erastian usurpation. 3. Because, as it was interpreted to be accepted in the same terms wherein it was granted, without a testimony against the supremacy, so the entry of those ministers to their churches, by this indulgence, was prejudicial to the church's privilege: Some of them being fixed in particular churches, whereunto they had no peculiar pastoral relation before, and some transplanted from one church to another, without the interposition of any ecclesiastic presbyterial authority, without the free and orderly call of the people; being in many respects prelimited; and in the way of patronages, at the council's pleasure and order: And those that were restored to their own churches, being there admitted, not by virtue of their old right and claim of an undissolved relation, but by virtue of a new holding of the indulgence. 4. Because the embracing thereof, and the continuing therein, was a faint yielding to prevailing Erastianism, and a course of defection from former integrity of ministerial freedom and faithfulness, in which the servants and witnesses of Jesus Christ were famous and eminent in former times, who for writing, preaching, and protesting against the ecclesiastic supremacy in the magistrate, and all Erastian courses, did bear the cross of Christ, with much stedfastness; yea, a receding from, and foregoing of a very material part of the cause and testimony of the church of Scotland, which, till then, did constantly wrestle against such encroachments: And in this respect scandalous, because hardening to Erastian enemies, stumbling to many friends, and offensive to posterity. 5. Because it is contradictory to our covenants, to receive indulgences, contrived and conferred, on purpose, to divide (by the terror of persecution on the one hand, and the persuasion of this pretended liberty, taking off the legal restraint on the other) ministers and people from the cause and testimony of the church of Scotland, against the supremacy, and from their former blessed conjunction therein, and to induce them to make defection to that party, that were advancing Erastianism. And it is expresly contradictory to the engagement to duties, _anno_ 1648, where the obligation bears, "Because many of late have laboured to supplant the liberties of the kirk, we shall maintain and defend the kirk of Scotland, in all her liberties and privileges, against all who shall oppose or undermine the same, or encroach thereupon under any pretext whatsoever." IV. Likewise, we plead and obtest, that a search may be made into, and a review taken of the late toleration, and addressing for it, and acceptance of it, complexly considered: The sinfulness whereof, we could not, and now cannot forbear to witness against. 1. Because as the design of the granter, and tendency of the grant itself, in its own nature, being the introduction of popery and slavery, could not in any probability be counteracted, but rather corroborated, by this addressing for it, and accepting of it, even though there had been a testimony against the design thereof, as there was none, and could be none consistent with the continuance thereof; so being conveyed from absolute power, which all were required to obey without reserve, stopping, suspending, and disabling all the penal statutes against papists; thereby undermining all the legal bulwarks of our religion; The addressing for, and accepting of it, so conveyed, without a witness against this despotical encroachment, (yea, the very condition of enjoying the benefit of it, being exclusive of such a testimony, which might any way tend to the alienating of the people, from such a despotical government, in all its encroachments) did indirectly, at least, imply compliance with, if not the recognizance and acknowledgment of that usurped power, and the arbitrary exercise and effect of it in suspending the penal statutes. 2. Because it was extended, not only to prelacy, but to popery, quakerism, and all idolatry, blasphemy, and heresy, which was highly provoking to the Lord Jesus, and prejudicial to the peace and purity of his church; contrary to the scriptures of the old and new Testament; contrary to the confession of faith and catechisms, chap. xx. § 1. and chap. xxiii. § 3. Being placed also among the sins of the second command, in the larger catechism; contrary to the principles of the church of Scotland; being condemned, warned of, and witnessed against by acts of assembly, _anno_ 1649. And by her faithful pastors preaching, writing, and protesting against such tolerations; (and sometimes even when papists were excluded, as that, against which the ministers of Fife and Perth did testify). And contrary to our covenants, wherein we are bound to preserve reformation, and uniformity in doctrine, worship, discipline and government, to extirpate popery, &c. to free our souls from the guilt of other men's sins, defend our liberties; and consequently never to comply with a toleration, eversive of all these interests we are sworn to maintain, and productive of these things we are sworn to endeavour the extirpation of. 3. Because it was clogged with such conditions and limitations, as did exceedingly hamper the freedom of the ministry, being offered (in proclamations) and accepted (in addresses and obedience) with restrictions to persons who might preach, (allowing some, and discharging others, who had as good authority as they, to exercise their ministry) to places where they should preach (only where intimation was given of the name of the place, and of the preachers, to some of the lords of the council, &c.) and to the matter what, or at least what they might not preach, _to wit_, nothing that might have any tendency to alienate the hearts of the people from a popish and tyrannical government; and consequently nothing against the wickedness, or of the misery of tyranny; nothing against the toleration, and the open sins proclaimed therein, and wicked ends designed thereby; nothing against disabling the penal statutes, or for the obligations of them, and ties of national covenants strengthening them. 4. Because of the manifold scandal of it, we cannot but witness against it, because so disgraceful to the Protestant religion, and prejudicial to the interest thereof. It was reproachful to our religion, sometimes established by law, then only tolerate, under the notion of an evil to be suffered: How confounding and consternating was this to all the reformed churches, that sometimes admired and envied Scotland's establishments, now to see her so dispirited and deceived, as to accept and address for a toleration, without a testimony, whereby instead of all the laws and covenants securing her reformation, the only tenor and security for it she had now remaining, was, the arbitrary word of an absolute prince, whose principles obliged him to break it? What occasion of disdainful insulting, did it give to the prelatical party, then pleading for the nation's laws, to observe presbyterians, acquiescing in that which suspended and stopped the penal statutes? Yea, what matter of gloriation and boasting was it to papists, to see presbyterians sleeping and succumbing, and not opposing, when, at this opened gap, they were bringing in the Trojan horse of popery and slavery? V. Moreover, with respect to some things, at present, which we account corruptions, and are offensive to many, we cannot forbear to remonstrate and plead, That consideration may be taken, of the sinfulness of the too universal defect and neglect of zeal and faithfulness, in receiving the buried national covenants, when now they seem to be laid aside, and many ministers forbear to preach plainly the obligation of them, and discover particularly the breaches of them, and to mention them in engagements which they require of parents, when they present their children in baptism, according to the continued custom of faithful ministers, these many years bygone. And it is stumbling to many, that in all addresses to king and parliament, the renewing of them hath not been desired. This we think very grievous, 1. Because in the scriptures, as we have many precepts, promises, and precedents for renewing them, and demonstrations of their perpetual, indissoluble obligation, being in their matter and form agreeable with the word of God; so we have many denunciations and certifications of unavoidable threatenings of all evils, rational, personal, temporal, spiritual, and eternal, against forsaking or forgetting them. 2. Because as there is no other way to prevent the curse of the covenants, and this threatened wrath imminent upon the land, for breach of covenants, but to acknowledge the breaches of them, and engage again to the duties of them; so these omissions cannot consist with that faithfulness required of ministers in such a case. 3. Because it is a plain defection from first love, and former attainments of our fathers, who commenced all reformations with renovation of the covenants; And in their ecclesiastic constitutions, enjoined all ministers to preach up the covenants, and witness against all defections from them, and indifferency or lukewarmness to them; which also is a breach of covenant in itself. VI. Hence, more particularly, we cannot but signify how much we and many others are offended, at the too general keeping silence at, or very ambiguous speaking against, and omitting the plain, impartial, doctrinal rebuking of such crying sins and scandals of the times, as cannot be controverted among presbyterians; such as the imposing and taking many bonds and oaths, repugnant to the covenants and work of reformation; which many complied with to shift persecution, and many others to purchase preferments unto places of trust; the accession of nobles and rulers to the wicked establishments and framing mischiefs into laws in former times; the manifold involvements of great and small, in the guilt of persecution, by delating and informing against honest suffering people, riding with armed force to pursue and apprehend them; appearing under displayed banners for the defence of tyranny, on expeditions against them at Pentland, Bothwel bridge, &c. sitting in courts, juries and assizes, to condemn them; putting them out of houses and tenements under them, because they would not comply with sinful impositions: And especially, the defiling of the land with blood, which hath yet a cry in the ears of the Lord God of Sabaoth: All which the servants of the Lord are obliged, by the word of God, and the constitutions of this church, to cry against, and not to spare, and to reprove and rebuke in season and out of season. VII. Finally, We must presume to lay open our own, and the general complaints through several corners of the land, of the sad slackness and remissness of discipline: The report _fama clamosa_ whereof, at least, doth wound our ears and pierce our hearts, _viz._ That some who had gone a great length in the above-mentioned compliances, even to the swearing the test itself, besides other wicked oaths, and to the prosecuting of the godly sundry ways, are admitted to the sacrament of the Lord's supper, and to present their children to baptism: And that others are admitted to the charge of elders, who had not only habitually complied with prelacy, and had borne the name of that office under that government, but had taken these scandalous forementioned oaths; yea, and that of late, some are admitted to the ministry, that constantly followed episcopacy, and were trained up to be curates, and were deeply involved in the foresaid compliances, without due trial of their past conversation, and requiring of their public profession of repentance, and resentment of these respective scandals; whereby the precious are not taken from the vile, and a little of that old leaven, may quickly leaven the whole lump, and offenders are not like thereby to be gained to repentance, but rather hardened in, and tempted to think little of these destroying sins. We plead not here, that every one of the defects, or every degree of these offences should be, in the case of this epidemic involvement, proceeded against by disciplinary censure; nor do we urge, that all chargeable with these offences above taxed, especially such as are in controversy, should be either personally rebuked in public, or obliged publicly to confess their own degree of the guilt of them; though it would give glory to God, and comfort to the church, and peace to their own consciences, for all to confess their offences, that have been most stumbling to the godly; so far as from the word of God, and known principles of this reformed church, they may be convinced. Nor do we propose, that the condemnation of every one of these steps of defection, that are questioned, should be so far stretched _quoad momentum rei_, as either to be stated by us, as a ground of separation formerly, or now required as a necessary condition of communion; though still, we conceive the complication of them together, when they stood, was a ground that necessitated our withdrawing from many in the same circumstances. We only desire, they may be so far inquired into, that what guilt is in them before the Lord, may be in some measure discovered, and the wrongs done to Christ thereby, may not be passed over in an act of oblivion: But as the right honourable the estates of parliament, have found and declared these acts and actings of the overturners of our reformation: and the mischiefs of prelacy, supremacy and tyranny established by wicked laws, which were the foundations and fountains of all the offensive compliances above mentioned, to be grievances against the laws of the land; so the right reverend, the members of this venerable assembly, may find and declare, these wicked establishments and compliances supporting them, and defections flowing therefrom, to be sins against the laws of Christ; and so far as they can find iniquity in the foresaid offences, may provide by ecclesiastic constitutions for the future, that the like compliances with the like contrivances of usurping enemies, may never again be allowed, under pain of church censures, to prevent and preclude all fears of divisions, to be occasioned by the like defections, in time coming. And as we offer and promise, so far as we are, or may be convinced, to confess our offences, any manner of way that church-judicatories shall appoint; so, for the satisfaction of all concerned in the late differences, and removal of offences, given or taken, we desire and expect, that such failings in the above specified particulars, or others, be laid to heart by all sorts of ministers and preachers, as they are convinced of, or after search, may be discovered to them by this reverend assembly: And that these, among the sins of the land, be set down in order as causes of a public fast, upon some week day, through all the meetings of Presbyterians within this kingdom; and that the sins of the people be intermixed among these causes. Further, As we humbly conceive, it would prove a very proper and promising expedient, for promoving, preserving and propagating reformation; for settling and keeping order and union; for preventing and precluding innovation or corruptions; for discovering and discouraging apostates or schismatics, malignants or sectaries, and excluding them from access to do further hurt; so we hope, we shall be approven and seconded by many in this reverend Assembly, in craving the renewing of the covenants, either both the national and solemn league, with accommodations to our times, or one made up of both, with additions or explications, suiting our present case and day, with a solemn acknowledgment of the public breaches, and engagement to the duties of the covenants: Humbly moving, that none be forced to swear or subscribe the same, or so much as admitted to it, except they be such, as may be judged, in charity, to have a competent knowledge, and sense of the sins and duties thereof. In fine, Though we will not take upon us, to propose the time or the way of purging out the episcopal clergy, yet we cannot and dare not forbear, to plead and obtest that they may not be continued, nor kept in the churches whereinto they have intruded; nor re-admitted that are, or may be laid aside, until they give approvable evidence of their repentance, for their sinful conformity. (1.) Upon all these grounds, exhibited above, against hearing of them. (2.) Because former experience of the hurt received by the entertainment of the episcopal clergy, _anno_ 1638, does now plead for their care to prevent it in time coming. (3.) Because the people under their ministry, have hitherto been, and are perishing in ignorance and irreligion; being either starved for want of faithful and spiritual instruction, or poisoned with false instruction; and therefore pity to them, and zeal to propagate the gospel, should prompt to all endeavours to purge them out. (4.) Because the settlement, purgation, and plantation of the church, will be exceedingly obstructed by the continuance of them that unsettled it, corrupted it, and pestered the Lord's vineyard, with plants not of his planting, and whose leaven will be always in hazard to leaven the whole lump. (5.) Because, all of them are among these, whom the laws of Christ do oblige, the constitutions of this church do ordain, and the present civil sanctions for establishing church government do allow the church-representative, to try and purge out; being all of them either insufficient, or negligent, or erroneous, or scandalous, if these characters may be applied, or interpreted, according to scripture rules, or as the church hath extended them heretofore. We are content that none of the curates be put out, but the insufficient and ignorant, if this be one part of the trial of their knowledge, to inquire not only into their gifts but their graces; if ignorance of conversion, regeneration, sanctification, and communion with God; both as to the doctrine of these benefits, and as to their own experience of them, so far as may be discovered by human judgment, be reputed insufficiency: We are content, none be put away but the negligent, if so be they that do not warn the wicked of their destroying sins, that feed themselves and not the flock, that do not strengthen the diseased, nor heal the sick, &c. that omit the pressing of necessary duties impartially on persons and families, and the censuring of scandals without respect of persons, be comprehended in that character: We are satisfied, none be removed but the erroneous; if they be judged to be such, who not only own points of popery, Arminianism and Socinianism, but are unsound in their explanation of the kingly office of Christ, or the perfection of the scriptures, in the point of church-officers and government, in the matter of oaths and of the magistrate's power, and do maintain Erastianism, an exploded and abjured error in this church: And we seek no more but that all be removed who are scandalous, and none but they, if intruders, covenant breakers, perjured subscribers of scandalous oaths and tests, schismatics and persecutors, be counted among the scandalous. Some things are indeed extraordinary, which we here urge; but as extraordinary exigencies do force us, to move without a precedent; so they furnish you a power, to make a precedent for the like cases thereafter: We confess also, it may seem precipitant to press all these things so hard, and so soon, in a bruckle time, before things be better settled; but we fear, if new delays be procured, till all things be fully settled, that the observing of wind and clouds shall hinder both sowing and reaping. But it, laying aside the plaisters, wherewith the wounds of our backslidings have been slightly covered rather than cured, you put to your hand to the healing of your breaches, in condescending to these our humble desires, you shall win the blessing of many souls, rent and racked with these divisions; you shall disburthen the land of many weights and woes, whereof it is weary; you shall send to all the neighbouring churches a pattern, transmit to posterity an example, and erect to all ages a monument of self denying, zeal and wisdom; a work to be paralleled with the glories of former times. If herein our hopes shall fail us, we shall not know whether to wish, we had died with our brethren, by the enemies hand, and had never seen this reviving in our bondage; for it will be a death to us, and not a reviving, if there be not a returning together to the Lord, searching and trying, and discovering the iniquities of our ways. But however, we intend not to separate from the church, but to maintain union and communion in truth and duty, with all the ministers and members of this church that do, and in so far as they do follow the institutions of Christ; and to approve ourselves, God assisting, as much for peace and concord, as ever we were suspected to be men of divisive principles; hoping it shall appear, we are seeking _where he feedeth, and where he makes his flock to rest at noon_, and are not as such, _who turn aside by the flocks of his companions, but going forth by the footsteps of the flocks, beside the shepherds tents_: Yet with this protested dissent from, and testimony against all the above mentioned corruptions, defections, and offensive courses, which obliged us to stand at a distance in times of deformation; that our present joining in these circumstances, when these are removed, may not infer, or be interpreted an approving of what we formerly condemned: and be free from all partaking in these defections, by consent, connivance, compliance, or communion therein. For which we humbly supplicate, that these our humble proposals may be recorded in the books of assembly. ALEXANDER SHIELDS, _Esq._ [247] See this Act V. Sess. 9. Ass. 1999. wherein the lesser paper is inserted. [248] Pat. Walker says, That Mr. Shields much lamented his silence before the assembly, and of his coming so far short of his former resolutions, and if ever he saw such an occasion, he would not be so slack. Messrs. Lining and Boyd had too much influence upon him, being in haste for stipends and wives. Rem. of the lives of Messrs. Semple, &c. first edit, page 78. [249] See a more full account of Mr. Shields both while in Caledonia and Jamaica, in the history of Darien, lately republished, from page 42 to 49. [250] This family that pursued him is long ago extinct, and their house (as Mr. Dickson very publicly foretold in the hearing of many), after it had been an habitation for owls, the foundation stones were digged up. The inhabitants there could not but observe, that those who were informers, accusers and witnesses against Mr Dickson (some of them magistrates then in the town) were brought so low, that they were sustained by the charity of the parish. So hard a thing it is to meddle with the servants of Jesus Christ. WOD. HISTORY. [251] It was no doubt such faithful freedom that made that defamatory scribbler say, in his Presbyterian Eloquence, that he said in a sermon at Galashields, that cess paying to Charles II. was as bad as sacrificing to devils, see page 15. [252] Mr. Dickson being one who maintained and defended the lawfulness of defensive arms, either about this time or at the restoration before he was ejected, he kept the sacrament of the Lord's supper (probably at Rutherglen), while the people kept guard by centries under arms the whole time of the dispensation thereof. Which truly sets forth the danger and hazard of these times, and the aggravations of our sins in misimproving these mercies and privileged which they could not peaceably enjoy. [253] If these were Mr. Dickson's sentiments then of the revolution settlement, so much now gloried in and boasted of by many, they must be either ignorantly blind or under an infatuation, who see not that things are a great deal worse (though the same as to the constitution) than in his day. For how many are the clogs and impositions, that are annually (I may say daily) wreathed about the neck of the church, in these degenerate isles of sea, Britain and Ireland. And could any thing be believed by an apostate generation, we should think that his words should be of some weight, who was no opponent, but a member of the established church, yea and more, a seer in our Israel, and, we may say, one among a thousand, _for as the man is, so is his strength_, &c. [254] Calderwood's history, page 776. [255] Wilson's impartial relation of Bothwel bridge, where the reader will find a full account of the most material transactions done there at that time. [256] In the hands of some friends, are yet to be seen two of these commissions in Latin, wrote on parchment, one of which is a very beautiful copy on copper-plate. [257] See a more full account of his negotiations in the Netherlands for the suffering remnant, in a large letter of his now published in Faithful Contendings, page 186,----{illegible}. [258] Memorandum of occurrences in manuscript, page 1st and 2d. [259] See the above-mentioned declarations, protestations and declinatures with some of his many religious letters, lately published in a pamphlet intitled, the Christian Conduct, &c. [260] And even some others (Walker and others) who have pretended a great regard for the principles and memory of some of our late sufferers, such as Mess. Cameron, Cargil and Renwick. But in this they are not aware whom they have obliged: for it is pretty notour, That this gentleman and these worthies, particularly the last, were the very same in principle to their lives end, as their own letters and testimonies do evidence; and so in condemning him, they have not only tacitly condemned them, but most avowedly relinquished the substantial part of the covenanted testimony of the church of Scotland in her purest times; and what can the arch-bishop of Canterbury require more, never once to mention an anti-covenanter, a nullifidian, or lukewarm presbyterian. [261] This life is substracted from his life at large in the first edition. [262] See his life at large wrote by himself, Scots Worthies page 486. [263] The most judicious historians that I have seen upon this subject, grant that Charles 2d was poisoned by the direction of the Papists, but B. Burnet in his History, and Dr. Welwood in his memoirs say, the king had no suspicions he was poisoned. Burnet insinuates that his harlot the duchess of Portsmouth and her confessor were the instruments, and that the king died in good terms with his brother. Dr. Welwood who gives both sides, relates this story: Some time the king, having drunk more liberally than usual, retired to the next room in the castle of Windsor, wrapt himself in his cloak, and fell asleep on a couch. He was but a little time returned to the company, when a servant belonging to one of them, lay down on the same couch, and was found stabbed dead with a poinard, nor was it ever known who did it: the matter was hushed up, and no inquiry made. Mem. page 88. But as to the circumstances of his death, no doubt, Mr Vetch had the advantage to know as well as many others, being often at London, and acquainted with some who frequented the court. [264] _Viz._ Mr. Hepburn. [265] This letter was read Aug. 17. 1643, in the Scots general assembly, as it stands in the collection of the acts thereof from 1638, to 1649. page 205. * * * * * GLASGOW, _April 22d, 1782_ PROPOSALS For Printing by SUBSCRIPTION, In Two OCTAVO Volumes. A COMPENDIOUS VIEW Of _Natural_ and _Revealed Religion_.--In Seven Books. By JOHN BROWN, _Minister of the Gospel in Haddington_. BOOK I. Of the standard of all religion;--the law of nature in its _foundation_ and _contents_,--the _insufficiency_ of the _light of nature_ to render a man truly virtuous and happy;--the _possibility_, _desireableness_, _necessity_, _propriety_, _reasonableness_, _credibility_, _divine authority_, _properties_ and _parts_ of that revelation which is contained in the scriptures of the old and new Testament. BOOK II. Of _God_, the author, or, object and end of all religion,--in his perfections, persons, purposes and works. BOOK III. Of the bonds of religious connection between God and men,--the covenants of works and grace in their _origin_, _parties_, _parts_ and _administration_ in time and eternity. BOOK IV. Of Christ the mediator of the covenant of grace, in his _person_, _offices_ and _states_. BOOK V. Of the _blessings_ of the covenant of grace, _effectual calling_, justification, adoption, sanctification, spiritual comfort, eternal glory. BOOK VI. Of the dispensation of the covenant of grace by means of _law_, _gospel_ and _ordinances_ thereof. BOOK VII. Of the new covenant _society_ or church, in her _constitution_, _members_, _offices_ and _government_. * * * * * CONDITIONS. I. The book will be printed on a fair paper and new Type, in two Octavo volumes, to consist of about 300 and 30 pages each volume. II. The price to Subscribers will be One Shilling and Sixpence Sterling each volume, sewed, and Two Shillings neatly bound. A few copies on a fine Demy paper at Two Shillings sewed, and Two Shillings and Sixpence bound, each volume. III. Those who subscribe for twelve copies, shall have one Gratis. IV. The book will be put to the press as soon as a competent number of subscriptions are obtained. The encouragers of this work are desired to send in their Names, with the number of Copies they want, to the Publisher immediately as few copies will be printed but those subscribed for. SUBSCRIPTIONS are taken in by JOHN BRYCE, Printer, _Glasgow_; and by all others intrusted with Proposals. * * * * * _The Judgment and Justice of God_ EXEMPLIFIED. OR, A BRIEF HISTORICAL HINT OF THE WICKED LIVES and MISERABLE DEATHS of some of the most remarkable Apostates and bloody Persecutors in Scotland, from the Reformation till after the Revolution; COLLECTED FROM Historical Records, Authenticated Writings, and other well-vouched Relations. By JOHN HOWIE. PSALM lv. 23. _But thou, O God, shalt bring them down to the pit of destruction. Bloody and deceitful men shall not live out half their days._ PSALM vii. 12. _He hath also prepared for him the instruments of death, he ordained his arrows against the persecutors._ 2 THESS. i. 6.--_It is a righteous thing with God to recompense tribulation to them that trouble you._ _---- Immemores Dei Gentes mors inopina Aeternis tenebris premit._ Psalm ix. 17.--BUCHAN. GLASGOW: Printed by JOHN BRYCE. MDCCLXXXII. Had I not confined myself at first to the limits of an Appendix to the lives of our Scots worthies, I might have written a volume, containing the same hints of the most notable Apostates, Blasphemers, and wicked Persecutors, Jew and Christian, in all the different kingdoms and countries wherein the true religion and knowledge of the true God hath been professed, from the earliest ages to this present century; and which may be yet attempted, if this meet with the approbation of the Public, and a call and farther encouragement be given for that purpose. THE INTRODUCTION. I presume, that any person, who has diligently perused the history of the lives of our noble Scots worthies, will by this time be able to form some idea in their own minds of the religious, virtuous and faithful lives, joyful and comfortable deaths of a certain number of Christ's noble witnesses, confessors and martyrs, who through much tribulation emerged forth of all their difficulties in much faith and patience, and are now inheriting the promise in that land and celestial Jerusalem above, _where the wicked cease from troubling, and where the weary be at rest_. It now follows of course, that I should present another scene unto the reader's view, _viz._ a short index or memorial of the wicked, apostate, perfidious and flagitious lives, and miserable and lamentable deaths of some of the most particular persons that opposed and oppressed the church of Christ, and mal-treated and persecuted them. But previous to the opening of this tragical train of examples, (of the Lord's righteous justice and judgment on his and his church's enemies) let the following few particulars be observed. And, _1st_, Let none think that this is a subject foreign or remote to either scripture, apocrypha, or history. No; I might instance Cain, the proto-persecutor and murderer; Pharaoh, who was drowned in the Red sea; Corah and others, who were swallowed up quick and burnt before the Lord; Saul, who finished his own regicide; wicked Joram, whose bowels fell out; apostate Joash and Jehoiakim, who burnt the roll, came to ignominious ends: Ahab and Zedekiah, false prophets, whom the king of Babylon roasted in the fire; Haman, who was hanged: Antiochus Epiphanes, who was eaten of vermin, and rotted while alive; Melenaus the apostate, who was smothered to death in ashes; Herod, who killed the children of Bethlehem, and had the same fate with Antiochus; Herod Antipas, who killed John Baptist; Herodias and Salmon the dancer came to fearful ends: Judas and Caiaphas became their own executioners; Pilate also ended his own wretched life; Herod Agrippa was eaten up of worms: Nero and all the succeeding emperors, authors of the ten persecutions; Philip II. of Spain, Charles IX. Henry III. and IV. kings of France, Dukes of Guise, Anjou, Austria, &c. the cardinals Wolsey and Pool, bloody Mary of England, bishop Gardiner, with an immense number more both of this and inferior ranks, too tedious here to mention, came all to deserved wretched deaths suitable to such wicked and bloody lives.--Nay, God will have such reverence paid to what bears the name of deity and religion, that even amongst the very heathens, who had not the knowledge of the true God, those who blasphemed or affronted the gods, robbed their temples, or mal-treated and persecuted their priests, did not pass without some public mark of divine displeasure, (of which I might give a number of instances from history, were it needful). And should such as are favoured with an objective revelation of the true God and way of salvation in and by him, who destroy his heritage, persecute his people, blaspheme his name, and make a mock of religion, go unpunished? Nor, _2ndly_, Is the collecting or recording such exemplary instances without precept or precedent? Moses, by the Lord's direction, commanded the centers of those who were burnt up when offering strange fire to be made broad plates for a covering to the altar, for a memorial to the children of Israel.--And, passing other instances in scripture, historians and martyrologers, we find the reformed church of the Netherlands at the famous synod of Embden 1571, amongst other things, enacted and ordered the Lord St. Atergonde to write the history of the persecution by the Duke de Alva, with the visible judgments that befel the persecutors at that time. The same thing was agitated and concluded upon by the united societies in Scotland, both before and after the Revolution, which, had their resolutions been accomplished, had either anticipated this publication, or rendered it more complete than what it can otherwise be expected.[266] Nor, _3dly_, Can it be expected, that all our Scots apostates and persecutors are here narrated. No; there have many of God's eminent saints and dear children made their exit out of this world without any note or observation: in like manner, every wicked and notorious offender has not been made a Magor Missabib, a wonder unto themselves and others. We can ascribe this to nothing but divine wisdom and sovereignty. But there have been as many instances of both kinds as may serve for a monitor both to saints and sinners, to encourage the one and deter the other, and _that others may hear and fear_. Again, there have been several of these wicked enemies of God even in our own land, whose deaths have been as remarkable as those now related, which have either not been recorded, or else the records have been lost, and cannot now, after such a long time elapsed, be retrieved[267]. And _4thly_, This may be observed, That, though numbers in this black catalogue have nothing different as to the taking away of the life temporal, such as by heading, hanging, &c., from what has befallen God's dear children and martyrs,--yet it is the cause of their death, their disposition and frame at that time, must only cast the scale of balance. Jesus as man, and the obstinate malefactor on the cross, are an illustrating proof of this: for, while the one goes off the stage triumphing in the justice of their cause under the sensible manifestations of God's gracious presence, crying out, Farewel, friends and relations, holy scriptures, duties, sun, moon, stars,--all created enjoyments:--Welcome, death, scaffold, gibbet for precious Christ; welcome eternity, glory, angels, spirits of just men made perfect; welcome, Jesus Christ, Spirit of all grace, God the judge of all, and life for evermore:--The other (although I do not meddle with their eternal state, as being no-ways my province or prerogative to determine upon) at least those I have here condescended upon, died either in a senseless, secure, supine stupidity, or else belching out the most fearful oaths, and imprecations against themselves or others, or worse, if worse may be, roaring out in despair in the most dreadful horror of an awakened conscience under the sense of God's wrath and fiery indignation ready to be poured forth upon them for their former wicked lives; which must be one of the most exquisite torments in this life, as expressed by the poet, ----_Siculi non invenere Tyranni Tormentum majus._---- Nay, some have had very wicked lives or actions in life, and yet through the Lord's goodness have obtained mercy at last, though none of this stamp to my knowledge, as far as could be discerned, are brought into this category[268]. And _5thly_, Let none think that I have dragged any in here, because they were king, queen, or bishop; no, there are others here; it was because they were tyrants, apostates, perjured wretches, wicked persecutors and bloody deceitful men: a Charles on the throne, a Lauderdale in the state, a M'Kinzie at the bar, a Jefferies on the bench, a Dalziel in the army, and a Judas Sharp in the church, amongst others inrolled in the annals of time, (and we may fear in eternity too) are terrible monuments of this.--It is true, all this black group attained not the same altitude of wickedness; but they all acted from the same principle, and bended toward the same point, and that was to propagate Satan's kingdom, and persecute the saints of the Most High, as far as their power, station and office would allow; (although some of them were more humane than others) yet they must all be brought to the same standard, seeing divine sovereignty has ordered it so. _6thly_, It is here hoped, that none of the offspring of those will be offended at what is related of their ancestors, unless they approve of their deeds; seeing no man can help the evil qualities of his forefathers. A good Jehoshaphat begat a wicked Jehoram and a wicked Ahaz, and Amnon begat a good Josiah. And though the Lord has declared that he will visit the iniquities of the fathers upon the children, yet he has also said, The son shall not die for the iniquity of his father; if he turn from it, he shall live.--It is granted, that virtuous and religious lives are necessary to be set before us for our example, and why should not the contrary vices be eschewed by viewing a portrait of the reverse qualities? for he who has said that the memory of the just shall be blessed, has also said, that the memory of the wicked shall rot; that is, they shall either sink into oblivion, or else in consuming away shall become nauseous unto posterity, as says the prophet, _Their everlasting confusion shall never be forgotten_. _Lastly_, For the matter and method of the following examples, though there be severals of them touched at in the lives of the Scots worthies as connected with the subject, yet I have brought them unto this composition, that the reader may view them all at once; and for the method I have arranged them in, each example is as near the order of time when they died as could be guessed, and as concise as possible, being restricted to such narrow limits. As for the authority of the authors from whom they are collected, (except a few relations as well vouched as at present could be obtained) they are much the same with those of the lives of the worthies, historical faith being all that can be claimed in human and imperfect composures. And for a conclusion, let us see all scenes closing, let us, through the foregoing mirror and following prospect, view the Lord's admirable goodness to his own dear children even when walking through the furnace of affliction, with his just and severe indignation and resentment even in this life upon his and their enemies.--Let us behold the one wafted over the dark river in the arms of a Redeemer (though sometimes on a bloody bottom) unto the flowery banks of Emmanuel's land;--while the other is with an awful gloom of horror hurled head-long into the pit of destruction. Let us by faith apprehend those thousands of thousands at Christ's right hand, singing, _Allelujah, true and righteous are his judgments; he hath judged the great whore, and avenged the blood of his servants_,--with a numberless throng on his left hand of these miscreants sentenced unto that place of torment and woe, where they shall have an eternity to bewail their infidelity, impiety, avarice, ambition, cruelty, and stupidity in.--And, in fine, if the following hints shall serve for no other purpose, they will stand for an incontestable evidence of the very first principle of religion, that there is a God to reward the righteous and punish the wicked:--_So that men shall say, Verily, there is a reward for the righteous; verily there is a God that judgeth in the earth._ _The Judgment and Justice of GOD Exemplified, &c._ JOHN CAMERON, sometime bishop of Glasgow was a most wicked wretch: he not only committed many acts of avarice and cruelty upon the poor people of his diocese, but also encouraged those in place and power to do the like: So that he became the author of almost all the mischief in that part of the country.--But in this he did not long escape the just judgment of God; for in the night before (what they call) Christmas day, 1446, as he lay in his own house in Lockwood about seven miles from Glasgow, he seemed to hear an audible voice summoning him to appear before Christ's tribunal to give an account of his doings.--He got up affrighted, and called for his servant to bring a light and sit by him; he himself took a book and began to read; but the voice was heard a second time louder, which struck all his servants with horror. His servant being gone, the voice called a third time more terrible than before; at which the bishop was heard give a groan, and so was found dead in his bed with his tongue hanging out of his mouth; and so came to an end deserving of such a life.--_Buchanan and Spotiswood's Histories_. SIR GEORGE STEEL, a parasite and mighty flatterer of James V.; but one of the greatest enemies to God and his people (that then began to profess the true religion) that was in all the court, being such a bigotted papist, that, one day in a large audience, he renounced his portion of Christ's kingdom, if the prayer of the Virgin Mary did not bring him hither.--But one day, while in presence of the king, he dropped down dead from his horse and never spoke a word.--_Knox's history_. JAMES HAMILTON, a natural brother to the earl of Arran was by the popish clergy's influence advanced in the reign of said James V. and was so cruel and terrible against all such as were supposed to favour the protestant religion, that even some of his own relations were brought under his power--being by the intercession of these poplings by the king made judge or lord justice for that purpose. But while he was employing himself to crush the gospel in the very bud, his cousin James Hamilton sheriff of Linlithgow, whom he had caused to be banished before on that account, returned home and accused him of treason, and in spite of all the popish clergy could do in his behalf, he was arraigned, condemned, beheaded and quartered at Edinburgh, and his quarters placed upon the public places of the city.--_Buchanan and Fulfilling of the Scriptures_. THOMAS SCOT, a privy counsellor and justice clerk to the said James V. was a notable enemy and persecutor of these professing the reformed religion. But falling sick at Edinburgh, he fell into despair: he was most vexed for what he had done against Christ's witnesses, and still cried out, _Justo Dei judicio condemnatus sum_, I am condemned by God's just judgment, and damned without remedy. And (if he be the same who is called by some, Blair) when the monks began to comfort him, he charged them to be gone with their factions and trumperies, saying, till now, I never believed there was God or devil, heaven or hell. I acted only as a politician to get preferment and money, and for that purpose I joined the bishops side, and prevailed with the king to cast out their adversaries. All your masses can do me no good: the devil has me already in his gripes to carry me to hell and torment me eternally. In this situation he died the same night, he appeared to the king when lying at Linlithgow with a company of devils, and uttered these words to him, O woe to the day that ever I knew thee or thy service; for the serving of thee against God, against his servants and against justice, I am adjudged to endless torment.--_Knox's history_, _Appendix to Sp{illegible}'s relation_. ALEX. CAMPBELL, a dominican friar, a man of wit and learning, who though he agreed almost in every point with Patrick Hamilton, yet being more desirous to save than hazard his life for the truth, was prevailed upon by his friends not only to prefer a public accusation against the said Patrick, but even when bound at the stake in the fire, over the belly of the light of his own conscience, continually cried out, Convert, heretic; call on our lady: say, _salve regina_, &c. to whom the martyr said, depart from me, and trouble me not, thou messenger of Satan. But while this friar still roared out these words with great vehemency, He said again to him, "O thou vilest of men, thou art convinced that these tenets which thou now condemnest, are certainly true, and didst confess to me that they are so. I cite thee against a certain time before the tribunal seat of Christ Jesus, &c." In a few days after, Campbel turned quite mad, and died in Glasgow as one in despair.--_Buch. Knox's hist. and others_. JAMES V. son to James IV. who began to reign 1514, notwithstanding a quick genius and inclination at first to sobriety and justice, yet soon became corrupted with licenciousness and avarice the bane of that age; and, being wholly under the direction of the pope and his poplings in Scotland he turned a most violent persecutor of the professors of the true religion, (which then began to dawn) in so much that Patrick Hamilton, of the royal stock, behoved to suffer the flames; many others were oppressed and banished the nation as hereticks. Nay, such was his furious zeal, that he was heard say, that none of that sort need expect favour at his hand, were it his own sons if guilty: and it appears he would have been as good as his word, (from a paper or list of their names given in by the clergy found in his pocket at his death) had not divine providence interposed: for being pushed on to an unjust war with the English by the advice of Oliver Sinclair and others, his army was shamefully defeated at Solway moss, where this Oliver his general fled and was taken: upon which, James fell into a delirium, still crying out, O fled Oliver: is Oliver taken? After visiting some of his mistresses, he went to Falkland, (after he had had some frightful dreams at Linlithgow) and hearing the queen was delivered of a daughter, he broke forth unto this desperate expression, "The devil go with it, it came with a woman, and will go with a woman, &c." But still his continued cry was, Is Oliver taken, &c. till cardinal Beaton came, whose intrigues with the queen were before known, and by whose direction it was supposed the king received a dose, of which he soon expired in that situation, 1542.--_Buch. Knox_, &c. DAVID PANTHER, bishop of Galloway, was a violent enemy to the gospel. For advancing the queen regent's interest he got an abbey in France. He would by no means admit of a disputation with any of the reformed; but recommended fire and sword for the only defence of the catholic religion. "Our victory (said he) stands neither in God nor his word, but in our own wills, otherwise we will no more be found the men we are called, than the devil will be approved to be God, &c." Amongst other extravagances, he became a notable Epicurean, eating and drinking becoming the only pastime of his life, and in that excess, he at last fell down and expired.--_Knox_, &c. ---- DURY, a fowl of the same nest, was, for his filthy course of life, called Abbot Stottikin. But being a furious papist, he obtained the see of Galloway, and became such a persecutor of the reformation, that he roundly vowed, that, in despite of God, as long as they prelates lived, that word called GOSPEL should never be preached in this realm. But his boasting lasted not long; for being suddenly seized by death, the articles of his belief or dying words were, "Decarte, you, ha, ha. The four kings and all made, the devil go with: it is but a varlet from France; we thought to have got a ruby, but we got nothing but a cohoobie." And so this filthy enemy of God ended his life.--_Knox_, &c. DAVID BEATON was made arch-bishop of St. Andrews, and by the pope, cardinal of Scotland. But, being a man of a strange nature and cruel disposition, he set himself to crush the professors of the reformed religion with fire and faggot. Captain Bothwick was by his influence accused, but fled to England: four men by his direction were burnt on the Castle-hill of Edinburgh 1538; as were Russel and Kennedy the year after. Thus he continued at this game, at the same time wallowing like a hog in a stie in all manner of filthiness, till the year 1646, that he got that man of God George Wishart brought to the flames.--While he was at the stake before the cardinal's castle at St. Andrews, that the cardinal might gratify his eyes with this desirable sight, the cushions were laid for him and his company to lean upon, while looking forth at the windows.--After the fire was kindled, the martyr said amongst other things, "This fire torments my body, but no ways abates my spirit, but he who now looks down so proudly from yonder lofty palace, (pointing to the cardinal) and feeds his eyes with my torment, shall ere long be hung out at that window as ignominiously, as he now there leans with pride." Accordingly some gentlemen vowed to avenge Mr. Wishart's death. The wicked monster getting previous notice, said, Tush, a fig for the fools, a button for the bragging of heretics. Is the Lord governor mine? witness his oldest son with me as a pledge. Have not I the queen at my devotion? Is not France my friend? What danger should I fear?--But in a few days, Norman Lesly, John Lesly, and the laird of Grange entered the castle in the morning, just as one of his harlots Mrs Ogilvie was gone out of bed from him. The noise soon alarmed the cardinal, who was but a little before fallen asleep. He got up and hid a coffer of gold in a corner. Afterward with some difficulty they got in. John Lesly drew his sword, and in sober terms told him their errand, but could bring him to no signs of repentance or preparation for death.--Whereupon they stabbed him; upon which he cried out, I am a priest: fy, all is gone; and so he expired. The provost and his friends came in a fray, and demanded what was become of him, and would not depart; which made them hang his carcase over the window, according to Mr Wishart's words; and then they departed;--after which he lay a considerable time unburied[269]. A FRENCH OFFICER and gentleman volunteer in the queen regent's army, whom she employed to cut off the professors of the reformed religion, after several outrages by him committed in Fife upon them, entered into a poor woman's house, with a small family of children at Whiteside, to plunder it. She offered him such provision as she had; but this would not satisfy him; for notwithstanding all her tears and intreaties, the cruel wretch must have what little meal and beef she had to sustain her and her young infants. She perceiving this, upon his stooping down into a large barrel or pipe to take what was there, first turned up his heels, and then with what help her family could afford, kept him in, till amongst the meal he ended his wicked life.--_Knox._ MARY of Lorrain, sister to the duke of Guise, and second wife to James V. after her husband's death, aspired to the regency; and being sprung from a family who always had shewn themselves inveterate and implacable enemies to the kingdom of Christ, she set herself with might and main, to exterminate the gospel and its professors out of Scotland.--She told them, in plain words, that, in despite of them and their ministers both, they should be banished out of it, albeit they preached as true as ever St. Paul did: and, for that purpose, procured to her faction in Scotland some thousands of French soldiers, which obliged them to lift arms in their own defence. One time, these cruel savages having obtained a small advantage in a skirmish at Kinghorn, and committed many outrages of plunder in Fife, she broke out into the following expression: "Where is now John Knox's God? My God is stronger than his, even in Fife." At another time when the reformed had pulled down some monuments of idolatry at St. Johnston, this catholic heroine vowed, "She should destroy both man, woman and child in it, and burn it with fire: and that, if she had a fair pretext for the deed, she would not leave an individual of the heretical tribe, either his fortune or life." Again 1560, when her Frenchmen had obtained another victory at Leith, and having stripped the slain, and laid their bodies upon the walls before the sun, at the beholding of which from the castle of Edinburgh, it is said she leaped for joy and said, "Yonder is the fairest tapestry I ever saw! I would the whole field were covered with the same stuff." But God soon put a stop to this wicked contumely; for in a few days (some say the same day) her belly and legs began to swell of that loathsome and ugly disease whereof she died in the month of June following. Before her death, she seemed to shew some remorse for her past conduct; but no signs of true repentance, else she would not have received the Popish sacrament of extreme unction. The papists having now lost their head, and the church not suffering her to be buried with the superstitious rites of popery, she was coffined, and kept four months, and then went to France: and so she, who a little made the followers of Christ when killed lie unburied, could not obtain a burial in the kingdom of Scotland[270]. DAVID RIZIO or Riccio, born at Turin in Savoy, came over, and was introduced unto queen Mary's musicians (being of that craft) and complying with her humour in every thing, he was advanced to be one of her secretaries. But being one of the pope's minions and a deadly enemy to the cause of Christ in Scotland, he laid continual schemes to ruin the noble reformers. He laid a plot to murder the good earl of Murray with his own hand, but it miscarried. He had a principal hand in the queen's match with Darnly; but soon became his rival, and the queen's paramour. He exceeded the king in apparel and furniture, and intended to have cut off the Scots nobility, and brought in a set of foreign ministers. He counterfeited the king's seal, and nothing could be done without him at court. He was apprized of his hazard, but nothing could affright him. Whereupon the king, with James Douglas, Patrick Lindsay, &c. knowing that he was gone in privily to the queen one night, (as his custom was) came in upon them, while he was sitting by the queen at supper. She sought to defend him by the interposition of her body; but bringing him to an outer chamber, at first they intended to have hanged him publicly, which would have been a most grateful spectacle to the people; but being in haste, James Douglas gave him a stroke with his dagger, which was by the company succeeded, to the number of fifty-three strokes, and so he soon expired, March 9, 1566[271]. HENRY STUART, son to the earl of Lenox, returned to Scotland 1565, and was married to the queen; and being a bigotted papist, the reforming lords opposed his marriage, but were obliged to flee to England. While matters went well betwixt him and the queen, he was wholly at her devotion, and at her instigation, cast the Psalms of David into the fire. But after Rizio's death, the earl of Bothwel becoming the queen's beloved paramour, she fell in disgust with the king; and he being misled up in popery, and seeing himself thus forsaken of the queen, and despised by her faction of the nobility, wrote to the king of France, that the country was all out of order, because the mass and popery were not again fully erected in Scotland. But the queen, to be rid of him, caused to be given him a dose of poison. But being in the prime of youth, he surmounted the disorder. Being a man wholly given to sensual pleasure, he was easily deceived: the queen decoyed him to Edinburgh, where she and Bothwel laid a plan for his life wherein Bothwel was to be the aggressor. In prosecution of which, he with some others entered the king's lodging in the night, and while he was asleep strangled him and one of his servants, and drew him out at a little gate they had made through the wall of the city, and left his naked body lying, and so, like another Johoiakim, who burnt the roll, was _cast without the gates of Jerusalem_. JOHN HAMILTON was, by his brother the regent, after the cardinal's death made arch-bishop of St. Andrew's. He exactly trod in the footsteps of his predecessors; and that not only in uncleanness, taking men's wives from them for his concubines, (as the popish clergy must not be married) but was also a violent oppressor and persecutor of Christ's gospel in his mystical members. Adam Wallace and Walter Mill were by his direction committed to the flames. Again, when Mr. Knox went with the lords to preach at St. Andrew's, he raised 100 spear-men to oppose him. He had a hand in most of the bloody projects, in the queen regent's management. In her daughter Mary's reign, she followed the same course. He had a hand in Henry Stuart's death, and was afterward one of the conspirators of the the death of the good regent the earl of Murray; but the reformed getting the ascendent, he was obliged to flee to the castle of Dumbarton, and was there taken, when it was taken by the regent earl of Marr, and for his former misdemeanours, was hanged up by the neck like a dog at Stirling, about the year 1572. WILLIAM MAITLAND, commonly called in history, young Lethington, though a man of no small parts or erudition, yet became sadly corrupted by the court. He was made secretary to queen Mary, and with her became a prime agent against the reformation. He oftentimes disputed with Mr. Knox, and at last gave in a charge of treason against him on account of religion. And one time, he was so chagrined at the preachers of the gospel, namely Mr. Craig, that he gave himself to the devil, if after that day he should care what became of Christ's ministers, let them blow as hard as they would. He had a prime hand in the queen's marriage with Darnly, and against the lords who professed the reformed religion. After the queen fled to England, he was the principal manager of all the popish plots and tragical disasters that for some time happened in England and Scotland. But the queen's affairs growing desperate, he fled to Edinburgh castle, which was then held for the queen by the laird of Grange. Mr. Knox sent a message to them of their danger, and what would befal them. But Lethington made a mock of Mr. Knox and his advice; but the castle being taken 1573, he was imprisoned in the steeple of Leith, where six escaped further ignominy by public punishment. It was said he poisoned himself, and lay so long unburied that the vermin upon his body were creeping out at the doors of the house, in under the ground of the steeple.--_Calderwood's history._ JAMES HEPBURN Earl of Bothwel was a wicked vicious man from his very infancy. At first he inclined as seemed to the protestant side, but becoming the queen's principal minion, he apostatized to popery, because it was her religion. He vigorously opposed the work of reformation, attempted to murder the good Earl of Murray, but was prevented. After the slaughter of Rizio, he succeeded in his place, and became a partaker of the king's bed. After which he murdered him, and married the queen (although he had three wives living at that time). He designed to have murdered James VI. then a child, but was prevented by the lords who rose in defence of religion and their liberties. The queen was by them made to abandon him, which made him flee to Shetland, where he became a pirate: but being obliged to escape from thence to Denmark, where after near ten years confinement, he became distracted and died mad. JAMES DOUGLAS Earl of Morton was a man of no small natural endowments, but a man of a covetous and lecherous disposition. While chancellor, he got the Fulcan bishopricks erected[272], that the bishops might have the title and honour; but the nobility got the profit or church revenues. After he became regent, though things came to a more settled state, yet for his own political ends, he oppressed the people, but especially the clergy by promises to assign them stipends in parishes. He extorted from them the rights to the thirds of the benefice, and oftimes caused one minister to serve four or five parishes, while himself took all the stipends but one, (so that by the end of the century some ministers had but 11 l. and some but the half and miserably paid). He was the first that introduced prelacy into Scotland. Says a historian, "He threatened some of the ministers, misliked general assemblies, could not endure the free and open rebuke of sin in the pulpit, maintained the bishops and pressed his own injunctions and conformity with England; and had without question stayed the work of God, had not God stirred up a faction of the nobility against him." For first, the king took upon him the regency: then he was accused of the late king's murder. He had amassed great sums of money together; but it was partly embezzled by his friends, and partly conveyed away in barrels and hid; So that when brought to Edinburgh, he had to borrow twenty shillings for the poor. Thus having lost both his friends and his money, which might have procured him friends, he was condemned and executed at Edinburgh, June 2d, 1581. And so, for advancing the king's authority and supremacy over the church and introducing bishops into it, he was by him and them but poorly rewarded.--_Calderwood and Fulfilling of the Scriptures._ JAMES STUART, son to the lord Ochiltree, was from a single centinel advanced to a captain in king James's minority; but, becoming still greater at court, he assumed unto himself the title of earl of Arran. He became the king's only favourite, and was by him advanced unto the helm of affairs; and then he set himself to ruin the church of God: for first, he got the king's supremacy in all causes civil and ecclesiastick, asserted by parliament; and then he got a set of wicked and profane bishops, like himself, again reinstated in the church. In a word, this ambitious, covetous, bloody, seditious Cataline, and scorner of religion and enemy to the commonwealth was the author of all the broils and disorders in church and state from 1680 to 1685; and would have done more (being now made chancellor and captain of the castle of Edinburgh) had not the Lord, by his own immediate hand of providence, interposed in behalf of his church; for, first, being disgraced at court, while on the pinnacle of dignity, he was tumbled down unto his first original: then taking a tour through Kyle, came near Douglas, and was at last set upon by James Douglas (afterward lord Fotherald) in the valley of Catslaks, in revenge for his accusation of his friend the earl of Morton, and thrown from his horse, and killed with a spear, and his body left lying exposed to be devoured of dogs upon the king's high way.--_Calderwood, Spotiswood, and Melvil's memoirs._ MARY STUART daughter to James V. first married the dauphin of France, and after his death returned home, and took on her the regal government of Scotland. Tho' some historians represent her for a woman of a quick judgment and good natural abilities, yet it is evident she was of a revengeful temper and lecherous disposition; and being misled up in popery from her infancy, her opposition to the protestant reformed religion seems all of a piece. It would fill a volume to recite the wickedness, mischiefs and tragical disasters, that, through her instigation, by her command or example, were committed during her reign. For, not to mention her intrigues with Rizio and Chattelet the French dancer, whom she caused at last to be hanged; the court rung with all manner of wickedness, impiety and profanity. About 1566, she entered into a league with Charles IX. of France to extirpate the reformed religion. She and her favourites robbed the church of their patrimony to maintain the luxury of the court: So that they could all have scarce 2000l. yearly. Nor upon all their petitions, though in a starving condition, could they get any redress from her. She married Darnly, then fell in adultery with Bothwel, then they concerted his murder: and after she married the Regicide, lifted arms against the professors of the true religion, by whom she was obliged to flee to England. In a word, every dreary year of her unfortunate reign was blackened with some remarkable disaster, and by such acts of impudence and injustice, as corrupt nature and popish cruelty could suggest. After her elopement to England, the popish faction, of which she was the head, kept the nations in continual intestine broils, till a scheme was by them laid to marry the duke of Norfolk a papist, get rid of her son James and Queen Elizabeth, and grasp both kingdoms into the hands; but this proving abortive, she next endeavoured to have herself declared Second in England, whereupon Queen Elizabeth signed a warrant somewhat precipitantly for her execution; and so she was beheaded in Fotheringay castle, Feb. 18. 1586, or according to some 1587. She died with some fortitude, but would have nothing to do with the protestant clergy at the place of execution, saying, she would die in the catholick religion wherein she was bred and born, willing only to have her confessor: at last she lifted the crucifix and kissed it. And so she ended her days, as she lived, and with her ended bare-faced popery for a time in Scotland.--_Knox_, _Melvil_, _Spotiswood_, &c. MR. PATRICK ADAMSON, first minister of Paisley, was a preacher of much repute in the church; but ambition and private interest had more sway with him than the interest of Christ. And having wrought himself into the king's favour by undermining the government and discipline of the church, he was declared bishop by Morton about 1578. But got the bishoprick of St. Andrews 1584, after which he not only spoke and wrote in favours of prelacy, but became a persecutor of his faithful brethren. In the height of his grandeur, he used to boast that three things could not fail him, his learning, the king's favour, and his riches: for the first, in the just judgment of God, he could not speak a word of sense before or after his meat. For the second, he lost the king's favour and had his bishoprick taken from him, and was heard say, he was sure the king cared more for his dogs than for him. And for his riches, he was so reduced that he had to get charity from those ministers whom before he harrassed. Before, for his pride, contumacy and other enormities he was excommunicated by the church, but being now in extreme poverty and sickness, he made a recantation and confession, supplicating the church he might be absolved from the censure; which at last was by them granted. Whether this repentance proceeded from constraint to get a little outward sustenance, as was suspected, I cannot say; but in this situation he died, in great want and extreme misery, about the year 1591--_Fulfilling of the Scriptures_, &c. MR. JAMES NICHOLSON, a creature of the same make; one eminent for parts and learning in these times, and at first a great opposer of prelacy. But being still gaping for riches, honour and preferment, shifted from one benefice to another, till he got the bishopric of Dunkeld: yea, so forward was he to establish prelacy, that he behoved to be one of those who assisted the king at Hampton court against eight of his brethren who were more faithful than himself in 1606. But his honour continued not long, for being stricken with sickness of body and seized with melancholy of mind and horror of conscience, he could have no rest. Physicians being brought, he told them his trouble was of another kind, for which they could give him no cure; for, said he, "The digesting of a bishoprick hath racked my conscience. I have against much light and over the belly of it, opposed the truth and yielded up the liberties of Christ to please an earthly king, &c." And so in great horror of conscience he made his exit, August 1609.--_Calderwood_, &c. GEORGE HUME, Earl of Dumbar, one of king James's creatures, and the only instrument (I may say) used by him at that time to overturn the Presbyterian form of church-government and discipline, and introduce prelacy into Scotland: for which purpose he was by him sent as commissioner to both the general assemblies 1608 and 1610. He brought some English doctors to persuade, a strong guard to intimidate the faithful, and money to bribe those of a contrary disposition; which he distributed to these mercenary creatures for their votes. He so far succeeded, as to get a new set of bishops erected, and then returned to England, where, with the wages of iniquity, he built a sumptuous palace at Berwick. When he intended to keep St. George's day, and solemnize his daughter's marriage with Lord Walden, the Lord pulled him down from the height of all his honours by a sudden and surprizing death. _That day his thoughts perish_, and with the builder of Jericho, for all his acquisitions in Scotland and England, in a short time there was not a foot breadth of land left of it to his posterity.--_Calderwood_, _Fulfilling of the Scriptures_, &c. MR. GEORGE GLADSTONE, at first, was such a zealous Presbyterian, that he vowed he should never be bishop of St. Andrews, because they were hated and came all to untimely ends. But his motives not being good, he returned from court 1605, with a presentation to the very same bishoprick. Again, when called up to court next year, to assist the king against the faithful Scottish ministers, he was adjured by his brethren of the ministry in the presbytery of St. Andrews, that as he should be answerable to God, he should do nothing to the prejudice of the church of God; he took God to witness, it should be so. But they soon found the contrary to their sad experience; for he not only became a cruel enemy to his brethren who continued faithful, but also a lazy time-serving hireling, oftimes loitering upon his bed in the very time of sermon.--Instance, being one time on his bed in time of the afternoon sermon, both he and the congregation were alarmed with the cry of _Murder_, his sister's son in the house having killed his cook with a dagger, as he was making ready his supper.--At this rate he continued till 1615, that he was seized with a fearful and strange disease, (which historians forbear to name) and what was worse, with obstinate and senseless stupidity, approving of his former courses, and in that situation he died, May 2, 1615.--_Calderwood and others._ MR. ALEX^R. FORBES, a bird of the same feather, was first made bishop of Caithness, then of Aberdeen. He was not only an enemy to the faithful servants of Christ, but even of such a poor, low disposition, and such a table friend and flattering spunger, that he was nicknamed Collie; because so impudent and shameless that he would follow the lords of session, advocates, &c. when they went to dinner, and cringe about, and sometimes follow them uncalled, and sit down in their houses at table.--At last he was seized with sickness at Leith, and fell under sore remorse of conscience for his past life: he sent for bishop Spotiswood, and would gladly have communicated his mind to him; but it seems he would not leave his playing at cards (albeit it was on the Sabbath day), and so he in this condition died.--_Calderwood._ MR. ANDREW FORRESTER, sometime minister at Dunfermline, when sent to the General Assembly 1610, was by his brethren adjured, that, as he should answer to Jesus Christ, he should consent to no alteration in the government of the church: yet, having received 50 merks from Dumbar, (a small equivalent to the cause of Christ) he voted for prelacy. After which, he was convicted of taking silver out of the poor's box with false keys, and then fell into a fearful distemper, insomuch that, from some words of the chancellor apprehending he should be hanged, he run out of the pulpit one day when going to preach, in a fit of distraction, confessing he had sold Christ at that assembly. He was also seized with sickness. Mr. Row made him a visit, and found him in a lamentable condition. He asked, if he was persuaded that God had called him to the ministry. He answered, "Nay, I ever sought the world, and so is seen on me." He next asked, what he got at the assembly for selling the liberties of the church? He answered, 50 merks, at which his horror recurred, apprehending that he was instantly to be executed. Mr. Row desired him to pray; he said he could not. Mr. Row prayed, in time of which the buttons burst off his breast, and the blood gushed terribly both from mouth and nose. After prayer, he asked, if he was prepared for death? He answered, no, woes me. Next day he made him another visit, and found him senseless and stupid, and so left him. After which he died in great infamy, poverty and misery. Nor was Mr. Paton, another of the same stamp, much better.--This and more was declared anent them by Mr. Row before the assembly at Glasgow, 1638.--_Stevenson_. MR. WILLIAM COOPER, sometime minister at Perth, witnessed no small zeal against prelacy, both doctrinally and from the press, and yet through covetousness and court preferment, he was made bishop of Galloway: after which none was more forward for the corruption of the times.--He left his diocese, says the historian, and took up his residence in the Cannongate of Edinburgh, and committed his ministerial affairs to others, by whom was extorted the enormous sum of 100,000l. In his visits once in two years he behaved most impiously, thrust in ignorant persons to cures, and admitted his servant unto the ministry at his bed-side, desired the presbytery of Kirkudbright to dispense with one who kept a woman with him in fornication, and above all, was a fervent presser of the king's injunctions for keeping Christmass, &c. and sent up his advice 1619, for punishing those who did not comply. Some time before his death, he took a hypochondriack distemper, apprehending his head was all glass, which much affrighted him.--Some brought his former discourses to him to reconcile, which disquieted him more. Being at his pastime at Leith, he apprehended he saw armed men coming upon him; the company shewing him the contrary, he fell a-trembling, went home and took bed; and being in great anguish and trouble of spirit, he would often point with his finger to the earth, and cry, "A fallen star, a fallen star." And so he ended his life in great horror and anguish of mind.[273] On his court-advancement Mr. Simson of Stirling made the following line, _Aureus, heu! fragilem confregit malleus urnam._ MR. PATRICK GALLOWAY was another of this fraternity; for when minister of Perth, he was not only a strenuous opposer of prelacy in the church; but also for his faithful and free rebukes to Arran and Lenox, who carried on the court affairs then, he was persecuted and obliged to abscond some time, about 1584. But afterwards being carried down with the current of the times, he was transported to Edinburgh, where he became a mighty stickler for prelacy, especially, the five articles of Perth; insomuch that by the year 1620, he pressed kneeling at the sacrament with much impudence and indecency; and though he would not preach on Sabbath, yet he behoved to preach on Christmass.--At his Christmass sacrament 1621, he commanded the communicants to kneel, and he himself bowed with the one knee and sat with the other. Thus he continued to the dotage of old age, and at last died upon the stool, easing himself; and (as worthy Mr. Welch had before foretold) without the least sense or signs of true repentance. ---- HAMILTON, Marquis of Hamilton, for his many good services to king James against the Presbyterian interest, was by him appointed commissioner to the parliament 1621, on design to have the five articles of Perth (_viz._ 1. Kneeling at the communion; 2. Private communion; 3. Private baptism; 4. Observation of holy days; 5. Confirmation of children) ratified: all the faithful ministers being by him discharged, the city and the parliament guarded, that no protestations might be got offered. Through threats and flattery he got that dismal affair effected; but not without a notable mark of divine displeasure: for, in that moment he arose to touch the act with the sceptre, a terrible flash of fire came in at the window, followed with three fearful claps of thunder, upon which the heavens became dark, and hailstones and a terrible tempest ensued; which astonished every beholder, and made the day afterward be called the black Saturday; because it began in the morning with fire from earth, and ended in the evening with fire from heaven.--And on the Monday, when the act was read at the cross of Edinburgh, the fire and thunder again recurred.--However, the Marquis having got the king's design partly accomplished returned to court, and not long after, for such services, it is said, he was poisoned by the king's principal minion the Duke of Buckingham.--_Calderwood_, &c. JAMES STUART, son to Mary Stuart queen of Scotland, was in his youth educated by the famous Buchanan, and brought up in the true reformed Protestant Presbyterian religion, then established in Scotland, which was by him more than once ratified when he was in his swaddling cloaths, as one well observes, Christ reigned in Scotland in his minority. The church had its various turns according to the dispositions of the regents, the king's favourite flatterers and court-parasites; but whenever he began to think of obtaining the crown of England, he began to introduce Episcopacy into the church of Scotland to gain the English nation. And though he was a habitual gross swearer, and such a master of dissimulation, that what he exalted at one time he set himself to destroy at another, he carried still a face of religion in profession while in Scotland. The church had many struggles, sometimes Israel, and sometimes Amalek prevailed; but as soon as he ascended the throne of England, he wholly assumed an arbitrary power and absolute supremacy over the church, which before he had long grasped at. And though he had sworn to maintain the Presbyterian form of church-government and discipline, &c. his desire of unlimited authority made him now relish Episcopacy to the highest degree: the bishops were his creatures. By bribery, falsehood and persecution he introduced prelacy into Scotland, created such bishops whom he knew would stick at nothing to serve his purpose. Such as opposed his measures in both kingdoms, especially Scotland, shared deep in his persecuting vengeance, some were imprisoned, others deprived of their offices, while numbers fled to foreign countries where they might serve God with a safe conscience. Toward the end of his reign he waxed still worse:--a high commission court was by him erected 1610: a set of wicked profane bishops installed about 1618, by the help of whom and other corrupt clergy, he got the five articles of Perth agreed to by a patched assembly that year--in 1621. He got them ratified by act of parliament, and then they began to be pressed with rigour. In England matters were but little better: a declaration was emitted for using sports and gaming on the Lord's day after sermon, which profanations continue there to this day. He had before wrote against the pope, threatening a malediction upon any of his posterity that should apostatize to popery; but now he hastened toward Rome; for, upon the match of his son with France, he agreed to the following articles, That all laws formerly made against popery should not be executed: 2. That no new laws should be made against Roman Catholics, but they should have a free toleration in England, Scotland and Ireland.--At the same time, to the arch-bishop of Embrun he acknowledged the pope's authority, and it is said, concluded on a convocation for that purpose at Dover or Boloign, in order to effect a more full toleration for papists. By his management in favours of popery, his son-in-law the Protestant king of Bohemia lost a kingdom.--In Scotland, several were incarcerate and fined for non-conformity. He had commanded Christmass communion to be kept at Edinburgh; but, by the Lord's immediate hand in the plague, he was in that defeated. The next year being 1624, he resolved to have it kept with great solemnity; but before that he was cut off on March 27, by what they call a Quartan ague, in the 59 year of his age[274], but (rather of poison as has been supposed) with such suspicious circumstances, says a historian, as gave occasion of inquiry into the manner of his death, in the first two parliaments of his son; all which came to nothing by their sudden dissolution--_Welwood's memoirs_, _Calderwood_, _Burnet_, _Bennet's memorial of Britain's deliverances_, &c. PATRICK SCOTT, a gentleman in Fife, being a violent enemy to the cause of Christ and religion, after he had wasted his patrimony, had to take himself to several wretched shifts at court; and amongst others set forth a recantation under the name of Mr. David Calderwood then under banishment; in which, it was thought, he was assisted by the king. But this project failing, he set off for Holland in quest of Mr. David, with a design, as appeared, to have dispatched him. But providentially he was detained at Amsterdam till he heard that Mr. Calderwood was returned home. This made him follow. After which he published a pamphlet full of lies, intituled, Vox vera, but as true as Lucian's Historia. But after all his unlawful ungodly shifts, he became so poor (and at last died so miserable) that he had nothing to bury him: so that the bishop had to contribute as much as got him laid below ground for the good service he had done the king and bishops.--_Calderwood._ MR. WILLIAM FORBES (perhaps a son of the forementioned Forbes) was first made doctor in Aberdeen 1621 and 1622. When the people of Edinburgh had made choice of faithful Mr. Andrew Cant for their minister, the provost sent and brought this Forbes, as one whom he and the episcopal faction knew would please the king, and in this they succeeded to their desire; for he was not only a violent presser of Perth articles, but he also preached up Arminianism, and essayed to reconcile the papists and the church of Scotland together anent justification. And when complained of by some of the bailies and citizens of Edinburgh, all the redress they got was to be brought before the council and by the king's order handled severely by fining and banishment. When Charles I. came to Edinburgh 1633, he erected a new bishoprick there, to which he nominated this Forbes for bishop as one staunch to his interest. No sooner got he this power than he began to shew his teeth by pressing conformity both by word and writing, and for that purpose sent instructions to all the presbyteries within his jurisdiction. The people of Edinburgh were also threatened by the bishop's thunder; for on the first communion finding them not so obsequious as he would have had them, he threatened that, if life was continued, he should either make the best of them communicate kneeling or quit his gown; and who doubts of his intention to do as he had promised? But he soon found he had reckoned without his host; for before he could accomplish that, God was pleased to cut him off on the 12th of April following by a fearful vomiting of blood, after he had enjoyed this new dignity about two months. Burnet says, he died suspected of popery.--_Burnet's history, and Stevenson's history, vol. 1._ MR. JOHN SPOTISWOOD was first minister at Calder; but by his undermining practice he got himself wrought into the bishoprick of Glasgow, and a lord of the session, 1609. From thence he jumped into the arch-bishoprick of St. Andrews 1615, and aspired still higher till he was made chancellor of Scotland. He was a tool every way fit for the court measures, as he could be either papist or prelate, provided he got profit and preferment. When in France with the Duke of Lenox, he went to mass, and in Scotland he had a principal hand in all the encroachments upon the church and cause of Christ from 1596 to 1637. And for practice a blacker character scarcely ever filled the ministerial office. An adulterer, a simoniack, a drunkard tippling in taverns till midnight, a profaner of the Lord's day by playing at cards and jaunting through the country, a falsifier of the acts of assembly, a reproacher of the national covenant;--for which crimes he was excommunicated by that venerable assembly at Glasgow 1638; after which, having lost all his places of profit and grandeur, he fled to England (the asylum then of the scandalous Scots bishops) where he died about the year 1639, in extreme poverty and misery; according to Mr. Welch's words, He should be as a stone cast out of a sling by the hand of God, and a malediction should be on all his posterity;--which all came to pass; his eldest son a baron came to beg his bread; his second son, president of the session, was executed in Montrose's affair; his daughter who married lord Roslin, was soon rooted out of all estate and honours. _Their fruit shalt thou destroy from earth, and their seed from amongst the children of men_[275].--_Calderwood_, _Stevenson_, &c. JOHN LOGIE student in the university of Aberdeen, was such a malignant enemy to the work of reformation and the national covenant, that when commissioners were sent from Edinburgh there in the year 1638, in order to reconcile them to the covenant, while Mr. Henderson was preaching in the earl Marshal's closs for that purpose, he threw clods at them with great scorn and mockery. But in a few days, he killed one Nicol Ferrie a boy, because the boy's father had beat him for stealing his pease; and tho' he escaped justice for a time, yet he was again apprehended and executed in the year 1644. Such was the consequence of disturbing the worship of God and mocking the ambassadors of Jesus Christ.--_Stevenson_, &c. CHARLES I. succeeded his father James VI. and exactly trod in the same steps, and with no better success. He grasped at the prerogative; and to establish absolute power, prelacy, superstition and Arminianism seemed his principal aim.--In England he infringed the liberties of parliament, and by his marriage the nations became pestered with papists: in Scotland he pressed Perth articles, the service book, and then, by Laud's direction, the book of canons which he and the rest of the bishops had compiled for them about 1637, contrary to his coronation-oath taken at Edinburgh 1633. But in these he was repulsed by the Scots covenanters 1639 and 1640.--Again, when he was confirming all oaths, promises, subscriptions and laws for establishing the reformation in the Scots parliament 1641, in the mean time, he was encouraging his Irish cut-throats to murder betwixt two or three hundred thousand innocent Protestants in Ireland, the letters that he had sent for that purpose being produced afterward. After his return to England, matters became still worse betwixt him and the English parliament; so that both parties took the field, in which by his means a sea of innocent blood was spilt, the Scots assisting the parliament as bound by the Solemn League, that he might overturn the covenanted interest in that land. Notwithstanding all his solemn engagements, oaths and confirmations of acts of parliament, by his direction, Montrose was sent down from court to raise an insurrection in the Highlands; by whom the bloody Irish were invited over, whereby in a few years many thousands of the covenanters his best subjects were killed.--But all his bloody schemes for overturning that covenanted interest that he had so solemnly bound himself to defend and maintain, proving abortive, he fell at last into the hands of Cromwel and the Independent faction, who never surceased, till they brought him to the block, Jan. 30. 1649. At his death, notwithstanding his religious pretences, (being always a devotee of the church of England) he was so far from repentance, that he seemed to justify the most part of his former conduct[276]--_Civil wars of Gr. Br._, _Bailie's let._, _Bennet, Welwood and Guthrie's memoirs_, &c. JAMES, Duke of Hamilton, though none of the most violent prosecutors of the malignant interest against the reformation, yet was always one who conformed to his master Charles 1st's measures, and was by him sent down commissioner to the assembly 1630, which he commanded to dissolve (though they did not obey) and left it. He published the king's declaration against the covenants and covenanters. And though none of the most rigid, yet he may be justly accounted the head of the malignant faction in Scotland, from 1638 to 1648, since he, contrary to the solemn league and covenant, raised a large army in Scotland and went to England in behalf of the king. But he was shamefully defeated by Cromwel, and taken prisoner to London. After some time's confinement he was executed.--_Bailie's Letters_, _Civil Wars_, &c. JAMES GRAHAM, Earl, afterwards Marquis, of Montrose, in the year 1638, took the covenanters side, was a prime presser of the covenants, was one of the commissioners sent to Aberdeen 1638 for that purpose, and in 1639, was sent north to suppress the malignant faction of the Huntleys. The same year he was ordered north again to quell Aboyn and the Gordons, which he routed at the bridge of Dee. He commanded two regiments of the covenanters under general Lesly for England 1640, and led the van of the army for England. But shifting sides 1643, he offered to raise forces for the king, came from court, and set up the king's standard at Dumfries. From thence he went to the north and joined M'Donald with a number of bloody Irishes, where they plundered and wasted the country of Argyle, marched southward and gained six battles over the covenanters, _viz._ at Trippermoor, Aberdeen, Inverlochy, Alfoord, Aldearn and Kilsyth, where many, some say, thirty thousand of the Covenanters were killed. But at last was defeated at Philiphaugh by Lesly 1645. For this conduct he was excommunicated by the general assembly. He went abroad and there remained till the year 1650, that when the treaty was on the very anvil with Charles II. he received another commission from him to raise a new insurrection in the north, but was defeated by colonels Strahan, Ker, and Halkel, and afterwards taken in the laird of Ason's ground, and brought to Endluish, where he was condemned to be hanged on a gallows thirty feet high two hours, and then quartered, and his legs and arms hung up in the public places of the kingdom, May 21st, 1650. Mr. Blair and some other ministers were sent to him to use means to persuade him to repentance for his former apostate and bloody life, but by no means could they persuade this truculent tyrant and traitor to his country to repent. He excused himself, and died under the censure of the church, obstinate and utterly impenitent.--_Montrose, Guthrie, and Blair._ WILLIAM MONRO, a kind of gentleman in the parish of Killern, was a hater of God and every thing religious; for while Mr. Hog was minister there sometime before the restoration, a gentleman in the parish having one of his family dead, intended to bury in the church; but, this being contrary to an act of the general assembly, Mr. Hog refused it. But Monro, being a brisk hectoring fellow, promised to make their way good in spite of all opposition. Accordingly, when they came to the church door, Mr. Hog opposed them: whereupon Monro laid hands on him to pull him from the door; but Mr. Hog, being able both of body and mind, wrested the keys from the assailant, telling him, that if he was to repel force by force, perhaps he would find himself no gainer: withal, telling the people, that that man had grieved the Spirit of God, and that they should either see his speedy repentance, or then a singular judgment upon him. He went on in his wicked courses a few months, till in one of his drunken revels, he attacked a mean man, and threw him in the fire. The poor man in this extremity drew out the wretch's own sword, and thrust it through his belly; on which his bowels came out, and so he expired in a miserable condition.--_Memoirs of the life of Mr. Hog._ JOHN, Earl of Middleton, at first lifted arms with the covenanters, and had a share of the victory of the Gordons at the bridge of Dee. Yea, he was so zealous in that profession, that one time having sworn the covenants, he said to some gentlemen present, that it was the pleasantest day he ever saw, and if he should ever do any thing against that blessed day's work, he wished that arm (holding up his right arm) might be his death. But finding presbyterian discipline too strict for a wicked vitious life, he shifted sides and became major general to duke Hamilton 1648, and came upon a handful of covenanters at a communion at Machlin muir; and, contrary his promise, killed a number of them. He became a great favourite of Charles II. and laid a scheme to take him from the convention of estates to the north to free him of any further covenant engagements, for which he was excommunicated by the church; and though the sentence was taken off upon his feigned repentance, yet it was never by him forgot, till he got the blood of the pronouncer, Mr. Guthrie. After the restoration, he was advanced to great honour, and sent down commissioner to the parliament 1661, where he got the covenanted work of reformation wholly overturned by the infamous act rescissory,--oath of allegiance,--act establishing episcopacy and bishops in Scotland,--the act against the covenants, &c. But this would not do; he must have a glut of the blood of Argyle and Mr. Guthrie: and more, he behoved to come west, and grace that drunken meeting at Glasgow by whom several hundred of the faithful ministers were thrust out. From thence he arrived at Air, where he and some more drunken prelates drank the devil's health at the Cross in the middle of the night. It were endless almost to sum up the cruelties by his orders exercised upon those who would not conform to prelacy for the space of two years; in so much that he imposed no less than the enormous sum of one million seventeen thousand and three hundred and fifty pounds in the parliament 1662 of fines. So that in the south and western parts of Scotland, men either lost their consciences or their substance. But being complained of at court, that he had amerced large sums into his own hands, he hastened up, but was but coldly received by the king, (who had now got his turn done by him) Lauderdale being now his rival: He lost his office and honour, and lived sober enough, till as an honourable kind of banishment, he was sent off as governor to Tanguirs on the coasts of Africa; but he lived but a short and contemptuous life there, till the justice and judgment of God overtook him; for, falling down a stair, he broke the bone of his right arm; at the next tumble the broken splinter pierced his side; after which he soon became stupid, and died in great torment. This was the end of one of those who had brought the church of Scotland on her knees by prelacy.--_Wodrow._ ROBERT MILNE, bailie (or according to some provost) sometime of Linlithgow, swore the covenants with uplifted hands; but soon after the restoration, to shew his loyalty, did in a most contemptuous manner burn the said covenants, the causes of wrath, lex rex, western remonstrance, with several other acts of church and state at the Cross, and to grace the solemnity, French and Spanish wine was distributed most liberally, wherein the King's and Queen's healths were drunken. But this vile Pageantry, similar to Balthazzers quaffing in the holy vessels, did not pass long without a note of observation, for though Milne had scraped together much riches, yet, in a short time, he became an insolvent bankrupt, and was forced to flee to the Abbey; after which he became distracted, and died in great misery at Holyrood-house.--_Wodrow._ ---- MAXWELL of Blackston rose with Caldwall, Kersland and some others of the Renfrew gentlemen, who intended to join Col. Wallace, and that handful who rose 1666; but being by Dalziel prevented from joining them, was obliged to disperse; and, though Blackston was a _socius criminis_, (had it been a crime,) yet to save his estate and neck, he went first to the arch-bishop, then to the council, and accused and informed against the rest: and, though he thus purchased his liberty, he had nothing afterwards to boast of; for these gentlemen mostly got honourably off the stage; whereas after that he never had a day to do well, (as himself was obliged to confess) every thing in providence went cross to him, till reduced, and then he took a resolution to go to Carolina: but in this he was disappointed also; for he died at sea in no comfortable manner; and was turned into the fluid ocean as a victim for fishes to feed upon.--_Wodrow._ DAVID M'BRYAR, an heritor in Irongray parish, was chosen a commissioner of the burgh for Middleton's parliament, in which he intended to have charged his minister Mr. Welch with treason. After which he became a cruel persecutor; nor was he less remarkable in that country for a wicked and villainous practice, than for his furious rage against the godly; but in a short time he became insolvent, and for fear of caption was obliged to skulk privately among his tenants. In the mean time, one Gordon, a north country man of the same stamp, coming forth to agent a curate's cause in that country, and travelling through Irongray parish found Mr. M'Bryar, in the fields very dejected and melancholy like, and concluding him to be one of the sufferers, commanded him to go with him to Dumfries. But M'Bryar, fearing nothing but his debt, refused: whereupon Gordon drew his sword, and told him he must go. He still refused, till in the struggle Gordon run him through the body, and so he expired. Gordon made it no secret, that he had killed a whig (as he called him) but when they saw the body, they soon knew who it was, and immediately Gordon was taken to Dumfries himself, and hanged for killing one as honest as himself. Here remark a notable judgment of God: M'Bryar was killed under the notion of one of those he persecuted, and then one persecutor was the instrument to cut off another.--_Wodrow_, _Fulfilling of the Scriptures_. SIR WM. BANNANTINE, another of this wicked persecuting gang, having got a party under command, took up garrison in the castle or house of Earlston after Pentland, where he committed such cruelties upon the poor people in these bounds who would not comply with prelacy as are shocking to nature to relate: In the parishes of Dalry, Carsphern and Balmagie, he fined and plundered numbers. He tortured a poor woman, because he alledged, she was accessory to her husband's escape, with fire matches betwixt her fingers, till she almost went distracted and shortly after died. He also tortured James Mitchel of Sandywell the same way, though nothing but 16 years of age, because he would not tell things he knew nothing of. Sometimes he would cause make great fires, and lay down men to roast before them, if they would not or could not give him money, or information concerning those who were at Pentland. But his cruel reign was not long-lived; for the managers not being come to that altitude of cruelty as afterward, an enquiry was made into his conduct, and he laid under two hundred pounds of fine; and, because Lauderdale would not remit this, it is said, he attempted to assassinate him. However, he was obliged to leave the king's dominions, and go over to the wars in the low countries, where, at the siege of Graves, as he was walking somewhat carelesly, being advised to take care of himself, he said, canons kill none but fey folk. At that very nick of time, a canon ball came, and severed his heart from his body to a considerable distance according to a wicked imprecation often used by him in his ordinary discourse, that if such a thing were not so, he wished his heart might be driven out of his body.--_Wodrow._ MR. JAMES HAMILTON, brother to lord Belhaven, but of the clerical order. Before the 1638 assembly, he had received episcopal ordination; but upon the turn of affairs then, he became a zealous covenanter; and being settled minister at Cambusnethen, such was his zeal, that he not only bound his people to these covenants, but excommunicated all from the tables, who were not true to them, using Nehemiah's form, shaking the lap of his gown, saying, _So let God shake out every man_, &c. But how he himself kept them, the sequel will declare. For his cunning, time serving temper made him too volatile for a presbyterian; for no sooner did prelacy again get the ascendant after the restoration, then he got himself into the leet of bishops, and must needs up to London to be consecrated. The bishoprick of Galloway came to his share; and then he began to shew his teeth against the covenanters, and procured letters from the council against several of the field preachers: and having got Sir Thomas Turner south for that purpose, he oftimes hunted him out beyond his intention unto many outrageous oppressions, though Turner was one like himself every way qualified for such exercises. Thus he continued for about 12 years, till at last he was called before the supreme tribunal to answer for his perfidy, apostacy, treachery and cruelty by a death suitable and similar unto such a life. The circumstances of which for want of certain information I am not able to relate at present[277]. MR. ANDREW HONYMAN, son to a baker who dedicated more than one cake to the muses; for all his four sons were scholars. Mr. Andrew, the eldest, was first minister at Ferry-parton, then transported to St. Andrew's, and being zealously affected to presbyterian church-government, and one of good parts, he was employed by the presbytery to draw up a testimony for the same about 1661. Nay, such was his zeal, that he said, if ever he spoke or acted otherwise, he was content to be reckoned a man of a prostitute conscience; and that, if he accepted a bishoprick, he wished he might worry on it. But on an interview with Sharp at Balmany Whins, he first got the arch-deanry of St. Andrew's, and then the bishoprick of Orkney; and having alway run greedily after the error of Balaam, from a zealous covenanter he became a fiery bigot for prelacy, and was the first after the restoration that wrote in defence of that constitution (against Naphtali) for that, that hand upon the wrist received the pistol shot intended for Sharp 1668. But this did not deter him from his former wicked practices, till about the year 1677, he met with harsher treatment (says the historian) from a more dreadful quarter, when he died at his house in Orkney.--_Sharp's life, Wodw._ MR. THOMAS BELL, born in Westruther in Berwickshire, was, by Mr. John Vetch's generosity, put to school, and being minister there, he procured also a bursary for him; but after his laureation, falling into drunkenness, he went over to the English side, where shifting sides, he obtained a parsonage and became curate of Longhorsly; and was a violent persecutor of the presbyterians, especially these who had fled from Scotland, and particularly Mr. William Vetch (brother to his former benefactor) then at Stanton-hall; and being one time drinking with some papists who were stimulating him one against Mr. Vetch and his meeting, he vowed he should either ruin him or he him: in which he was as good as his word; for having brought him to many hardships he at last got him apprehended and sent off to Edinburgh, 1679. He did not long continue this trade; for, meeting with a gentleman, he boasted, that this night Mr. Vetch would be at Edinburgh, and to-morrow hanged. But in three days he himself, being abroad and drinking at a certain place till ten o'clock at night, must needs set home. The curate of the place urged him to stay the night being stormy and the water big, but he would not: so setting off and losing his way, and coming to the river Pont, where, as was supposed, he alighted to find the way by reason of the snow; and stepping over the brink of the river to the arm-pit, where the old ice bare him up, and the new ice by reason of some days thaw, froze him in; so that, after two days, he was found standing in this posture with the upper part of his body dry. Some went to help him out, but few could be got to give his corpse a convoy: So that they were obliged to lay him across a horse's back with a rope about his neck and through below the beasts belly fastened to his heels; and so he was carried off by a death suitable enough to such a wicked malevolent life.--_Vetch's life at large_. MR. JAMES SHARP was son to William Sharp and grand son to the piper of ---- so much famed for his skill in playing a spring called Coffee. However, the wind of the bag procured James a handsome education, after which he obtained a regent's post in the university of St. Andrew's. To relate every thing in the black and dismal story of his life would fill a volume. I shall only point at the principal lineaments thereof. While regent, he furiously beat one of his colleagues honest Mr. Sinclair on the Lord's day at the college table. He took up his lodging in a public inn, and there got the hostler one Isabel Lindsay with child. When she came to be delivered, he prevailed with her, upon promise of marriage, to consent to murder the infant, which he himself effected with his handkerchief, and then buried it below the hearth stone. When the woman, after he was bishop, stood up once and again before the people, and confronted him with this, he ordered her tongue to be pulled out with pincers, and when not obeyed, caused her to be put in the branks and afterwards banished with her husband over the water. For this and the striking of Mr. Sinclair he pretended a great deal of repentance and exercise of conscience, and being one eloquent of tongue, he soon deceived the ministry, and was by them advanced to be minister at Crail and then to make sure, he took the covenants a second time. In Cromwel's time, he took the tender, and became a thorough paced Cromwelian. When the time of his advancement approached at the restoration, being one of a zealous profession, his brethren sent him (as one whom they could confide in) over to Charles II. at Breda, that they might have the Presbyterian form of church-government continued. In the mean time, he in their name supplicated him to have episcopacy restored, because he saw it would please the malignant faction. After the king's arrival, he was again employed in the same errand, and, while at London undermining that noble constitution, he made his brethren believe all the while by letters, how much he had done for their cause, till he got it wholly overturned; and then, like another Judas, he returned, and for his reward obtained the arch bishoprick of St. Andrew's, and according to some 50,000 merks a year, and counsellor and primate of Scotland. No sooner was the wicked Haman advanced, than he began to persecute and harrass all who would not comply with his measures. He perjured himself in Mr Mitchel's case, had an active hand in all the bloodshed on scaffolds and fields from 1660 till his death, and kept up the king's orders of indemnity till the last ten of the Pentland men were executed. Nor was he any better in his domestick character, for sometimes he would, when at table, whisper in his wife's ears, the devil take her, when things were not ordered to his contentment. In a word, the ambition of Diotrephes, the covetousness of Demas, the treachery of Judas, the apostacy of Julian, and the cruelty of Nero, did all concenter in him. But to come to his death, having hunted out one Carmichael to harrass the shire of Fife, a few Fife gentlemen went out in quest of the said Carmichael, upon the 3d of May 1679--But missing him, they providentially met the bishop his master, which they took as a kind of providential call to dispatch him there. And having stopt his coach, commanded him to come out and prepare for death. But this he refused. This made them pour in a number of shot upon him, after which, being about to depart, one behind heard his daughter who was in coach, say, There is life yet. This made them all return. The commander (Burly) finding him yet safe, and understanding shooting was not to do his turn, commanded him to come out, and told him the reason of their conduct, namely, his opposition to the kingdom of Christ, murdering of his people, particularly Mr. James Mitchel, and James Learmond. The bishop still lingered, and cried for mercy, and offered them money. He said, _Thy money perish with thee_. He again commanded him to come out and prepare for death and eternity. At last he came out; but by no means could they prevail with him to pray. Upon which they all drew their swords, and then his courage failed him. The commander struck him, which was redoubled by the rest, until he was killed. And so he received the just demerit of his sorceries, villanies, murders, perfidy, perjury and apostacy. _Then Phinehas rose and executed justice_.--_Vid. his life, Wodrow_. JOHN, Earl (afterwards Duke) of Rothes, was son to that famous reformer the Earl of Rothes. He at first set out that way. But, after the Restoration, being one of a profane wicked life, he exactly answered the taste of king and court. So he was made president of the council, and on Middleton's fall, commissioner, with many other places of power and trust heaped upon him, all which titles, &c. died with him. After Pentland, with others, he made a tour through the west, and caused twelve more of the Pentland men to be executed at Irvine and Air.--He perjured himself in Mr. Mitchel's case, and was the contriver of that barbarous unheard-of cruelty exercised on worthy Hackston of Rathillet. Nay, such was his zeal in serving his master Charles (or rather Diabolus) that he professed his willingness to set up popery in Scotland at the king's command, for which, with his other flagitious wickedness, such as uncleanness, adulteries, ordinary cursing, swearing, drunkenness, &c. he was one of those excommunicated by Mr. Cargil at Torwood, Sep. 1680. Thus he continued to wallow in all manner of filthiness, till July next year, that death did arrest him, Mr. Cargil being then in custody, he threatened him with a violent death; to whom Mr. Cargil answered, that die what death he would, he should not see it: which came to pass; for that morning (Mr. Cargil was to be executed in the afternoon) Rothes was seized with sickness and a dreadful horror of conscience; some of his wife's ministers were sent for, who dealt somewhat freely with him: to whom he said, "We all thought little of that man's sentence, (meaning Mr. Cargil) but I find that sentence binding on me now, and will bind me to eternity." And so roaring out, till he made the bed shake under him, he died in that condition,--_Wodrow, Walker's life of Mr. Cargil_, &c. HUGH PINANEVE, factor to the lady Loudon while the earl was a refugee in Holland, was a most wicked wretch both in principle and practice, and an inveterate enemy to the sufferers, in so much, that being at a market at Mauchlin some time after Mr. Cameron's death, when drinking in a room with one Robert Brown, before they took horse, he brake out in railery against Mr. Cameron and the sufferers: Mr. Peden, overhearing him in the next room, came to the chamber door and said, Sir, hold your peace, ere twelve o'clock, you shall know what for a man Mr. Cameron was: God shall punish that blasphemous mouth and tongue of yours in a most remarkable manner for a warning to all such railing Rabshakehs. Brown, knowing Mr. Peden, hastened the factor home and went to his own house, and Hugh to the earl's house. But when casting off his boots, he was suddenly seized with great pains through his whole body. Brown, using to let blood, was immediately sent for.--But when he came, he found him lying, and his mouth gaping wide, and his tongue hanging out: he let a little blood, but to no effect; he died before midnight in this fearful condition.--_Peden's life_, &c. JOHN NISBET, factor to the arch-bishop of Glasgow, was a drunkard, a hater of all religion and piety, and such a professed malignant wretch, that when Mr. Cargil was brought in prisoner to Glasgow, July 1681, looking over a stair to him in way of ridicule, cried three times over, Will you give us one word more, (alluding to a word Mr. Cargil sometimes used in his pathetic way of preaching). To whom Mr. Cargil with much regret and concern, said,--"Mock not, lest your bands be made strong. Poor man, the day is coming ere you die, that you shall desire to have one word and shall not have it." Shortly, he was suddenly struck by God, and his tongue three days successively swelled in his mouth, so that he could not speak one word. Two Glasgow men made him a visit, and desired him to commit to writing the reason of this, and if he desired to speak; to whom he wrote, "That it was the just judgment of God, and the saying of the minister verified on him for his mocking of him; and if he had the whole world, he would give it for the use of his tongue again." But that he never got, but died in great torment and seeming horror.--_Wodrow, Walker_, &c. J---- ELLIES, was one employed by the bloody managers about Bothwel affair, and being a lawyer, he behoved to shew his parts in pleading against the servants of Jesus Christ, namely, in the trial of Messrs. Kid and King: and though he got their lives pleaded away, and his conscience kept quiet for a little, yet shortly death did arrest him; and then his conscience awakened; and under the horror of that, he died in a very pitiful and shocking manner.--_History of the sufferings_, &c. JOHN, Earl (afterwards Duke) of Lauderdale, at first set up for a prime covenanter, and swore them more than once; and, if I mistake not, was the same called lord Maitland ruling elder from Scotland to the Westminster assembly, and had a principal hand in the whole management during the second reformation period; but, falling in with Charles II. he soon debauched him. After the restoration, he became a furious malignant, and being one whose nature and qualifications did exactly correspond with the king's, he complied in every thing that pleased him, for which he heaped upon him titles, places of power, profit and preferment, all which died with himself. He was made secretary of state, president of the council, and commissioner to the parliament 1669, where he got that hell-hatched act of supremacy passed, which has plagued this church and nation ever since; at the instigation of Dr. Burnet, he set the indulgence on foot 1670; got the act against conventicles made, which occasioned so many hardships and bloodsheds in this land; nay, such was his fury, that when they would not comply, he uncovered his arm to the elbow in council, and swore by Jehovah he would make the best of them submit. In a word, he was the prime instrument of all the cruelties exercised for a number of years, while he obtained the king's ear. Nor was this all; for he became notorious for a wicked profligate life and conversation; a thing common with apostates:--a Sabbath-breaker, gaming on the Lord's day, a profane swearer and blasphemer, a jester on scripture and things religious, one time saying to prelate Sharp, _Sit thou on my right hand, until I make thine enemies thy footstool_. He perjured himself in Mr. Mitchel's case, promising in council he should be indemnified to life and limb, and then swearing before the judiciary, that there was no such promise or act made. For these, with his other sins of adultery, counselling the king, and assisting him in all his tyrannies in overturning the work of reformation, and murdering those who adhered to these covenants that he himself had engaged in, he was also one of those excommunicated at Torwood, 1680. Towards the end of his life, he became such a remarkable Epicurean, that it is incredible the flesh, or juice of flesh, it is said, he devoured in one day, eating and drinking being now his only exercise and delight. His scheme of management had rendered him odious to the English patriots. Now his effeminate life made him unfit for business: so, about 1681, he was obliged to resign his offices; after which, by old age and vast bulk of body, his spirits became quite sunk, till his heart was not the bigness of a walnut: and so at last upon the chamber box, (like another Arius) he evacuated soul, vital life, and excrements all at once; and so went to his own place.--_Burnet and Wodrow's histories, and Walker's remarks_. J---- WYLIE, though of no great note, yet for a wicked life and practice was a tool fit enough for the dreary drudgery of persecution: in which he got a party of soldiers to assist him as often as he would. In this devilish employment, amongst other instances, he got a party of Blackaras' troop, 1683, and came upon John Archer, while his children were sick, and himself ill of the gravel; yet he must needs have the mother of the children too, though she could not leave them in that condition. While he insisted, one of the dragoons said, The devil ding your back in twa: have ye a coach and six for her and the children? Wylie, with cursing, answered, She shall go, if she should be trailed in a sledge; which was his common bye-word when hauling poor people to prison. However, he got Archer and five small children to Kirkaldy tolbooth. But what then? In a little after, having taken a gentleman prisoner, he went with him to a public house near Clunie in the parish of Kinglassie to see some public matters accommodated; but not agreeing, Wylie made a great splutter, and amongst other imprecations said, The devil take me, if I carry him not to Couper tolbooth this night. The gentleman's man, a young hardy fellow, told him roundly, his master should not go there. Upon which, Wylie gave him a blow: the fellow ran to a smith's shop, and getting a goad of iron, made at Wylie. A scuffle ensued, in which he broke Wylie's back in two; which obliged them to get two sledges and tie him across on them, and so carry him home; and in a short time he died in great agony. _The Lord shall break the arm of the wicked_--_Wodrow_. MR. FRANCIS GORDON, a volunteer in the Earl of Airly's troop, but chiefly so from a principle of wickedness. He had committed several outrages upon the suffering people of God, and intended more (as appeared from several of their names in his pocket to be taken at his death) had not God cut his days short; for he and another wicked companion left their troop at Lanerk, and came with two servants and four horses to Kilkcagow, searching for sufferers. Gordon rambling through the town, offering to abuse some women, at night coming to East-seat, Gordon's comrade went to bed, but he would sleep none, roaring all night for women. In the morning, he left the rest, and with his sword in his hand came to Moss-plate. Some men who had been in the fields all night, fled; upon which he pursued. In the mean time, seeing three men, who had been at a meeting in the night, flee, he pursued and overtook them: one of them asked, why he pursued them? He said, to send them to hell. Another said, That shall not be; we will defend ourselves. Gordon said, Either you or I shall go to it just now: and so, with great fury, run his sword at one of them, which missed his body, but went through his coat. The said person fired at him, but missed him; whereupon he roared out, God damn his soul; another fired a pocket pistol, which took his head; and so he fell down dead. Thus his assiduity brought him to his end, near four miles from the troop, and one from his companion.--_Walker_. THOMAS KENNOWAY, an officer of the guards and another booted apostle for the propagation of Episcopacy, was with Dalziel at Pentland and at the apprehending of Mr. M'Kail at Braid's craigs, and the apprehending of Mr. King after Bothwel. He attacked a meeting at Bathgate, shot one dead, and took fourteen prisoners, who were afterwards banished 1681. He came with a party to Livingston parish, where he rifled houses, broke open chests, abused women with child, took an old man and his son, and offered to hang them on the two ends of a tow. He spent the Lord's day in drinking, saying, he would make the prisoners pay it. He was a profane adulterer, a drinker, a fearful blasphemer, curser and swearer. He would sometimes say, Hell would be a good winter but a bad summer-quarters. One asked him, if he was never afraid of hell? He swore he was never afraid of that, but he was sometimes afraid the rebels (so he called the sufferers) should shoot him dead at a dykeside. In the midst of this career, he comes out of Edinburgh, Nov. 1683, with a roll of 150 persons, probably of his own up-giving to be apprehended. He alights at Livingston, where he meets one Stuart. When drinking, he shewed him his commission, and told him, he hoped in a few days to be as good a laird as many in that country: but regretted he was now so old, and would not get it long enjoyed. They came to Swine's-abbey, where they continued some days drinking, laying their projects. But on the 20th of November being somewhat alarmed, they run to the door of the house, thinking none would be so bold as attack them, but were instantly both shot dead on the spot.[278] And thus their wicked lives were ended, and their malevolent designs left unaccomplished.--_Wodrow_. JAMES IRVIN of Bonshaw, at first a trader in Irish horses, then a high-way man, but one who loved the wages of unrighteousness:--for having got notice of Mr. Cargil, Mr. Smith, &c. he went to the council, and got a commission and a party, and surprized them at Coventorn mill. This made him cry out, "O blessed Bonshaw! and blessed day that ever I was born! that has found such a prize!" meaning the 5000 merks set on Mr. Cargil's head. At Lanerk, when tying Mr. Cargil's feet hard below the horse's belly, Mr. Cargil said, "Why do you tie me so hard? Your wickedness is great: you will not long escape the just judgment of God; and if I be not mistaken, it will seize you near this place." Nor was this all; having apprehended George Jackson 1683, in the Lord's night, he offered to set him on a horse's bare back, and tie his head and feet together, and offered him the king's health, which he refused. On the morrow, when setting him on the horse, he caused hold a trumpet to his ear and bade sound him to hell: at which the martyr smiled. In the same year having apprehended twelve prisoners, he carried them to Hamilton, then to Lanerk, where they were augmented to thirty. They were cast at night into a dungeon without fire or candle: next morning, he tied them two by two on a horse's bare back, and their legs twisted below the horses bellies to the effusion of their blood, and so drove them to Edinburgh at the gallop, not suffering so much as one of the poor prisoners to alight to ease nature. But being now arrived at the very summit of his wicked cruelty, he returned to Lanerk, and at the very place where he had bound Mr. Cargil, one of his drunken companions and he falling at odds, while he was easing himself on a dunghill, his comrade coming out with a sword, ran him through the body till the blood and dirt, with Eglon's, came out. His last words were, "God damn my soul eternally, for I am gone." _Mischief shall hunt the violent man, till he be ruined._--_Wodrow, Walker's remarks_. CHARLES II. succeeded his father Charles I. He was from his infancy such a dissembler, that he could metamorphose himself unto any profession that was most for his carnal ends and political interest. In his exile, he confined himself to popery. When he came to treat with the Scots for a crown, he became a Protestant and a Presbyterian too. So that he took the covenants twice in one year at Spey and Scoon, and emitted a declaration at Dunfermline of his own sins and his father's wickedness. Upon his being again expelled these dominions, he turned papist again, and came under obligations to promote that interest, if ever he should be restored again. No sooner was he restored, than he restored episcopacy in England, and by the help of a set of poor time-serving wretches got the work of reformation overturned in Scotland, and then episcopacy, prelacy, and arbitrary power began to shake its bloody dart. The persecuting work began; Presbyterian ministers were driven from their charges, and killed or banished. He got himself advanced head of the church, and then commanded these covenants he had more than once sworn, to be burnt by the hand of the hangman, and then the laws against covenanters were written in blood and executed by dragoons. It were almost endless to relate all the cruelties exercised upon the poor wanderers during his reign, before, at, and after Pentland, by the Highland host.--At and after Bothwel, boots, thumbkins and cutting off of ears came in fashion. Some put to death on scaffolds; some in the fields, and some made a sacrifice to the manes of Sharp; some drowned on ship-board, some women hanged and drowned in the sea mark, some kept waking for nine nights together; some had their breasts ript up, and their hearts plucked out, and cast into the fire, others not suffered to speak to the people in their own vindication for the beating of drums, &c. Nor were things in England much better: two thousand ministers were thrust out by the Bartholomew act, and laid under a train of cruel hardships, even such as were a shame to any Protestant nation. Many of the English patriots were murdered; Essex, Russel and Sidney came to the razor and the block. And for his practice, he was now drunken in all manner of uncleanness and filthiness. For all the numbers of strumpets and harlots he had, his own sister the duchess of Orleans could not be exempted. But drawing near his end, the popish faction of York his brother grew stronger, on suspicion that he intended to curb them. To cut the matter short, he was seized with an apoplectic fit, or rather had got a dose of poison: he formerly professed to caress the church of England, now in views of death father Huddleston was brought to administer the popish sacraments of the host and extreme unction, absolution and the eucharist. The host sticking in his throat, water was brought instead of wine to wash it down. Afterward bishop Ken came and pronounced another absolution upon him; and here observe, that he who was justly excommunicated by a lawful minister of the church of Scotland for his gross perjury, contempt of God and religion, lechery, treachery, covenant breaking, bloodshed, &c. was now absolved, first by a popish priest, and then a prelate of the church of England, and all without any the least signs of repentance, else he would never in his last words have recommended the care of two of his harlots (one of whom being in bed beyond him, his queen being elsewhere) to the care of his brother. And so, having drunk his death in a popish potion, he died unlamented. For his character, in all respects in nature, feature and manners, he resembled the tyrant Tiberius; and for all the numerous brood of bastards begot on other men's wives, he died a childless poltroon, having no legitimate heir to succeed him of his own body, according to the divine malediction, _Write this man childless: for no man of his seed shall prosper, sitting on the throne of David, and ruling any more in Judah._ THOMAS DALZIEL of Binns, a man natively fierce and rude, but more so from his being brought up in the Muscovy service, where he had seen little else than tyranny and slavery: Nay, it is said, that he had there so learned the arts of divilish sophistry, that he sometimes beguiled the devil, or rather his master suffered himself to be outwitted by him[279]. However he behoved to return and have a share of the persecuting work; and after murdering a number of the Lord's witnesses at Pentland, he came west to Kilmarnock, where he committed many unheard of cruelties; instance, his putting a woman in the thieves hole there, in the Dean amongst toads and other venomous creatures, where her shrieks were heard at a distance, but none durst help her, and all because a man pursued ran through her house: and also his shooting one Findlay at a post without the least crime or shadow of law; with the many cruelties exercised upon the country after Bothwel; for these and his uncleanness and contempt of marriage from his youth, drunkenness, atheistical and irreligious conversation, he was another of these excommunicated at Torwood. After which he waited sometime on the council at Edinburgh to assist them in the persecuting work there, till the year 1685, that one William Hannah was brought before the council, and, when pleading, he was too old to banish, Dalziel told him roughly, he was not too old to hang: he would hang well enough. This was among the last of his public maneuvres: For that same day August 22d, when at his beloved exercise, drinking wine, while the cup was at his head, he fell down (being in perfect health) and expired.--_Wodrow, Hind let loose, Naphtali_, &c. GEORGE CHARTERS, sometime a kind of factor to the duke of Queensberry, in imitation of his master was such an assiduous persecutor, "That he could boast that he had made 26 journeys in a year in pursuit of the whigs." And, if the same with Bailiff Charters who was on the scaffold with John Nisbet of Hardhill, and though the martyr spoke most meekly there, yet this Charters was rude to him. But that night he had a child overlaid in the bed, and in two days fell into great horror of conscience, crying out, Oh, for the life of John Nisbet. His friends thought to have kept it secret, and diverted him; but he became worse and worse, still crying out, Oh, for the life of John Nisbet, until he fell into a most terrible distraction. So that he sat night and day wringing about his nose and roaring ever, John Nisbet, to the terror of all around him[280].--_Appendix to the Cloud of Witnesses, and Lady Earlstoun's Letter from Blackness in manuscript_. MR. ---- EVANS, a man of no great note, but abundantly qualified to make merchandize of the people of God; for being master or commander of a ship wherein 190 of Christ's prisoners were put to be banished 1685, to the West-Indies, during their voyage of three months space, he made them endure the most excruciating hardships. They were crammed in so close night and day, that they could have no air, and so tormented with hunger and thirst, that they were obliged to drink their own urine: Whereby 32 of them died. After their arrival in Jamaica, they were imprisoned and sold for slaves. But Evans fell sick, and his body rotted away piece-meal while alive, so that none could come near him for stink. This wrought horror of conscience in him; whereupon he called for some of the prisoners, and begged forgiveness, and desired them to pray for him, which they did; so he died. Howard's case who got the price was still less hopeful; for he fell down betwixt two ships, and perished in the Thames. Nor were the ship's crew who assisted them much better; for 40 of them took a pestilent fever, and turned mad and leapt over board and perished.--_Wodrow_. SIR ROBERT LAURIE of Maxwelton, was another enemy to the poor people of God. When Cornet Baillie had met with W. Smith in Glencairn parish, 1684, his Father being one of Sir Robert's tenants, went to beg favour for his son. But Sir Robert presently sentenced him to present death. Bailie refused to execute it, because illegal. But the cruel monster threatened him to do it without delay; and being shot, Maxwelton refused him burial in the church-yard: The same day being the day of his daughter's marriage, his steward declared, that a cup of wine that day being put into his master's hand, turned into congealed blood. However, in a short time, he fell from his horse, and was killed dead--_Wodrow_, _Appendix to the Cloud_, &c. ---- WHITEFORD, son to Whiteford, pretended bishop of Brichen, (who was excommunicated by the Assembly 1638) went first to England; thence to Holland, where he killed Dorislaus, and being turned papist, to be out of Cromwel's reach, he went over to the duke of Savoy's service, and was there when the terrible massacre was committed upon the poor Vandois (probably about 1655) where he committed many barbarous murders upon them with his own hands. He returned home, and it appears, he was made a captain of the guard, and had a share in the persecuting work. However, he had a small pension given him for such service. But he sickened before York's parliament sat down, 1686, and being haunted with an intolerable horror of conscience of the execrable murders he had committed, called for some ministers, and told them his abhorrence of popery: "For (said he) I went to priests of all sorts; they all justified me in what I had done, and gave me absolution. But now I am persuaded by an awakened conscience." And so he died as one in despair, roaring out against that bloody religion that had undone him.--_Burnet's history_, &c. PHILIP STANDFIELD, son to Sir James Standfield of New-milns, was a mocker of God and all things religious. While student at the university of St. Andrew's, he came to a meeting where Mr. John Welch was preaching in Kinkell Closs: in the time of the sermon, out of malice and mockery, he cast somewhat that hit the minister, who stopped and said, He knew not who it was, that had put that public affront upon a servant of Christ; but be who it would, he was persuaded that there would be more present at the death of him who did it, than were hearing him that day; and the multitude was not small. However, this profligate went home and continued his wicked courses, till the year 1688, that he murdered his own father; for which he was taken to Edinburgh, and executed. In time of his imprisonment, he told some, he was confident that God was now about to accomplish what he had been before by his servant forewarned of.--_Wodrow_. JOHN ALLISON, sometime chamberlain to the duke of Queensberry, to please his master, became a most violent persecutor of God's people. It were needless to condescend upon particular instances: the way and manner of his death plainly shews what his conduct had been, and from what principle he had acted: for being seized with a terrible distemper wherein he had the foretaste of hell both in body and soul; in body he was so inflamed, that it is said, he was put in a large pipe of water, and the water to shift successively as it warmed. But the horrors of his awakened conscience they could by no means cool, but still he cried out in despair, that he had damned his soul for the duke his master, till he died.--_M. S. and Appendix to the Cloud_, &c. GEORGE LORD JEFFERIES, an Englishman, was born in Wales about 1648. He first studied the law, then he became serjeant of the city of London; he next stepped to the recordership of the city; from thence he became chief justice of the city of Chester; and in 1683, was made lord chief justice of the king's bench. In this, as in all his other offices, he behaved most indecently; for besides his being scandalously vitious, he was almost every day drunk, besides a drunkenness of fury in his temper by which he brought the lord Russel, and the famous Alg. Sidney unto their ends. He also handled Mr. Baxter and others severely. But the most tragical story of his life fell out 1685. After Monmouth was defeated and himself and many of his little army taken, Jefferies was sent by his master king James to the West as ordinary executioner to try the prisoners; and here his behaviour was beyond any thing ever heard of, I believe, in a Christian nation. He was perpetually after drink or in rage, liker a fury than a judge: where no proof could be had, he commanded the pannels to plead guilty, if they desired mercy; and then, if they confest any thing, they were immediately hung up. In a few towns in the west of England, he pronounced sentence of death on some 500 or 600 persons, 292 of them received this sentence in an hours space; and of these 600 250 were executed; others had the benefit of his avarice; for pardons were by him sold from 10 pound to 14000 guineas. He sentenced the lady Lesly for harbouring a stranger one night. Miss Gaunt was burnt. A poor man was hanged for selling three-pence worth of hay to Monmouth's horse. Some were hanged at the stanchions of windows, others had their bowels burnt and their bodies boiled in pitch, and hung round the town. Bloody Kirk put in for part of the honour. At Taunton he hanged nine without suffering them to take leave of their wives and children. At some places they cast off so many with a health to the King, and a number more with a health to the Queen, drinking it at every turn, and perceiving the shaking of their legs in the agonies of death, they said, they were dancing, and called for music, and to every one cast over a spring was played on pipes, hautboys, drums and trumpets, with a huzza and a glass of wine. Jefferies sentenced one Tutchin for changing his name to seven years imprisonment, and whipping through all the market towns in the shire, which was once a fortnight during that time; which made Mr. Tutchin petition the king for death. Many other cruelties were then committed, but the foregoing swatch may suffice. Jefferies returned to London, where his master James, for his good services, made him lord chancellor. Being now above the reach or envy of the people, he set himself to assist his master in bringing in popery; but their mad hasty zeal spoiled the project, and so his master having to flee his dominions, Jefferies, disguised in a seaman's dress in a collier, essayed to escape after and in imitation of his master, but was taken and severely drubbed by the populace, and then brought to the lord mayor. Jefferies to be freed of the people, desired to be sent to the Tower; because they were waiting with clubs upon him. The mayor seeing this, and the chancellor in such a gloomy appearance, was so struck that he fell into fits and soon died. Jefferies, being sent to the Tower, continued with few either to pity or supply him. At last a barrel of oysters being sent him, he thanked God he had yet some friends left: but when tumbled out with or without oysters, a strong cord halter fell out, which made him change countenance on the prospect of his future distiny. A distemper with the gravel seized him, contracted through his former intemperate wicked bloody life, and the horrors of an awakened conscience; and at last, whether nature wrought out itself, or, if he himself helped the fatal stroke, (as is most likely) is uncertain; 1689.--_Vide his life, and the Western Martyrology or Bloody Assizes_, &c. JOHN GRAHAM of Claverhouse in Angus, a branch of the house of Montrose, another champion for the prince of the kingdom of darkness. To improve the cruelty of his nature, he was sometime in the French service. He returned to Scotland 1677. The vivacity of his genius soon recommended him to Charles and James, who bestowed upon him the command of a troop of horse: and then he began the spoiling and killing the people of God; wherein he was alway successful, except at Drumclog. One of his exploits was at Bewly-bog, where the writer of his memoirs says, he killed 75 and took many prisoners. After Bothwel, had Monmouth granted it, he would have killed the prisoners, burnt Glasgow, Hamilton and Strathaven, and plundered the western shires. To enumerate all the cruelties, bloodshed and oppression committed by him, while he ranged up and down the country for ten years space, were a talk here too tedious: in which time it is said, he killed near 100 persons in cold blood. In Galloway, he and his party ravished a woman before her husband's eyes, took a young boy, tied his two thumbs with a cord, and hung him to the balk or roof of the house. Another they took and twisted a small cord about his head with their pistols to the scull. In 1682, he pursued and shot one W. Graham when escaping from his mother's house. In 1683, he shot four men on the water of Dee, and carried two to Dumfries, and hanged them there. In 1685, he caused shoot one in Carrick, and in the same year most cruelly shot John Brown at his own door in Moor-kirk, and a little after shot A. Hyslop in Annandale. These and such services procured him a higher title of honour: he was created Viscount Dundee, and made privy counsellor. In York's reign, his conduct was much of a piece, running up and down the country, making people swear they would never lift arms against king James. He was alway staunch to popery, and when the convention met at Edinburgh, he went off with some horse to the north, and raised the clanships for James's interest; where he shifted from place to place till June 13, 1689, that he came to a pitched engagement with Gen. Mackay on the braes of Gillicrankie on the water of Trumble. The battle was very bloody, and by Mackey's third fire Claverhouse fell, of whom historians give little account; but it has been said for certain, that his own waiting man taking a resolution to rid this world of this truculent bloody monster; and knowing he had proof of lead[281], shot him with a silver button he had before taken off his own coat for that purpose. However he fell, and with him popery and king James's interest in Scotland. _Behold thou art taken in thy mischief, because thou art a bloody man_--_Claverhouse's memoirs_, _History of the Sufferers_, _Defoe's memoirs_, &c. ALEX. GORDON of Kilstuers in Galloway set out amongst the suffering remnant, joined the united societies who followed faithful Mr. Renwick, and was for some time most zealous for that cause; for which he was apprehended, but rescued at Enterkine-path, August 1684, when going to Edinburgh; at which some of the sufferers were not a little (if not too much) elated. But never being right principled, as Mr. Peden perceived, when he refused to sail the sea with him from Ireland before this. He first fell in with Langlands and Barclay in favour of Argyle's attempt, 1685, and from that time he became a most violent traducer and reproacher of Mr. Renwick and the faithful party both by tongue and pen to render them odious: then he fell into a kind of profligate life, (as Mr. Renwick often said, that these who fell from strictness in principle would not long retain strictness of practice) at last being at Edinburgh, he got drunk, and then must needs fight, as is usual with such miscreants; and, having in the squabble lost much blood, his head became light, so that when going up stairs, he lost his feet and falling down brained himself, and so expired.--_Faithful Contendings_, _Walkers Remarks_. SIR GEORGE M'KENZIE of Rosehaugh, was another notorious apostate; for after he had made no small profession of presbyterian principles and holiness of life, he after the restoration, not only apostatized from that profession, but fell into a most wicked and flagitious life and conversation; which were qualifications good enough then to gain him the post of an advocate. Sometime after Pentland, he pleaded the sufferers part; but afterwards shifted sides (being advanced to be king's advocate) and pleaded most strenuously against them, and even with such a degree of fury that neither prelate nor bloody manager could ever charge him with the least thing that looked like moderation. It were needless to relate what hand he had in the bloody work at that time, seeing he pleaded away almost the lives of all that were executed from 1677 to 1688. Nay, such was his rage at the cause of Christ and his people, that before they escaped his hands, he would charge them with what in his conscience he knew was false: and, if they would not answer questions to his mind, he would threaten to pull out their tongues with pincers. At the same time pleaded that murderers, sorcerers, &c. might go free. In one of his distracted fits, he took the Bible in his hand and wickedly said, it would never be well with the land till that book was destroyed. These and the like procured him a place in that black list excommunicated at Torwood. After the persecuting work was over, he went up to London, where he died with all the passages of his body running blood (like Charles IX. of France author of the Paris massacre.) Physicians being brought could give no natural cause for it, but that it was the hand of God on him for the blood he had shed in his own land.--_Vid._ _West's memoirs, and History of the sufferings of the church of Scotland_. SIR JAMES JOHNSTON of Westerraw (alias Westerhall) another of the same kidney was an egregious apostate. He was such a zealous professor, that when the test was first framed, he could boast that he was an actual covenanter, and so scorned it. But, on the first trial, he not only took it, but furiously pressed it on others; and, having gathered the parish for that purpose, 1683, he in one of his rages said, "The devil damn his soul; but before to-morrow's night they should all be damned by taking it as well as he." And for persecuting work, he exacted 11,000l. in Galloway by oppression, digged a man's body out of the grave, plundered the poor widow woman's house where he died, because he was one of the sufferers, and caused Claverhouse, somewhat contrary to his mind to shoot An. Hyslop because taken on his ground. He lived till or after the revolution, that he died in great torture of body and grievous torment and horror of conscience, insomuch that his cries were heard at a great distance from the house, as a warning to all apostates.--_Wodrow, Appendix to the Cloud_ &c. SIR JOHN WHITEFORD of Milton (Carluke parish) was a wicked man, and such a persecutor, that he was said with his servants to have murdered severals when flying from Pentland, and had a principal hand in informing against Gavin Hamilton in Mauldslie, who was taken and executed with others at Edinburgh Dec. 7, 1666, and was one of the test circuits 1683. This and other pieces of the like employment made James Nicol a martyr say, That the world would see that house a desolation, and nettles growing in its closs:--which came to pass soon after the Revolution, when he became insolvent, his estate sequestrated, and orders obtained to apprehend him: which at last was effected although he defended himself some time with stones from the battlement. The lands changed many masters, and for some years lay desolate; and it has been observed, that till of late, no man dwelt in it above the space of seven years.--_M. S._ ---- DOUGLAS, laird of Stenhouse, was another of this fraternity. He assisted Maxwelton at the murder of William Smith in Hill; and, though but a man of mean estate, for this and his excessive harrassing, spoiling and fining the people of God, and because a professed papist, he was advanced to the honour of being sometime secretary to king James VII. (whether it was he that was advanced to be earl Milford, I know not) but his wicked honours were short lived; his name soon became extinct, having neither root nor branch, male nor female, for a remembrance left of him. _Their fruit shalt thou destroy from earth, and their seed from among the children of men_. WILLIAM, Duke of Queensbury, was a prime instrument in managing the persecuting work in that period: he once said, they should not have time to prepare for heaven, hell was too good a place for them to dwell in. He was, while an earl, for his zeal in suppressing the rebels (as they called them) made a chancellor and treasurer in 1679.--Afterwards made a Duke and appointed commissioner by James VII. to the parliament 1685, where he got an act made for taking the test,--act of regularity,--act for taking the allegiance,--and that heaven-daring act declaring it treason to take the covenants,--with a great number banished during the parliament. Such was his vigilance by his factors and emissaries, that saints blood like water was shed; and his own tenants were cruelly spoiled and harrassed; and though he fell somewhat out of king James's favour in the last years of his reign, yet he still retained his persecuting spirit, even after the Revolution; for he opposed Mr. Vetch's settlement at Peebles, and for seven sessions pleaded it both before the lords and the church, till he {illegible} removed, 1694--But all this did not pass without a note of observation of divine vengeance even in this life; for, taking a fearful disease, it is said, that, like another Herod, the vermin issued in such abundance from his body, that two women were constantly employed in sweeping them into the fire. Thus he continued, till the fleshy parts of his substance were dissolved, and then he expired.[282]--_M. S. History of the sufferings_, &c. JOHN MAXWEL of Milton, (commonly called Milton Maxwel) another of the persecuting tribe, caused apprehend George M'Cartny, and was president of the Assize who condemned those ten of the Pentland sufferers that suffered at Ayr and Irvine 1666; after which he harrassed the poor persecuted people in Galloway, particularly on the water of Orr. After Neilson of Corsack's execution, he came with a party upon his house and riffled it; carrying away every thing portable, he destroyed the rest, and turned out the whole family with the nurse and sucking child to the open fields (lady Corsack being then at Edinburgh). But, with all this ill gotten gain, then and afterwards he was but ill served; for, after the Revolution, he was reduced to seek his betters, and amongst other places came to the house of Corsack, and cringed for an alms from the same lady Corsack before her window, which she generously gave him; but at the same time reminded him of his former wicked life, particularly, his persecuting the people of God. He went off, but with small amendment; and some time after ended his wretched life.--_Samson's riddle, A--d--k--n_, &c. ---- NISBET, (commonly called lieutenant Nisbet) a man of no high extraction, but born of creditable parents in the parish of Loudon; being inlisted a soldier, obtained for his good services in the persecuting work some time after Bothwel, a lieutenant's post, which he managed with such fury against the poor persecuted wanderers for the cause of Christ, as made him break over all limits or bonds of religion, reason or natural affection or relation; so that he apprehended James Nisbet, a cousin-german of his own, while attending a friend's burial who was executed at Glasgow; where the said James was also executed; and while ranging up and down the country like a merciless tyger, he apprehended another of his cousins, John Nisbet of Hardhill, and with him George Woodburn, John Fergushill and Peter Gemmel (in the parish of Fenwick); which three last he took out, and immediately without sentence shot dead; and then carried Hardhill, after he had given him seven wounds, to Edinburgh, where he was executed. He also apprehended severals in the said parish that were banished; and upon their return at the Revolution, he was amongst the first they saw at Irvine after they landed. At first they were minded to have justice executed upon him; but on a second thought referred him to the righteous judgment of God. After the Revolution, he soon came to beg his bread (as old soldiers oftimes do) and it was said, that coming to a certain poor woman's house in the east country, he got quarters, and for a bed she made him (what we call) a shake-down before a mow of peats (being all her small convenience could afford). On which he lay down, she going out on some necessary errand; a little after, when she returned, she found the wall of peats fallen upon him, which had smothered him to death; a very mean end for such a courageous soldier.--_Wodrow_, &c. JAMES GIBSON, (called sometime bailie Gibson of Glasgow) brother to the merchant, but one qualified to barter the bodies of Christ's suffering members. He got the command of his brother's ship with those sufferers that were banished to Carolina in the year 1684. The inhumanity he exercised upon them in their voyage is incredible: they were thrust below hatches, and a mutchkin of water allowed them in 24 hours: so that some of them died of thirst, although they had 14 hogsheads to cast out on their arrival.--These who were sick, were miserably treated; and two endeavouring to escape, were by him beat 8 times a-day, and condemned to perpetual slavery. Nor could they have liberty to serve God; when they began to worship, they were threatened by him in an awful manner. After their arrival, they were by him sold for slaves, and for the most part died in that country. He returned to spend their price till 1699, that he again set out captain of the Rising Sun, with that little fleet for the settlement at Darien.--But being one of the most wicked wretches that then lived, and some of the rest nothing better, the judgment of God pursuing him and them, they fell from one mishap into another, until put off by the Spaniards from thence, they went to Jamaica; from thence every one made the best of their way to their own country. Captain Gibson set off from Blue-fields July 21, 1700: but before he made Florida their masts were off by the boards, which made them with much difficulty come up to Carolina, and making Charleston bar, the very place where he landed Christ's prisoners, just as one of the ministers were gone out, and some more with him, a hurricane came down Sept. 3. and staved the ship all in pieces, where Gibson and 112 persons every soul perished in the surges of the rolling ocean. _The Lord is known by the judgments which he executeth_.--_Wodrow, History of Darien_, &c. JAMES, Duke of York, a professed papist and another excommunicated tyrant, used no small cruelties while in Scotland 1679, 1681 and 1684; but after his ascension to the crown 1685, he threw off the mask, and set himself might and main to advance popery, and exterminate the protestant in-religion in these nations, and for that purpose set all his engines at work to repeal the penal statutes against papists; but that not speeding to his wish, he had recourse to his dispensing power and to an almost boundless toleration; of which all had the benefit, except the poor suffering remnant in Scotland who were still harrassed, spoiled, hunted like partridges on the mountains and shot in the field. Nay, such was his rage, that he said it would never be well, till all the west of Scotland and south of Forth were made a hunting field; and to recite the cruelties by his orders exercised in the west of England by shooting, heading, hanging, and banishing ever seas those concerned in Monmouth's affair, beggars all description. However matters go on; he sends Castlemain to the pope; the pope's nuntio arrives in England; the king declares himself a member of the royal society of jesuits, imprisons the seven bishops in the tower, and threatens to convert England to popery or die a martyr.--But the prince of Orange arriving in England and his army forsaking him, he sets off in a yacht for France, but is taken for a popish priest by some fishermen and brought back. His affairs becoming desperate, he sets off again for France; from thence, with 1800 French, he landed next year in Ireland being joined by the bloody Irish papists. He, like his predecessors, had no small art in dissimulation. Now he told them in plain terms, he would trust or give commissions to no protestants; they stank in his nostrils; he had too long caressed the damned church of England; but he would now do his business without them. Accordingly a popish parliament was called, wherein 3000 protestants were forfeited, and to be hanged and quartered when taken, whereof many were plundered and killed, his cut-throats boasting they would starve the one half and hang the other. In short, they expected nothing but another general massacre. But being defeated on the banks of the Boyn by king William, July 1, 1691. he set off to France never to return. Here he continued till 1700, or by some 1701, that he took a strange disease, which they were pleased to call a lethargy, wherein he became quite stupid and senseless, and so died at St. Germains in that situation, after he had lived ten years a fugitive exile. _He poureth contempt upon princes, and causeth them to wander in the wilderness_, &c.--_History of popery under James_, _Martyrs in flames_, &c. SIR ARCHIBALD KENNEDY of Colzen, another violent persecutor in Carrick and parts adjacent; for having got the command of a troop of militia, he ranged the country in quest of the sufferers, (a very puny employment for a gentleman) and amongst other cruelties killed one Wm. M'Kirgue at Blairquachen mill 1685, and the same year surprized a meeting for prayer near Kirkmichael, and shot Gilbert M'Adam for essaying to escape. And, though he got over the persecuting work, he obtained no reformation of a cruel and wicked life for some time after the Revolution.--The remarkable occurrence at his burial is sufficient to indicate in what circumstance he died; for, if we shall credit one present, as soon as the gentlemen lifted his corpse, a terrible tempest of thunder arose, to the terror of all present: when going to the church-yard it ceased a little; but when near the place of interment it recurred in such a fearful manner, that the flashes of fire seemed to run along the coffin, which affrighted them all: nay, from the lightness of the bier, it is said, that some were apt to conclude the body was thereby consumed, or else taken away by the devil from among their hands, before they gained the place of interment. A note of God's fiery indignation on such a fiery persecutor. _Upon the wicked he shall rain fire and brimstone, and an horrible tempest._--_Crookshanks, A--d R--n_. DUNCAN GRANT, a cripple with a tree leg who vaunted of his wickedness, was another of this hellish crew, (for so I may by this time call them). His leg did not hinder him from running, or rather riding up and down the country oppressing and killing God's people. In Clydesdale he uplifted 1500l. of fines. And being one of lord Airly's petty officers, he got a commission 1683, to hold courts in East Kilbride parish, upon which he quartered his party and harrassed them in a cruel manner. He spoiled the house and goods of John Wilson in High-Flet, to the value of 673l. seizing crops and land and all: and, though he got the gift of some land there, he did not long possess it; for, after the Revolution, he was reduced to extreme poverty, and went through the country now begging, (instead of robbing) until the day of his death, which was a very terrible one, if we may believe what I have often heard related by several judicious old men of good credit and reputation. He at last came to a kind of gentleman's house in the east country for quarters. The gentleman, coming to the hall, and seeing him in a dejected melancholy situation, asked the reason. At last, Grant told him, That, by a former paction, the devil was to have, him soul and body that night. Whether the gentleman believed the reality of this or rather took him to be crazed, I cannot say: but it was said, he gave him such advices as occurred to him, to break off his sins by repentance, and implore God's mercy, who was able to pardon and prevent his ruin, &c.--What answers he gave we know not; but he went to bed in the gentleman's barn. It appears, he asked no company, else they were not convinced fully in the matter. However, he was not like to open the door next morning, which made them at last break it open; where they found his body dissected on the floor, and his skin and quarters in such a position, as I shall forbear to mention, lest they should shock the humane reader's mind.--_History of the sufferings_ &c. _A--d R--n_. ALEXANDER HUME, commonly called sheriff Hume, probably because employed by the sheriff or sheriffs depute in Renfrew, as a kind of inferior officer, and of that kind to persecute, pursue and oppress the sufferers, in which he proved a most industrious labourer, wherein he would run upon the least notice of any field preaching, and harrass people, particularly, in the parish of Eglesham, where he mostly resided: for instance, hearing that Mr. Cameron was preaching at a place in that parish called Mungie hill, he and one R--t D--p, another of these vassals, set off, and, while in the tent, they laid hold on it to pull it down, because he was on Eglinton's ground. Mr. Cameron told them, he was upon the ground of the great God of heaven, unto whom the earth and its fulness did belong, and charged them in his Master's name to forbear; and so they were detained by the people till all was over. Sometimes he, with the foresaid D--p, would go to the outed people's houses, and offer to throw them down or inform against them, whereby he got sums of money or other considerations. But all this, besides a large patrimony by his parents of some thousands of pounds, did not serve him long; for he came to beggary, wherein he was so mean as to go to some of these men's houses he had before offered or laid hands on to cast down, some of whom served him liberally. We ought not to be rash in drawing conclusions on the occurrences of divine providence; but people could not help observing that, having a little pretty girl, who was one moon-shine night playing with the children in the village and a mad dog came and passed through them all, and bit her; whereof she grew mad, and it is said was to bleed to death, whereby his name and offspring of a numerous family of 17 or 18 children became extinct. At last she died in misery and was buried. Upon his grave the school-boys cast their ashes, (the school being then in the church) till it became a kind of dunghill, and so remains to this day. This needed be no observation, were it not that such a nauseous and infamous monument is suitable enough unto such nauseous service and an infamous life.--_A--d R--n_. JOHN GIBB, (from the largeness of his body commonly called meikle John Gibb) ship-master and sailor in Borrowstoness, set out amongst the most zealous part of the sufferers; but being but badly founded in principle, about the year 1681, he associated three men and twenty-six women to himself, and on a pretence of religious zeal to serve God, took to the decent places towards the west of Scotland; where from their often singing the mournful psalms, they were called the sweet singers. But they had not long continued there, till they fell into fearful delusions, disowning all but themselves; for, laying more stress upon their own duties of fasting and devotion than upon the obedience, satisfaction and righteousness of Christ, they soon came to deny part of the scripture, and to reject the psalms of David in metre; which began first to be discovered at Lochgoin in Fenwick parish. But returning eastwards towards Darmead, faithful Mr. Cargil had a meeting with them, and used all means with this mad-cap and his hair-brained followers to convict or reclaim them; but to no purpose. And when some asked his mind anent them, he said, he was afraid some of them would go great lengths, but be happily reclaimed; (which came to pass). "But for Gibb, there are many devils in him (said he), wo be to him; his name will stink while the world standeth." They were all taken to Edinburgh tolbooth, and about the first of May gave in a paper to the council, shewing how many days they had fasted all at once, how they had burnt the psalms,--and renounced the confession of faith, covenants, reforming acts of assembly, the names of days, months, &c. These extravagancies pleased York then in Edinburgh well, who dismissed them: after which, Gibb, the three men and two women went west to the Frost moss betwixt Airth and Stirling, where they burnt the holy bible (one night with a great light around them) with the most fearful expressions. Gibb and some of them were again apprehended and taken to the Canongate tolbooth, where they took such fits of fasting for several days, that their voices changed like to the howlings of dogs. Gibb became so possest of a roaring devil, like another demoniack, that the sufferers could not get exercise made in the room, which made two of them by turns lie upon him that time, holding a napkin to his mouth. But George Jackson, martyr, coming there, he asked, if that was his fashion? they said, it was. He said, he would stay his roaring.--After threatening to no purpose, he caused them stop in worship, till he beat him severely: after which, when they began, he would run behind the door, and with the napkin his mouth, sit howling like a dog. About 1684, he and one D. Jamie were banished to America, where it was said, Jamie became an atheist, and Gibb came to be much admired by the poor blind Indians for his familiar converse with the devil and sacrificing to him (a thing then more common than now in these parts). In consequence of such a wretched life, he died a dismal death as far down as 1720.--_Wodrow, Walker's remarks_. SIR ROBERT GRIERSON of Lag, was another prime hero for the promoting of Satan's kingdom. I think that it was sometime after Bothwel that he was made sheriff or sheriff depute of Dumfries. But to relate all the sining, spoiling, oppression and murders committed by this worthy of Satan, or champion of his kingdom, were beyond my intention. I must leave it to his elegy, and the histories of that time, and only in a cursory way observe, that besides 1200l. of fines exacted in Galloway and Nithsdale shires, he was accessory to the murdering, under colour of their iniquitous laws, Margaret McLauchlan aged sixty-three years, and Margaret Wilton a young woman, whom they drowned at two stakes within the sea-mark, at the water of Bladnock. For his cold blood murders, he caused hang Gordon and Mr. Cubin on a growing tree near Irongray, and left them hanging there 1686. The same year, he apprehended Mr. Bell of Whiteside, D. Halliday of Mayfield, and three more, and, without giving them leave to pray, shot them dead on the spot. Whiteside, being acquainted with him, begged but one quarter of an hour to prepare for death; all he got from him was, "What the devil, have ye not got time enough to prepare since Bothwel?" and so he was shot. The same summer, Annandale having apprehended G. Short and D. Halliday, and having bound them, after quarters granted, the monster Lag came up, and, as they lay on the ground under cloud of night, caused shoot them immediately, leaving their bodies thus all blood and gore. Nay, such was their audacious impiety, that he with the rest of his bon companions, persecutors, would over their drunken bowls feign themselves devils, and those whom, they supposed in hell, and then whip one another as a jest on that place of torment. When he could serve his master this way no longer, he wallowed in all manner of atheism, drunkenness, swearing and adultery, for which he was excommunicated by the church after the revolution, and yet by the then powers was made justice of the peace sometime before 1714; a disgrace to any civilized nation, not to mention a presbyterian profession. Thus he continued in his wicked obstinate courses to an old age, although his name and estate are now extinct. But death's pangs at last arresting him, and all other refuges failing him under the views of his former wicked nefarious life, in imitation of his master Charles, he feigned himself of the popish profeshon, because a popish priest made him believe, for money, he could pardon all his sins, and even when in purgatory for them, he could bring him to heaven. And so we must conclude he died 1733, Dec. 23d, and went down to Tophet with a lie in his right hand, and so remains in spite of all the priest could mutter or mumble over him, as the author of his Elegy in his master's name well expresses it: For when I heard that he was dead, A legion of my den did lead Him to my place of residence, And there he'll stay and not go hence. This Lag will know and all the rest, Who of my lodging are possest. On earth they can no more serve me; But still I'll have their companie, &c. * * * * * _To the foregoing List I shall subjoin a few more of these Satannical Heroes of inferior note, who also persecuted the Followers of the Lamb during the suffering period._ CORNELIUS ANDERSON, who was one of those ten sentenced to die at Air and Irvine, 1666, to save his own life became executioner to the rest (when the executioner poor Sutherland a native of the highlands would not do it) for which divine vengeance did pursue him; for coming down from the gibbet, the boys stoned him out of the town, and the noise of such an infamous action running faster than his feet could carry him, made him be hated of all honest men. This and horror of his own conscience haunting him made him go over to Ireland, where he was little better: almost no man would give him work or lodging. At last, he built a little house upon some piece of common ground, near Dublin, which in a little after accidently took fire, and so he and it were both burnt to ashes.--_Crookshank's history_, _Walker's remarks_. ---- MURRAY who, lest Kersland should escape, went behind the bed with a light and catched him standing with his Bible, while waiting on his sick lady in 1669, in a few days after became distracted, and in his lucid intervals (while alive) would cry and roar out under that agony, Oh, that ever he was instrumental in that matter.--_Wodrow_, &c. ---- one of these cursed wretches, who carried Mr. King from Glasgow 1679. After he had, with his companions on horseback, drunk to the confusion of the covenants and destruction of the people of God, rode off with the rest; and meeting one of his acquaintance at the Stable-green Port who asked where he was going, he said to carry King to hell; and then galloping after the rest, whistling and singing on the Lord's-day: But before he had gone many pace, behold, the judgment of Divine Omnipotency, his horse foundered on somewhat in the path, and his loaded carabine went off and shot him, and so he tumbled from his horse dead.--_Wodrow_. DAVID CUNNING, or Cumming, being willingly hired by that bloody crew (who took Mr. King in the parish of Dalry near Kilwinning) to be their guide to Glasgow: but the horse they provided for him going stark mad, he was obliged to go on foot (after which the horse became as calm as ever.) But after Cumming's return, it was observable, that every person on meeting him started back, as if they had seen an apparition; for which they could give no other reason. However he had no success in the world, and died despicably.--_Missive in Manuscript_. WILLIAM AUCHMUTIE, another of this black gang, riding with the rest of his party to Couper 1679, and espying that young excellent gentleman, young Aiton of Inchdarnie riding at some distance, brake off from the rest full speed after him; and, though he was his relation, he shot two balls through his body, without ever asking him one question, and so left him. And though he came again and asked forgiveness of him when dying which he readily granted with some advice, yet the justice and judgment of God seemed not to be satisfied; for in two or three years after, he died under the terrible agonies of an awakened conscience for the foresaid fact, and so launched to eternity.--_Wodrow_. ANDREW DALZIEL, a cocker or fowler, but a debauchee. While Mr. Cameron was preaching in a house in a stormy day near Cumnock, cried out, "Sir, we neither know you nor your God." To whom Mr. Cameron said, "You and all who know not my God in mercy, shall know him in his judgments, which shall be sudden, and surprising upon you, &c." Accordingly in a few days being in perfect health, he vomited his very heart's blood in the vessel wherein he had taken his breakfast plentifully, and so expired in a most frightful manner.--_Walk. remarks_. JOHN SPIER a wicked wretch inlisted himself under major Balfour; and, amongst other pieces of his persecuting work, he apprehended Mr. Boyd (then a student) in Glasgow. A little after being ordered to stand centinel at the Stable-green Port, he must needs to be sure, get up upon the battlement of the Port, upon which he fell over, and broke his neck bone and so ended his wretched life.--_Wodrow_. JOHN ANDERSON, indweller in Glasgow, in the year 1684, was amongst others prevailed upon to take that hell-hatched test upon his knee. Not long after he took a running issue in his left hand and knee. And though we are not to be too peremptory in drawing conclusions of this kind, yet we may relate what this poor man's apprehensions of the causes of this disease were. The disease still increasing, he still cried out, "This is the hand I lifted up, and this is the knee I bowed to take the test." And in a few days after he died in great horror of conscience.--_Wodrow_. WILLIAM MUIRHEAD vintner there, on his taking said test, rising from his knees said to the administrator, "Now you have forced me to take the test on my knees, and I have not bowed my knee to God in my family these seven years." And though a rude wicked man, yet his conscience got up, and next Sabbath he was suddenly seized with bodily illness, and in that condition died.--_Wodrow_. WILLIAM SPALDIE in Glasgow, a third, who there took and subscribed the test, in a little after fell under great remorse of conscience for taking that self contradictory test. At length he sickened. Some people having come to visit him, endeavoured to comfort him; but he utterly refused every thing of this nature; and when desired to consider the extensive greatness of the mercy of God in Christ, he said, "Speak not of mercy to me. I have appealed to God and attested him to judge me, and he will do it. I have sealed and signed my condemnation with mine own hand, &c." And so he died in great distress.--_Wodrow_. JOHN FRAM in Loudon parish, was once a most zealous professor and in fellowship with John Richmond the martyr, yet to save his life, foully apostatized not only from the cause of Christ, but also was one of these who witnessed him to death. After which he became a bankrupt, and fled to Ireland; where it was said that he (who would not hang for religion) was there hanged for stealing of horses. JOHN PATERSON, another of the same society, who witnessed him also to death, went from one thing to another, till he took the clap or French-pox, and died at Edinburgh miserable. JOHN LOUDON and John Connel of the same society, and who acted the same part, were reduced to beggary afterwards.--_Cloud_ &c. PATRICK INGLES, son to Captain Ingles, with a party in May 1685, surprized ten or twelve men at a night meeting for prayer at Little Blackwood, (Kilmarnock parish) took ten prisoners, and shot James White, cut off his head with an ax, and carried it to New-milns, where one of them played with it for a foot-ball. Ingles procured a warrant to shoot the rest, had they not in the mean time been relieved by the country. Whether it was Patrick himself or one of the dragoons I cannot say, but it is said, he who used the martyrs head thus, being got up unto the top of the garrison house there, a little after when easing him over the battlement, fell backward over the wall, and broke his neck, which ended a wicked life by a miserable ignominious death.--_Crookshanks, Appendix, A--d, R--n_. WILLIAM SMITH in Moor-mailing, (Shots parish) with his brother when returning home from Pentland, William stepped aside to a neighbour's house when near home upon a certain errand; but not coming out soon, his brother went to see for him. But when going past the window, he had a glance of two men and a woman standing round his brother, and a spit run through his throat: this made him flee for his life. William was not to be found, and as things then went, his brother durst make no inquiry after him. Near thirty years after, sometime after the revolution, he was found in a clift of a moss, standing as if he had been put down wanting the head. His brother came upon the first notice, and not minding the situation, grasped him in his arms: upon which he crumbled all down to dust. Which remains they gathered up and buried, upon which a stone was erected with a motto, which is to be seen to this day.--But let us hear what became of these murderers. One of the men, it is said, died in great horror of conscience, and would have discovered the fact, had not his brother and sister accomplices thrust a napkin into his mouth, and so he expired. Some time after, the other brother being abroad, was got lying dead upon the way in drink as was supposed. Last of all, the woman hanged herself, and was buried in two or three laird's grounds clandestinely, but still raised by orders of the proprietors; till being wearied, the buriers threw her carcase into an old coal-pit, and so the tragical story ended.--_A--d R--n_. The Earl of Argyle, and others, made an attempt 1685, and though their quarrel was not altogether stated according to the antient plea of the Scottish covenanters; yet they came to rescue the nations from popery, slavery and bloody persecution; but being broke, and several of his officers and men taken, the gallant col. R----d Rumbol of Rye-house fled westward, and would it is thought have extricated himself of the enemy, had not a number of cruel country men risen, and (after a gallant resistance) taken him, west from Lismahagow, in the head of Dalsyrf or Glassford parish. Nay, it is said, they were so cruel that, while defending himself against three in number, having turned his horse with his back to a stone gavel, one of them came with a corn fork and put it behind his ear, and turned off his head-piece; to whom he said, "O cruel country man! that used me thus, when my face was to mine enemy." However, he was by them taken to Edinburgh, and from the bar to the scaffold, drawn up on a gibbet, then let down a little, and his heart taken out by the executioner while alive, and held out on the point of a bayonet, and then thrown into a fire; his body quartered, and placed on the public places of the nation.--But let us hear what became of these ungrateful wretches, who thus used and apprehended him who had ventured his life to deliver them from cruel bondage. Few of them died a natural death. Mark Ker, one of the principal actors, and who was said to wound him after he was taken, and who it is said got his sword, was afterwards killed on a summer evening at his own door, (or run through by the same sword), by two young men who called themselves col. Rumbol's sons, and who, it is said, went off without so much as a dog's moving his tongue against them, &c. George Mair, being abroad, when returning, wandered and fell over Craignethen craigs, got some of his limbs broke, and stuck in a thicket, and when found next day was speechless, and so died in that condition. One ---- Wilson was killed by the fall of a loft. Another in Hamilton (commonly called the long lad of the Nethertoun) got his leg broken, which no physician could cure, and so corrupted that scarce any person for the stink could come near him, &c. ---- Weir of Birkwood fell from his horse, and was killed; and his son not many years ago, was killed by a fall down a stair in drink after a dregy. Gavin Hamilton who got his buff coat, (out of which Rumbol's blood could by no means be washed) lived a good while after a wicked and vicious life, yet his name and memorial is become extinct, and the place of his habitation is razed out, and become a plain field.--_M. S._ * * * * * But what needs more?--Examples of this kind are numerous. God has provided us with his wonderful works, both in mercy and judgment, to be _had in everlasting remembrance_,--that their ends may be answered, and that they may serve for a memorial of instruction and admonition to those _on whom the end of the world is come_. _The Lord is by the judgments known which he himself hath wrought: The sinners hands do make the snares wherewith themselves are caught._ _N. B._ To the foregoing prodigies of wickedness, I intended to have added a number of examples of the same nature in England and elsewhere under the auspices of popery; but the Scots Worthies having swelled so far above expectation, to which this behoved to go as an Appendix as proposed, I was not only obliged to desist from my intended design in this, but even to contract or abridge my former transcript of these historical hints and omit several practical observations thereon, which might have been useful, or at least entertaining to the reader.--At the same time the reader is to observe, That all the authors are not named from whence they are collected, but only the most principal; nor are they to expect every circumstance in any one of these quoted in every example; for what is omitted by one author is observed by another; which rendered the knitting of such distant authors and variety of materials into such a small composition, a matter of some difficulty. _FINIS._ FOOTNOTES [266] For this see the conclusion of the general meeting at Blackgannoch, March 7, 1688, and last conclusion of the general meeting at Crawford John, April 21, 1697, and second conclusion of the general meeting at Carntable, Oct. 29, 1701. but what of this was done, cannot now be found. [267] Such as Earls-hall, the laird of Meldrum, Livingston, bloody Douglas, major White, &c. as for lieutenant Drummond, captain Windrum, lieutenant Bruce and lieut. Turner, who went over with the rest of Dundee officers to France, they died at Tourelliers. See {illegible}stan and Perpignon hospitals, 1693 and 1694, miserable enough. [268] Passing scripture instances, such as a Manasseh amongst the thorns, a penitent thief upon the cross,--the late earl of Argyle who was executed 1685, was a member of the bloody council many years, but this he lamented at his death, particularly his casting vote on Mr. Cargil; and for ought we can learn, in charity we must suppose he obtained mercy: and the youngest bailie in Edinburgh, who gave the covenants out of his hand to the hangman to be burnt, was afterwards thought to be a good man, and ever lamented that action, and did much service to Christ's prisoners after. Yet the Lord would not suffer him to go unpunished in this life, for it is said he never had the use of that hand after; and for all his stately buildings, they were burnt to ashes in 1700. [269] Buchanan mentions not his burial. Knox says, they gave him salt enough and a lead cap, and let him in the sea tower to see what the bishops would procure for him. Fox and Clark say, he lay {illegible} months unburied, and then like a carrion was thrown on a dunghill.--Sir David Lindsay of the Mount, made the following stanza on his death: As for the Cardinal, I grant, He was the man we well could want, God will forgive it soon: But of a truth, the sooth to say, Altho' the Lown be well away, The fact was foully done. [270] Spotswood would have us believe, there was nothing remarkable in her life or about her death more than what is incident to princes; but we must rather believe and follow Knox in this. [271] The queen was at this time pregnant with James VI. Some historians have been inclined to think, from the intrigues this Rizio had with the queen, that James VI. Char. I. and II. and Jam. VII. had more of the nature, qualities, features and complexion of the Italian Fidler, than of the ancient race of the Stuarts, kings of Scotland. [272] Mr. John Douglas once a great presbyterian, was the first bishop that thus entered by prelacy in Scotland; after which he became slothful and negligent in his office. But one time, coming into the pulpit at St. Andrew's he fell down in it and died.--_Naphtali._ [273] Mr. Clark in his lives represents Mr Cooper as an eminent saint. No doubt he had his credentials from the bishops. But we must rather follow Mr. Calderwood and the author of the Fullfilling of the Scriptures. [274] This king's reign has by historians been represented with different features; some making him a just, religious and wise prince: but whatever his abilities were and whatever advantage the church got in his minority, yet it is sure his reign was almost one continued scene of affliction and tribulation to Christ's faithful witnesses, and laid the foundation of all the evils that followed. [275] The bishop of Winchester who wrote Spotiswood's life now prefixed to his history, represents him for moderation, patience and piety, as one of the greatest saints that ever lived. He says, He was always beloved of his master, and the only instrument for propagating Episcopacy in Scotland, to which he gave a testimony in his dying words, with much more fulsome stuff! [276] The high fliers and English historians lay the blemishes of this reign on the covenanters, and make Charles I. the martyr.--As to his eternal state, it is not our part to determine; God has judged him: but sure, he was the prime instrument of all the broils and bloody disasters that took place in the end of his reign. [277] Here observe, that Mr. William Violant formerly minister at Ferry Parton in Fife, was indulged to Cambusnethen 1699 (whom Mr. Wodrow calls a man of singular learning, moderation and temper,--perhaps because he wrote a pretended answer to the history of the indulgence) upon a time hearing some relate Mr. Cargil's faithfulness and diligence in preaching at all hazards, &c. Mr. Violant said, what needs all this ado? we will get heaven and they will get no more. This being again related to Mr. Cargil, he answered, yes, we will get more, we will get God glorified on earth, which is more than heaven. However Mr. Violant out lived the revolution, and was sometime minister of the established church, being one of these nominated by the general assembly 1690, to visit the south of Tay. While on his death-bed one of his brethren came to visit him, and asking how it was with him now? his answer was, "No hope, no hope." Whether this terminated in his final destruction {illegible} otherways, we know not: but sure we may say with the Psalmist, _Thou tookest vengeance of their inventions_. [278] The author of Claverhouse's memoirs, says, That they were shot by James Carmichael laird of little Blackburn, and fifty whigs,--Vid. page 17. [279] I could here relate several stories by tradition of his deceiving the devil with his shadow at a race in Muscovy, his delivering a woman from him by the burning of a candle,--his supplanting him in a hat full of money, &c. But I forbear. [280] We have no account of Charters' death, but it is more than probable he died in that condition, as few or none of that tribe we read of were ever again recovered. [281] Perhaps, some may think this anent proof of shot a paradox, and be ready to object here as formerly concerning bishop Sharp and Dalziel, "How can the devil have or give a power to save life? &c." Without entering upon the thing in its reality, I shall only observe; That it is neither in his power or of his nature to be a saviour of men's lives; he is called Apollyon the destroyer. 2. That even in this case, he is said to give only inchantment against one kind of mettle, and this does not save life; for the lead would not take Sharp and Claverhouse's life, yet steel and silver could do it: and for Dalziel, though he died not on the field, he did not escape the arrows of the Almighty. [282] Concerning the death of the Duke of Drumlanerig, alias Queensbury, we have the following relation:--That a young man perfectly well acquainted with the Duke (probably one of those he had formerly banished) being now a sailor and in foreign countries, while the ship was upon the coast of Naples or Sicily, near one of the burning mounts, one day they espied a coach and six all in black going toward the mount with great velocity, when it came past them they were so near that they could perceive the dimensions and features of one that sat in it. The young man said to the rest, If I could believe my own eyes, or if ever I saw one like another, I would say, that is the duke. In an instant, they heard an audible voice echo from the mount, Open to the duke of Drumlanerig; upon which the coach, now near the mount, evanished. The young man took pen and paper, and marked down the month, day and hour of the apparition; and upon his return, found it exactly answereth the day and hour the Duke died. Perhaps some may take this representation of his future state for a romance; but it is as it has been oftimes related by old men of good credit and reputation. THE SUBSCRIBERS Given in by JOHN GLEN, Merchant, Port-Glasgow. PORT GLASGOW. James Glen, taylor Alex. M'Farlane do. George M'Gee smith Andrew Mann skipper Wm. Holm shoemaker James Erskine dyer Wm. Henderson baker Wm. Liddel do. James Couper skipper Humphray Davie shop keeper Archd. Brown taylor James Ronald shoemaker Wm. Wallace do. John Stiven tanner Wm. Allerdie weaver John Paton George Campbel weaver Robert Jamieson porter Samuel Fife Rope maker GREENOCK. Robert M'Farlane wright Andrew Simson do. James Munn do. James Morison do. David Fife weaver Wm. Lamont shoemaker Wm. Turner junr. smith Humphray M'Lean baker Wm. Hart do. James M'Kean copper smith John Armour weaver Wm. Gibb sawer James Graham carter Archd. Henderson wright Thomas Edmiston mason James Kelly wright George Neilston do. Duncan Buchanan sawer James Davidson weaver Malcolm White do. George Nicol do. Archd. Scott wright Daniel Fleming do. Archd. Taylor do. Dougal Gray clerk Moses M'Cool sawer John Biggar do. Archd. M'Vicar do. Wm. Holm do. Peter Sinclair do. James Stuart do. Andrew Fairlie do. John Gordon do. John Adam do. John Litsler do. Wm. Paterson wright Donald M'Intosh copper smith James White labourer James M'Kinzie baker John Rodger junr. smith Francis Sproul wright John Flane John Garner labourer GOUROCK. John Banks miner Thomas Ferguson do. William Gordon do. Wm. Watson do. KILMALCOLM. William Minzies hosier David Miller labourer Robert Taylor farmer Alexr. Hadridge do. James White do. John Greenlees labourer John Laird farmer John Laird do. Andrew Dick, Erskine HOUSTON. Wm. Stuart school master Robert Barr shoemaker Alexr. Stevenson farmer Robert Orr smith Patrick Lindsay flax dresser CARDROSS. James Hamilton linen printer Matthew Bush do. John Stirling engraver Frederick Gordon do. Randolph M'Innes linen printer John Hall do. Wm. Yuill do. Patrick M'Farlane do. Andrew Aitken wright Walter Lindsay labourer John M'Grigor copperman Wm. M'Farlane shoemaker Wm. M'Aulay maltman John Barton farmer John Barr farrier William Gordon James Bain miller Robt. M'Farlane farmer John Cafor Andrew Aitken Patrick Gray Hellbrick BONHILL. Thos. Maltman linen printer Thomas Kereg do. Adam White do. John Bryce couper Wm. Henderson shoemaker James Henderson linen printer John Alexander vintner Michael Lindsay Katharine Beatson, Drummond Robert Brash there DUMBARTON. Bailie James Colquhoun George Walker shoemaker John Ewing do. John Mitchel do. Patrick Mitchel do. John Lindsay do. Patrick Colquhoun do. Peter Houston do. Elizabeth Lin Janet Donald Katharine Houston James Paterson sawer Robert Lata boatman John M'Alester wright Alexr. Williamson do. Alexander Brown do. Archibald Glen weaver James M'Niel do. John Houston do. Wm. Lang merchant Hugh Cameron do. Wm. Alexander wright John Webster baker Robert Lang farmer Wm. Lang malter GLASGOW. Robert Williamson stay maker Andrew Shields taylor William M'Farlane couper William Reid dyer Robert Gardiner shoemaker Mungo M'Intyre do. Jeremiah Rankin do. James Ker do. James Scott do. Alexander Little do. Archibald Fife weaver James Morison currier Margaret Martin in Shots PAISLEY. John Train merchant James M'Culloch wright John Rentoul do. William Black do. James Auken do. Patrick Wotherspoon do. Robert Lintown do. James Lintown do. Archibald Martin mason Hugh Anderson do. Patrick Stobs do. John Carse reed maker Thomas Tudhope labourer David Scott mason David Picken wright Duncan Robertson Robert Findlay stone cutter John Brownlie mason Henry Sutherland do. John Campbel Wm. Scott weaver Matthew Brown do. William Cochran do. Robert Craig do. William Stevenson do. William Robertson do. John Dunlop do. John Willison do. Robert More do. John Macham do. John Campbel do. James Renfrew do. Thomas Gemmel do. John Peden do. Peter Lithgow do. Robert Stirling do. Neil Whyte do. Alexander Stuart do. James Bryce do. Edward Taylor do. Archibald Leckie do. John Sproul do. Alexander M'Gown do. Thomas Suttily do. James Hillhouse do. John Reid do. James M'Lymont do. Alexander Thomson do. Mungo White do. Thomas King do. James Brown hosier William Semple do. John Richmond smith Andrew Morison mason John Jack do. James Semple silk dresser John Dunlop weaver NIELSTON. John Balfour shoemaker John Rankin linen printer William Maxwel do. James Duncan do. Alexander Dalgliesh do. John Dalgliesh do. James Adam cutler John Strong do. John Brown bleacher John Niven yarn washer John Miller John Craig David Shephard weaver James Lang do. William Swap do. John Young do. Thomas Robertson do. William Dunlop do. Robert Stevenson do. John Gibson do. John Thomson labourer KILBARCHAN. William Livingston gardener Thomas Laird wright Hugh Allan shoemaker James Allison labourer William Pinkston weaver Robert Thomson do. Robert Spier senior do. Andrew Giffin do. Joseph Jamieson do. John Houston senior do. John Houston junior do. James Pinkerton do. Thomas Monie do. James Buchanan do. Robert Hall do. William Park do. William Provan do. William Gavin do. John Wright do. James Barr do. William Davis do. James Houston do. BIETH. Robert Boyd weaver James Patieson do. Robert Kilpatrick do. William Lindsay do. Robert Matthie do. John Guy do. Robert Hunter do. John Crawford do. David Kennedy do. Bryce Barr do. Andrew Smith do. Adam Barr do. Robert Gillespie do. Archibald Taylor do. John Knox do. Robert Jamieson of Boghead William Knox shoemaker Hugh Knox do. Robert Patrick do. Robert Fulton do. Robert Hunter taylor Robert Glen do. James Clark do. Robert Kerr merchant Thomas Miller mason John Houston do. James Craig shoemaker James Campbel flax dresser Allan Caldwell Thomas Howie carter William Pollock smith William Allan David Caldwall mason John Dunlop merchant James Pollock farmer KILBURNIE. Robert Orr farmer James Orr weaver Robert Montgomerie shoemaker Thomas Houston mason John Logan do. William Findlay do. John Sheddan weaver John Barclay do. James Allan smith DALRAY. John Boyd portioner Daniel Kerr do. Allan Spier of Kersland mill James Stirrat merchant John Lyle Andrew Hunter Samuel Hunter of Pastorhill Andrew Greg wright John Logan do. Allan Bogle farmer William Woodside do. Robert Ferguson do. Thomas Aitken portioner Thomas Milliken mason Robert Howie carter William Kirkwood flax dresser Alexr. M'Pherson coal grieve William Galston carter James Miller do. John Fulton John Plewhight dykebuilder William Archibald farmer John Muir weaver James Niel do. Robert Dunlop do. Robert Auld do. John Archibald do. Thomas Logan do. John Hamilton do. William Aitken do. David Auld do. Robert Stuart do. Hugh Oswald James Kerr do. John Montgomerie do. James Laurie do. John Auld do. Robert Aitken weaver Hugh Willison do. James Aitken weaver John Henry do. Matthew Stirrat do. KILWINNING. James Baillie junr. weaver Alexander Petter do. John Conn do. James Dotchen do. James Gray do. Robert Barr do. William Murdoch do. Duncan Lowdon do. John Starrat John Gath couper Irvine STEVENSTON. Thomas Kirkwood merchant Hugh Gilmore do. Robert Boyd weaver John Dyet do. James M'Millan do. Alexander Howie wright Robert Gardiner causayer John Boyd Mary Black Jean Cowen WEST KILBRIDE. William Biggart farmer John Fleck do. James Galbraith do. William Dun do. SALTCOATS. Thomas Hunter merchant James Watson wright Thomas Lauchlan do. George Starrat William Stevenson merchant Thomas Service wright Daniel Vicar do. John Craig merchant Elizabeth Anderson John M'Millan Bryce M{illegible} ship master John Ka{illegible} rope maker James Raside do. Robert Ingram junior James Hall ropemaker James Ske{illegible} weaver William Barr do. James Robertson do. Robert Workman do. Robert Dunlop do. James Hill LARGS. Daniel Kerr merchant Robert M'Naught wright John Wilson maltman Henry Reid weaver Slackmanan, 12 copies Given in by Mr. CHRISTOPHER SCOTT, student in divinity now in Pathhead. Adam Watson smith Pathhead Mr. James Thomson student in philosophy David Mitchel weaver there John Reid weaver Sinklertown Robert Forrester do. Pathhead James Mitchelson do. Mr. Æneas M'Bean student in philosophy Mr. David Black do. Mr. John Thomson do. James Halley weaver there Walter Gray do. there Matth. Shields junior Gallatown John Goodwin manufacturer Pathhead John Drybrough smith there Laurence Mitchel weaver there John Lawson do. there George Adam do. there John Drybrough nailer there Andrew Wilson there Robert Gou{illegible} weaver in Grange Peter Fason weaver in Pathhead James Ure junior there John Mathieson weaver there James Forbes do. there Gilbert Fisher in Grange John Forgan weaver Pathhead Alexander Beveridge do. there David Forgan do. there David Miller wright there James Bodger weaver there John Mackin{illegible} weaver in the links of Kirkaldie James Stocks dyer Pathhead David Halley weaver there Robert Gibb do. there James Jackson weaver Pathhead William Taylor do. there Peter Killgour do. there Alex. Haggart flaxdresser there James Miller weaver there George White maltster there Robt. Dick gardener Sinklertown Eben. B{illegible}rte flaxdresser Pathhead Robert Coventry weaver there Andrew Blyth do. there James Smart do. there Andw. Waddel do. Kierbrae John Brown do. Pathhead James Johnston do. Sinklertown Robt. Brown candlemaker Pathhead Thomas Smart weaver there John Gray do. there Andrew Seath farmer there Thomas Bell Ceres parish George Mount there And. Wallace labourer Kettle Rachel Watson there Given in by JOHN WHYTOCK weaver in Playfield Perth. PERTH. Peter Whytock weaver David Cairnie do. Hugh Cairnie do. John Watson do. John Killor do. Andrew Brown ditto John Wilson ditto James Lamb ditto Alexander Ferrier ditto James Taylor ditto David Smith ditto Andrew Wylie ditto John Carrick ditto William Bettie ditto David Kettle ditto John Young ditto Alexander Wilson ditto John Speedie shoemaker John Robertson tanner Alexander Miller ditto Walter Scobbie weaver Robert Glass merchant John M'Grigor flaxdresser Long Forgan David Gardiner in Muirtown Wm. Scott weaver in East Shiels Charles Stark smith there Archd. Shaw marble cutter Glasgow Robt. Gibson weaver Pettinain Alexander Nairn Libberton James Gourlie in Stirling John Harvie there Thos. Kirkwood weaver Kilsyth Margaret Black of Lairn in Ireland, 12 copies James Muirhead farmer Kilsyth John Muirhead there Margaret Nimmo Delshanan Kirkintilloch Andrew Wilson servant there Jas. Dalrymple weaver Westside James Dickson do. Monkland George Brown merchant Perth, 12 copies Henry Buist there David Gardiner there Peter Taylor in Tapermalloch Revd. Mr. Preston minister of the gospel at Logieamen Revd. Mr. John Young minister of the gospel at Dumbarron Revd. Mr Laurence Reid minister of the gospel at Patha Condy Mrs Bisset in Perth Thomas Blair shoemaker there James Hamilton in Blantyre John Young innkeeper Alloa Wm. Young student of divinity Glasgow James Anderson in Strathmiglo, 12 copies John Muir junior merchant in Glasgow, 2 copies Wm. Blackwood plaisterer there Wm. Wallace in Blacklow Alex. Cuningham mason there Robert Young do. there Given in by JAMES HOOD, taylor Glasgow. William Todd Andrew Allan Andrew Hood Thomas Smith William M'Ewen Alexander Norrel Given in by JOHN MEIN, London. Thos. Orr East Smithfield, 2 cop. Alexander Grant Deptford Andrew Imbrie London William Clarke ship wright George Gregory Spittle fields David Imbrie Mr. Watson in great Towerhill Henry Russel Henry Hutton Daniel Cook Mrs. Toben Robt. Forsyth No. 100 Wapping Given in by JOHN HARDIE Old Meldrum. Revd. Mr. James Chalmers minister of the gospel in Daviot John Gelland Old Meldrum John Simson grieve Torvis William Reid in New Deer William Duguil in Odney William Dow in Marnoch William Cran merchant there John Brown bookseller in Dunse, 24 copies Given in by JAMES CRAIG shoemaker in Kilbride KILBRIDE. William Riddel weaver James Shaw portioner Thomas Russel smith John Craig farmer William Arbuckle Wm. Wallace mains of Eglesham Christopher Strang there William C{illegible}r in Glassford Robert Hamilton smith there Given in by ALEXANDER HUTCHISON in Newton. Matthew Short baxter Moffat David French Wamphray William Proudfoot there Matth. Murray jun. in Bentpath Sim. Graham Newton Wamphray Robt. Ferguson herd in Finigal James Lochie in Windyshiels John Chisholm in Shiel James Hyslop in Wellroadhead James Purvos in Watcarrick John Anderson in Moodley William Scott in Holm Alexander Glencross Saughtrees William Proudfoot Johnston John Geddes Coriehall John Beatie in Lambhill Benj. Munel wright Saughtrees Wm. Little wright Coriemill Given in by JAMES GOUDIE travelling chapman in Girvan. Thos. Woderwood quarrier in Daily parish James Paterson weaver there Agnew Fletcher shoem. Maybole James Goudie merchant there Alex. Heron farmer Kirkoswald Sam. M'Lymont mercht Girvan William M'Queen mason there Hugh M'Quaker do. there John Ramsay shoemaker there Thomas M'llwrath currier there Joseph Baird weaver there Revd. Mr. James Punton minister of the associate congregation at Hamilton James Miller flaxdresser William Hart merchant James Barr shoemaker Andrew Faulds in Carscallan William Fleming servant there Robert Strang in meikle Ernock Thos. Leister weav. in Hamilton Robert Smith do. there Andrew Smith hosier William Semple in Calton John Weir weaver there Messrs. Gordon and M'Knight in Dudly Worcestershire, 12 cop. Given in by JOHN HAGGART in Errol Patrick Brown in Wardhead James Gentle in Errol Andrew Adam there John Thomson there John Matthieson there James Davie there John Mallock there Peter Pirie there James Rattray there David Gill there James Kelt in Godins Given in by JOHN FORSYTH, shoemaker Stirling Robt. Rae grocer Stirling John Henderson maltman there Robert Beleh there Katharine Connel there Duncan King workman there Alex. Wilson shoemaker there James Ferguson carpet weaver James Morison Given in by JOHN WINGATE in St. Ninians ST. NINIANS. William Miller weaver John Thomas do. Archibald Gilchrist do. John Harvie do. John Forrester do. William Forsyth taylor Christian Anderson servant Thomas Gilchrist merchant John Miller do. Alexander Gilchrist do. John Wingate weaver James Paterson do. Robert Forrester do. Robert Paul nailer John Sharp smith John Kessim brewer John M'Farlane shoemaker STIRLING. Walter Smith weaver James Smart shoemaker John M'Learn weaver Thomas Thomson do. John Fisher shoemaker BANNOCKBURN. Thomas Anderson weaver John Stevenson ditto Archibald Smart shoemaker John M'Farlane weaver Alexander M'Farlane do. William Jeffray do. George Aitken do. John M'Donald do. James Munro do. Robert Waterson do. William Sharp do. James Johnson do. John Forfar do. Andrew Liddel do. Robert Stevenson do. Thos. Anderson do. wester Livelands John Baird do. Fategrin Andrew Cowan Touchgorun Thos. Jeffray smith Charters hall James Gillespie do. there Archd. Thomson taylor there Willm. Chalmers do. there George Miller smith New market John M'Killop Craiggarth Henry Edmund farmer in Hole Given in by DAVID MILLER in Campsie John Benny schoolmaster near Paisley John Galloway Burn foot William Thomson Arnbrae Janet Bulloch Blarveath Jas. Gilchrist weaver Campsie Moses N{illegible}lson do. there Robert Somerville merchant Kirkintilloch Robt. Aitken tayler Waterside John Stirling there Andrew Stirling there Archibald Stirling hosier Kirkintilloch John Stuart couper there John Ingli junr. smith there John Goodwin portioner there Mr William Fergus bailie of Kirkintilloch John King in Baldernock William Thomson farmer in Bridge end William Murdoch workman in Torrence John M'Kean merchant Campsie Robert Young in Denny Thos. Winning labourer Balmore Given in by WILLIAM WHITE, bookseller in Beith KILWINNING. Robert Dunlop portioner Alexander Young Andrew Robinson farmer Alexander Robinson do. James Robinson wright John Robinson Matthew French servant John Miller weaver Matthew King portioner John Connel mason Adam Gibson farmer Robert Boyd do. Hugh Barklay smith John Paton weaver Thomas Robinson weaver James Spier portioner Hugh Barklay servant William Gishe farmer Robert Ranken dyer James Johnston farmer John Armour servant William Dickie servant George Park James Allan schoolmaster David Clark merchant Hugh Barklay taylor Hugh Anderson farmer Margaret Muir servant Robert Wilson do. William Paton James Govan miller John Hill flaxdresser William Anderson wright Andrew Mackie William Jack shoemaker James King wright Robert Dunlop baker Alexander Paton John Bogle farmer William King miller Hugh Barr ARDROSON. William Service farmer John Crawford do. William Donald do. DALRAY. Robert Berkley William Rodger BEITH. John Sheddan portioner John Dow wright Given in by JOHN M'LYMONT, travelling Chapman Gilbert M'Lymont weaver in Newton Stuart William M'Lymont do. there James M'Kean do. there James M'Clure do. there John M'Clumpha do. there Anthony M'Gowan labourer Wm. M'Kean taylor there John M'Kie ferrier there Wm. Bogle gardener in Minigass Peter M'Kean mason at Ferrytown of Cree William Watson at Bridgend of Cree Robert Campbel at Largs Willm. Douglas in Bargonan Eliz. Hyslop in Knockvill Mary Broadfoot in Corbyknows Given in by MATTHEW MILLER in Mauchlin John Paterson tayl. in Mauchlin John Miller schoolmaster there Robert Gill there Alexander Ray there James Smith mason there Andrew Aird servant there Hugh Thomson smith Tarbolton Roberr Elliot do. there Willm Rattray weaver there Andrew Cowan wright Sorn Wilm. M'Gown miller do. James Ralston in Sorn James Mitchel in Craighall John Mitchel there John Baird there John Wilson there Wm. Currie wright St. Quivox James Kirkland mason there James Murdoch do. there John Armour schoolmaster Gibb's yard William Weir in Craigie William M'Henle in Mauchlin James Lees tanner there William Miller weaver Tarbolton FENWICK. James Brown son to Wm. Brown 2 copies John Young in Ridgehill John Garvan in Burn John Young in muir of Rowallen STEWARTON. James Anderson weaver, 26 copies John Stevenson do. James Reside do. Andrew Smith Castlesalt do. John Blackwood do. James Jamieson do. James Muir in Robertland do. John Dunlop wright John Tannihill in Bogflit James Wilson portioner in Chapleton James Gemmel weaver Archibald Alexander do. James Alexander do. John Calderwood do. John Wylie taylor Robert Smith weaver DUNLOP. James Stevenson in Oldhall Andrew Cochran in Gilles John Hall shoemaker WEST KILBRIDE. Alexander Wylie Thomas Smith portioner Canaan John Stevenson BEITH. John King Junior in Gree DREGHORN. David Steel weaver in Lambroghten John Brown jun. in Bowstonhead Archibald Young in Mains Alexander Wilson in town of Air 2 copies Margaret M'Gillan near Wighton 6 copies EAST KILBRIDE. James Orr Given in by JOHN M'DONALD, student of Divinity in Ceres. Patrick Orr farmer in Ceres William Morton do. there John Turpie merchant in Carnum James Laing in Ceres Given in by ROBERT INGLIS, bookseller in Edinburgh Revd. Dr John Erskine, minister of the gospel in the old Gray-friar's Edinburgh, 2 copies Hugh Watson servant in Westerholls William Inglis schoolmaster in Carstairs Given in by JAMES LANG bookseller Kilmarnock Revd. Mr John Russel minister of the gospel in Kilmarnock George Fairservice schoolmaster George Miller shoemaker there James White do. there James Cuningham do. there Gavin Walker miller there James Freebairn plaisterer there John Dickie there William Arbuckle there George Thomson barber Alexander Giffin farmer in Dundonald John Rowat shoemaker David Ferguson in Craigie Mary Frances in Irvine Archibald M Ketton shoemaker in Saltcoats Mat. Alerton farmer Galston Alexr. Longmuir portioner in Dreghorn Robt. Creighton in Firmerlaw Samuel Muir weaver Kirkland John Wilson in Titwood Robert Hay quarrier Symington Wm. Hendry farmer Muir mill James Morison do. Riccarton Alexander Holm Robt. Parker farmer Burleith John Bunton do. in Puroch Thomas Earle weaver in Capperingtiren Wm. Arbuckle butcher in Kilmarnock John Dickie shoemaker there Given in by ROBERT RAMSAY, taylor in Bathgate BATHGATE. Revd. Mr John Jamieson minister of the gospel Daniel Steel shoemaker John Gillan workman David Newlands merchant William Gray workman John Rule tanner George Ranken wright Margaret Muirhead Andrew Jeffray workman John Bryce mason David Tinnond do. Robert Ramsay taylor 10 copies James Marshal mason CORSTORPHIN. Thomas Hodge weaver John Cuthbertson workman Gavin Inglis do. William Laurie smith Alexander Mitchel workman Robert Geddes do. William Sclate Robert Thomson Peter Newlands weaver John Gardiner shoemaker Torphichen Alexander Black stabler in Edinburgh William Gray in Currie Given in by Sir ARCHIBALD NICOL, weaver and bookseller in Glasgow. David Riddel plaisterer Glasgow William Blackwood do. there Andw. Blackwood hosier there Andrew Riddel weaver Kilbride Agnes Strang of Bogton there John Freebairn wright Rutherglen John Wilson do. there Robert Dun coalhewer Andrew Keir there Robert Arthur linen printer Cross mill John M'Nab do. there John Moffat do. there William Cumming do. there Walter M'Gregor do. there Peter M'Nicol do. Farnazie John Brown do. Cross mill Joseph Buchanan do. there Alexander Buchanan do. there John Ewing there Isobel Lindlay in Kilbride Robert Watson silk weaver Hole William Leitch weaver there Robert Anderson do. there John Montgomerie there John M'Ewen weaver in Grahams town James Angus dyer at Farnezie Thomas Ogilvie weaver Gorbals John Niven do. there William Henderson do. there Henry Muir Carotine Thomas Galloway there John Paterson smith in Rutherglen Pitcairns Ritchie there James Paterson there John Brown hammerman Calton James Wingate do. there John M'Lea tanner there John Walker Calder John M'Lean of north Medrox Mary Martin in Rew William Brown there John Paterson weaver Birkenshaw William M'Lean of south. Medrox John Stark taylor in Leckethill James Legat in Drumbowie James Towie weaver Glentore Margaret Brown in Rew William Shaw portioner in wester Glentore James Bogle weaver Slamanan David Auchinvole Auchinsterry, Cumbernauld Joseph Thom in Calder William Dickie silk weaver in Mauchlin James Ritchie weaver there Margaret Ferrier in Dalsholm William Smith coalhewer Knightewood James Aitken horsekeeper there Robert Watt wright Jordan hill James Mackie in Cumbernauld Joseph Williamson in Millbrae, New Monkland Gavin Bailie sawer Hamilton Alexr. Pomfrey weav. Millheugh John Burns of Braehead John Hamilton weaver Dalfeif James Davidson do. there James Drummond shoemaker Ann Alston there Janet Lepper there John Henderson mason Hamilton James Weir shoemaker in Blantyre John Maiklem gardener Campsie James Bollock weaver Neilston David Sprour do. there Michael Stevenson silk weaver there Thomas Gilmour weaver there John Gray do. there Robert Gilmour linen printer Eastwood Alexander Calderwood do. there John Bell do. there Andrew Faulds dyer there John Gilchrist wright Carluke John Husband in Hurlot Walter M'Farlane coal cutter there William Paterson James Craig weaver in Govan Matthew Gilmour do. there William Clow do. there George Jamie do. there James Morison do. there John Struthers do. there Wm. Robertson do. there John Robertson do. there James Shields mason there John Ritchie weaver there Wm. Campbel do. there John Lyle do. there Smellie Gellers manufactorer there David Gran weaver there John Russel do. there Wm. Liddel do. there John Lyon workman Carmunnock Arthur More miller there Thomas Muir coalhewer Rutherglen Wm. Roxburgh weaver Glasgow John Davie do. there Matthew Morison do. there John Duncan do. there Wm. Lang do. there John Hamilton of Gurhomlock Barony John Moffat farmer there Andrew Moffat mason there Robert Arthur at Garoch mill John Richmood of Carlenb, Sorn. Matthew Jamieson there James Wilton of Crafthead there George Cameron in Hill there Alexander Buchanan linen printer Cross mills John Arthur do. there Matthew Cameron do. there Wm. Jarvie workman Farnezie Daniel Spier in Monsshonse Sorn Jos. Aiton shoemaker Riccarton John Dick Craigie Jean Wilson there Hugh Templeton there George Marr coal hewer there Robert Lamon farmer Thornhill Robert Perier shoemaker there William Morton do. Craigie Matthew Dickie do. there William Allen farmer there George Bowie there Thomas Wallace there John Glover there John Wallace miller there James Hunter in Riccarton James Orr Mossside there Thomas Jamieson in Tarbolton Robert Lamont farmer there Ronald Hunter cowper there William Stephen wright there David Smith there William Lindsay there Wm. Auld farmer there Wm. Reid mason there Wm. Drips do. there John Gray do. there John Jamieson farmer there Hugh Reid there Janet Tait there Wm. Wright wright there Alexr. Paterson farmer there David Miller there David Wilson in Craigie John Armour taylor Galston David Borland there Robt. Goudie miller Garoch mill George Donald there John Brown in Barony Alexr. Moffat Parkhead there William Baxter do. there John Jarvie weaver Barony James Robertson in Eastwood Archebald Paterson there John Taylor there Robert Gilmour in Mearns John Faulds in Nethertown John Morison there Jas. Thomson wright Hackethead John Marshall do. there Peter Norris plumber Glasgow Arthur Laing wright Paisley James Philip Hackethead Matthew Laurie there Elizabeth Forrester there Sarah Gemmel there John Brown farmer Paisley John Ralston do. there William Adam in Mosslane Zach. Waterston farmer Govan Agnes Stark there Wm. Ritchie weaver there Jas. Fleming mason & wright there James Dove dyer Glasgow Robert Love plasterer there John Dun mason there Wm. Beggart do. Calton George Neill there Alex. Connel wright Carmunnock Alex. Anglie weaver Glasgow John M'Farlane shoemaker there Alexander Nicol do. there James Dun officer London David M'Creath Maybole David Crooks in Selnock Euphans Hodge in Galston John Carmichael there Andrew Willock there Alexander Mair there James Irvin there John Richmond there George Paterson hosier there William Parker there James Watt there Janet Smith there John Lamie workman there Robert Glover do. there John Goudie there John Anderson farmer Mauchlin William Hunter do. there John Hunter do. there John Reid do. there James Dickie do. there Wm. Meikle wright & glaz. there Matth. Ronald silk weaver there James Smith mason there Hugh Wallace of Bergow there Frances Murdoch there James Smith there Archibald Campbel there Andrew Ritchie there George Beveridge there James Oliphant there Elizabeth Lindsay there William Barrie there John D{illegible}ak there Robert Glover weaver there Mary Glover in Craigne Jas. Stuart shoemaker Glasgow John Shearer smith in Barony Wm. Watchman weaver there Robert Allan do. there James Wallace do. mid Quarter James Allan there John Wotherspoon weaver there John M'Allun do. there David M'Nair weaver Calton Robt. Buchanan wright there David Donald weaver there James Taylor do. there Gilbert Garth do. there Wm. Goven do. there Mat. Steel do. middle Quarter Wm. Dounie wright Carntine Geo. Chrichton coalhewer Barony Alex. M'Learn smith Calton Jas. Robertson miller Garscub Andrew George do. there Jas. Park coalhewer Anastand Geo. Crawford weaver Glasgow Archibald Bell do. there Thomas Park wright there Thomas Malcolm do. there George Arthur do. there John Rae weaver Calton Wm. Williamson teacher there Wm. Walker weaver there Wm. Crocket do. there Robert Wilson do. there John Alston do. there John Fife do. there James Lawson do. there Robert Hutton do. there William Gardiner do. there John Chrystie labourer there David Jack weaver there Robert Munro do. there John Garden do. there James Wylie do. there Adam Brown taylor there Mary Arthur there James Leigh potter Glasgow Alex. Moriton candlemaker there James Granger weaver Calton Jas. Henderson do. Drygate toll James Kay plasterer Gorbala Duncan Campbel cowper Glasgow John Burn shoemaker there Gavin Wotherspoon do. there Henry M Culloch do. there John Sheddan do. there John Pettigrew old Monkland Robt. Pettigrew wright there Christian Murdoch Glasgow Blackney Waddel old Monkland James Smith there John Pettigrew wright there Robt. Pettigrew sawer there Henry Pato teacher there William Thomson there Mat. Reid coalhewer Sandhills Wm. Erskine do. there Martin Rodger smith there Jas. Kinnibrugh tayl. Shettleston Wm. Walkinshaw miller Barony Wm. M'Leland plaisterer Glasg. John Niyison wright there Andrew Niven Gorbals William Reid nailer there John Burry weaver Calton Malcom M'Lean do. there Janet Zuill Glasgow Wm. Hamilton in Carmunnock John Warnock farmer Cathcart Andrew Park do. Eastwood George Deans weaver Neilston John Johnston do. Duckethall James Cochran do. there Robert Cunningham do. there John Wilson do. there Doug Graham bleacher Farnezie Willm. Morison Paisley James Airston weaver Neilston Robert Legat do. there Wm. M'Ewen there Alexr. M'Gregor Neilston Robt. Cumming labourer Paisley Robert Barr farmer there John Peacock in Pollock place Alexander Malcolm there Archibald Hamilton there James Henderson there Thos. Cullen shoemaker Calton John Shearer coalhewer Houlton James Lyle do. there Charles Colquhoun do. there Wm. Watt in Knightswood Grizel Gibb Dalsholm John Duncan of Milnfield John Gardner weaver Calton John Ross hammerman there William Glen weaver Glasgow Andrew Tury boatman Canal James Mitchel in Dalmarnock John Nisbet in Carntine John M'Pherson smith Glasgow Jas. Allan shoem. Calton 12 cop. Andrew M'Gilchrist Glasgow John Findlay there John Drummond there Hugh Henderson barber there Wm. Cochran weaver Paisley John Stuart hillman there James Lauchlan weaver there Robt. Miller bleacher Eastwood Alexander Leck weaver Arthur Campbel in Barony Alexr. Allan at Provan mill James Thomson in Rochelay Robt. Galloway mason Carntine John Blair coallier there Wm. Burnside do. there James Orrock weaver James Smith do. Calton Matthew Rea do. Robert Young in Postle Jas. Morton shoemaker Calton John Morison do. there Wm. Somerville miller Glasgow Wm. Henderson weaver there John Falconer there William Allan there John Gray Westmuir James Ralston Glasgow Wm. M'Gibbon there Agnes Dalrymple there James Glen farmer Woodside James Dickson Auldhousebridge James Findlay weaver Gorbals Peter Gray coalhewer Shettleston James Graham Glasgow Wm. Loudon gardener Dalbeth Agnes Dyer Glasgow Margaret Boyd there James Logan miller Woodside Jas. Graham shoemaker Calton Jas. Fisher do. in Callender Wm. Miller wright Glasgow John Buchanan do. there Mungo Ritchie do. Garscub Archibald Sword do. there Hugh Aitken coalhewer Jordanhill Robt. Purdon hammerman Barony Robt. Brown brewer Glasgow Given in by PETER GOLD, in Newtown of Douglas William Gold there Wm. Williamson there Hugh Gold there James Gold farmer there John Aitken there Robert Miller there John Forrest farmer west Calder * * * * * GLASGOW, _June 4th_, 1782 PROPOSALS For Printing by SUBSCRIPTION, In One large OCTAVO Volume. An Elegant Edition of Three Hundred and Fifty-Two LETTERS, By the Eminently Pious MR. SAMUEL RUTHERFORD, Professor of Divinity at _St. Andrews_. To which is added, The Author's _Testimony_ to the covenanted work of Reformation, as it was carried on between 1638 and 1649.--And also his _Dying Words_, containing several Advices to some ministers and near relations. As also, A large PREFACE and POSTSCRIPT, wrote by the Reverend Mr. M'WARD. CONDITIONS. I. The book will be printed on a fair paper and good large Type, to consist of nearly 600 pages. II. The price to Subscribers will be Two Shillings and Sixpence Sterling to be paid at the delivery of the book, neatly bound. III. Those who subscribe for twelve copies, shall have one Gratis. IV. The book will be put to the press as soon as a competent number of subscriptions are obtained. The encouragers of this work are desired to send in their Names, with the number of Copies they want, to the Publisher, within two months after the date of this proposal. SUBSCRIPTIONS are taken in by JOHN BRYCE, the Publisher, Glasgow; W. Knight, merchant, Aberdeen; J. Hardie, merchant, Old Meldrum; G. Brown, merchant, Perth; J. Brown, bookseller, Dunse; J. Newal, bookseller, Dumfries; A M'Credy, book-binder, Stranrawer; G. Caldwal, bookseller, Paisley; J. M'Casland, merchant, Greenock; J. Lang, bookseller, Kilmarnock; D. Miller, merchant, Camphe; J. M'Lymont, J. Glen, and A. Nicol, travelling chapmen; and all others intrusted with Proposals. * * * * * Transcriber's note: Where a word differs from modern spelling, but is consistent within the text, e.g. atchievement, the original spelling is retained. Other typographical errors have been corrected, particularly where there is inconsistency within the text. The following list details these changes (including those described in the Errata): Preface: p vii: Duch --> Dutch p viii: ths --> this p x: renegado --> renegade p xvi: A footnote anchor follows Oedipus, but there is no corresponding footnote Introduction: p xxxi: opportuuity --> opportunity Lives and Characters: p 45: duplicated word "and" removed p 46: defore --> before p 47: duplicated word "gives" removed p 49: oftner --> oftener p 54: Thar --> That p 55: judgement --> judgment p 58: forgivenness --> forgiveness p 66: ehey --> they p 82: Thet --> That p 85: exhprted --> exhorted p 88: band --> hand p 95: commited --> committed p 97: weerein --> wherein p 112: Aarran --> Arran p 112: handwritten text added: "doctrine, and therefore remitted him to ward in the castle of" p 115: weakned --> weakened p 117: year --> ear p 117: Hampton-cout --> Hampton-court p 125: duplicated word "shall" removed p 133: theif --> thief p 147: Scotish --> Scottish p 154: patnet --> patent p 166: duplicated prefix "re-" removed p 167: duplicated letter "e" in "even" across line break removed p 180: exepcted --> expected p 181: Cuningham --> Cunningham for consistency p 187: canot --> cannot p 190: proclamaon --> proclamation p 195: judicarories --> judicatories p 196: remonstrancs --> remonstrance p 196: changed univerty --> university p 201: endevoured --> endeavoured p 208: changed petitition --> petition p 208: changed ot --> at p 214: succeded --> succeeded p 218: duplicated word "a" removed p 218: changed cootinue --> continue p 226: yon --> you p 232: unparalelled --> unparalleled p 245: "is is well known" --> "it is well known" p 249: duplicated word "the" removed p 253: clossest --> closest p 253: tolboth --> tolbooth p 258: tu --> to p 262: Extra text added (from Errata) p 264: baronses --> baroness p 264: promotter --> promoter p 270: Loudoun --> Loudon p 271: Loudoun --> Loudon p 271: lef --> left p 292: 1657 --> 1651 (from Errata) p 293: duplicated letter "E" in "Edinburgh" removed p 316: conant --> covenant p 319: ocurred --> occurred p 321: conditition --> condition p 324: contsary --> contrary p 348: he --> the p 350: wich --> with p 354: redeem --> redeemed p 358: must --> most p 365: at --> as p 375: duplicated word "on" removed p 381: chuch --> church p 402: sollicitations --> solicitations p 405: in --> from (from Errata) p 426: stoped --> stopped p 432: droping --> dropping p 435: it --> its p 435: Edingburgh --> Edinburgh p 448: Fanguirs --> Tanguirs (from Errata and for consistency) p 448: priseners --> prisoners p 449: chearfulness --> cheerfulness p 452: Learmoril --> Learmond (from Errata) p 452: duplicated word "in" removed p 462: Lermonnt --> Lermont p 464: Penland --> Pentland p 464: unparalelled --> unparalleled p 468: interrred --> interred p 475: rery --> very p 479: destribute --> distribute p 479: (6.) --> (9.) p 494: thir --> their p 499: Fulliallan --> Tullialen (from Errata) p 499: druken --> drunken p 501: disswading --> dissuading for consistency p 502: first --> farther (from Errata) p 504: duplicated word "time" removed p 510: duplicated word "and" removed p 514: ect --> etc p 536: disswaded --> dissuaded p 556: entring --> entering p 560: word "He" inserted before answered p 602: duplicated letter "a" in "about" removed p 606: wheu --> when p 607: inventored --> inventoried p 607: duplicated word "who" removed p 616: Warristoun --> Warriston Errata: P. 291 --> P. 292 P. 505 --> P. 405 Judgment and Justice: p 9: Aaran --> Arran p 15: Added word "of" after "footsteps" p 16: errected --> erected p 28: disolve --> dissolve p 29: Duplicated word "from" removed p 29: Duplicated word "a" removed p 30: recissory --> rescissory p 31: Fanquirs --> Tanguirs (for consistency) p 31: Miln --> Milne p 33: assasinate --> assassinate p 33: Added word "body" after "heart from his" p 33: Added word "assembly" after "1638" p 34: outragious --> outrageous p 35: laueration --> laureation p 38: drunkeness --> drunkenness p 43: Dumfermline --> Dunfermline p 45: Duplicated word "the" removed p 45: Duplicated word "of" removed p 46: roted --> rotted p 56: frome --> from p 56: patridges --> partridges p 65: steped --> stepped Proposals: p 84: RUTHERFOORD --> RUTHERFORD Footnotes: fn 15: duplicated word "that" removed fn 68: 2634 --> 1634 fn 103: melignants --> malignants fn 150: location of footnote anchor unclear fn 156: location of footnote anchor unclear fn 200: footnote truncated in original fn 227: Stirleg --> Stirling (from Errata) fn 229: meerly --> merely fn 246: counsellours --> counsellors fn 246: iucurable --> incurable fn 246: hetrodox --> heterodox fn 246: accessary --> accessory fn 246: strengthned --> strengthened fn 251: scribler --> scribbler fn 253: most --> must fn 263: they --> the king (from Errata) fn 277: Cambusnethan --> Cambusnethen (for consistency) Changes to the following words (or variations on them) were made on several pages, primarily for consistency within the text: threatning(s) --> threatening(s), threatned --> threatened untill --> until couragious --> courageous accomodate --> accommodate sherriff --> sheriff diocess --> diocese acknowledgement --> acknowledgment Naphthali --> Naphtali 
37137	----	A HIND LET LOOSE; OR, AN HISTORICAL REPRESENTATION OF THE TESTIMONIES OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND, FOR THE INTEREST OF CHRIST. WITH THE TRUE STATE THEREOF IN ALL ITS PERIODS. TOGETHER WITH A Vindication of the present TESTIMONY against the Popish, Prelatical, and malignant Enemies of that Church, as it is now stated, for the Prerogatives of CHRIST, Privileges of the Church, and Liberties of Mankind; and sealed by the sufferings of a reproached Remnant of Presbyterians there, witnessing against the Corruptions of the Time: WHEREIN Several Controversies of greatest Consequence are enquired into, and in some measure cleared; concerning hearing of the Curates, owning of the present Tyranny, taking of ensnaring Oaths and Bonds, frequenting of Field-meetings, defensive Resistance of tyrannical Violence, with several other subordinate Questions useful for these Times. * * * * * BY MR. ALEXANDER SHIELS, LATE MINISTER OF THE GOSPEL IN ST. ANDREW'S. Psal. xciv. 20. _Shall the throne of iniquity have fellowship with thee, which frameth mischief by a law?_ Rev. xii. 11. _And they overcame him by the blood of the Lamb, and by the word of their testimony; and they loved not their lives unto the death._ Glasgow _PRINTED BY WILLIAM PATON_, FOR JOHN KIRK, CALTON, THE PUBLISHER. 1797. PREFACE. CHRISTIAN READER, Presuming it is thy desire to answer the holy and honourable designation I accost thee with, I shall take the confidence to assure thee, it is my design to answer, in some measure, the expectation which the title of this treatise would offer, in the hope that, wherein I come short (as I indeed confess not only my jealous fears, but my sensible conviction of my insufficiency for such a great undertaking) thy Christian tenderness will impute it to my weakness, and not to any want of worth in the cause I manage, which is truly worthy, weighty, noble and honourable, in the esteem of all the lovers of Christ, that have zeal for his honour in exercise; and therefore as it gives me all the encouragement I have, in dependence on his furniture whose cause it is, to make such an essay, so it animates my ambition, albeit I cannot manage it with any proportion to its merit, yet to move the Christian reader to make enquiry about it, and then sure I am he will find it is truth I plead for, though my plea be weak. All I shall further say by way of preface, is to declare the reason of the title, and the design of the work. Though books use not to be required to render a reason of their names, which often are arbitrarily imposed more for the author's fancy and the time's fashion, than for the reader's instruction: yet, seeing the time's injuries do oblige the author to conceal his name, the title will not obscurely notify it to some for whose satisfaction this is mainly intended, and signify also the scope of the subject; which aims at giving goodly words, not sugared with parasitic sweetness, nor painted with affected pedantry, but fairly brought forth in an unhampered freedom, for the beauty of the blessing of human and Christian liberty, in its due and true boundaries. This was the subject of a discourse, as some may remember, on that text whence this title is taken, Gen. xlix. 21. "Naphtali is a Hind let loose." In prosecuting of which, the speaker, with several others, falling at the same time into the hands of the hunters, (to learn the worth of that interrupted subject from the experience of the want of it) an occasion was given, and interpreted by the author to be a call to study more the preciousness of that privilege predicated of Naphtali, which is the right and property of the wrestling tribe of Israel, the persecuted witnesses of Christ now every where preyed upon. And now, providence having opened a door for "delivering himself as a roe from the hand of the hunter," he thought it his duty, and as necessary a piece of service as he could do to the generation, to bring to light his lucubrations thereupon; with an endeavour to discover to all that are free born, and are not contented slaves, mancipated to a stupid subjection to tyrants absoluteness, that this character of Naphtali, "satisfied with favour, and full with the blessing of the Lord," that he is a "hind let loose" from the yoke of tyrannical slavery, is far preferable, in the account of all that understand to be Christians or men, to that infamous stigma of Issachar (the sin, shame, and misery of this age) to be "a strong ass, couching under two burdens; and he saw that rest was good, and the land that it was pleasant, and bowed his shoulder to bear, and became a servant unto tribute." But to all that are not altogether strangers in our Israel, it will appear, that this title is not inaptly applied to the subject and design of this treatise. The party whose case and cause, and contendings are here treated of, being known to have the same situation of residence in Scotland that Naphtali had in Israel, viz. the west and the south (Deut. xxxiii. 23.) will be found, among all our tribes, most appositely to bear the signature of Naphtali, who, in their wrestlings for the interest of Christ and the liberties of his Israel, have mostly jeoparded their lives in the high places of the fields; and chiefly to deserve his elogy, being a "hind", (called wild by nickname in the scorn of them that are at ease, but) truly weak in their present wilderness condition, to wrestle against the force and fraud of their cruel and cunning hunters, who cease not (when they have now got the rest of the roes and hinds of the field made fast asleep, under the bondage of the lions dens and mountains of leopards, by a pretence of a falsely so called liberty of conscience) to seek and pursue the chace of them for a prey; yet really they are "let loose," and not only suffered to run loose, as a prey to the hunters, by the unwatchfulness of their keepers, but made to escape loose, by the mercy of the Mighty One of Jacob, from the nets of the hunters and snares of the fowlers, and from the yoke of the bondage of these beasts of prey, to whose authority they will not own a willing subjection; and being such "hinds," so "let loose," they make it their work to give goodly words, for the worth and honour, and royalties of their princely master, and for the precious liberties wherewith he hath endoted and entrusted his spouse and children, and to keep the goodly words of his patience, until he return "as a roe or a young hart upon the mountains of Bether." This being the party who are represented as the wild folk of Scotland, the design of this treatise is to hold forth the history of their manifold chaces, the craft, keeness, and cruelty of their hunters, and the goodliness of the words of their testimony, which, by reason of the likeness of the testimony of former periods with the present, and that the latter may be vindicated by the former, is resumed from the beginning of the Church of Scotland's wrestlings against the enemies of Christ, and deduced through all the most signal steps of this long propagated and hereditary war. And, lest my words should not be goodly enough, nor my notions grateful to the critics of this age, who cast every thing as new and nice, which is someway singular, and not suited to their sentiments; that it may appear the cause here cleared and vindicated is not of yesterday, but older than their grandfathers who oppose it, I dare avouch, without vanity, there is nothing here but what is confirmed by authors of greatest note and repute in our church, both ancient and modern, namely, Buchanan, Knox, Calderwood, Acts of General Assemblies, Causes of Wrath, Lex Rex, Apologetical Relation, Naphtali, Jus Populi, History of the Indulgence, Banders Disbanded, Rectius Instruendum, and some other authors much respected, whose authority, more always repelled by rage than ever yet refitted by reason; though I value more than all the vain oblatrations of the opposers of this testimony, and think it sufficient to confute all imputations of its novelty, and to counterbalance the weight that may be laid on the contradictions of the greatest that treat on this subject, yet I do not lay so much stress on the reason of their authority as on the authority of their reason, which is here represented with that candour and care, that, lest any should cavil that they are wrested or wronged when made to speak so patly to the present controversies, I have chosen rather to transcribe their words, than to borrow their matter dressed up in my own, except where the prolixity and multiplicity of their arguments, as clearly demonstrating that which I adduce them for, as that for which they were primarily intended, did impose the necessity of abridging them, which yet is mostly in their own words, though reduced into a sollogistical form. But this obloquy of novelty being anticipated, when I reflect on the helps I have collected from so many hands, I am rather afraid the truths here delivered be contemned as obsolete and antiquate, than cast at for new speculations. However, I am content; yea it is my ambition, that nothing here be looked upon as mine, but that it may appear this is an old plea, and that the party here pleaded for, who are stigmatized with many singularities, are a people who ask the old paths, and the good way, that they may walk therein; and though their paths be not now much paved, by the frequency of passengers, and multitude of professors walking therein, and albeit it must indeed be confessed the word of their testimony is someway singular, that the same things were never the word of Christ's patience, stated as heads of suffering before, yet they are not untrodden paths, but the same way of truth which hath been maintained by the witnesses of Christ in all the periods of our church, and asserted by the greatest confessors, though never before sealed by martyrs. As for the arguments I bring to clear and confirm them, whether they be accounted mine, or borrowed from others, I am very indifferent, if they prove the point they are brought for, which I hope they will be found to do; but of this I am confident, there is nothing here can be condemned until some one or more of these grave authors be confuted; and, when that is done, (which will be never, or against the _thirtieth of February_), there is something besides here, which will challenge consideration. The design then of this work is of great importance, even no less than to essay the discussing the difficulties of all our conflicts with open enemies, about the present state of the testimony; the vindicating of all the heads of sufferings sustained thereupon these twenty-seven years past; the proposing of the right state of the testimony for the interest of Christ, not only of this, but of all former periods, with an account of the propagation and prosecution of the witnesses, wrestlings, and sufferings of it from time to time, to the end it may appear, not only how great the sufferings have been, since this fatal catastrophe and overturning of the covenanted reformation, and unhappy restoration of tyranny and prelacy; but that the grounds upon which they have been stated, are not niceties and novelties, (as they are reproached and reprobated by many), but worthy and weighty truths of great value and validity, and of near affinity unto, and conformity with the continued series and succession of the testimonies in all former periods. So that in this little treatise must be contained a compendious history of the Church of Scotland, her testimony in all ages, a vindication of the present state of it; yea, in effect, a short epitome of the substance of those famous forecited authors, as far as we need to consult them, concerning the controversies of the present time with adversaries; which is much, and perhaps too much, to be undertaken in so small a volume. But considering that many who are concerned in this cause, yea the most part who concern themselves about, are such who have neither access, nor time, nor capacity to revolve the voluminous labours of these learned men for light in this case, I have done best to bring them into one body of portable bulk with as great brevity as could consist well with any my measure of perspicuity, not meddling with any thing but what I thought might some way conduce to clear some part of the present testimony. Every undertaking of this nature cannot but be liable to several disadvantages that are unavoidable: this hath many discouraging and difficult. One is, that it shall be exposed to the common fate of such representations, to be stigmatized as a seditious libel, and so may be sent to the flames to be confuted; and, to inflame the fury of these fire brands, already hell-hot, into the utmost extremity of rage against the author, that ever cruelty itself at its fullest freedom did exert against truth and reason arraigned, and cast for sedition and treason: the only sanctuary in such a case, is, in prospect of this, to have the greater care that nothing be spoken, but what the speaker may dare to affirm in the face of cruelty itself. A second common disadvantage is obvious from the consideration of the humour of the age; wherein fancy hath greater force than faith, and nothing is pleasing but what is parasitical, or attempered to the palate of the greatest, not of the best; and naked truth, without the fairdings of flattery, or paintings of that pakiness which is commonly applauded as prudence now a days, is either boggled at, or exposed to scorn and contempt; and reason, if roundly written, except it meet with an honest heart, is commonly read with a stammering mouth, which puts a T before it, and then it is stumbled at as Treason. This essay does expect no entertainment from any, but such who resolve to harbour truth, be the hazard what will, even when the world raises the _Hue_ and _Cry_ after it, and from such who are really groaning, either by suffering or sympathy, under the same grievances here represented. There is a third, which makes it not a little difficult, the quality, quantity, and intricacy of the matter, here to be confined to such a compend. All which, together considered, do infer a fourth difficulty, that hardly can it get a pass through the press; which is blocked up against all such books that may offer a manifestation of the innocency of that people, and the injustice and inhumanity of their enemies; which is their only hope of preventing the world's knowledge and condemnation of their actings. Yea, there is a fifth, that wants not its own difficulty; that though the Press were patent, yet an empty purse, from a poor impoverished people, will as readily preclude all access to it, as if it were locked up by law; but both together make it hard. But there is a sixth disadvantage yet more discouraging, that the man as well as the money, is wanting to manage the business: and this needs no other proof; than the necessity of my poor pen to undertake it, instead of a better. It must needs be very low with that people, that stand in need of such a pitiful patrociny as mine is. Our persecuted brethren, elsewhere, have this advantage of us, that they have champions to espouse their quarrel, which we have not; but only such, who as they are reputed in the world, so, in their own sense, own themselves to be very unaccomplished for such work; and under this invincible disadvantage also, that, being forced to a wandering and unsettled life, they have no conveniency, nor can be accommodated with time, nor helps to perform it; and so circumstantiated, that either it must be done at this time, and in this manner, or not at all. In the seventh place, we are at a greater loss than any suffering people; in that, among all other bitter ingredients, we have this gall also in our cup, that they that suffer most among us, have not the comfort and benefit of the sympathy of others, that sufferers use to have from good people. The reason of this makes an eighth discouragement, besides what is said above; that not only is the case and cause of that poor persecuted and wasted witnessing remnant, obscure in itself, and not known in the world, nay, not so much as in the very neighbouring churches of England and Ireland, but also more obscured by the malice of enemies, traducing, calumniating, and reproaching that righteous remnant whom they intend to ruin; not indeed as hereticks (which is the case of other suffering churches, wherein they have the advantage of us also; that though the name be more odious, yet it makes the notion of their cause, and the nature of their enemies, notour, and is more effectual to conciliate sympathy from all that know that Protestants are persecuted by Papists under the notion of hereticks: but we are at a loss in this, that our persecutors, at least the most part of the executioners of the persecution, will not as yet avouch that Protestantism is heresy though we want not this nick name likewise from the chief of them that are professed Papists) but as Scismaticks, Seditious, Rebels, Traitors, Murderers, Holding principles inconsistent with Government, (to wit, their tyranny), and the peace of human society, (to wit, their association against religion and liberty), and therefore to be exterminated out of the world. And this imposture, covering all their mischiefs, hath prevailed so far with the blinded world, that under this brand the consideration of their case and cause is buried, without farther inquiry. This were yet more tolerable from open enemies, if there were not another more pressing discouragement, in the ninth place, peculiar to them in Scotland; that having to do with treacherous as well as truculent enemies, as they have been much destroyed by open force, so much more by fraud; while, by ensnaring favours, some have been flattered from the testimony, others disdaining and suspecting, as well as deprived of, and secluded from, these favours, have stuck to it; hence defection brought on division, and division confusion, which hath reduced the reformation to a ruinous heap. In the next place, as the consequent of the former, while the purer remnant have been resolutely prosecuting the testimony, and not only keeping themselves free of, and standing at the farthest distance from, all degrees of compliance, but also witnessing against their brethren involved in them and thinking it their duty to discountenance them in these corruptions and backslidings; they have been therefore reproached and misrepresented very industriously, as "Ignorant, Imprudent, Transported with blind zeal, Extravagant, wild Separatists, Espousing new and nice notions, rejecters of the ministry, imposers on the ministry, deniers of all government, usurpers of an imaginary government of their own, that died as fools, and as guilty of their own blood." By which odious and and invidious obloquies, they have easily prevailed with many, both at home and abroad, that are more credulous than considerate, to believe these things of them: hence, with prejudicate people, a contrary representation will find difficult acceptance. However, this moreover is another great disadvantage, and renders an essay to vindicate their sufferings very uneasy; that they are thrust at, and tossed on both hands, by enemies and professed friends: and by enemies that are not Papists, but professed Protestants, owning the same fundamentals in opinion, though in practice not holding the same head: and by friends, that not only are Protestants, but Presbyterians, under the bonds of the same solemn and sacred covenants, the obligation whereof they still own; and not only so, but such, whose piety and godliness cannot be doubted. This is a gravamen grievous to bear, and greatly aggravates the difficulty. Finally, the greatest of all is, that not only their cause is rendered odious, but must be confessed truly stated as heads of suffering. For now it is the dragon's chief stratagem with us, like to be the most subtile, ensnaring, and successful of any, that ever he set on work since ever he began this war with the Lamb, (which yet I hope will prove as fatal to his interest as the former), to bring the sufferings of Christ's witnesses to such a state, that may seem to spectators little or nothing relative to religion, that so he may destroy both them and their testimony unlamented, and by that trick divert others from concerting that same necessary witness in the season thereof. And, for this end, he will change both matter and manner, in managing the war. He will not now persecute for the old controverted heads of Popery, with fire and faggot, as formerly, for refusing to worship our Lady, or the "blessed Sacrament of the Altar." These weapons and engines are so worn out of use, that they will not work now as they did before. And that old bawd of Babylon is become so ugly, and out of date; that he does not believe her beauty can be so bewitching, except that she put on a new busk: but her eldest daughter, the prelatical church, of the same complexion with herself, except that she is coloured with Protestant paint, is fitter for his service to allure our land into fornication; and who will not be enticed, must be forced to communion with her, by finings, confinings, exactions, extortions, and impositions of oaths, &c. Religion must be little concerned here; for there is preaching enough, and of protestant doctrine too, and without the monkey-tricks, and montebank shows, and foperies of English popish ceremonies and liturgical services: What would they be at! Is it not better to yield to this, than to fall into the hand of the Scottish-Spanish inquisition, that will rack the purse, the body, and conscience and all? This is one complex head of suffering, and thought a very small one by many. But now, finding this would not do his business yet, it looked too like religion still: he hath therefore invented a new machine; he will not now persecute, nor force the conscience at all (so good-natured is the devil and his lieutenant grown in their old age) for matters of mere religion. Nay, (if we may believe him, who, when he speaketh a lie, speaketh it of his own) he hath not done it this long time, but only, in all the violent courses exercised against these sufferers, he hath been magistratically chastising the disobedence and rebellion of a few turbulent traitors, who would not own the government. And thus, under the notion of rebellion and disowning authority, he hath had access and success to destroy almost an innumerable number of honest and innocent, faithful and fruitful lovers of Christ, who, though indeed they have had their sufferings stated upon those points, yet I doubt not shall be found among the followers of the Lamb, and confessors and martyrs of Christ, who have overcome by the blood of the Lamb, and the word of their testimony, not loving their lives unto the death, whose blood is crying for vengeance against the shedders thereof: and he will make inquisition for it, when he comes to overturn, overturn, and take his own right, for which they have been contending. Nevertheless this is a prejudice too prevalent with many, to misregard the case and cause of these contenders, or any thing that can be said to represent them favourably. And all these disadvantages, difficulties, and discouragements, together considered, would soon cool my courage, and, at first blush, make me leave off before I begin, were I not persuaded, that it is the cause of Christ these reproached people are still suffering for: and that their great sufferings and reproaches are both alike unjust: from both which the Lord will vindicate them, and bring forth their righteousness as the light, and their judgment as the noon-day, in his own time. In confidence of which, depending on his conduct, I shall undertake, as briefly as possible for me, to represent their case, and clear the cause, so far at least as concerns their contest with their persecuting enemies, with whom I only deal at present: it not being my purpose to descend particularly in their necessitated contendings with complying brethren: partly because they would make the volume to excresce unto too great a bulk, and because they are to be seen elsewhere: yet, in effect: these also are not only here narratively deduced, but whatever is odious in them is vindicated, and what is difficult in some measure enodated. But it may be expected and desiderated, that I should give a distinct deduction of all the steps of this woful defection, against which a great part of the testimony hath been stated; but I would have the reader advertised, I touch only that part of the testimony which hath been sealed by severe sufferings from enemies. It were a task transcending my capacity, and a theme wherein I have no pleasure, besides that it is inconsistent with my leisure, to enlarge upon such a sad and shameful subject: though the world indeed is at a loss, that they that would do it, cannot, and they that would and should do it, will not; and it is a greater loss, not only to Scotland, but also to the whole Christian world, that what hath been done in this kind already cannot see the light, or rather that the church of Christ is deprived of its light, which through the injury of the times, and the disingenuous prudence of some, who suffer themselves to be imposed upon by the patrons of defection, is embezzled and suppressed. I mean that excellent and faithful history of defection, the posthumous work of the famous Mr. M'Ward, whose praise is in the churches; which if they that have it in keeping would do themselves the honour, and the world the happiness, of publishing it, there would be no more need to discover from whence, to what, and how, that church hath fallen and degenerate; nor so great difficulty in that indisputable and indispensible duty that such a day calls for, in searching and trying our ways, to the end we may turn again to the Lord; nor any necessity for my poor essay to invite and incite the people of the Lord to take cognizance and compassion on poor perishing Scotland. I wish that they who have it, may consult more their own duty and credit, and what they owe to the memory of the dead, the church's edification, the day's testimony, and the honour of Christ, than to continue robbing the world of such a treasure; which I doubt not to call treason against Christ, and sacrilege against the church, and stick not to tell them, if they will not publish it, the world must know there was such a thing done. But it not being my design now, to detect or reflect upon all the defections of that declining, and by declensions divided, and by divisions almost (only not) destroyed church; I shall meddle with them no further, than what is necessary to clear the cause, referring the knowledge and account of them, either to the notoriety of the grossest of them, or to the more particular ennaration of them, to be found in papers emitted and published by the contenders against them: of which one is of this same year's edition, entitled, 'The Informatory Vindication of a 'poor, wasted, misrepresented Remnant,' &c. In which may be evident, that notwithstanding of all this darkness and distress, defection and division, under which the church of Scotland hath been so long, and is still labouring, there is yet a poor wasted, wounded, rent, and almost ruined, but still wrestling and witnessing remnant of professors and confessors of Christ there, who though they have not only had their souls exceedingly filled with the scorning of those that are at ease, and with the contempt of the proud; but their bodies also killed all day long, and counted as sheep for the slaughter, have yet through grace endeavoured to overcome by the blood of the Lamb, and the word of their testimony, and have not loved their lives dear unto the death, and have continued to this day contending both against professed enemies, and also declining friends, sustaining from both the utmost of rage and reproach. And since that little book gives an account, what their contendings have been against their backdrawing brethren on the right and left hand, I shall spare labour to offer a discussion of them, only endeavour to make it not difficult to decide and determine, on whose side truth lies, by what is here hinted. I shall conclude with advertising the reader of one thing further, that, as this reproached people, for testimony I am pleading, is now the only party that is persecuted in Scotland, (some few excepted, who are exempted from the pretended favour of the current indemnities) and their persecution still continues, notwithstanding of the impudent, as well as insnaring declarations of universal liberty to all dissenters, which they look upon as their honour and happiness, to be thought incapable of tyrannical and antichristian favours; so their past and present oppressions and sufferings are only here in general aggregated, described as to their kinds, and vindicated as to their causes: the particular deduction of their number, weight, and measure, of their names that have been martyred and murdered, both by formality of law, and without all formality of law, by sea and land, city and country, on scaffolds, and in the fields; of the manner of their sufferings; and of the form of their trials and testimonies, being intended shortly (if the Lord will) to be emitted and published in a book by itself; which will discover to the world as rare instances of the injustice, illegality, and inhumanity of the Scottish inquisition, and of the innocency, zeal, ingenuity, and patience of the witnesses of Christ, as readily can be instanced in these latter ages. Only here is a taste till more come; which if the Lord bless for its designed end, the glory of God, the vindication of truth, the information and satisfaction of all serious sympathisers with Zion's sorrows, and the conviction or confutation of reproachers, so far, at least, as to make them surcease from their invidious charge of things whereof the innocency is here vindicated, I have obtained all my design, and shall desire to give the Lord the praise. _It will not be unprofitable for the Reader to cast his eye upon these sentences of great Authors, which relate to some heads of the following discourse._ (Translated from their Originals.) _Erasmus._ As a woodcock, otherwise loud, being taken, becomes dumb; so slavery renders some men speechless, who, if they were free, would tell their minds freely. _Nazianzen._ Discord is better for the advantage of piety, than dissembled concord. _Bernard._ But if scandal arise for the truth, it is better to suffer scandal than relinquish the truth. _Bracton._ He is a king who rightly governs, a tyrant who oppresses his people. _Cicero._ He loses all right to government, who, by that government, overturns the common-weal. _Aristotle._ He who obeys the law, obeys both God and the law; who obeys the king, a man and a beast. _Sueton._ They are not bound to be loyal to a wicked king, under the pains of perjury. _Ambrose._ He that does not keep off injury from his neighbour, if he can do it, is as much in the fault as he who does it. _Chamier._ But all subjects have right of resisting tyrants, who by open force acquire dominion. _Barclay. Against contenders for Monarchy._ All antiquity agrees, that tyrants can, most justly, be attacked and slain as public enemies, not only by the public, but also by individual persons. A HIND LET LOOSE; OR, AN HISTORICAL REPRESENTATION OF THE TESTIMONIES OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND, FOR THE INTEREST OF CHRIST. WITH THE TRUE STATE THEREOF IN ALL ITS PERIODS. WITH _A VINDICATION OF THE PRESENT TESTIMONY_. The church of Christ, in the impression of all that have the least spark of the day's spirit is now brought to such a doleful and dreadful case and crisis, that if it be not reckoned the killing of the witnesses, yet all that have or desire the knowledge of the times, will judge it no impeachment to the prophecy to say, it is either very like, or near unto it. When now the devil is come down in great wrath, and knowing his time is but short, and therefore exerting all the energy of the venom and violence, craft and cruelty of the dragon, and antichrist, alias pope, his captain-general, is now universally prevailing, and plying all his hellish engines to batter down, and bury under the rubbish of everlasting darkness, what is left to be destroyed of the work of reformation; and the crowned heads, or horns of the beast, the tyrants, alias kings of Europe, his council of war, are advancing their prerogatives upon the ruins of the nations and churches privileges, to such a pitch of absoluteness, and improving and employing their power for promoting their masters (the devil and antichrists) interests, to whom they have gifted the churches, mancipated their own, and sacrificed the nations interest; and that with such combination of counsels, and countenance of providential success, that all the powers of hell, the principalities of earth, and the providence of heaven, over-ruling all things for the accomplishment of the divine purpose, and purchase, and prediction, seem to conspire to produce that prodigious period, and last attempt of the church's enemy. And the commencement is so far advanced, that now in all the churches of Europe either the witnesses of Christ are a killing, or the witness for Christ is in a great measure killed; either the followers of the Lamb, who are called, and chosen, and faithful, are killed for their testimony, or fainting in their zeal, and falling from their first love, they are cooled or cajoled from their testimony. Some are indulging themselves in their ease, settling on their lees, and sleeping in a stupid security; and, while the Lord is roaring from above, and his, and their enemies raging about them, and designing to raze them after they have ruined their neighbours, they are rotting away under the destructive distempers of detestable neutrality, loathsome lukewarmness, declining, and decaying in corruptions, defections, divisions, distractions, confusions; and so judicially infatuated with darkness and delusions, that they forget and forego the necessary testimony of the day. Others again, outwearied with the length and weight of the trial, under the temptation of antichrist's formidable strength on the one hand, and a deceitful prospect of an insnaring liberty on the other, are overcome either to be hectored or flattered from their testimony. And so, in these churches, comprehending all that are free from persecution at this time, the witness for Christ is in a great measure killed. Other churches, which are keeping and contending for the word of Christ's patience, are so wasted, and almost worn out, with persecutions, afflictions, and calamities, that, after they have been, and are (so much) daily killed for the word of God, and the testimony of Jesus, it may well be said, there hath been, and is, a great slaughter of the witnesses. And it were hard to determine, which of them can give the largest and most lamentable account of their sufferings, or which of them have had the greatest and most grievous experiences of the treachery and truculency, violence and villany of atheistical and papistical enemies: whether the reformed church of France, howling under the paw of that devouring lion, the French tyrant; or the protestants of Hungary under the tearing claws of that ravenous eagle, the tyrant of Austria; or those of Piedmont, under the grassant tyranny of that little tyger of Savoy. The accounts they give in print, the reports they bring with them in their flight from their respective countries, and the little hints we have in gazettes and news-letters, must needs enforce a conviction, if not extort a compassion of the greatness of their pressures; and that with such a parity, that it is doubtful which preponderates. I shall not make comparisons, nor aggravate nor extenuate the sufferings of any of the churches of Christ, beyond or below their due measures; but will presume to plead, that Scotland, another ancient, and sometimes famous reformed church, be inrolled in the catalogue of suffering churches, besides these mentioned; and crave, that she may have a share of that charity and sympathy which is the demand and desire of afflicted churches of Christ, from all the fellow members of that same body: and so much the rather is this her due, that, whereas, among all the rest of the churches, Christ's witnesses are killed in some particular respect, and each of them have their own proper complaint of it; some upon the account of persecution, some of defection, division, &c. of this it may be said, in all respects, both the witnesses of Christ, and a witness for Christ, are killed with a witness. This is the case of the sometimes renowned, famous, faithful, and fruitful, reformed, covenanted church of Scotland, famous for unity, faithful for verity, fruitful in the purity of doctrine, worship, discipline, and government; which now, for these twenty-seven years past, under the domination of the late tyrant, and present usurper of Britain, hath been so wasted with oppression, wounded with persecution, rent with division, ruined with defection, that now she is as much despised, as she was before admired; and her witness and testimony for reformation, is now as far depressed and suppressed in obscurity, as it was formerly declared and depredicated in glory and honour. And yet, which should move the greater commiseration, her witnessings and wrestlings, trials and temptations, have not been inferior, in manner or measure, quality or continuance, to any of the fore-mentioned churches, though in extent not so great, because her precinct is not so large, whereby the number of her oppressed and murdered children could not be so multiplied, though her martyrs be more, and the manner of their murder more illegal, than can be instanced in any of them during that time. A particular enumeration or ennaration whereof, cannot be here exhibited, but is referred and reserved to a peculiar treatise of that subject, which ere long the world may see. Only I shall give a compendious account of the kinds and causes, grounds and heads of their sufferings, who have been most slighted, and least sympatized with, though they have sustained the greatest severities of any; and, in end, endeavour to vindicate the merit of their cause, in the most principal heads upon which their sufferings have been stated: whereby it will appear to impartial men, that will not be imposed upon, there hath been, and yet is, a great and grievous, and some way unparalleled, persecution in Scotland, at least inferior to none: which hath not hitherto been duly considered, with any proportion to the importance thereof. But though this be the scope, it is not the sum of what is intended in this discourse. The method I have proposed to prosecute it withal, will discover it; which is, 1. To give a brief and summary account of the series and succession, success and result of the several contendings of the witnesses of Christ, against his enemies in Scotland from time to time; that it may appear, whether or not the present sufferings, as now stated, can be condemned, if the former be approven. 2. To rehearse some of the chief means, methods and measures, that the popish, prelatical and malignant faction have managed, for the ruin of this witnessing remnant, and some of the most signal steps of sufferings sustained by and from these within these twenty-seven years; by which it will appear, that the persecution in Scotland hath been very remarkable (though little regarded) both in respect of the injustice, illegality, and inhumanity of the persecutors, and in respect of the innocency, zeal and ingenuity of the persecuted. 3. To clear the state, and vindicate the merit of the cause of their sufferings, as to the most material heads of it, that are most controverted at this time. In the first of these, I must study all compendious brevity, as may consist with the clearing of my scope; which is not to enlarge an historical deduction of the rise and result, progress and prosecution, occasion and continuation of every controversy the church hath had with her several adversaries in several periods; but only to hint at the chief heads of their contendings, with a design to make it appear, that the most material heads of sufferings that are now condemned as new and nice notions, have been transmitted from age to age, from the beginning even to this present time, through all the periods of this church. PERIOD I. _Comprehending the_ TESTIMONY _of the_ CULDEES. It is not without reason reckoned among the peculiar prerogatives of the renowned church of Scotland, that Christ's conquest in the conversion of that nation, is one of the most eminent accomplishments of scripture-prophecies, of the propagation of his kingdom in the new testament dispensation; not only because it was, when called out of Gentile paganism, among the rudest of heathen nations, and in the acknowledgement of all, among "the uttermost parts of the earth," which were given to Christ for his inheritance and possession; whereunto he had, and hath still undoubted right, by his Father's grant, and by his own purchase; and took infeftment of it by a glorious conquest of that land, which the Roman arms could never subdue; and erected his victorious trophies there, whither their triumphs could never penetrate; obtaining and thereby accomplishing that predicted song of praise, "From the uttermost parts of the earth have we heard songs, even glory to the righteous." Which gives us ground to expect, that however Christ's interest there be now very low, and like to be lost as a prey in the dragon's mouth, yet Christ, having such undoubted and manifold right to it, will not so easily quit or forego his possession; but also, because he hath so constantly continued his possession, and maintained his title, by a long course of contendings, by the testimonies of his witnesses against the invaders thereof, through all the periods of the church, from the very infancy of this new dispensation; and because Scotland's conversion unto the Christian faith was among the first fruits of the Gentiles, of the oldest date, that any standing church holding the head Christ this day can deduct its original from. For it is clear from ancient records, the Christian faith was embraced here a few years after the ascension of our Saviour, being taught by the disciples of John the apostle; and received afterwards great increase from the Britons flying to Scotland to escape the persecution of the Emperor Domitian, and was long promoted by the ancient Culdees, (or worshippers of God,) men whose memory is still fragrant for piety and purity of faith and life, who continued some hundreds of years under various vicissitudes of providence, before either prelacy or popery was known in Scotland. They were first universally encouraged by King Cratilinth, in the time of the last persecution under Dioclesian, which brought many of Christ's witnesses hither for shelter, who were very helpful for the settling of truth, and the total extirpation of the idolatry of the Druids, the heathen priests, whereby the pure doctrine, worship, and government also, of Christ's institution, was established and continued many years, while these witnesses of Christ had no other emulation but of well-doing, and to advance piety. In this period, these ancient, and first confessors and witnesses of Christ, did wrestle strenuously, according to their strength and light, for the truths and words of Christ's patience, controverted in their day, both against professed enemies, Pagan persecutors and priests, and pretended friends, corrupters of the faith. Their testimony was stated in a peculiar manner, for the verity, value and virtue of Christ's natures and offices, in asserting his truths relative to either, against the malignants and sectaries of their time; particularly for the concerns of his prophetical office. And though we be at a loss, that for the most part their witness is buried in oblivion, through the darkness of the times succeeding; yet the scrapes and fragments that are left, do furnish us with these few remarks. I. They maintained the verity of the Christian doctrine, against both Pagan Persecutors and heretical perverters; and the purity of his instituted worship, without the vanity of human inventions, or conformity with, either the Druids on the one hand, or the heretics on the other, with which, sometime before the end of that period, they were infested; chiefly the Pelagians, with whom the faithful would have no communion; but abstracted themselves in a monastical life, living and exercising their religion in cells, from whence many places in the country yet retain the name, as Kilmarnock, Kilpatrick, &c. that is the cells of these eminent men among the Culdees. And their government also was that of the primitive order, without bishops, with little vanity, but great simplicity and holiness. Many authors do testify, that near about 400 years, the church of Scotland knew nothing of the episcopal Hierarchy, until Palladius brought it in, and not without great opposition. II. In these recesses, they had the advantage, both of outward peace, when others were in trouble, and of inward peace of conscience, when others were debauched with many conjurations and abjurations, combinations and confederacies, imposed and exacted by them that prevailed for the time, whereby they might both keep themselves free of ensnaring oaths, perfidious compliances, and associations with the wicked, and also entertain and encourage the oppressed for equity, who fled unto their sanctuary for safety. We find they refused to enter into league with malignant enemies. One memorable passage I shall insert (though strictly it belong not to this period, as I distinguish it, yet falling out, within eighty years thereafter, in the time of the Culdees, it will not obscurely evidence the truth of this) Goranus the forty-fifth king of Scots, earnestly dissuaded Lothus king of Picts to entertain the league with the Saxons, not only because they were treacherous and cruel, but because they were enemies to the country and to the religion they professed, concluding thus: _Homini vero Christiano id longe omnium videri_, &c. "But to a Christian nothing must seem more grievous, than to consent to such a covenant, as will extinguish the Christian religion, and reduce the prophane customs of the heathen, and arm wicked tyrants, the enemies of all humanity and piety, against God and his laws." Whereupon Lothus was persuaded to relinquish the Saxons, Buchan. Hist. Rer. Scotic. III. Though they were not for partaking in wicked unnecessary wars, without authority, or against it; yet we have ground to conclude, they were for war, and did maintain the principle of resisting tyranny; since there was never more of the practice of it, nor more happy resistances in any age, than in that; where we find, that, as their ancestors had frequently done before, so they also followed their footsteps, in resisting, reducing to order, repressing, and bringing to condign punishment tyrants and usurpers; and thought those actions, which their fathers did by the light of nature and dictates of reason, worthy of imitation, when they had the advantage of the light of revelation and dictates of faith; the one being indeed moderate and directed, but no ways contradicted by the other. Therefore we read, that, as their predecessors had done with Thereus the 8th king of Scotland, whom they banished in the year before Christ's incarnation 173; with Dustus the 11th king, whom they slew in battle in the year before Christ 107; Evenus the 3d, who was imprisoned, and died there, in the year before Christ 12; Dardanus the 20th king, who was taken in battle, beheaded by his own subjects, his head exposed to mockage, and his body cast into a sink, in the year of Christ 72; Luctatus the 22d king, who was slain for his leachery and tyranny in the year 110, Mogaldus the 23d king, slain in the year 113; Conarus the 24th king, a leacherous tyrant, died in prison in the year 149; Satrael the 26th king hanged in the year 159. So, after the Christian faith was publicly professed, they pursued Athirco the 29th king, when degenerate into tyranny, who was forced to kill himself in the year 231. They slew Nathalocus the 30th king, and cast him into a privy, in the year 241. They beheaded Romachus the 36th king, and carried about his head for a show in the year 348. As they did with many others afterwards, as witnesseth Buchanan, Book IV. Scottish History. IV. Whence it is evident, that as they attained, even in these primitive times, and maintained the purity and freedom of their ministry, independent on Pope, Prelate, or any human supremacy (that Antichristian hierarchy and Erastian blasphemy not being known in those days) so they contended for the order and boundaries of the magistracy, according to God's appointment and the fundamental constitutions of their government; and thought it their duty to shake off the yoke, and disown the authority of these tyrants that destroyed the same. Yea, we find, that even for incapacity, stupidity and folly, they disowned the relation of a magistrate, and disposed of the government another way, as they did with Ethodius II. whose authority they did own, but only to the title. See Buchanan in the before cited place. PERIOD II. _Comprehending the_ TESTIMONY _of the same_ CULDEES, _with that of the_ LOLLARDS. The following period was that fatal one, that brought in universal darkness on the face of the whole church of Christ, and on Scotland with the first of them: which, as it received very early Christianity, so it was with the first corrupted with antichristianism: for that mystery of iniquity that had been long working, till he who letted was taken out of the way, found Scotland ripe for it when he came; which, while the dragon did persecute the woman in the wilderness, did valiantly repel his assaults; but when the beast did arise, to whom he gave his power, he prevailed more by his subtilty, than his rampant predecessor could do by his rage. Scotland could resist the Roman legions while heathenish, but not the Roman locusts when antichristian. At his very first appearance in the world, under the character of antichrist, his harbinger Palladius brought in prelacy to Scotland, and by that conveyance the contagion of popery, which hath always been, as every where, so especially in Scotland, both the mother and daughter, cause and effect, occasion and consequence of popery. These rose, stood and lived together, and sometimes did also fall together; and we have ground to hope that they shall fall again; and their final and fatal fall is not far off. Whatever difficulty authors do make, in calculating the epocha of the forty-two months of antichrist's duration in the world, because of the obscurity of his first rise; yet there needs not be much perplexity in finding out that epocha in Scotland, nor so much discouragement from the fancied permanency of that kingdom of wickedness. For if it be certain, as it will not be much disputed, that popery and prelacy came in by Palladius, sent legate by Pope Celestine, about the year 450; then if we add forty-two months, or 1260 prophetical days, that is, years, we may have a comfortable prospect of their tragical conclusion. And though both clashings and combinations, oppositions and conjunctions, this day may seem to have a terrible aspect, portending a darker hour before the dawning; yet all these reelings and revolutions, though they be symptoms of wrath incumbent upon us for our sins, they may be looked upon, through a prospect of faith, as presages and prognostics of mercy impendent for his name's sake, encouraging us, when we see these dreadful things come to pass in our day, to lift up our heads, for the day of our redemption draweth nigh. This dark period continued nigh about 1100 years, in which, though Christ's witnesses were very few, yet he had some witnessing and prophesying in sackcloth all the while. Their testimony was the same with that of the Waldenses and Albigenses, stated upon the grounds of their secession, or rather abstraction from that mystery Babylon, mother of harlots, popery and prelacy, for their corruption in doctrine, worship, discipline and government. And did more particularly relate to the concerns of Christ's priestly office, which was transmitted from the Culdees to the Lollards, and by them handed down to the instruments of reformation in the following period. Their testimony indeed was not active, by way of forcible resistance against the sovereign powers; but passive, by way of confession and martyrdom, and sufferings and verbal contendings, and witnessings against the prevailing corruptions of the time. And no wonder it should be so, and in this someway different from ours, because that was a dispensation of suffering, when antichrist was on the ascendant, and they had no call or capacity to oppose him any other way, and were new spirited for this passive testimony, in which circumstances they are an excellent pattern for imitation, but not an example for confutation of that principle of defensive resistance, which they never contradicted, and had never occasion to confirm by their practice. But, as in their managing their testimony, their manner was someway different from ours on this respect; so they had by far the advantage of us, that their cause was so clearly stated upon the greatest heads of sufferings, having the clearest connexion with the fundamentals of religion; yet we shall find in this period our heads of suffering someway homologated, if we consider, I. That as they did faithfully keep and contend for the word of Christ's patience under that dispensation, in asserting and maintaining both the verity of Christ's doctrine, and the purity of his worship, by testifying against the corruptions, errors, idolatries and superstitions of popery; so they did constantly bear witness against the usurpation and tyrannical domination of the antichristian prelates. And as the Culdees did vigorously oppose their first introduction, and after aspiring domination, as well as the corruptions of their doctrines, as we have the contendings of eminent witnesses recorded from age to age; in the fourth and fifth age, Columbe, Libthac, Ethernan, Kintegern or Mungo; in the sixth and seventh age, Colmanus, Clemens, and Samson, with others; in the eighth and ninth age, Alcuin, Rabanus, Maurus, Joannes Scotus �rigena, are noted in history. And the Lollards, by their examinations and testimonies, are found to have witnessed against the exercise of their power, and sometimes against the very nature of their power itself: so in their practice they condemned prelacy as well as popery, in that their ministers did in much painfulness, poverty, simplicity, humility, and equality, observe the institution of our Lord. And so far as their light served, and had occasion to enquire into this point, they acknowledged no officer in the house of God superior to a preaching minister, and according to this standard, they rejected and craved reformation of exorbitant prelacy. And it is plain, that they were frequently discovered by discountenancing and withdrawing from their superstitious and idolatrous worship; for all which, when they could not escape nor repel their violence, they cheerfully embraced and endured the flames. II. That their adversaries did manage their cruel craft, and crafty cruelty, in murdering those servants of God, much after the same methods that ours do; except that they are many stages outdone by their successors; as much as perfect artists do outstrip the rude beginnings of apprentices. But, on the other hand, the sufferers in our day, that would follow the example of those worthies under Popery, would be much condemned by this generation, even by them that commend the matter of their testimony, though they will not allow the manner of it to be imitated in this day. The adversaries of Christ, in this and that generation, are more like than his confessors and witnesses are. The adversaries then, when constrained by diversions of the time's troubles, or when their designs were not ripe, pretended more moderation and aversation from severity; but no sooner got they opportunity, (which always they sought), but so soon they renewed the battle against Jesus Christ; so now: when they had seven abominations in their hearts, and many cursed designs in their heads, they always spoke fairest; so now: when they had a mind to execute their cruelty, they would resolve before hand whom to pitch upon before conviction; so now: and when so resolved, the least pretence of a fault, obnoxious to their wicked law, would serve their design; so now: they used then to forge articles, and falsely misrepresent their answers, and declarations of their principles; so now. Yet, on the other hand, if now poor sufferers should glory in that they are counted worthy to suffer shame for the name of Christ, as they did then; if now they should suffer with as great chearfulness, for the smallest points as for the greatest heads, as they did then, who endured the flames as gallantly, for eating a goose upon Friday, as others did for the doctrine of justification, or purgatory, or indulgences, or worshipping of images and saints; if now they should speak for every truth in question, with all simplicity and plainness, without reserves or shifts declining a testimony, as they did; if they should supersede from all application to their enemies for favour, and not meddle with either petitioning or bonding with them, as they did; nay, not accepting deliverance, that they might obtain a better resurrection: then they might expect the severe censure of ignorant and precise fools, as the most part who suffer now are counted. III. That they stood aloof from every appearance of a base compliance with them; not so much as to give them an interpretative sign of it; which, in their meaning, might be thought a recantation, though, abstractly considered, it might be capable of a more favourable construction; as the required burning of their bill was; which might have been thought a condemning of their accusations; but because that was not their adversaries sense of it, they durst not do it. Not like many now a-days, who will not be solicitous to consult that. Neither would they take any of their oaths, nor pay any of their ecclesiastical exactions, as we find in the articles brought in against the Lollards of Kyle, Knox's History of Reformation. These things are easily complied with now: and such as will suffer upon such things are condemned. IV. That while the love of God and his blessed truth, and the precepts, promise, and presence of our Lord Jesus Christ, did enable them unto all patience with joy, in a passive testimony, being by the call of a clear and necessary providence sent and set forth to be his witnesses; they did not indeed endeavour any resistance: yet we find they never resigned nor abandoned that first and most just privilege of resistance; nay, nor bringing public beasts of prey to condign punishment, in an extraordinary way of vindictive justice, for the murder of the saints. As, upon the murder of Mr. George Wishart, was done with Cardinal Beaton, who was slain in the tower of St. Andrew's by James Melvin: who, perceiving his consorts in the enterprize moved with passion, withdrew them, and said, 'This work and judgment of God, although it be secret, ought to be done with greater gravity.' And, presenting the point of the sword to the Cardinal, said, 'Repent thee of thy former wicked life, but especially of the shedding of the blood of that notable instrument of God, Mr. George Wishart, which albeit the flame of fire consumed before men, yet it cries for vengeance upon thee, and we from God are sent to revenge it; for here, before my God, I protest, that neither the hatred of thy person, the love of thy riches, nor the fear of any trouble thou couldst have done me in particular, moved or moveth me to strike thee, but only because thou hast been and remainest an obstinate enemy against Christ Jesus, and his holy gospel.' Of which fact, the famous and faithful historian Mr. Knox speaks very honourably, and was so far from condemning it, that while, after the slaughter, they kept out the castle, he, with other godly men, went to them, and stayed with them, till they were together carried captives to France. Yet now such a fact, committed upon such another bloody and treacherous beast, the Cardinal Prelate of Scotland, eight years ago, is generally condemned as horrid murder. V. However, though in this dark period there be no noted instances of these witnesses resisting the superior powers, for reasons above hinted: yet, in this period, we find many instances of noble and virtuous patriots, their not only resisting, but also revenging to the utmost of severity, rigorous and raging tyrants, as may be seen in histories. For, before the corruption of antichrist came to its height, we find Ferchardus 1st, the 52d King, was drawn to judgment against his will, great crimes were laid to his charge, and among others the Pelagian heresy, and contempt of baptism, for which he was cast into prison, where he killed himself in the year 636; Eugenius 8th, the 62d King, degenerating into wickedness, and rejecting the admonitions of his friends, and especially of the ministers, was killed in a convention of his nobles, with the consent of all, in the year 765; Donaldus 7th was imprisoned, where he killed himself, in the year 859; Ethus, surnamed Alipes, the 72d King, was apprehended, and his wicked life laid out before the people, and then compelled to resign the government, and died in prison, in the year 875. Afterwards when the government was transmitted to the Stewarts, James the 2d, the 103d King, who killed William Earl of Douglas in the castle of Stirling, most treacherously, after he had pretended a civil treatment, was publicly defied by the Earl's friends, who took the King's public writ and subscription made to the said Earl, and tied it to a horse tail, dragging it through the streets; and, when they came to the market-place, they proclaimed both King and Nobles perjured covenant breakers; and thereafter, when Earl James his brother was desired to submit, he answered, 'He would never put himself in their reverence who had no regard to shame; nor to the laws of God or man, and who had so perfidiously killed his brother and his cousins.' James 3d, the 104th King, for his treachery and tyranny, was opposed and pursued by arms by his own subjects; who, finding himself under disadvantages, sent to the rebels (as he thought them, and called them) an offer of peace, and received this answer--'That seeing the King did nothing honestly, a certain war seemed better to them than a peace not to be trusted, that there was no other hope of agreement but one, that he should quit the government, otherwise it was to no purpose to trouble themselves with treaties.' Thereafter, in a battle, he was slain at Bannockburn by Gray, Ker, and Borthwick. The same King was also constrained, by the valour of Archibald Douglas Earl of Angus, called Bell the Cat, to reform the court, and put away some wicked sycophants from his council, and give way, though against his will, to the execution of judgment upon others: which was the occasion of that foresaid agnomen to the Earl: for he, with other nobles, in a meeting at Lauder, consulting how to reform and repress the insolency of the Court, had the apologue of the mice laid out before them; that the mice fell upon deliberating how to be rid of the cat, and concluded that the best way was to put a bell about her neck; but when it came to be put in execution, never a mouse durst undertake it: the Earl quickly made application, saying, I will bell the cat; and forthwith went out, and meeting Cochran, one of these wicked counsellors, took hold of him, and hanged him with a horse halter over the bridge of Lauder; and, rushing into the King's presence, proceeded to snatch Ramsay, another of the country's enemies, out of the King's arms; but that he yielded at length to the King's earnest entreaties to spare him. However we see how generously zealous these noble patriots were for the country's good, against tyranny, though they were ignorant of religion: yet this all along was still the character of the Scots in these days, none more terrible to tyrants, none more loyal to Kings than they. PERIOD III. _Containing the_ TESTIMONY _of the_ REFORMATION _from_ POPERY. As in the former, the testimony was mostly passive; so, in the following period, when they were encreased in number and strength that embraced the gospel, the Lord called, and spirited to an active testimony, for these two twins, religion and liberty, that were then sought to be stifled in the birth, and are now designed more declaredly to be destroyed, after they have grown up to some maturity: which, as it renders the cruelty of the present destroyers the more grassant and grievous, so it rubs the more indelible infamy on the shameful security and ass-like stupidity of this generation, that have received such an excellent testimony deposited to their trust, transmitted to them through a continued tract of the witnessings and wrestlings of their worthy ancestors, and now let it slip and slide through their feeble fingers; and does the more justify, yea magnify, the poor endeavours of the present sufferers, who, at least, when they cannot re-act these mighty works, in defending religion and liberty, do chuse rather to die than to resign the testimony, or quit the least privilege that their progenitors possessed them of: and though they be superciliously despised, as little insignificant nothings in the eyes of the bulk of the big boasters of this blind age; yet if these valiant heroes, who did such exploits for their God, in commencing and carrying on the work of reformation, were now to see the dull dotages of this dreaming generation, (not only suffering and consenting to, but congratulating and applauding, the introduction and re-establishment of idolatry and tyranny, popery and slavery, upon the ruins of the work they built with so great expence); and were to read the pitiful petitions, and airy and empty, flattering and fawning addresses, to this antichristian tyrant, for the toleration of that religion and liberty, under the odious notion of a crime, which they had conveyed to them under the security of a fundamental law; they, if any, would be acknowledged as their children, who disdain and disown such dishonourable and dastardly yieldings, and are therefore most despised with disdain and despight. A brief rehearsal of their contendings will clear the case. While the Queen Dowager regent reigned by the curse of God, and employed all her power and policy to suppress the gospel in Scotland, God so counteracted her, that the blood of the martyrs she caused to be murdered, proved the seed of the church; and the endeavours of his servants had such success, that no small part of the barons and gentlemen, as well as commons, began to abhor the tyranny of the bishops: yea, men almost universally began to doubt, whether they could without sin give their bodily presence 'to the mass, or offer their children to the papistical baptism? Whether these that were in any public trust, could with safe conscience serve the higher powers in maintaining of idolatry, persecuting their brethren, and suppressing Christ's truth? Or whether they might suffer their brethren to be murdered in their presence, without any declaration that such tyranny displeased them?' And, from the scriptures, they were resolved, That a lively faith requires a plain confession, when Christ's truth is impugned; and that not only they be guilty that do evil, but also they that consent to evil, and this they should do, if seeing such things openly committed, they should be silent, and so allow whatsoever was done. From doubts they came to determinations, to endeavour that Christ Jesus his glorious gospel should be preached, his holy sacraments truly ministred, superstition, idolatry, and tyranny should be suppressed in this realm; and that both as to the worship, discipline, and government, the reverend face of the first primitive and apostolic church should be reduced again to the eyes and knowledge of men. And in this they never fainted till the work was finished. To accomplish this, famous and faithful Mr. Knox, and other servants of the Lord, did preach diligently in private meetings. And for that, when they were summoned before the Queen, several zealous and bold men repaired to her, and plainly in the hearing of the Prelates, did charge them with the cruel device intended, and told her with a vow, 'They should make a day of it, because they oppressed them and their tenants for feeding their idle bellies, they troubled the preachers, and would murder all; should they suffer this any longer? No; it should not be.' Thereafter, the more effectually to prosecute the reformation begun, they entered into covenants, to maintain and advance that work of reformation, and to stand to the defence thereof; and of one another, against all wicked power, that might intend tyranny or trouble against them, and to resent any injury done to any of their brethren, upon the account of the common cause, as done to all. Of which covenants they entered into many very solemnly; one was at Edinburgh in the year 1557; another at Perth 1559; another at Stirling 1559, binding, that none should have any correspondence with the Queen, without notifying it to one another; and that nothing should proceed therein, without common consent of them all. Another at Leith, in the year 1560; another at Ayr, in the year 1562, of the same tenor. By which covenants, as their conjunction was the more firm among themselves, so was it the more fearful to their adversaries: when, according to the tenor of them, they kept their conventions, and held counsels with such gravity and closeness, that the enemies trembled. I mention these things more particularly, because these same very things commended in our fathers, are now condemned in a poor handful, that would aim at imitating their example, in renewing and reiterating such covenants of the same nature and tenor, and binding to the same very duties, and prosecute in the same methods of keeping general meetings for correspondence, and consultation about common mutual duties in common danger; whereunto they have not only present necessity to urge them, but also preterite examples of these worthies to encourage them, and their experience of comfort and tranquillity they reaped, by these Christian assemblies and godly conferences, as oft as any danger appeared to any member or members of their body. These beginnings, the zealous covenanted reformers left no means unessayed to promote, by protestations to the parliament, and petitions, and many reiterated addresses to the Queen Dowager: from whom they received many renewed fair promises; which she had never mind to keep, and wanted not the impudence, when challenged for breaking them, to declare, 'It becomes not subjects to burden their princes with promises further than it pleased them to keep the same:' and, at another time, 'that she was bound to keep no faith to hereticks:' and again, 'that princes must not be strickly bound to keep their promises; and that herself would make little conscience to take from all that sort their lives and inheritance, if she might do it with an honest excuse.' Wherein she spoke not only the venom of her own heart, but the very soul and sense, principle and project of all popish princes: whereby we may see what security we have for religion and liberty this day, though the most part make such a pretence a pillow to sleep on. But, after many discoveries in this kind of the Queen's treachery, at length they would no more be bribed by promises, blinded by pretences, nor boasted by her proclamations, (slandering their enterprise, as if it pertained nothing to religion) from their endeavours to prosecute the same: but finding themselves compelled to take the sword of just defence, against all that should pursue them for the matter of religon, they first signified unto her; 'that they would notify to the king of France, and all Christian princes, that her cruel, unjust, and most tyrannical murder intended against towns and multitudes, was and is the only cause of their revolt from their accustomed obedience, which they owned and promised to their Sovereign; provided they might live in peace and liberty, and enjoy Christ's gospel, without which they firmly purpose never to be subject to mortal man; and that better it were to expose their bodies to a thousand deaths; than to deny Christ; which thing not only do they, who commit open idolatry, but also all such, as, seeing their brethren pursued for the cause of religion, and having no sufficient means to comfort and assist them, do nevertheless withdraw from them their dutiful support.' And thereafter, they published a declaration to the generation of antichrist, the pestilent prelates, and their shavelings within Scotland. 'That they should not be abused, thinking to escape just punishment, after that they, in their blind fury, had caused the blood of many to be shed; but if they proceeded in this their malicious cruelty, they should be dealt withal, wheresoever they should be apprehended, as murderers, and open enemies to God and to mankind. And that with the same measure they had measured, and intended to measure to others, it should be measured to them;--that is, they should, with all force and power they had, execute just vengeance and punishment upon them; yea begin that same war which God commandeth Israel to execute against the Canaanites; that is, contract of peace should never be made, till they desist from their open idolatry and cruel persecution of God's children.' I rehearse this declaration the more expressly, because in our day declarations of this style and strain, and aiming at the same scope, are hideously hissed and houted at as unheard of novelties. Finally, when by all their letters, warnings, admonitions and protestations, they could obtain no redress, but rather an increase of insupportable violence, they proponed the question in a general meeting, 'Whether she, whose pretences threatened the bondage of the whole common wealth, ought to be suffered so tyrannically to domineer over them?' Unto which the ministers, being required to give their judgment, answered, That she ought not. And accordingly they declared her deposed from all government over them; 'because of her persecuting the professors of the true religion, and oppressing the liberties of the true lieges, never being called nor convinced of any crime; because of her intrusion of magistrates against all order of election; because of her bringing in strangers to suppress the liberty of the country, and placing them in greatest offices of credit; because of her altering and subverting the old laws of the realm,' &c. Which I mention, because hence we may see what things our fathers judged did dissolve the relation between the people and their rulers; and, when applied to our case, will justify their reasons that have renounced the present tyranny. This was done at Edinburgh in the year 1559. And thereafter, while they vindicated themselves, and went on with the work of reformation, throwing down all monuments of idolatry, and propagating the reformed religion, God so blessed their endeavours, that their confession of faith, and all articles of the protestant religion, was read and ratified by the three estates of parliament, at Edinburgh, July 1560. And the same year the book of discipline, containing the form and order of presbyterial government, was subscribed by a great part of the nobility. Thus, through the wisdom and power of God alone, even by the weakness of very mean instruments, against the rage and fury of the devil, and of all the powers of hell, was this work of reformation advanced and effectuated; and came to the establishment of a law, which did not only ratify and confirm the protestant religion, but abolish antichristian popery, and appoint punishment for the professors and promoters thereof. Which law, often confirmed and ratified afterwards, though it be now cested and rescinded by the prerogative of the present tyrant; because it annuls and invalidates his pretence to succession in the government, (it being expressly enacted afterwards, by a parliament at Edinburgh, 1567, confirming this, that all princes and kings hereafter, before their coronation, shall take oath to maintain the true religion then professed, and suppress all things contrary to it), yet is still in force in the hearts of all honest men, that will not prostitute religion, law and liberty, to the lusts of tyrants; and will be accounted a better bottom to build the hope of enjoying religion upon, than the perfidious promises of a popish usurper, pretending a liberty to dissenting protestants, by taking away the penal statutes, the legal bulwark against popery: all which yet, to the reproach of all protestants, some are applauding and congratulating in this time by their addresses and petitions, to this destroyer of law and religion. I wish they would look back to see what the building of this bulwark cost our fathers, before they sell it at such a rate; and compare the present addresses, courting and caressing the papists, with the addresses of these worthy builders of what they are destroying. There is one dated Edinburgh, May 27, 1561, presented to the Council, shewing, that honesty craved them, to make the secrets of their heart patent, which was--'That, before ever these tyrants and dumb dogs empire over them professing Christ Jesus within this realm, they were fully determined to hazard life, and whatsoever they had received of God in temporal things.--And let these enemies of God assure themselves, that if their council put not order unto them, that they should shortly take such order, that they shall neither be able to do what they list, neither yet to live upon the sweet of the brows of such as are no debtors to them.' And when the mischievous Mary, the daughter of the degraded Queen, returning from France, set up the mass but in her own family, the godly at that time gave plain signification, that they could not abide that 'the land which God had purged from idolatry, should in their eyes be polluted again. Shall that idol (say they) be suffered again to take place within this realm? It shall not.' The idolatrous priests should die the death according to God's law. And a proclamation being issued to protect the Queen's domestic servants that were papists, there was a protestation given forth presently, 'That if any of her servants should commit idolatry, say mass, participate therewith, or take the defence thereof, in that case this proclamation was not extended to them in that behalf, no more than if they commit murder; seeing the one is much more abominable in the sight of God than the other; but that it may be lawful to inflict upon them, the pains contained in God's word against idolaters, wherever they may be apprehended, without favour.' The words of John Knox upon the following Sabbath may be added, 'That one mass was more fearful unto him, than if ten thousand armed enemies were landed in any part of the realm, of purpose to suppress the whole religion: for (said he) in our God there is strength to resist and confound multitudes, if we unfeignedly depend upon him; but when we join hands with idolatry, it is no doubt but both God's amiable presence and comfortable defence will leave us, and what shall then become of us?' Yea, when it was voted in the General Assembly, whether they might take the Queen's mass from her? many frankly affirmed, 'That as the mass is abominable, so it is just and right that it should be suppressed; and that in so doing, men did no more hurt to the Queen's Majesty, than they that should by force take from her a poisoned cup, when she was going to drink it.' Thus we have some specimen of the zeal of our fathers against idolatry. But in a little time court favours blunted it in many; and then had the servants of God a double battle, fighting on the one hand against idolatry, and the rest of the abominations maintained by the court. And upon the other hand, against the unfaithfulness of false brethren, and treachery of sycophants, who informed the court against the ministers, for their free and faithful preaching and warnings on all occasions; yet they sustained the brunt of all these assaults, and came off with honour. At length, to be short, in process of time, this Mary, a woman of a proud and crafty wit, and an obdured heart against God and his truth, infilled in the same steps of tyranny and treachery (but with greater aggravations) that her mother walked in, and was served according to her desert. For after that her darling David Rizzo, the Italian fidler, (whom most men then supposed, and do still suspect to be the father of King James, this man's grandfather; and some do think it not unlikely, that his successors have derived from this stock the Italian complexion and constitution both of body and mind, spare and swarthy, cruel and crafty) received his due rewards in her presence, by the King's consent and counsel; she conceived such contempt of, and indignation against the poor uxorious young King, Henry of Darnley, that she never rested till she and Bothwel contrived and executed his murder, and then she married that murdering adulterer, the said Earl of Bothwel: whereupon the Protestant Noblemen pursuing the murder, took her, and sent her prisoner to Lochleven, where they made her resign the government to her son James, then an infant, and afterwards she was beheaded by Elizabeth Queen of England. We see now by this deduction, what was the testimony of this period, and how in many things it confirms the heads of the present sufferings, which we may particularly remark. I. The reformation of Scotland had this common with all other protestant churches, that it was carried on by resisting the opposing powers; but it had this peculiar advantage above all, that at once, and from the beginning, both doctrine and worship, discipline and government were reformed: as Mr. Knox witnesseth, that there was no realm upon the face of the earth at that time that had religion in greater purity. 'Yea,' says he, 'we must speak the truth, whomsoever we offend, there is no realm that hath the like purity; for all others, how sincere soever the doctrine be, retain in their churches and ministry thereof, some footsteps of antichrist, and dregs of popery; but we (praise to God alone) have nothing in our churches that ever flowed from that Man of Sin.' The doctrine was purely reformed, according to the rule of Christ, both as to matter and manner of delivery. As to the matter of it, what it was, the Confession of Faith, ratified in parliament in the year 1560, doth witness. In the manner of it, they studied not the smooth and pawky prudence that is now so much applauded, for not observing which, such as would fain be honest in this duty, are so much condemned; but they cried aloud against, and did not spare the sins of the time, with application to every degree of men; as we have it published and vindicated in Mr. Knox's History. They cried, 'that the same God who plagued Pharaoh, repulsed Sennacherib, struck Herod with worms, and made the bellies of dogs the grave and sepulchre of the spiteful Jezebel, will not spare misled princes, who authorize the murderers of Christ's members in this our time. Many now a days will have no other religion than the Queen; the Queen no other than the Cardinal; the Cardinal no other than the Pope; the Pope no other than the devil: let men therefore consider what danger they stand in, if their salvation shall depend upon the Queen's faith.' And they used to defend such manner of free dealing, from the examples of the prophets reproving Kings personally. 'Now, if the like and greater corruptions be in the world this day, who dare enterprize, to put to silence the Spirit of God, which will not be subject to the appetites of misled princes.' Mr. Knox's defence before the Queen, when rebuked for speaking of her marriage in the pulpit, was: 'The Evangel, saith he, hath two points, repentance and faith; in preaching repentance, of necessity it is, that the sins of men may be noted, that they may know wherein they offend.' And in his dispute with Lethington, requiring where any of the prophets did so use Kings and rulers; he gave the example of Elias 'reproving Ahab and Jezebel, that dogs shall lick the blood of Ahab, and eat the flesh of Jezebel; which was not whispered in their ears, but so as the people understood well enough, for so witnessed Jehu after the accomplishment.' Elisha reproved Jehoram, saying, 'What have I to do with thee; if it were not for Jehosaphat, I would not have looked toward thee. Though a subject, yet he gave little reverence to the King.' These were their arguments for faithfulness then, which are now exploded with contempt. Their worship was also reformed from all dregs of popery, and fopperies of human ceremonies, retained in many other churches, especially in England; to whose bishops, in Queen Elizabeth's time, the Assembly wrote, 'That if surplice, corner cap, tippet, &c. have been the badges of idolaters in the very act of idolatry, what have preachers to do with the dregs of that Romish beast? Yea, what is he that ought not to fear to take, either in his hand or forehead, the mark of that odious beast?--We think you should boldly oppose yourselves to all power, that will dare extol itself against God, and against all such as do burden the conscience of the faithful, further than God hath burdened them by his own word.' The discipline and government was from the beginning presbyterial, even before the establishment: both in practice, among the persecuted ministers, who kept their private meetings; and in their doctrine. This was one of Mr. Knox's articles he sustained at St. Andrew's, upon his first entry unto the ministry. _Art. 8._ There is no bishop, except he preach even by himself, without any substitute. But so soon as they attained any settlement, they assembled in their first national synod in the year 1560, by virtue of that intrinsic power granted by the Lord to his church; nor did they so much as petition for the indulgence of the then authority; but upon Christ's warrant, they kept and held their courts in the name of the Lord Jesus Christ only; and in his sole authority, by direction of his word and Spirit, concluded all their counsels, votes and acts. And as they knew nothing of an exotic supremacy, so they put out and held out prelacy, and kept a perfect parity; which was nothing infringed by the extraordinary employments and commissions delegated to some superintendants, upon the account of the particular exigence of these times. II. Next we find in the practice of these renowned reformers, many demonstrations of pure zeal, worthy of all imitation; which I remark the rather, because poor sufferers that would now imitate it, are condemned as blind and ignorant zealots. But why are not the reformers condemned for the same things? We find in the first place, that they were so far from complying with, or conniving at, or countenancing public sins, that they could not contain themselves from declaring their detestation of the sight of them; yea the very boys did abominate them, as at the reformation, at St. Johnstoun, a boy cried with a bold voice, This is intolerable, that when God by his word hath plainly condemned idolatry, we shall stand and see it used in despight. Whereupon he and others threw down all the monuments of idolatry in that place. But if now any should enterprise such a thing, when the idol of the mass is set up in every city, they might expect Jerubaal's censure of the Abiezrites; though it is true they might have the same encouragement, because they have the same command as he had, to wit, the perpetual precept of throwing down idolatrous altars. Next, they were so far from complying with the enemies, in keeping the peace with them, that they thought it a great sin not to oppose them, when their brethren were forced to take the sword of self-defence, being persuaded by these arguments: 'That by their fainting and abstracting their support, the enemies would be encouraged; and thereby they should declare themselves both traitors to the truth once professed, and murderers of their brethren, whom their presence and concurrence might preserve; and that if they should deny their brethren suffering for his name's sake, they should also deny Christ, and be denied of him; and that God hath punished subjects with their princes, for winking at, and not resisting their manifest iniquity; and therefore, as he is immutable in nature, so would he not pardon them in that which he hath punished in others,' &c. Which arguments prevailed with the noble Earl of Glencairn, in zeal to burst forth in these words:--'Albeit never man should accompany me, yet I will go to my brethren, and if it were but a pike upon my shoulder, I had rather die with that company, than live after them.' But now professors cannot only sit at home, in their shops and cieled houses, when the Lord's people are pursued and murdered in the fields, but also can hire their murderers, and strengthen their hands, by paying them cesses and localities, and what they require for help to do their work, and maintaining them in their iniquity. Which famous Mr. Knox disproveth very much in his day, arguing, 'That if people thought they were innocent, because they were not the actors of such iniquity, they were utterly deceived; for God doth not only punish the chief offenders, but the consenters to such iniquity; and all are judged to consent, who give not testimony against it; as the rulers and bishops are criminal of all the innocent blood that is shed for the testimony of Christ's truth; so are all who assist and maintain them in their blind rage, and give no declaration, that their tyranny displeaseth them. This doctrine is strange to the blind world, but the verity of it hath been declared in all notable punishments from the beginning. When the old world was destroyed by water, Sodom and Jerusalem were destroyed, were all alike wicked? Yet all perished: why? All kept silence, or did not resist; by which all approved iniquity, and joined hands with the tyrants, as it had been in one battle against the Omnipotent.' Which words, if impartially applied, will condemn and confute the dull daubings of the present compliances, in maintaining tyrants and their emissaries, by emoluments which they require and exact, and that professedly, for promoting their accursed projects; and will justify conscientious sufferers, for refusing to pay these impositions. And this will the more appear, if we add some more of his pithy expressions in the same place, clearing the subject he is upon, and answering an objection, what poor people might do, when compelled to give obedience to all their rulers demanded? 'Ye may,' saith that author, without sedition, 'withhold the fruits and profits, which your false bishops and clergy most unjustly received of you: upon which he subjoins the preceeding arguments.' Yet now a-days these have no weight, but such as refuse either to pay oppressors exactions, or curates stipends, are condemned for giddy fools. Again we find, that when they were challenged for duty, they would never decline a declaration of its righteousness, nor do any thing directly or indirectly, which might seem a condemning of it. And therefore they would receive no pardons for these things which they could not confess to be offences. John Knox, challenged for offending the Queen, had her promise, that if he would confess an offence his greatest punishment should be, but to go within the castle of Edinburgh, and immediately to return to his own house; he refused absolutely. But now, if our pardon-mongers, and prudent men had been so circumstantiate, surely they could have helped themselves with their distinctions, they might confess and be pardoned for offending the Queen, though not confess it to be a fault in their conscience: but Mr. Knox had not learned that then. When they were pursuing the murderer of King Henry of Darnly, the queen finding herself not strong enough, offers to forgive and pardon that insurrection: the Earl of Morton, in name of all the rest, did not only refuse a cessation, but told her they would not ask a pardon. But now sufferers, for refusing of these base and unmanly, as well as unchristian compliances, are much condemned. Finally, because this strictness, especially in their severity against their enemies, may be accused of Jewish rigidity, inconsistent with a gospel spirit of lenity, which also is imputed to the much condemned sufferers of Scotland at this time, for their testimonies against toleration and liberty of conscience: let us hear what Knox says, 'whatsoever God required of the civil magistrate in Israel or Judah, concerning the observation of true religion during the time of the law, the same doth he require of lawful magistrates, professing Christ Jesus, in the time of the gospel: and cites a large testimony out of Augustine to this purpose.' And afterward objecting to himself the practice of the apostles, who did not punish the idolatrous Gentiles; he answers, 'That the Gentiles, being never avowed to be God's people before, had never received his law, and therefore were not to be punished according to the rigour of it, to which they were never subject, being strangers from the common-wealth of Israel; but if any think, after the Gentiles were received in the number of Abraham's children, and so made one people with the Jews believing; then they were not bound to the same obedience of Israel's covenant, the same seems to make Christ inferior to Moses, and contrary to the law of his heavenly Father; for if the contempt and transgression of Moses' law was worthy of death, what judge we the contempt of Christ's ordinance to be? And if Christ be not come to dissolve, but to fulfil the law of his heavenly Father, shall the liberty of his gospel be an occasion that the special glory of his Father be trodden under foot, and regarded of no man? God forbid: and therefore I fear not to affirm, that the Gentiles be bound by the same covenant that God made with his people Israel, in these words--"Beware that thou make not any covenant with the inhabitants of the land, but thou shalt destroy their altars," &c. When, therefore, the Lord putteth the sword in the hand of a people, they are no less bound to purge their cities and countries from idolatry, than were the Israelites, what time they received the possession of the land of Canaan.' III. For the head of resistance of superior powers, we have no clearer instances in any period than in this, whereof the above-mentioned hints give some account, to which their sentiments and arguments may be here subjoined. They prized and improved this principle so much, that they put it in their Confession of Faith, Art. 14. To save the lives of innocents, to repress tyranny, to defend the oppressed, are among the good works of the second table, which are most pleasing and acceptable to God, as these works are commanded by himself; and to suffer innocent blood to be shed, if we may withstand it, is affirmed to be sin, by which God's hot displeasure is kindled against the proud and unthankful world. And if there were no more to render the late test of Scotland detestable, that condemns all resistance of kings upon any pretence whatsoever, this may make all Christians, and all men, abhor the contrivance of it; that that same test that confirms this thesis, doth also impose the antithesis upon conscience. It obliges to this confession in the first part of it, and to deny it in the latter. But no wonder, that men of feared consciences can receive any thing, though never so contradictory to itself, and that men who deny sense, and that principle radicated in human nature, may also deny conscience, and make a tool of it in soldering contradictories. But not only did our reformers assert this truth, for which now their children adhering to their testimony, suffer both rage and reproach; but also gave their reasons for it. As (1.) Mr. Knox, in his first conference with the Queen, argues thus, 'There is neither greater honour nor obedience to be given to princes than parents; but so it is, that the father may be stricken with a phrensy, in the which he would slay his own children; now if the children arise, take his weapon from him, bind his hands, do the children any wrong? It is even so with princes, that would murder the children of God subject to them, their blind zeal is nothing but a very mad phrensy; and therefore to take the sword from them, and cast them into prison till they be brought to a more sober mind, is no disobedience against princes.' (2.) In his conference with Lethingtoun, he proves the same point, from the consideration of the justice of God, punishing the people for not resisting the prince. The scripture of God teacheth me (saith he) 'Jerusalem and Judah were punished for the sins of Manasseh; if you alledge they were punished, because they were wicked, and not because the king was wicked; the scripture says expressly, for the sins of Manasseh; yet will I not absolve the people, I will grant the whole people offended with their king, but how? To affirm that all Judah committed the acts of his impiety, hath no certainty; who can think, that all Jerusalem should turn idolaters immediately after Hezekiah's notable reformation? One part therefore willingly followed him in his idolatry, the other suffered him, and so were criminal of his sin; even as Scotland is guilty of the Queen's idolatry this day.' In the same discourse he makes it plain, that all are guilty of innocents murder who do not oppose it, from Jeremiah's words in his defence before the princes.----"Know ye for certain, if ye put me to death, ye shall surely bring innocent blood upon yourselves, and upon the city, and upon the inhabitants thereof:" Now, if the princes, and the whole people should have been guilty of the prophet's blood; how shall others be judged innocent before God, if they suffer the blood of innocents to be shed, when they may save it? (3.) _Ibid._ He argues from the distinction between the person placed in authority, and the ordinance of God, the one may be resisted, the other cannot. The plain words of the apostle makes the difference, 'The ordinance is of God, for preservation of mankind, punishment of vice, which is holy and constant: persons commonly are profane and unjust: he that resisteth the power there, is only meant of the just power wherewith God hath armed his magistrates, which whoso resists, resists God's ordinance; but if men, in the fear of God, oppose themselves to the fury of princes, they then resist not God, but the devil, who abuses the sword and authority of God: it is evident the people resisted Saul, when he had sworn Jonathan should die, whom they delivered: the Spirit of God accuses them not of any crime, but praises them, and condemns the king: this same Saul again commanded the priests of the Lord to be slain, his guard would not obey, but Doeg put the king's cruelty in execution; I will not ask, whether the king's servants, not obeying, resisted the ordinance of God; or whether Doeg's murdering gave obedience to just authority? The Spirit of God condemns that fact, Psal. lii. that God would not only punish the commander, but also the merciless executor; therefore they who gainstood his command, resisted not the ordinance of God. (4.) _Ibid._ He argues from examples, not only of resisting, but of punishing tyrants; chiefly the example of Uzziah is pertinent to this purpose, 2 Chron. xxvi. who after his usurping the priest's office, was put out of the temple.' When it was replied, that they were the priests that withstood the king, not simple people: he answered, 'The priests were subjects, as Abiathar was deposed by Solomon, &c. yet they made him go out of the temple for his leprosy, and the people put him from the kingdom.' It is noted also, that Mr. Knox, in that discourse, adduces examples of those, who use to be brought in as objections against defensive arms, even the primitive Christians, before that passage last cited: 'what precepts,' says he, 'the apostle gave, I will not affirm; but I find two things the faithful did; the one was, they assisted their preachers even against the rulers; the other was, they suppressed idolatry wheresoever God gave unto them force, asking no leave of the emperor, nor of his deputies: read the Ecclesiastical histories, and ye shall find examples sufficient.' IV. In the next place, we may enquire into the judgment of these reformers, concerning that question that is now so puzzling to many; which indeed was never started before this time, as a head of suffering; but now, when it is started, we may gather from our ancestors actings and determinations about it, how it ought to be answered. They were indeed in capacity, and accordingly did improve it, for disowning the authority of both the Queens; for their capacity was not the thing that made it duty, if it had not been so before. Capacity makes a thing possible, but not lawful: it does indeed make a duty seasonable, and clears the call to it, and regulates the timing of affirmative duties, but the want of it can never dispense with negative precepts: and a duty, negative especially, may become necessary, when it hath not the advantage of seasonableness or capacity; certainly it were duty to depose the Pope from his usurped authority, and to disown it even in Rome itself, but there it would not be thought very feasible or seasonable, for twenty or thirty people to avouch such a thing there; yet, at all times, it is a duty never to own it. It is thought unseasonable and unfeasible to disown the tyrants authority; but it is made necessary, when urged, never to own it. And for this we have the grounds of our ancestors, shewing who may be disowned, and must not be owned. I shall first insert here John Knox's propositions, prosecuted in his second blast, extant at the end of Anton. Gilbie's admonition to England and Scotland, 1. 'It is not birth only, nor propinquity of blood, that maketh a king lawfully to reign over a people professing Christ Jesus and his eternal verity; but, in his election, the ordinance which God hath established in the election of inferior judges, must be observed. 2. No manifest idolater, nor notorious transgressor of God's holy precepts, ought to be promoted to any public regimen, honour, or dignity, in any realm, province, or city, that hath subjected themselves to Christ Jesus, and his blessed evangel. 3. Neither can oath, or promise, bind any such people to obey and maintain tyrants, against God and his truth known. 4. But if rashly they have promoted any manifest wicked person, or yet ignorantly have chosen such an one, as after declareth himself unworthy of regimen above the people of God, (and such be all idolaters and cruel persecutors) most justly may the same men depose and punish him, that unadvisedly before they did nominate, appoint and elect.' Accordingly this was done in deposing both the Queens; which is fully vindicated by the Earl of Morton, in his discourse to the Queen of England, as Buchanan relates it, book xx. page 746. 'The deed itself, neither the custom of our ancestors of taking a course with their governors, will suffer it to be accounted new, nor the moderation of the punishment to be odious; for it were not needful to recount so many kings punished by death, bonds, and exile by our progenitors. For the Scottish nation, being from the beginning always free, hath created kings upon these conditions, that the government entrusted to them by the people's suffrages, might be also (if the matter required) removed by the same suffrages: of which law there are many footsteps remaining even to our day; for both in the isles about, and in many places of the continent, in which the old language and institutions have any abode, this custom is kept, in creating their governors of clanns: and the ceremonies, used at the entering into government, do yet retain the express representation of this law. Whence it is evident, that the government is nothing else but a mutual stipulation between kings and people: which further appears, from the inviolated tenor of the ancient law, since the beginning of the Scottish government, reserved even unto our memory, without the least essay either to abrogate it, or disable, or diminish it. Yea, even when our fathers have deposed, banished, and more severely punished so many kings, yet never was any mention or motion made of relaxing the rigour of that law, and not without reason, seeing it was not of that kind of constitutions, that change with the times, but of those which are engraven in the minds of men from the first original, and approved by the mutual consent of all nations, and by nature's sanction continued inviolable and perpetual, which, being subject to no other laws, do command and rule all. This, which in every action doth offer itself to our eyes and minds, and whether we will or not, abides in our breasts, our predecessors followed; being always armed against violence, and ready to suppress tyrants.--And now for the present, what have we done, but insisting in the footsteps of so many kingdoms and free nations, suppressed tyrannical licentiousness, extolling itself above all order of laws, not indeed so severely as our predecessors in like cases; if we had imitated them, not only would we have been far from all fear of danger, but also have escaped the trouble of calumnies.--What would our adversaries be at? Is it that we should arm with authority tyrants convicted of grievous crimes, maintained by the spoils of the subjects, having hands embrued in loyal blood, and hearts gaping for the oppression of all good men? And shall we put them upon our head, who are infamously suspected of parricide, both projected and perpetrated?' To which we may add, a foreign conclusion indeed, but adduced and maintained by Mr. Craig, in the assembly, in the 1564, which had been determined by learned men in Bononia, 'All rulers, be they supreme or subordinate, may and ought to be reformed, or bridled (to speak moderately) by them, by whom they are chosen, confirmed, or admitted to their office; so oft as they break that promise made by oath to their subjects, because princes are no less bound by oath to their subjects, than are the subjects to their princes: and therefore ought it to be kept and performed equally, according to law and condition of the oath that is made of either party.' By comparing which two testimonies together, we may see the reasons, why neither of the two royal brothers, that have ruled in our day, could be conscientiously owned as magistrates, in the case they have been in for several years past: the first testimony is for the second brother, the latter is for the first that's gone. But, as for Mr. Knox's opinion, it is evident he had written a book against the government of women; which though he did not intend it particularly against Mary of Scotland, yet it did invalidate her authority as well as other women's. This book he owns and maintains, in his first conference with her, and consequently could not own her authority as of the Lord, tho' he gave her common respect, as the title of majesty, &c. yet when he was particularly urged by the Queen's question, you think, said she, 'That I have no just authority;' he would not answer in the affirmative, but shifted it, by telling her, 'That learned men, in all ages, have had their judgment free, and most commonly disagreeing from the common judgment of the world. And though, he says, he could live under her government (so may, and would the greatest disowners of tyranny, if they be not troubled with questions about owning it) yet he affirms that with the testimony of a good conscience, he had communicated his judgment to the world, and that if the realm found no inconveniences in her government, he would no further disallow than within his own breast.' Certainly then, in his conscience, he did not, and could not own her, as the magistrate of God; and that though many things which before were holden stable, had been called in doubt, yet neither protestant nor papist could prove, that any such question was, at any time, moved in public or private. Neither could ever such a question be moved, if the conscience were not posed; and then, when it must speak, it must of necessity be unpleasant to tyrants. Thus we have heard both the positions and scruples of this witness; let us also hear his arguings, that people may punish princes for their idolatry and murder, &c. and therefore much more may disown them: and therefore again much more may they forbear to own them, when called; for can a dead man, by law, be owned to be a magistrate, and keeper of the law. 'Idolatry' (saith he in his conference with Lethington) 'ought not only to be suppressed, but the idolater ought to die the death; but by whom? By the people of God, for the commandment was given to Israel; yea, a command, that if it be heard that idolatry is committed in any one city, that then the whole body of the people arise and destroy that city, sparing neither man, woman, nor child. But shall the king also be punished? If he be an idolater, I find no privilege granted unto kings more than unto people, to offend God's majesty. But the people may not be judges to their king.----God is the universal judge; so that what his word commands to be punished in the one, is not to be absolved in the other; and that the people, yea, or a part of the people, may not execute God's judgments against their king, being an offender; I am sure you have no other warrant, except your own imaginations, and the opinion of such as more fear to offend their princes than God.' In the same conference we have the instance of Jehu adduced to prove that subjects may execute God's judgments upon their princes. It was objected, Jehu was a king before he executed judgment upon Ahab's house, and the fact was extraordinary, and not to be imitated. He answered, He was a mere subject; 'No doubt Jezabel both thought and said he was a traitor, and so did many others in Israel and Samaria. And whereas it was said, that the fact was extraordinary; I say, it had the ground of God's ordinary judgment, which commandeth the idolater to die the death; and therefore I yet again affirm, it is to be imitated of all those that prefer the true honour of the true worship and glory of God, to the affection of flesh and wicked princes. We are not bound, said Lethington, to follow extraordinary examples, unless we have the like commandment and assurance. I grant, said the other, if the example repugn to the law, but where the example agrees with the law, and is, as it were, the execution of God's judgment expressed within the same; I say, that the example approved of God, stands to us in place of a commandment; for as God, in his nature, is constant and immutable, so cannot he condemn, in the ages subsequent, that which he hath approved in his servants before us.' Then he brings another argument from Amaziah who fled to Lachish, but the people sent thither and slew him there. Lethington doubted whether they did well or not: he answered, 'Where I find execution according to God's law, and God himself not accuse the doers, I dare not doubt of the equity of their cause: And it appears, God gave them sufficient evidence of his approving the fact, for he blessed them with peace and prosperity. But prosperity does not always prove that God approves the fact: yes, when the acts of men agree with the law, and are rewarded according to the promise in that law, then the prosperity succeeding the fact is a most infallible assurance that God hath approved it; but so it is, that there is a promise of lengthening out prosperity to them that destroy idolatry. And again, concluding Uzziah's example, he says there, the people ought to execute God's law, even against their princes, when that their open crimes, by God's law, deserve punishment; especially when they are such as may infect the rest of the multitude.' V. There is another thing for which people have suffered much in our day of blasphemy, rebuke and trouble, which yet we find was not so odious in our reformers eyes as this dull and degenerate age would represent it. That in some cases it is lawful and laudable for private persons, touched with the zeal of God, and love to their country, and respect to justice trampled upon by tyrants; to put forth their hand to execute righteous judgment upon the enemies of God and mankind, intolerable traitors, murderers, idolaters; when the ruin of the country, destruction of religion and liberty, and the wrath of God is threatened, in and for the impunity of that vermin of villains, and may be averted by their destruction, always supposed, that these, whose office it is to do it, decline their duty. The mind of our reformers as to this is manifest, both in their practice and opinion. We heard before of the slaughter of Cardinal Beaton, and of the fiddler Rizzio: we shall find both commended by Mr. Knox, giving account how these that were carried captives to France for this cause from St. Andrew's were delivered. 'This (saith he), we write, to let the posterity to come to understand, how potently God wrought in preserving and delivering of those that had but a small knowledge of his truth, and for the love of the same hazarded all; that if we, in our days, or our posterity that shall follow, shall see a dispersion of such as oppose themselves to impiety, or take upon them to punish the same otherwise than laws of men will permit, if such shall be left of men, yea as it were despised and punished of God: yet let us not damn the persons that punish vice, (and that for just cause,) nor yet despair, but that the same God that dejects will raise up again the persons dejected, to his glory and their comfort; and to let the world understand in plain terms what we mean; that great abuser of this commonwealth, that poultron and vile knave Davie was justly punished, March 9, 1565, by the counsel and hands of James Douglas, Earl of Morton, Patrick Lord Lindsay, &c. who, for their just act, and most worthy of all praise, are now unworthily left of all their brethren.' This is not only commended by the author alone, but we find it concluded by all the brethren at that time, when the Queen brought in the idol of the mass again, and the proud papists began to avow it: Then let it be marked that, 'The brethren universally offended, and espying that the Queen by proclamation did but delude them, determined to put to their own hands, and to punish for example of others; and so some priests in the West land were apprehended, intimation was made to others, as to the abbot of Cosragnel, the parson of Sanquhar, and such, that they should neither complain to the Queen nor council, but should execute the punishment that God has appointed to idolaters in his law, by such means as they might, wherever they should be apprehended.' Upon this the Queen sent for Mr. Knox, and dealt with him earnestly, that he would be the instrument to persuade the people not to put hand to punish. He perceiving her craft, willed her Majesty to punish malefactors according to law, and he durst promise quietness, upon the part of all them that professed Christ within Scotland: but if her Majesty thought to delude the laws, he feared some would let the papists understand, that without punishment they should not be suffered so manifestly to offend God's majesty. Will ye (quoth she) allow they shall take my sword in their hand? 'The sword of justice (said he) Madam, is God's, and is given to princes and rulers for one end; which, if they transgress, sparing the wicked, and oppressing the innocents, they that in the fear of God execute judgment, where God hath commanded, offend not God, although kings do it not: the examples are evident, for Samuel spared not to slay Agag the fat and delicate king of Amalek, whom king Saul had saved; neither spared Elias Jezabel's false prophets, and Baal's priests, albeit that king Ahab was present; Phineas was no magistrate, and yet feared he not to strike Zimri and Cozbi in the very act of filthy fornication; and so, Madam, your Majesty may see that others than magistrates may lawfully punish, and have punished the vice and crimes that God commands to be punished.' He proved it also at more length in his appellation, from Deut. xiii. "If thy brother solicit thee secretly, saying, Let us go serve other gods, consent not to him, let not thine eye spare him, but kill him; let thy hand be first upon him, and afterward the hand of the whole people." Of these words of Moses, two things appertaining to our purpose are to be noted: 'The first is, that such as solicitate only to idolatry ought to be punished to death, without favour or respect of person; for he that will not suffer man to spare his son, wife, &c. will not wink at the idolatry of others, of what state or condition soever they be: it is not unknown that the prophets had revelations of God, which were not common to the people; now, if any man might have claimed any privilege from the rigour of the law, or might have justified his fact, it should have been the prophet, but God commands, that the prophet that shall so solicitate the people to serve strange gods, shall die the death, notwithstanding that he alledge for himself, dream, vision, or revelation, because he teacheth apostacy from God: hereby it may be seen, that none, provoking the people to idolatry, ought to be exempted from the punishment of death. Evident it is, that no state, condition, nor honour can exempt the idolater from the hands of God, when he shall call him to an account: how shall it then excuse the people, that they according to God's command, punish not to death such as shall solicitate or violently draw the people to idolatry? The second is, that the punishment of such crimes, as idolatry, blasphemy, and others that touch the majesty of God, doth not appertain to kings and chief rulers only, but also to the whole body of the people, and to every member of the same, according to the vocation of every man, and according that possibility and occasion which God doth minister, to revenge the injury done against his glory: and that doth Moses more plainly speak in these words of the same chapter, "If in any city which the Lord thy God giveth thee, thou shalt hear this brute, there are some men sons of Belial."--Plain it is, that Moses speaks not nor giveth charge to kings, rulers, and judges only; but he commands the whole body of the people, yea and every member of the same, according to their possibility. And who dare be so impudent as to deny this to be most reasonable and just? For seeing God had delivered the whole body from bondage, and to the whole multitude had given his law, and to the twelve tribes had distributed the land of Canaan: was not the whole and every member addebted to confess the benefits of God, and to study to keep the possession received? which they could not do, except they kept the religion established, and put out iniquity from amongst them. To the carnal man this may seem to be a rigorous and severe judgment, that even the infants there should be appointed to the cruel death; and as concerning the city and spoil of the same, man's reason cannot think but that it might have been better bestowed, than to be consumed. But in such cases, let all creatures stoop, and desist from reasoning, when commandment is given to execute his judgment. I will search no other reasons than the Holy Ghost hath assigned; first, That all Israel should fear to commit the like abomination; and, secondly, That the Lord might turn from the fury of his anger: which plainly doth signify, that, by the defection and idolatry of a few, God's wrath is kindled against the whole, which is never quenched, till such punishment be taken upon the offenders, that whatsoever served them in their idolatry be brought to destruction,' &c. I have enlarged so far upon this period, that it may appear, there is nothing now in controversy, between the suffering and reproached party now in Scotland, and either their friends or enemies, which could fall under our reformers inquiry; but they have declared themselves of the same sentiments that are now so much opposed; and therefore none can condemn the present heads of suffering, except also they condemn the reformers judgment; and consequently the imputation of novelty must fall. PERIOD IV. _Containing the Testimony of the first Contenders against Prelacy and Supremacy, from the Year 1570, to 1638._ Hitherto the conflict was for the concerns of Christ's prophetical and priestly office, against paganism and popery. But from the year 1570, and downward, the testimony is stated, and gradually prosecuted for the rights, privileges and prerogatives of Christ's kingly office; which hath been the peculiar glory of the church of Scotland, above all the churches in the earth, that this hath been given to her as the word of her testimony; and not only consequentially and reductively, as all other churches may challenge a part of this dignity, but formally and explicitly to contend for this very head, the headship and kingship of Jesus Christ, the prince of the kings of the earth, and his mediatory supremacy over his own kingdom of grace, both visible and invisible. This is Christ's supremacy, a special radiant jewel of his imperial crown, which as it hath been as explicitly encroached upon in Scotland, by his insolent enemies, as ever by any that entered in opposition to him, so it hath been more expressly witnessed and wrestled for by his suffering servants in that land than in any place of the world. This was in a particular manner the testimony of that period, during the reign of King James the 6th; as it hath been in a great measure in our day, since the year 1660. Which, as it is the most important cause, of the greatest consequence that mortals can contend for; so it hath this peculiar glory in it, that it is not only for the truth of Christ, of greater value than the standing of heaven and earth, but also it is the very truth for which Christ himself died, considered as a martyr; and which concerns him to vindicate and maintain as a monarch. The witnesses of that day made such an high account of it, that they encouraged one another to suffer for it, as the greatest concern; 'being a witness for Christ's glorious and free monarchy, which, as it is the end of the other two offices, so the testimony is more glorious to God, more honourable to his Son, and more comfortable to them, than the testimony either for his prophetical office, or for his priesthood, because his kingdom was especially impugned at the time;' as Mr. Forbes and Mr. Welch wrote in a letter to the Ministers at court. The corruptions and usurpations wronging this truth, that they contended against, were prelacy and the King's supremacy in ecclesiastical matters; which will be useful to hint a little, how they prosecuted the conflict. When Satan (whose kingdom was then declining) by several instruments and means, both by force and fraud, did endeavour to put a stop to the reformation, by reintroducing the antichristian hierarchy of prelacy, when he could not re-establish the antichristian doctrine of popery; he left no means unessayed to effectuate it. And first he began to bring the name Bishop in request, that was now growing obsolete and odious, by reason of the abuse of it (as it ought to be still, for though the name be found in the scriptures, yet neither is that catechestical application of it to prelates to be found, nor was there any other reason for the translation of it after that manner, except it were to please princes; seeing the native signification of it is an overseer, proper and common to all faithful pastors.) And indeed his first essay reached little further than the bare name, for they were to be rejected to, and tried by assemblies, and hardly had so much power as superintendants before. But it was a fine court juggle for noblemen to get the church-revenues into their hands, by restoring the ecclesiastical titles, and obtaining from the titulars either temporal lands, or pensions to their dependers; so they were only Tulchan bishops, _a calf-skin to cause the cow give milk_. Yet, though this in our day would have been thought tolerable, the faithful servants of Christ did zealously oppose it. Mr. Knox denounced Anathema to the giver, and Anathema to the receiver. And the following Assembly condemned the office itself, 'as having no sure warrant, authority, nor ground in the book of God, but brought in by the folly and corruption of men's invention, to the overthrow of the church; and ordained all that brooked the office, to demit simpliciter, and to desist and cease from preaching, while they received _de novo_ admission from the General Assembly, under the pain of excommunication.' Hereby they were awakened and animated to a more vigorous prosecution of the establishment of the house of God in its due government. In pursuance whereof, the Assemblies from that time, until the year 1581, did with much painfulness and faithfulness attend the work: until, by perfecting of the second book of discipline, they completed their work, in the exact model of Presbyterial Government, in all its courts and officers; which was confirmed and covenanted to be kept inviolate, in the National Covenant, subscribed that year by the King, his Court and Council; and afterwards by all ranks of people in the land. Whence it may be doubted, whether the impudence of the succeeding prelates, that denied this, or their perjury in breaking of it, be greater. This was but the first brush. A brisker assault follows; wherein, for the better establishment of prelacy, that what it wants of divine right, might be supplied by the accession of human prerogative, and not only Diocesan, but also Erastian prelacy might be set up, to destroy Christ's kingdom, and advance Satan's; the Earl of Arran, and his wicked accomplices move the King, contrary both to the word and oath of God, to usurp the prerogative of Jesus Christ, and assume to himself a blasphemous monster of supremacy, over all persons, and in all causes, as well ecclesiastical as civil. But this also the faithful servants of God did worthily and valiantly resist; and at the very appearance of it, gave in a grievance to the King in the year 1582, 'That he had taken upon him a spiritual power, which properly belongs to Christ, as only king and head of the church; the ministry and execution whereof is only given to such as bear office in the ecclesiastical government in the same: so that in the King's person, some men press to erect a new popedom, as though he could not be full king of this commonwealth, unless as well the spiritual as temporal sword be put in his hand, unless Christ be reft of his authority, and the two jurisdictions confounded, which God hath divided, which directly tendeth to the wreck of all true religion.' Which being presented by the Commissioners of the General Assembly, the Earl of Arran asked with a frowning countenance, who dare subscribe these treasonable articles? Mr. Andrew Melvin answered, we dare, and will subscribe, and render our lives in the cause. And afterward, that same Assembly presented articles, shewing, 'That seeing the spiritual jurisdiction of the church is granted by Christ, and given only to them, that by preaching, teaching, and overseeing, bear office within the same, to be exercised, not by the injunctions of men, but by the only rule of God's word.--Hereafter, no other, of whatsoever degree, or under whatsoever pretence, have any colour to ascribe, or to take upon them any part thereof either in placing or displacing of ministers, without the church's admission, or in stopping the mouths of preachers, or putting them to silence, or take upon them the judgment of trial of doctrine,' &c. But in contempt and contradiction to this, and to prosecute and exert this new usurped power, Mr. Andrew Melvin was summoned before the Secret Council, for a sermon of his, applying his doctrine to the time's corruptions; whereupon he gave in his declinature against them, as incompetent judges, and told them, 'They were too bold, in a constitute Christian church, to pass by the pastors, prophets, and doctors, and to take upon them to judge the doctrine, and to controul the ambassadors of a greater than was there, which they neither ought nor can do. There are (saith he, loosing a little Hebrew bible from his girdle) my instructions and warrant: see if any of you can controul me, that I have past my injunctions.' For this he was decerned to be warded in the castle of Edinburgh; but he being informed that if he entered in ward, he would not be released, unless it were for the scaffold, he conveyed himself secretly out of the country. Hereafter when the parliament 1584 had enacted this supremacy, and submission to prelacy, to be subscribed by all ministers; the faithful first directed Mr. David Lindsay to the King, desiring, that nothing be done in parliament prejudicial to the church's liberty, who got the prison of Blackness for his pains. And then when they could not get access for shut doors to protest before the parliament; yet when the acts were proclaimed at the cross of Edinburgh, they took public documents in name of the church of Scotland (though they were but two) that they protested against the said acts, and fled to England, leaving behind them reasons that moved them to do so. And Mr. James Melvin wrote against the subscribers at that time very pertinently; proving first, 'That they had not only set up a new pope, and so become traitors to Christ; and condescended to that chief error of papistry, whereupon all the rest depend; but further, in so doing, they had granted more to the King, than ever the popes of Rome peaceably obtained,' &c. And in the end, as for those that lamented their own weakness and feebleness, he adviseth them, to remove the public slander, 'by going boldly to the King and Lords, and shew them how they had fallen through weakness, but by God's power are risen again; and there by public note and witness taken, free themselves from that subscription, and to will the same to be delete, renouncing and detesting it plainly, and thereafter publicly in their sermons; and by their declaration and retractation in writ, presented to the faithful, manifest the same, let them do with stipend, benefice, and life itself, what they list.' This I inferr, because this counsel is now condemned; and when poor people, offended with ministers subscriptions of bonds and other compliances, desire acknowledgments of the offence, they reject it as an impertinent imposition, and plead they are not obliged to manifest any retractation but to an ecclesiastical judicatory. To which I shall say nothing here, but this is no novelty. After this, it is known what bickerings the faithful witnesses of Christ had, in their conflicts with this supremacy upon the account of Mr. David Black's declinature, which they both advised him to, and approved when he gave it in, against the King and Council, as judges of his doctrine. And the Commissioners of the General Assembly ordained all, to deal mightily with the power of the word, against the Council's encroachments; for which they were charged to depart forth of Edinburgh. After which he added a second declinature: 'Declaring, there are two jurisdictions in this realm; the one spiritual, the other civil; the one respecting the conscience, the other externals, &c.--Therefore, in so far as he was one of the spiritual office-bearers, and had discharged his spiritual calling in some measure of grace and sincerity, should not, nor could not be lawfully judged for preaching and applying the word, by any civil power; he being an ambassador and messenger of the Lord Jesus, having his commission from the King of kings, and all his instructions set down and limited in the book of God, that cannot be extended, abridged, or altered by any mortal wight, king or emperor; and seeing he was sent to all sorts, his commission and discharge of it should not, nor cannot be lawfully judged by them to whom he was sent; they being sheep, and not pastors, to be judged by the word, and not to be judges thereof in a judicial way.' The interlocutor being past against him for this, the brethren thought it duty, that the droctrine of the preacher should be directed against the said interlocutor, as against a strong and mighty hold set up against the Lord Jesus, and the freedom of the gospel; and praised God for the force and unity of the spirit that was among themselves. And being charged to depart out of the town, they leave a faithful declaration at large, shewing how the liberties of the church were invaded and robbed. But all this was nothing, in comparison of their wrestlings for the royalties of their princely Master, and privileges of his kingdom, against the tyrant's insolences, after he obtained the crown of England; for then he would not suffer the church to indict her own Assemblies. And when the faithful thought themselves obliged to counteract his encroachments, and therefore convened in an Assembly at Aberdeen in the year 1605, they were forced to dissolve, and thereafter, the most eminent of the ministers there assembled were transported prisoners to Blackness; whence being cited before the Council, they decline their judicatory. And one of their brethren, Mr. Robert Youngson, who had formerly succumbed, being moved in conscience, returned; and when the rest were standing before the Council, desired to be heard, and acknowledged his fault; and therefore, howbeit not summoned by the Lords, was charged by the living God, and compelled to compear that day, to justify that Assembly, to the great astonishment of the Lords, and comfort of his brethren; he subscribed the declinature with the rest; and for this they were arraigned, and condemned, as guilty of treason, and banished. Before the execution of which sentence, Mr. Welch wrote to the Lady Fleming, to this effect: 'What am I, that he should first have called me, and then constituted me a minister of glad tidings of the gospel of salvation, these fifteen years already, and now last of all to be a sufferer of his cause and kingdom? To witness that good confession, that Jesus Christ is the King of saints, and that his church is a most free kingdom; yea, as free as any kingdom under heaven, not only to convocate, hold and keep her meetings, conventions and assemblies; but also to judge of all her affairs in all her meetings and conventions among his subjects. These two points, (1.) That Christ is the head of his church. (2.) That she is free in her government from all other jurisdiction except Christ's, are the special cause of our imprisonment, being now convict as traitors, for maintaining thereof. We have now been waiting with joyfulness to give the last testimony of our blood in confirmation thereof, if it would please our God to be so favourable, as to honour us with that dignity.' After this, the King resolving by parliament to advance the state of bishops again, as in the time of popery, without cautions as before; and further, to establish not only that Antichristian Hierarchy, but an Erastian supremacy: the faithful ministers of Christ thought themselves bound in conscience to protest; and accordingly they offered protestation to the parliament July----1606, obtesting, 'That they would reserve into the Lord's own hands, that glory which he will communicate neither to man nor angel, to wit, to prescribe from his holy mountain a lively pattern, according to which his own tabernacle should be formed: remembring always, that there is no absolute and undoubted authority in this world, except the sovereign authority of Christ the King; to whom it belongeth as properly to rule the church, according to the good pleasure of his own will, as it belongeth to him to save his church by the merit of his own sufferings: all other authority is so entrenched within the marches of divine command, that the least overpassing of the bounds, set by God himself, brings men under the fearful expectation of temporal and eternal judgment.--If ye should authorize bishops, ye should bring into the church the ordinance of man, which experience hath found to have been the ground of that Antichristian Hierarchy, which mounted up on steps of bishops pre-eminence, until that man of sin came forth, as the ripe fruit of man's wisdom, whom God shall consume with the breath of his own mouth. Let the sword of God pierce that belly, which brought forth such a monster; and let the staff of God crush that egg, which hath hatched such a cockatrice: and let not only that Roman Antichrist be thrown down from the high bench of his usurped authority, but also let all the steps, whereby he mounted up to that unlawful pre-eminence, be cut down and utterly abolished in this land: and beware to strive against God with an open displayed banner, by building up again the walls of Jericho, which the Lord hath not only cast down, but also hath laid them under an horrible interdiction and execration; so that the building of them again must needs stand to greater charges to the builders, than the re-edifying of Jericho, to Hiel the Bethelite in the days of Ahab.' Yet notwithstanding of all opposition, prelacy was again restored in parliament. And to bring all to a compliance with the same, presbyteries and synods universally charged, under highest pains, to admit a constant moderator without change; which many refused resolutely, as being the first step of prelacy. Upon this followed a great persecution of the faithful, for their non-conformity, managed by that mongrel and monstrous kind of court, made up of clergymen and statesmen, called the high commission court, erected in the year 1610, whereby many honest men were put violently from their charges and habitations; the generality were involved in a great and fearful defection. But the cope-stone of the wickedness of that period, was the ratification of the five articles of Perth, 'kneeling at the communion; private communion to be given to the sick, private baptism: and confirmation of children by the bishop; and observation of festival days:' which were much opposed and testified against by the faithful, from their first hatching in the year 1618, to the year 1621, when they were ratified in parliament; at what time they were also witnessed against from heaven; by extraordinary lightnings and tempests. And against this the testimony of the faithful continued, till the revolution in the year 1638. Here we see how the cause was stated in this period; and may gather also wherein it agrees; and how far it differs from the present testimony, now suffered for under all rage and reproach. I. The matter of the testimony was one with that we are suffering for, against popery, prelacy and supremacy; except that it was not so far extended against tyranny, because that tyrant was not such an usurper, nor such a violator of the fundamental constitutions of the civil government, as these that we have had to do withal. But as to the managing the testimony; they far outstripped their successors in this generation, in conduct and courage, prudence and zeal, as is above hinted in many instances; to which we may add some more. When several plots of papist lords had been discovered, conspiring with the king of Spain, and they were by the king's indulgence favoured, and some were also persuaded to treat with them, famous Mr. Davidson opposed with great resolution; declaring before the synod of Lothian, 'That it savoured much of defection in these days, that such notorious rebels to God, his church, and the country, should be so treated with; we should not rashly open a door to God's enemies, without better proof of their manners nor were yet seen.' And when a convention in Falkland was consulting to call home these conspiring traitors, Mr. Andrew Melvin went thither uncalled; and when found fault with by the king for his boldness, he answered, 'Sir, I have a call to come here from Christ and his church, who have special interest in this turn, and against whom this convention is assembled directly; I charge you, and your estates, in the name of Christ and his church, that ye favour not his enemies whom he hateth, nor go about to call home, nor make citizens of these, who have traiterously fought to betray their city and native country, with the overthrow of Christ's kingdom.' And further challenged them of treason against Christ, his church and the country, in that purpose they were about. About the same time, in a private conference with the king, he calls the king God's silly vassal; and taking him by the sleeve, told him, 'Sir, you, and church and country is like to be wrecked for not telling the truth, and giving you faithful counsel; we must discharge our duty, or else be enemies to Christ and you: therefore I must tell you, there are two kings and two kingdoms; there is Christ and his kingdom, whose subject king James VI. is, and of whole kindom he is not a king, nor a head, nor a lord, but a member; and they whom Christ hath called to watch over and govern his church, have sufficient authority and power from him, which no Christian king should controul, but assist, otherwise they are not faithful subjects to Christ. Sir, when you were in your swaddling clouts, Christ reigned freely in this land, in spight of all his enemies; but now the wisdom of your council, which is devilish and pernicious, is this, that you may be served of all sorts of men to your purpose and grandeur, Jew and Gentile, Papist and Protestant, because the ministers and Protestants in Scotland are too strong, and controul the king, they must be weakened and brought low, by stirring up a party against them; and the king being equal and indifferent, both shall be fain to flee to him, so shall he be well settled: but, Sir, let God's wisdom be the only wisdom, this will prove mere and mad folly; for his curse cannot but light upon it; so that in seeking both, you shall lose both.' To the like effect Mr. Robert Bruce, in a sermon upon Psal. li. gives faithful warning of the danger of the times. 'It is not we (says he) that are party in this cause; no, the quarrel is betwixt a greater prince and them. What are we but silly men: Yet it has pleased him to let us in this office, that we should oppone to the manifest usurpation that is made upon his spiritual kingdom. Is there a more forcible mean to draw down the wrath of God, than to let Barabbas that nobilitate malefactor pass free, and to begin the war against Christ and his ministry. It putteth on the cope-stone, that so many of our brethren should not be so faithful, as their calling and this cause craveth. Fy upon false brethren, to see them dumb, so faint-hearted, when it comes to the shock; not only are they ashamed to speak the thing they think, which is a shame in a pastor, but speak directly against their former doctrine. They will speak the truth a while, till they be put at, but incontinent they will turn, and make their gifts weapons to fight against Christ; for there is none so malicious as an apostate, when he begins to slide back,' &c. The same faithful witness, because he would not preach as the king would have him, against his own conscience, to justify and proclaim the king's innocency, in a forged conspiracy against him, was put from his church in Edinburgh; and being requested in an insinuating manner to desist from preaching but for nine or ten days; he condescended at first, thinking the matter of no great importance; yet that night his body was cast in a fever, with the terror of his conscience, and he promised he should never obey their commandments any more. These were faithful men, yet we find they challenge themselves, in deep humiliation, for their short-comings and defections. At the renovation of the national covenant March 30th, 1596, was the greatest solemnity ever had been seen in Scotland before that time; so that the place might worthily have been called Bochim. O when shall we see such a day, when even the most faithful among us, shall mourn over our far more aggravated defections! but if they mourned then for these first degrees of declensions; we may say, 'How heavily would these valiant men groan, who formerly contended so stoutly for the liberty of the church of Scotland, if they beheld this our laziness (that I may call it by no worse name!') I know notwithstanding of all this, that some encourage themselves in a base compliance with the present corruptions of our church, from the practice of these worthies; alledging, they did not scruple to hear and join with prelatical men, dispensing the ordinances. But this objection will be easily refelled, if we consider, first, the period wherein they were but growing up to a more perfect reformation, and therefore might bear with many things which we cannot, after we have been reformed from them: they were then advancing, and still gaining ground, we are now declining, and therefore should be more shy to lose what we have gained. They had then of a long time enjoyed their judicatories, unto which they might recur for an orderly redress of such grievances that offended them; and when they were deprived of them, yet they were still in hopes of recovering them; and so suspended their total secession from that corrupt church, until they should recover them; in the mean time still holding their right, and maintaining their cause against these invaders. But we were, at the very first beginning of this unhappy revolution, totally deprived of our judicatories, and denuded of all expectation of them in an ordinary way, and of all place, but what they are masters of to contend with them that way; therefore must keep ourselves free of their communion. But next, if we consider their practice, we shall find these worthies were not such conformists, as our compliers would make them. What if we find among them meetings, that were called and counted as seditious and schismatic as ours are now? We find a field meeting, yea, a General Assembly at Dumfermline, without and against the king's warrant, when the ports were shut against them, in the year 1585. But that is not so pat to the purpose, as that we find private meetings at Edinburgh, and that in the very time of public service in the churches, discharged by open proclamation in 1624, wherein it is charged, that they had no respect to the ordinary pastors, contemned and impugned their doctrine, disobeyed and controuled their discipline, abstained to hear the word preached, and to participate of the sacraments. And long before that, we find the sincerer sort scrupled to hear Bishop Adamson, notwithstanding that he was absolved in the Assembly. And that afterwards, the doubt being proponed to the Assembly, if it be a slander to a Christian to absent himself from the sermons of them that are suspended from all function in the ministry? The Assembly answered, there is no slander in the case, but rather it is slanderous to resort. And why is not this ground to think it slanderous, or scandalous to resort to them, who deserve to be suspended (all of them by a spiritual cognizance, and some of them to be suspended corporally for their villany) when there can be no access orderly to do it. And the rather, because we find in this period, that sometimes ministers were so faithful and zealous against the corruptions of the ministry, that they decerned ministers to be suspended for far smaller faults, than many now could exempt themselves from, viz. if they were not powerful and spiritual; if they did not apply their doctrine to corruptions; if they were obscure and too scholastic before the people; cold and wanting zeal, flatterers, dissembling at public sins for flattery or fear, &c. As we may read in the advice of the brethren, deputed for penning the corruptions in the ministry, in 1596. I wish our silent prudent ministers now would consider the justness of this censure, and what ground people have to be offended at such censurableness. But not only this may answer the false imputation of conformity on these witnesses of Christ at that time; but I shall set down a part of a letter of one of the banished ministers at that time, discovering his mind about hearing these men, that were then serving the times. Mr. John Welch, writing to Mr. Robert Bruce,----'What my mind is concerning the root of these branches, the bearer will shew you more fully. They are no more to be counted orthodox, but apostates; they have fallen from their callings, by receiving an antichristian, and bringing in of idolatry, to make the kingdom culpable, and to expose it to fearful judgments, for such an high perfidy against an oath so solemnly enacted and given; and are no more to be counted Christians, but strangers, apostates, and persecutors; and therefore, not to be heard any more, either in public, or in consistories, colleges, or synods; for what fellowship hath light with darkness?' We see then as to that part of the testimony, they were not dissonant to the witness of the present reproached sufferers. II. As the matter and manner of their testimony against all the invaders of the church's privileges, did speak forth a great deal of sincere and pure zeal; so their practice was conform, shewing forth a great deal of strictness and averseness from all sinful compliances, even with things that would be now accounted of very minute and inconsiderable consequence, and for which honest sufferers now are flouted at as fools. When that oath was formed for acknowledging the supremacy, there was a clause added which might have been thought to salve the matter, "according to the word of God." I fear many now would not stand to subscribe with such a qualification. Yet the faithful then perceived the sophistry, that it made it rather worse, affirming that that brat of hell was according to the word of God: and therefore, though there were several eminent men to persuade them to it, both by advice and example, yet they could not, in conscience, comply; and pleaded also from the illegality of that imposition, that they should be charged with the subscription of laws, a thing never required before of any subject; if they offended against the laws, why might they not be punished according to the laws? When many honest faithful patriots, for the attempt at Ruthven to deliver the country from a vermin of villains that abused the King, to the destruction of the church and kingdom, were charged to crave pardon, and take remission; they would do neither, judging it a base condemning duty, which puts a brand upon our sneaking supplicators and petitioners, and pardon mongers, as unworthy to be called the race of such worthies, who scorned such baseness; and choosed rather to endure the extremity of their unjust sentences of intercommuning and banishment, &c. And when the Earl of Gowrie accepted of a remission, he afterwards condemned himself for it, and desired that his old friends would accept of his friendship, to whom he had the same favour offered to him, refused altogether, lest so doing he should condemn himself, and approve the courts proceedings: and the brethren, conferring with the counsellors, craving that some penalty should be condescended unto for satisfying his majesty in his honour, would not condescend to any, how light soever; lest thereby they should seem to approve the judicatory and their proceeding. The imprisoned ministers, for declining the counsel, had it in their offer, that if they would, without any confession of offence, only submit themselves to his majesty, "for scandal received, not given," they should be restored to their places: but it pleased God so to strengthen them, that they stopped their mouths, and convinced them in their consciences, that they could not do it without betraying of the cause of Christ. Again, in another case, we have instances of such strictness, as is much scorned now a-days. The ministers of Edinburgh were committed to ward, for refusing to pray for the queen, before her execution in Fothringham castle 1586. They refused not simply to pray for her, but for the preservation of her life, as if she had been innocent of the crimes laid to her charge, which had imported a condemnation of the proceedings against her. Afterwards, in the year 1600. The ministers of Edinburgh would not praise God for the delivery of the king from a pretended conspiracy of the Earl of Gowrie at that time, of which they had no credit nor assurance; and would not crave pardon for it neither. For this Mr. Robert Bruce was deprived of the exercise of his ministry, and never obtained it again in Edinburgh: but now, for refusing such compelled and imposed devotion, to pray or praise for the king, poor people are much condemned. I know it is alledged, that these faithful sufferers in those days, were not so strict as they are now, in submitting to unjust sentences, and obeying and keeping their confinements. I shall grant, there was much of this, and much might be tolerate in their circumstances, when the court's procedure against them was not so illegal, their authority was not so tyrannical, nor so necessary to be disowned, and they were so stated, that they were afraid to take guilt upon them, in making their escapes; whereas it is not so with us. Yet we find very faithful men broke their confinements; as Mr. John Murray, confined at Dumfries, perceiving there was no end of the bishop's malice, and that he would be in no worse case than he was, he resolved without licence, either of king or council, to transport himself: so did also Mr. Robert Bruce. III. For resistance of superior powers, we have in this period, first the practice of some noblemen at Ruthven, in the [year] 1582. who took the King, and seized on that arrant traitor, enemy to the church and country the Earl of Arran; declaring to the world the causes of it, the King's correspondence with papists, his usurping the supremacy over the church, and oppressing the ministers, all by means of his wicked counsellers, whom therefore they removed from him. The King himself emitted a declaration allowing this deed. The General Assembly approved of it, and persuaded to a concurrence with it, and nothing was wanting to ratify it, as a most lawful and laudable action. At length the fox escapes, and changes all, and retracts his former declaration. The lords again rally, and interprise the taking of the castle of Stirling, and gain it; but afterward surrender it: after which the Earl of Gowrie was executed, and ministers are commanded to retract the approbation of Ruthven business, but they refused; and many were forced to flee to England, and the lords were banished. But, in the year 1585, they return with more success, and take the castle of Stirling. The cowardly king does again acknowledge and justify their enterprise, 'that they needed no apology of words, weapons had spoken well enough, and gotten them audience to clear their own cause:' but his after carriage declared him as crafty and false, as he was cowardly and fearful. Again, we have the advice of the General Assembly, for resisting, when the ministers were troubled upon Mr. Black's business, and there was an intention to pull them out of their pulpits; they advised them to stand to the discharge of their calling, if their flocks would save them from violence, and yet this violence was expected from the King and his emissaries. As to that point then there can be no dispute. IV. There was little occasion for the question about the King's authority in this period, but generally all acknowledged it; because they were not sensible of his usurpation, and his cowardice made him incapable of attempting any thing that might raise commotions in civil things. Yet we remark, that whatsoever authority he usurped beyond his sphere, that was disowned and declined by all the faithful, as the supremacy. Next that they resented, and represented very harshly, any aspiring to absoluteness; as Mr. Andrew Melvin could give it no better name, nor entertain no better notion of it, than to term it, the bloody gully, as he inveighs against it in the Assembly 1582. And next, in this same period, we have a very good description of that authority, which the King himself allows not to be owned, which out of a King's mouth abundantly justifies the disowning of the present tyranny: this same King James, in a speech to the parliament, in the year 1609, saith, 'A king degenerateth into a tyrant, when he leaveth to rule by law, much more when he beginneth to invade his subjects persons, rights and liberties, to set up an arbitrary power, impose unlawful taxes, raise forces, make war upon his subjects, to pillage, plunder, waste, and spoil his kingdoms.' PERIOD V. _Containing the Testimony for the last Reformation from Prelacy, in all its steps, from the year 1638. to 1660._ The following period, from the year 1638, to 1660, continues and advances the testimony, to the greatest height of purity and power, that either this church, or any other did ever arrive unto, with a gradation, succession, and complication of wonders, of divine wisdom, power, justice and mercy, signally and singularly owning and sealing it, to the confusion of his enemies, comfort of his people, conviction of indifferent neutrals, and consternation of all. Now after a long winter, and night of deadness and darkness, the sun returns with an amiable approach of light and life; now the winter was past, the rain was over and gone, the flowers appear on earth, and the time of singing of birds is come, and the voice of the turtle is heard in our land. Now the second time, the testimony comes to be managed in an active manner, as before it was passive: as the one hath been always observed to follow interchangeably upon the other, especially in Scotland, and the last always the greatest; which gives ground to hope, though it be now our turn to suffer, that when the summer comes again after this winter, and the day after this night, the next active testimony shall be more notable than any that went before. The matter of the testimony was the same as before, for the concerns of Christ's kingly prerogative, but with some more increase as to its opposites: for these grew successively in every period, the last always including all that went before. The first period had Gentilism principally to deal with; the second Popery; the third Popery and Tyranny; the fourth Prelacy and Supremacy; this fifth hath all together, and Sectarianism also, to contend against. The former had always the opposites on one hand, but this hath them in extremes on both hands; both fighting against one another, and both fighting together against the church of Scotland, and she against both, till at length one of her opposites prevailed, viz. the Sectarian party, and that prevailing brought in the other, to wit, the Malignant, which now domineers over all together. Wherefore, because this period is in itself of so great importance, the revolutions therein emergent so eminent, the reformation therein prosecuted wanting little of its perfect complement, the deformation succeeding in its deviation from the pattern being so destructive; to the end it may be seen from whence we have fallen, and whether or not the present reproached sufferers have lost or left their ground, we must give a short deduction of the rise, progress, and end of the contendings of that period. In the midst of the forementioned miseries and mischiefs, that the pride of prelacy and tyrannical supremacy had multiplied beyond measure upon this church and nation, and at the height of all their haughtiness, when they were setting up their Dagon and erecting altars for him, imposing the service-book, and book of Canons, &c. the Lord in mercy remembred his people, and surprised them with a sudden unexpected deliverance, by very despicable means; even the opposition of a few weak women, at the beginning of that contest, which, ere it was quashed, made the tyrant tumble headless off his throne. The zeal against the English popish ceremonies, obtruded on Edinburgh, did first inflame some feminine hearts to witness their detestation of them; but afterwards was followed out with more masculine fervor, accosting King and Council with petitions, remonstrances, protestations and testimonies against the innovations, and resolving upon a mutual conjunction, to defend religion, lives and liberties, against all that would innovate or invade them. To fortify which, and conciliate the favour both of God and man in the resolution, all the lovers of God, and friends to the liberty of the nation, did solemnly renew the national covenant, (wherein they were signally countenanced of the Lord,) which, though in itself obliging to the condemnation of prelatical Hierarchy, and clearly enough confirming presbyterial government, yet they engaged into it with an enlargement, to suspend the practice of novations already introduced, and the approbation of the corruptions of the present government, with the late places and power of church men, till they be tried in a free General Assembly. Which was obtained that same year, and indicted at Glasgow: and there, notwithstanding all the opposition that the King's commissioner could make, by protestations and proclamations to dissolve it, the six preceeding Assemblies establishing Prelacy were annulled, the service-book, and high commission were condemned; all the bishops were deposed, and their government declared to be abjured in that national covenant; though many had, through the commissioners persuasions, subscribed it in another sense without that application: as also the five articles of Perth were there discovered to have been inconsistent with that covenant and confession, and the civil places and power of church men were disproved and rejected: on the other hand presbyterial government was justified and approved, and an act was passed for their keeping yearly General Assemblies. This was a bold beginning, into which they were animated with more than human resolution, against more than human opposition, hell as well as the powers of the earth being set against them. But when the Lord gave the call, they considered not their own deadness, nor were daunted with discouragements, nor staggered at the promise through unbelief, but gave glory to God, outbraving all difficulties. Which in the following year were much increased, by the prelates and their popish partakers rendezvousing their forces under the King's personal standard, and menacing nothing but misery to the zealous covenanters; yet when they found them prepared to resist, were forced to yield to a pacification, concluding that an Assembly and Parliament should be held, for healing all grievances of church and state. In which Assembly at Edinburgh, the covenant is ratified and subscribed by the Earl of Traquair commissioner, and enjoined to be subscribed by the body of the whole land, with an explication, expressly condemning the five articles of Perth, the government of bishops, the civil places and power of churchmen: but the sons of Belial cannot be taken with hands, nor bound with bonds of faith, humanity, or honour, for in the year following, king and prelates, with their popish abettors, go to arms again; but were fain to accommodate the matter by a new pacification, whereby all civil and religious liberties were ratified. And in the following year 1641, by laws, oaths, promises, subscriptions of king and parliament, fully confirmed, the king, Charles I. being present, and consenting to all; though in the mean time he was treacherously encouraging the Irish murderers, who by his authority made a massacre of many thousand innocent protestants in Ireland. But in Scotland things went well, the kingdom of our Lord Jesus was greatly advanced, the gospel flourished, and the glory of the Lord did shine upon us with such a splendour, that it awaked England, and animated the Lord's people there, then groaning under those grievances from which Scotland was delivered, to aspire to the like reformation. For advice in which, because though all agreed to cast off the yoke of prelacy, yet sundry forms of church government were projected to be set up in the room thereof, chiefly the Independent order, determining all acts of church government, as election, ordination, and deposition of officers, with admission, excommunication, and absolution of members, to be done and decided by the voices of every particular congregation, without any authoritative concurrence or interposition of any other, condemning all imperative and decisive power of classes, &c. as a mere usurpation. Therefore, the brethren in England wrote to the Assembly then sitting at Edinburgh, who gave them answer,----'That they were grieved, that any of the godly should be found not agreeing with other reformed churches, in point of government as well as doctrine; and that it was to be feared, where the hedge of discipline and government is different, the doctrine and worship shall not long continue the same without change; that the government of the church, by compound presbyteries and synods, is a help and strength, and not a hindrance to particular congregations and elderships, in all the parts of government; and are not an extrinsical power set over particular churches, but the intrinsical power wherewith Christ hath invested his officers, who may not exercise it independently, but with subordination, unto presbyteries, &c. which as they are representative of particular churches, conjoined together in one under their government; so their determination, when they proceed orderly, whether in causes common to all, or brought before them by reference in case of aberration, is to the several congregations authoritative, and not consultatory only. And this subordination is not only warranted by the light of nature, but grounded upon the word of God, and conform to the pattern of the primitive and apostolic church, for the preservation of verity and unity, against schism, heresy and tyranny, which is the fruit of this government wheresoever it hath place.' So from henceforth the Assembly did incessantly urge uniformity in reformation with their brethren in England, as the chiefest of their desires, prayers and cares. And in the year 1643, prevailed so far, that the English parliament did first desire, that the two nations might be strictly united for their mutual defence, against the papists and prelatical faction, and their adherents in both kingdoms; and not to lay down arms, till these implacable enemies should be brought in subjection; and instantly urge for help and assistance from Scotland. Which, being sent, did return with an olive branch of peace, and not without some beginnings of a reformation in England. And afterwards, a bloody war beginning between the King and Parliament, with great success on the King's side, whence the papists at the time got great advantage, (witness the cessation of arms concluded in Ireland,) commissioners were sent from both houses to Scotland, earnestly inviting to a nearer union of the kingdoms, and desiring assistance from this nation to their brethren in that their great distress. And this, by the good hand of God, produced the solemn league and covenant of the three kingdoms, first drawn up in Scotland, and approven in the Assembly at Edinburgh, and afterward embraced in England to the terror of the popish and prelatical party, and to the great comfort of such as were wishing and waiting for the reformation of religion, and the recoveries of just liberties. The tenor whereof did import, their sincere and constant endeavours, in their several places and callings, for preservation of the uniformity in reformation, in doctrine, worship, discipline, and government: the extirpation of popery, prelacy, error and profanity; the preservation of the rights and liberties of the people; and of the magistrates authority, in defence of the true religion and liberty; the discovery and punishment of incendiaries; the retaining of the peace and union of the kingdoms; the mutual assistance and defence of all under the bond of this covenant; and the performing all duties we owe to God, in the amendment of our lives, and walking exemplarily one before another. This is that covenant comprehending the purpose of all prior, and the pattern of all posterior covenants, to which Christ's witnesses did always adhere, for which the present witnesses do suffer and contend; that covenant, which the representatives of church and state in the three nations did solemnly subscribe and swear, for themselves and posterity, of which the obligation, either to the duty or the punishment, continues indispensibly on the generation; which for the moral equity of its matter, the formality of its manner, the importance of its purpose, the holiness of its solemn engagement, and the glory of its ends, no power on earth can disannul, disable, or dispense; that covenant, which the Lord did ratify from heaven, by the conversion of many thousands at their entering under the bond of it, securing and establishing unto them, and all the faithful, the blessings and privileges therein express, and avouching himself to be their God, as they had avouched themselves to be his people; that covenant, which, in all the controversies it hath occasioned, did never receive a greater confirmation than from the malice and opposition of its adversaries; that covenant, which malignants do malign and deny, and sectaries scorn and lay aside, as an almanack out of date; which hath been many ways traduced and reproached by enemies, and yet could never be reflected on by any serious in this land, without an honourable and fragrant remembrance: especially that retortion of adversaries of the rigour of its imposition upon recusants, to justify their cruelty upon its asserters now, is to be refelled, not with confutation of its importance, but with disdain of its impudence. For who were the recusants; but wicked enemies to God, and church, and nation, who for their malignancy were then to be prosecuted, not for their scrupling at a covenant, but for their contumacious contempt of a law? This was no violence done to their conscience; for as they had none, and could not pretend to any, so they were never troubled for that, but for their opposition and conspiracy against the common cause. However, it went through at that time: and that the covenanted reformation, in a nearer conjunction betwixt the united churches, might be promoted, the parliament of England called an Assembly of divines at Westminster, and desired the Assembly of Scotland to send thither their commissioners; which accordingly nominated and elected Mr. Alexander Henderson, Mr. Robert Douglas, Mr. Samuel Rutherford, Mr. Robert Balzie, Mr. George Gillespie, ministers; John Earl of Cassils, John Lord Maitland, and Sir Archibald Johnston of Waristoun, ruling elders; to propone, consult, treat, and conclude in all such things as might conduce to the extirpation of popery, prelacy, heresy, schism, superstition, and idolatry; and for the settling of the so much desired union of the whole island, in one form of church-government, one confession of faith, one common catechism, and one directory for the worship of God. Forces were also sent to assist the parliament of England: which were favoured with great success in their enterprizes, till that war was ended by the total overthrow of tyranny at that time, and all its upholders. But that popish, prelatical, and malignant faction, being brought much under in England, attempted (not unlike the Syrians, who thought the God of Israel was not God of the hills and valleys both) to try the fortune of war in Scotland, under the conduct of that treacherous and truculent traitor Montrose, gathering an army of wicked apostates and Irish murderers: who prevailing for a time, did punish in the justice of God, the hypocrisy and self-seeking of such in this land, whose hearts were not upright in his covenant; at length was defeat at Philiphaugh, in the year 1645. Yet certain it is, that they had commission and warrant from the King; as the Assembly that year, February 13. remonstrates it to himself? warning him, in the name of their Master, the Lord Jesus Christ, 'That the guilt, which cleaved to his throne, was such, as (whatsoever flattering preachers or unfaithful counsellors, might say to the contrary) if not timely repented, could not but involve himself and his posterity, under the wrath of the ever-living God, for his being guilty of the shedding of the blood of many thousand of his best subjects, for his permitting the mass and other idolatry in his family and dominion,' &c. At the same time also, the Assembly did zealously incite the Parliament to a speedy course of justice, against these incendiaries and murderers, as the only mean of cleansing the land from that deluge of blood then current, and of appeasing the wrath of God: and solemnly and seasonably warned all ranks to applaud the glory and righteousness of that judgment of the sword, in the hands of these apostates, and murderers, and to search to understand the language of that dispensation; wherein many public sins and breaches of covenant are pointed at, as the causes of that desolation; and the covenant itself is there very encomiastically vindicated. 'We are so far from repenting of it (say they) that we cannot mention it without great joy and thankfulness to God, as that which hath drawn many blessings after it, and unto which God hath given manifold evident testimonies: for no sooner was the covenant begun to be taken in England, but sensibly the condition of affairs there was changed to the better, and our forces sent into that kingdom, in pursuance of that covenant, have been so mercifully and manifestly assisted and blessed from heaven, that we have what to answer the enemy that reproacheth us concerning that business, and that which may make iniquity itself to stop her mouth; but which is more unto us than all victories, the reformation of religion in England, and uniformity therein between both kingdoms (a principal end of that covenant) is so far advanced, that the government of the church by congregational elderships, classical presbyteries, provincial and national assemblies, is agreed upon by the Assembly of Divines at Westminster, and voted and concluded in both houses of Parliament.' After this the malignants in England being crushed in all their projects, the King renders himself to the Scots in Newcastle: by whom (because by covenant they were not obliged to defend him, but only in defence of religion and liberty, which he had been destroying, and they defending, because in this war he did directly oppose and oppugn these conditions, under which they were only to defend him; and therefore they had all along carried towards him as an enemy, as he to them; and because, by the same covenant, they were obliged to discover, and render to condign punishment all malignants and incendiaries, of whom he was the chief, and to retain the peace and union of the kingdoms, which could not be retained in maintaining their destroyer, and to assist mutually all entred into that covenant, which he was fighting against) he was delivered up unto the English, and kept under restraint in the isle of Wight, until he received his just demerit, for all his oppressions, murders, treachery, and tyranny; being condemned and execute January 30th, in the 1648-9. Which fact, though it was protested against, both before and after, by the Assembly of the church of Scotland, out of zeal against the Sectarians, the executioners of that extraordinary act of justice; yet it was more for the manner than for the matter, and more for motives and ends of it, than for the grounds of it, that they opposed themselves to it, and resented it. For they acknowledged and remonstrated to himself, the truth of all these things upon which that sentence and execution of justice was founded. And when a wicked association, and unlawful engagement was on foot to rescue him, they opposed it with all their might: shewing, in their answers to the estates that year 1648, and declarations and remonstrances, the sinfulness and destructiveness of that engagement; that it was a breach of the commandments of God, and of all the articles of the covenant; declaring withal, they would never consent to the King's restitution to the exercise of his power, without previous assurance, by solemn oath, under his hand and seal, for settling of religion according to the covenant. By which it appears, they were not so stupidly loyal, as some would make them. Yet indeed it cannot be past without regret, that there was too much of this plague of the king's-evil even among good men: which from that time forth hath so infected the heads and hearts of this generation, that it hath almost quite extinct all loyalty to Christ, and all zeal for religion and liberty. Then it began to infuse and diffuse its contagion, when after the death of Charles first, in the year 1649, they began, after all that they had smarted for their trusting these treacherous tyrants, and after that grace had been shewed them from the Lord their God, by breaking these men's yokes from off their necks, and putting them again into a capacity to act for the good of religion, their own safety, and the peace and safety of the kingdom, to think of joining once more with the people of these abominations, and taking into their bosom these serpents which had formerly stung them almost to death. Hence these tears, lo the origin and spring of our defection! There was indeed at that time a party faithful for God, who considering the many breaches of the solemn league and covenant, and particularly by the late engagement against England, did so travel, that they procured the covenant to be renewed, with the solemn acknowledgment of sins and engagement to duties, which was universally subscribed and sworn through all the land; wherein also they regret this tampering with malignants. And therefore the Lord did mightily save and defend them from all their adversaries, subdued them at Stirling, and in the north. They did also give warning concerning the young King, 'That notwithstanding of the Lord's hand against his father, yet he hearkens unto the counsels of these, who were authors of these miseries to his father, by which it hath come to pass, that he hath hitherto refused to grant the just and necessary desires of the church and kingdom, for securing of religion and liberty: And it is much to be feared, that these wicked counsellors, may so far prevail upon him, as to engage him in a war, for overturning the work of God, and bearing down all those in the three kingdoms that adhere thereto. Which if he shall do, cannot but bring great wrath from the Lord upon himself and throne, and must be the cause of many new and great miseries and calamities to these lands.' And, in the same warning, by many weighty reasons, they prove, that he is not to be admitted to the exercise of his power, without security for religion and liberty. And when the bringing home of the King came to be voted in the Assembly, there was one faithful witness, Mr. Adam Kae, minister in Galloway, protested against it: foreshewing, and foretelling, what mischief and misery he would bring with him when he should come. These things might have had some weight, to demur the nation from meddling with that perfidious traitor. But all this serves only to aggravate the sin and shame of that distraction, which hath procured all this destruction, under which the land mourns to this day: that notwithstanding of all these convictions, warnings; yea, and discoveries of his malignancy, treachery, and inclination to tyranny; they sent commissioners, and concluded a treaty with him at Breda. During which treaty, the commissions which he had sent to that bloody villain Montrose, and his cut-throat complices, to raise an army, and waste, and invade the country with fire and sword the second time; were brought to the Committee of Estates, discovering what sort of a king they were treating with. Whereupon, after serious consulting, not only together, but with the Lord: and after many debates what to do in such a doubtful case, wherein all was in danger, the Estates concluded to break off the treaty, and recal their Commissioners. To which intent, they sent an express with letters to Breda; which, by providence, falling into the hands of Libberton, a true libertine, and false betrayer of his trust and country, was by him, without the knowledge of the other Commissioners, delivered unto the King; who consulting the contents of the packet with his jesuitical and hypocritical cabal, found it his interest to play the fox (being disappointed at that time to play the tyger) and dissemble with God and man. And so sending for the Commissioners, he made a flattering speech to them, shewing, that now after serious deliberation, he was resolved to comply with all their proposals. Whereupon the poor cheated Commissioners dispatch the post back with letters full of praise and joy for the satisfaction they had received. The Estates, perceiving themselves imposed upon, consulted again what to do; and in end, being overswayed more with respect to their own credit, (which they thought should be impeached, if they should retract their own plenipotentiary instructions, to conclude the treaty, upon the King's assent to their conditions) than to their reclamant consciences, they resolved to bring home that pest, and thereby precipitated themselves and us into eluctable misery. Yet they thought to mend the matter, by binding him with all cords, and putting him to all most explicit engagements, before he should receive the imperial crown. Well, upon these terms, home he comes, and, before he sets his foot on British ground, he takes the covenant: and thereafter, because the commission of the General Assembly, by the act of the West-kirk, August 13th, 1650, precluded his admittance unto the crown, if he should refuse the then required satisfaction, before his coronation, he emits that declaration at Dunfermline; wherein, 'Professing and appearing in the full persuasion and love of the truth, he repenteth (as having to do with and in the fight of God) his father's opposition to the covenant and work of God, and his own reluctances against the same, hoping for mercy through the blood of Jesus Christ, and obtesting the prayers of the faithful to God for his stedfastness. And then protesteth his truth and sincerity in entring into the oath of God, resolving to prosecute the ends of the covenant to his utmost, and to have with it the same common friends and enemies, exhorting all to lay down their enmity against the cause of God, and not to prefer man's interest to God's, which will prove an idol of jealousy to provoke the Lord: and he himself accounteth to be but selfish flattery.' A declaration so full of heart-professions, and high attestations of God, that none, considering what followed, can reflect thereon, without horror and trembling from the holy jealousy of the Lord, either for the then deep dissimulation, or the after unparalleled apostasy. I know it is objected by court-parasites, that the king was then compelled to do these things. To which I shall only say, it would have cost any of them their head at that time, to have asserted, that he did upon deliberation and choice mock God and man, and entered into these engagements, only with a purpose to be thereby in better capacity to destroy what he swore to maintain, only because he could not have the crown without this way, which, in the confession of the objectors themselves, was only deliberate and premeditate perjury. Next, if it should be granted he was compelled; let it be also considered, who compelled him; and these will be found to be the deceitful courtiers. For, let it be adverted, what Mr. Gillespie declares of the case, who put the pen in his hand when he subscribed that declaration: he, perceiving there was sufficient ground to jealouse his reality, and seeing evidently that the courtiers prevailed with the king on a sudden to offer to subscribe the declaration (when they observed that the commissioners of church and state were resolute, and ready to go away in a fixedness, to leave out the putting of his interest in the state of the quarrel) and being afraid of the said consequences of it, spoke his mind plainly to the king: 'That if he was not satisfied in his soul and conscience, beyond all hesitation of the righteousness of the subscription, he was so far from over-driving him to run upon that, for which he had no light, as he obtested him, yea, he charged him in his master's name, and in the name of these who sent him, not to subscribe this declararation, no not for the three kingdoms.' Whereupon the king answered,--Mr. Gillespie, Mr. Gillespie, I am satisfied, I am satisfied with the declaration, and therefore will subscribe it. Upon which some of the courtiers swore that Mr. Gillespie intended simply to dissuade the king from subscribing it, that so church and state might professedly lay aside his interest; which would have defeat their hopes to make up themselves, as now they have done, upon the then designed ruin of the interest of truth. Then at his coronation, we have his again reiterated confirmations of that covenant; first, he is desired in name of the people to accept the crown, and maintain religion according to the national and solemn league and covenant; whereunto he gave his apparently cordial consent (the words are in the form and order of the coronation with the whole action.) Then next, a sermon being preached upon 2 Kings xi. 12 and 17. the action commenceth, with his most solemn renewing of the national and solemn league and covenant, by oath. Then, he is presented to the people, and their willingness demanded to have him for their king on these terms. At the same time, in the next place, he took the coronation oath. Then on these terms he accepted the sword. And after the crown is set upon his head, the people's obligatory oath is proclaimed on the terms foresaid, otherwise he is not that king to whom they swore subjection. Then being set upon the throne, he was by the minister put in mind of his engagements, from 1 Chron. xxix. 33. And then the nobles of the land came one by one kneeling, and lifting up their hands between his hands, swore the same oath. These things done, the whole action was closed with a most solid and severe exhortation from several instances, Neh. v. 13. Jer. xxxiv. 18, 19, 20. &c. Thereafter in the year 1651, followed the ratification of all these preceeding treaties, transactions, and engagements, concluded and enacted by the king, and the parliament then fully and freely conveened; whereby the same did pass into a perpetual law. And this covenant, which from the beginning was and is the most sure and indispensible oath of God, became at length the very fundamental law of the kingdom, whereon all the rights or privileges, either of king or people, are principally bottomed and secured. This might seem security sufficient, but considering the former discoveries and experiences they had of his treachery, and the visible appearances (in the mean time) of his refusals, visible reluctances, manifest refilings, open counter actings, and continued prejudices against the covenant, and his following unprecedented avowed perjury, every thing doth indelibly fasten upon them the weakness at least of an overweening credulity, and upon him the wickedness of a perfidious policy, in all these condescensions. After this it came to pass, that zeal for the cause rightly stated was suddenly contracted to a few, and the flame thereof extinguished in many, and court wild-fire substitute in its place: whereby a plain defection was violently carried on by the public resolutioners, who relapsing into that most sinful conjunction with the people of these abominations, so solemnly repented for and resolved against, did notwithstanding bring in notorious malignants, into places of power and trust, in judicatories and armies, in a more politic than pious way of requiring of them a constrained and dissembled repentance, to the mocking of the God of truth, and scorn of all our holy engagements. Which defection did not only cause for a long time an incurable division; the first of that kind, and most permanent of any that ever was in the church of Scotland, by reason of the surcease of general assemblies, stopped and hindered by the yoke of the sectarian usurpation; but also was the spring and source of all our defections since, all flowing from and fomented by that same spirit that fostered that: and for that, since that time, the Lord hath been contending with this church and nation, bringing us under the bondage of these malignant enemies, whom we suffered them then to encourage and introduce. And both at that time, and since that time, the Lord never countenanced an expedition where that malignant interest was taken in unto the state of that quarrel. Upon this our land was invaded by Oliver Cromwel, who defeated our army at Dunbar, where the anger of the Lord was evidently seen to smoke against us, for espousing that interest. And remarkable it is, how in that very day wherein the public resolutions were concluded in the assembly at St. Andrew's, the Lord then shed the blood of his people at Inverkeithing; so as that the assembly, having in great haste hurried through this approbation, were all made to run for it, and adjourn themselves to Dundee, where they met and completed that step of defection. And afterwards it is known, what a peculiar vengeance fell upon that city, where this deed was done, beyond all other cities of the nation. Next, an army being raised, according to these unhallowed resolutions, and the Lord putting remarkable discountenance upon them in their attemptings at home, as was manifest in their attemptings at Torwood, &c. They march into England, and there did the Lord continue, by his leaving our army to the sword, to preach that doctrine to the world, Josh. vii. 10, 11, 12. ('Israel hath sinned and transgressed the covenant--have taken the accursed thing--and dissembled also, and have put it even amongst their own stuff, therefore the children of Israel could not stand before their enemies, but turned their backs before their enemies, because they were accursed: Neither will I be with you any more, except ye destroy the accursed thing from among you.') An army of near 30,000 was totally routed at Worcester, and the Achan, the cause of the overthrow, was forced to hide himself in the oak, and thence to transport himself beyond sea, where he continued a wandering fugitive in exile, till the year 1660. In the mean time the sectarian army here prevailed, till, after the usurper Cromwel's death, the false Monk then general, with a combination of malignants and public resolutioners, did machinate our misery, and effectuated it by bringing home the king to England from his banishment: Wherein he was habituate into an implacable hatred against the work of God. Yet, though since the king's first reception into Scotland, our declensions were still growing, until they produced this dreadful revolt from God, wherein the nation is now involved; there was still a faithful remnant of ministers and professors, zealous for the cause, keeping their integrity; who in their remonstrances and testimonies witnessed against both their malignant enemies, and their backsliding brethren the revolutioners, and also against the sectarians their invaders; whose vast toleration and liberty of conscience, which they brought in to invade our religion as they had invaded our land, and infected it with their multifarious errors, was particularly by the synod of Fife, and other brethren in the ministry that joined themselves to them, testified against, and demonstrated to be wicked and intolerable. Now to see how far the present testimony is confirmed by the witnesses of this period, we may resume some reflections on it. I. They impartially carried on the testimony against prelacy, and the popish, prelatical and malignant factions on the one hand, and the sectarians on the other, without ever waving the testimony against either, or at the least, winking at the one to weaken the other: both which testimonies they thought of so great importance, that they could not dispense with but faithfully maintain both, in their witnessings and warnings. In that seasonable and necessary warning and declaration, concerning present and imminent dangers, given at Edinburgh July 27. sess. 27. they first say of the sectaries, 'That prevailing party of sectaries in England, who have broken the covenant, and despised the oath of God, corrupted the truth, subverted the fundamental government, look upon us with an evil eye, as upon these who stand in the way of their monstrous and new fangled devices in religion and government; and though there were no cause to fear any thing from that party, but the gangrene and infection of those many damnable and abominable errors which have taken hold on them; yet our vicinity unto and daily commerce with that nation, may justly make us afraid, that the Lord may give up many in this land into a spirit of delusion to believe lies, because they have not received the love of the truth. In that same warning they say, We are not so to have the one of our eyes upon the sectarians, as not to have the other upon malignants, they being an enemy more numerous and more dangerous than the other; not only because experience hath proven, that there is a greater aptitude and inclination in these of our land to comply with malignants, than sectaries, in that they carry on their wicked design, under a pretext of being for the king, but also because there be many of them in our own bowels.' By which we may see how impartially they opposed both; and that this cannot be condemned in the testimonies of the present sufferers, except the assembly be condemned. And because many now a-days have extenuating notions of those debates, against prelacy and sectarianism, about the government of the church, &c. and condemn these that would adhere to and suffer for the punctilios of it, as rigid nicety: I shall, for seeing what account the assembly had of them, cite their words in a letter to the assembly of divines at Westiminster, dated Edinburgh, June 18, 1646. The 'smallest (say they) of Christ's truths (if it be lawful to call any of them small) is of greater moment than all the other businesses, that ever have been debated since the beginning of the world to this day: but the highest of honours and heaviest of burdens is put upon you; to declare out of the sacred records of divine truth, what is the prerogative of the crown and extent of the sceptre of Jesus Christ; what bounds are to be set between him ruling in his house, and powers established by God on earth; how and by whom his house is to be governed; and by what ways a restraint is to be put on these who would pervert his truth and subvert the faith of many.' II. In the manner of maintaining this testimony, these famous fathers, while faithful for God, gave us a perfect pattern of purity and strictness, in opposition to all degrees of conformity and compliance with the corruptions of the time; and laid down such rules and constitutions, as might regulate us in our contendings about present defections, and teach us what account to make of them, and how to carry towards them: which if adverted unto, would evince how manifest and manifold the declinings of many have been from the late reformation, that yet pretend to adhere unto it, and how justifiable the aversation and abstraction of the present reproaching suffering party is, from all these defections and the daubings of them, because so much deviating and declining from the attained reformation. I need not repeat how prelacy, and all the parts and pendicles of that antichristian hierarchy, were abjured in the national covenant, and condemned in the acts of assemblies, and re-abjured in the solemn league and covenant, and in the solemn acknowledgement of sins and engagement to duties, where also we came under sacred and inviolable engagements, to endeavour the extirpation thereof: Which doth clearly file the present countenancing and submitting to the prelatic curates, in receiving ordinances from them, among the grossest of defections; being altogether inconsistent with these acts and constitutions, and covenant obligations to extirpate them, as much as the countenancing of popish priests were inconsistent therewith, being both equally covenanted to be extirpated. Next, though in this period, tyranny being in its retrograde motion, erastian supremacy was not so much contended for, and therefore not so much questioned as formerly, being held exploded with execration out of doors and out of doubt; yet the testimony was still continued against it, in the uninterrupted maintaining of the church's privileges and freedom of assemblies, against all encroachings of adversaries. And therefore the embracing of the late detestable indulgences, were as contrary to the actings of this as to the testimonies of the former period, against the supremacy from which they flow. Yea many particulars, might be instanced, wherein the accepters had declined from the covenanted reformation then prosecuted; not only in their confederating with malignant usurpers, for the pretended benefit of them (by which, if there had been no more, they are obnoxious to the censure of the church, standing registered in an act of assembly, ordaining all persons in ecclesiastic office, for the like or lesser degrees of compliance, yea even for procuring protections from malignant enemies, to be suspended from their office and all exercise thereof at Edin. 1646. sess. 14.) Nor only in their taking sinful instructions from them, restricting them in the exercise of their ministry; but in admitting themselves, by their patronage, to be by them presented to their prelimited and pre-imposed congregations: which involves them in the iniquity of the abolished patronages, condemned by the assembly; for that ministry of such so presented, is made too much to depend upon the will and pleasure of man, and such an imposition is destructive of the church and people's liberties, obstructive of the gospel's freedom and faithful plainness, and occasion of much base flattery and partiality; and in subjecting to, homologating, and fortifying a sacrilegious supremacy, overturning the intrinsic power of the church, contrary to the covenant obliging to the preservation of the government, as well as to the doctrine of the church, in the first article thereof; and in their suffering themselves, either directly or indirectly, either by combination, persuasion, or terror, to be divided and withdrawn from that blessed union and conjunction, which they were obliged to maintain and promove, according to the sixth article of the solemn league and covenant; and in their strengthening the erastian usurpations of enemies encroaching upon the church's liberties and Christ's prerogatives, against which we are engaged expressly in the solemn acknowledgment of sins and engagement to duties, where also we have these words article 2. Because many have of late laboured to supplant the liberties of the church, we shall maintain and defend the church of Scotland, in all her liberties and privileges, against all who shall oppose or undermine the same, or encroach thereupon under any pretext whatsomever. Next, we have many demonstrations of the zeal and strictness of these servants of Christ, in their synodical determinations of censures, to be past upon many ministerial corruptions; which will condemn the present course of covering and countenancing them, and commend the contendings of a poor reproached party against them, in their conscientious abstracting from them. Of which determinations, I shall rehearse some. Among the enormities and corruptions of the ministry, in their callings, this is one, sect. 4, 5. Silence in the public cause--some accounting it a point of wisdom to speak, ambiguously--whereof the remedy is sect. 15. 'That beside all other scandals, silence or ambiguous speaking in the public cause--be seasonably censured, general assembly, at Edinburgh, June 13. 1646.' There is indeed an act against withdrawers from ministers: but in the self same act they are charged to be diligent in fulfilling their ministry, 'to be faithful in preaching, declaring the whole counsel of God, and as they have occasion from the text of scripture to reprove the sins and errors, and press the duties of the time, and in all these to observe the rules prescribed by the acts of assembly, wherein if they be negligent, they are to be censured, general assembly Edinburgh, Aug. 24. 1647. sess. 19.' Then there is that act, Aug. 3. 1648. sess. 26. for censuring ministers for their silence, and not speaking to the corruptions of the time; 'calling it, a great scandal, through some ministers their reserving and not declaring themselves against the prevalent sins of the times; appointing, that all that do not apply their doctrine to these corruptions, which is the pastoral gift, and that are cold or wanting of spiritual zeal, dissembling of public sins, that all such be censured even to deprivation; for forbearing or passing in silence the errors and exorbitancies of sectaries in England, or the defections current at home, the plots and practices of malignants, the principles and tenets of erastianism; and if they be found too sparing, general, or ambiguous in their applications and reproofs, and continuing so, they are to be deposed, for being pleasers of men rather than servers of Christ, for giving themselves to a detestable indifferency or neutrality in the cause of God for defrauding the souls of people, yea for being highly guilty of the blood of souls, in not giving them warning.' And in that seasonable and necessary warning of the general assembly, Edinbugh July 27. 1649. sess. 27. we are taught how they resented the unfaithfulness of ministers continuing in defections, and how we are to look upon them and carry to them: where they say, it is undeniably true, that many of the evils, 'wherewith this church and kingdom hath been afflicted in our age, have come to pass because of the negligence of some and corruptions of others of the ministry; and the course of backsliding was carried on, until it pleased God to stir up the spirits of these few, who stood in the gap, to oppose and resist the fame, and to begin the work of reformation in the land; since which time, the silence of some ministers, and the compliance of others, hath had great influence upon the backslidings of many amongst the people, who, upon the discovery of the evil of their way, complain that they got no warning, or that if they were warned by some, others held their peace, or did justify them in the course of their backsliding: we can look upon such ministers no otherwise, than upon these that are guilty of the blood of the Lord's people, and with whom the Lord will reckon, for all the breach of covenant and defection that hath been in the land; the priest's lips should preserve knowledge, and they should seek the law at his mouth, for he is the messenger of the Lord of hosts, but such as are departed out of the way, and have caused many to stumble at the law, therefore hath the Lord made them contemptible before all the people, according as they have not kept his ways, but have been partial in his law, because they have lost their favour, he hath cast out many of them as unsavoury salt.' Furthermore, to evidence the purity and power of zeal burning and blazing in these days in their contendings against public enemies on all hands, I shall instance some of their acts and testimonies, clearly condemning the manifold compliances of this generation and which may contribute somewhat to justify the reproached preciseness of a remnant, standing at the furthest distance from them. There is an act for censuring the compliars with the public enemies of this church and kingdom, general assembly, June 17. 1646, sess. 14. 'where, they judge it a great and scandalous provocation, and grievous defection from the public cause, to comply with those malignants (such as James Graham then was) in any degree, even to procure protections from them, or to have invited them to their houses, or to have drunk James Graham's health, or to be guilty of any other such gross degrees of compliance; censured to be suspended from the communions, ay and while they acknowledge their offence.' And yet now, for refusing these degrees of compliance, for not having the protection of a pass from the wicked courts of malignant enemies, by taking a wicked oath, and for refusing to drink the king's health, a greater enemy then ever James Graham was, some poor conscientious people have not only been murdered by enemies, but mocked and condemned by professors. There is an act likewise, and declaration against all new oaths or bonds in the common cause imposed without consent of the church general assembly, Edinburgh July 28. 1648. sess. 18. 'Enjoining all the members of the church to fearbear the swearing or subscribing any new oaths, or bonds, in this cause without advice and concurrence of the church, especially any negative oaths or bonds, which may any way limit or restrain them in the duties whereunto they are obliged, by national or solemn league or covenant.' Yet now, for refusing oaths, not only limiting in covenanted duties, but contradicting and condemning many material principles of the covenanted reformation, many have not only lost their lives, but also have been condemned, by them that are at ease, having a wider conscience to swallow such baits. It is known how pertinacious the most faithful in those days were, in their contendings against associations, in any undertaking for the cause, with persons disaffected to the true state thereof. I need not give any account of this, were it not that now that principle is quite inverted; and poor adherers to it, for their abstracting and substracting their concurrence with such promiscuous associations, are much hated and flouted; therefore I shall give some hints of their sentiments of them. In their answer to the committee of estates, July 25, 1648, sess. 14. the general assembly says, 'It was represented to the parliament, that for securing of religion it was necessary, that the popish, prelatical, and malignant party, be declared enemies to the cause upon the one hand, as well as sectaries upon the other, and that all associations either in forces or counsels, with the former as well as with the latter, be avoided.' And in their declaration concerning the present dangers of religion, especially the unlawful engagement in war, July ult. 1648. sess. 21. they say, 'Suppose the ends of that engagement be good (as they are not) yet the means and ways of prosecution are unlawful; because there is not an equal avoiding of rocks on both hands, but a joining with malignants to suppress sectaries, a joining hands with a black devil to beat a white devil; they are bad physicians who would so cure one disease, as to breed another as evil or worse--we find in the scriptures condemned, all confederacies and associations with the enemies of true religion, whether Canaanites, Exod. xxiii. 32 and 24. xii. 15. Deut. vii. 2. or other heathens, 1 Kings xi. 1, 2.' More arguments against associations may be seen in that excellent discussion of this useful case, concerning associations and confederacies with idolaters, infidels, hereticks, or any other known enemy of truth or godliness, by famous Mr. G. Gillespie, published at that same time: whereunto is appended his letter to the commission of the general assembly, having these golden words in it, words fitly spoken in that season, when he was a-dying, at the beginning of the public resolutions: 'Having heard of some motions and beginnings of compliance, with these who have been so deeply engaged in a war destructive to religion and the kingdom's liberties, I cannot but discharge my conscience, in giving a testimony against all such compliance. I know and am persuaded, that all the faithful witnesses that gave testimony to the thesis, that the late engagement was contrary and destructive to the covenant, will also give testimony to the appendix, that compliance with any who have been active in that engagement is most sinful and unlawful. I am not able to express all the evils of that compliance, they are so many--But above all, that which would heighten this sin even to the heavens is, that it were not only a horrid backsliding, but a backsliding into that very sin, which was specially pointed at and punished by the prevalency of the malignant party, God justly making them thorns and scourges who were taken in as friends. Alas! shall we split twice upon the same rock? yea run upon it, when God hath set a beacon on it? yea I may say, shall we thus outface and outdare the Almighty, by protecting his and our enemies, by making peace and friendship with them, when the anger of the Lord is burning against them. I must here apply to our present condition, the words of Ezrah, ix. 14.--O happy Scotland, if thou canst now improve and not abuse this golden opportunity! but if thou help the ungodly, and love them that hate the Lord, wrath upon wrath, and wo upon wo, shall be upon thee from the Lord.' Whereunto is subjoined his dying testimony to the same purpose; wherein are these words: 'But if there shall be falling back, to the sin of compliance with malignant ungodly men, then I look for the breaking out of the wrath of the Lord, till there be no remedy.' This was the warning of a worthy dying man. Notwithstanding of which and many other warnings and witnessings, a course of compliance was commenced by the public resolutioners, and continued in to this day; wherein that faithful warning of a dying servant of Christ is verified. But before I leave this purpose, I must obviate an objection that some make use of for strengthening themselves in their incorporations and joining at least in worship, with the corruptions of the time, and for condemning conscientious withdrawers; that the godly in those days did not separate from the men of these compliances and defections, as many do now, viz. the protesting party did not withdraw from the public resolutioners and associators with malignants. I answer, first, many and these the most godly and tender did withdraw, even from their own ministers, and would have gone forty or fifty miles to hear a faithful minister at that time: yea ministers themselves, in the case of intrusion of the unfaithful, would have supplied the paroch, as if the church had been vacant, and when they could not get access to the pulpit, they preached in the fields, on purpose to witness against, and professedly to withdraw the people from such an unfaithful intruder; as might be instanced particularly for time and place, if need were. But next, the church then, though broken by division, and under the subjection of strangers deprived of her general assemblies, yet was in a constitute case, enjoying the privilege, power and order of synods and presbyteries, to whom the people offended with their ministers might address themselves, for an orderly redress, and removal of these scandals in an ordinary way; and so they needed not assume to themselves that power to regulate their communion, that in a broken state, as now is, must be allowed to them. And besides, both the ministers at that time who were faithful, though they might have proceeded to censure and silence the corrupt party as they were obliged, yet not only found it difficult by reason of the injury of the times; but also thought it best to spare them, and the people to bear them, as burdens; until, as they were still in hopes, they should obtain a general assembly to take order with them, but now it is not so. And then the defection was but beginning, and people did not know and could not expect it would go such a length, and therefore could not fall upon the rigour of that duty, which such disorders call for at first: but if they had seen where these beginnings would land them at length, I doubt not but they would have resisted those beginnings, in such a way as would have precluded this imputation of novelty upon our necessitated withdrawings. III. We have in this period, not only an illustrious testimony for the principle, but a continued and unintermitted putting into practice the duty of defensive arms, in resisting the sovereign power, maleversing and abusing authority to the destruction of the ends of it; which resistance was avowed, encouraged, and furthered by the general assembly, both for the defence of themselves, and for the help of their brethren in England. Take one expression in their solemn and seasonable warning to all ranks, Feb. 12, 1645, sess. 18.--'Unless men will blot out of their hearts the love of religion and cause of God, and cast off all care of their country, laws, liberties, &c. (all being in visible danger of present ruin and destruction) they must now or never appear actively, each one stretching himself to, yea beyond his power. It is not time to dally, or go about the business by halves, nor be almost, but altogether zealous: Cursed is he that doeth the work of the Lord negligently. If we have been forward to assist our neighbour kingdoms, shall we neglect to defend our own? Or shall the enemies of God be more active against his cause than his people for it? God forbid.' In another seasonable and necessary warning, July 27, 1649, sess. 27. they say, 'But if his majesty, or any having or pretending power and commission from him, shall invade this kingdom, upon pretext of establishing him in the exercise of his royal power; as it will be an high provocation against God, to be accessory or assisting thereto, so it will be a necessary duty to resist and oppose the same.' These fathers could well distinguish, between authority and the person abusing it: and were not so loyal, as now their degenerate children are ambitious to shew themselves, stupidly stooping to the shadow thereof, and yet will be called the only asserters of presbyterian principles. But we find, they put it among the characters of malignants, to confound the king's honour and authority with the abuse and pretence thereof, and with commissions, warrants, and letters, procured from the king by the enemies of the cause and covenant, as if we could not oppose the latter, without incroaching upon the former. But here an objection or two must be removed out of the way before we go forward. One is, from the third article of the covenant; where there seems to be a great deal of loyalty, obliging to defend the king's majesty, his person and authority, in the preservation and defence of the true religion and liberties of the kingdoms, 'that the world may bear witness with our consciences of our loyalty, and that we have no thoughts or intentions to diminish his majesty's just power and greatness.' I answer, there is indeed a deal of loyalty there, and true loyalty, because lawfully limited, being qualified with, and subordinate unto the preservation and defence of the true religion and liberties of the kingdom (as the makers of the covenant do expound it, in the assembly's declaration against the unlawful engagement, July _ult._ 1648, sess. 21.) not that reverse loyalty, which makes duties to God conditional and limited, and duties to the king absolute and unlimited, as our loyalists do now. And I wish others were free of it, who have sworn oaths of unlimited allegiances to maintain the king in any power unto which his force aspires; and to justify this their loyalty, will bring in this article of the covenant with a distorted sense, reading it backward, 'that we in the preservation and defence of religion must preserve and defend the king:' As if religion obliged to defend him, do what he will. It were better such pretended covenanters denied the covenant, than to be such a reproach to it, in wresting its genuine sense. But I have adduced the sense of the best interpreters of it, the general assembly. Next when they entered under the bond of this covenant, they did it with a purpose to oppose all his invasions upon religion and the liberties of the people, and to vindicate these precious interests from his usurpings, into a state of liberty: And shall we imagine, that that very oath of God did lay upon them or us an obligation to defend the person who is a destroyer of all these, contrary to the very nature of the oath, contrary to the hope of the covenanters, and contrary to their subsequent practice? But then it will be urged, why then was that clause cast into the covenant? I answer we have not the same cause to keep it, as they had some cause to put it in, with accommodation to the present possessor of the sovereignty. The owning of it in our circumstances would be as great a reproach to us, as the want of it was to them in theirs. They put in the words to prevent the world's mistake, and to remove that odium industriously heaped upon the heads of whose hearts were associate in the defence of religion and liberty, therefore they would profess they would not be disloyal while he was for God. And a defiance may be given to clamour, and calumny itself, to give one instance of the defect of performance hereof, while he went not about to ruin those things, incomparably more precious than his person or authority, and in ruining whereof no person can retain authority. IV. But now two things will chiefly be desiderated, which now we own in our testimony, for which many have died, that seem not to be confirmed by or consistent with the testimony of this period. One is, that we not only maintain defensive resistance, but in some cases vindictive and punitive force, to be executed upon men that are bloody beasts of prey, and burdens to the earth, in cases of necessity, when there is no living among them. This principle of reason and natural justice, was not much inquired into in this time; when the sun was up, whose warmth and light made these beasts creep into their dens, and when they, being brought under subjection, could not force people into such extraordinary violent courses when the ordinary and orderly course of law was running in its right channel. Yet from the ground of their ordinary procedure, military and civil, against such monsters, we may gather the lawfulness of an ordinary procedure in a pinch of necessity, conform to their grounds: I hope to make this evident, when I come _ex proposito_ to vindicate this head. But there is another thing that we own, which seems not to have been known in these days, viz. That when we are required to own the authority of the present dominator, we hold sinful to own it. Yet we find these reverend and renowned fathers owned King Charles I. and did not refuse the succession of Charles II. I shall answer in order. First, As to King Charles I. there was a great difference betwixt him and his sons that succeeded; he never declared parliamentarily that neither promises, contracts, nor oaths should bind him, as the first of his perfidious sons did; it might have been then presumed, if he had engaged so far for promoving the work of God, he would have been a man of his word (for to say a king of his word, is antiquitate in a good sense, except that it means he is as absolute in his word as in his sword, and scorns to be a slave to it.) Neither professed he himself a papist, as the second son hath done: Again it must be granted, that more might have been comported with in the beginning, when there were some hopes of redress, than after such process of time; whereby now we see and feel beyond all debate, that the throne stands and is stated, not only in opposition to, but upon the ruins of the rights and privileges both of religion and liberty. But was not the equivalent done by the church, anno 1648, when they refused to concur with that unlawful engagement, for restoring of the king, 'till security be had, by solemn oath under his hand and seal, that he shall for himself and successors, give his assent to all acts and bills for enjoining presbyterial government, and never make opposition to it, nor endeavour any change thereof? July _ult._ 1648. sess. 21.' But it will be laid, that in their renewing the covenant that year, they did not leave out that article. True, thereby they stopped the mouths of their adversaries; and then they were not without hopes, but that in his straits he might have proved a Manasseh taken among the thorns. And the covenanters at that time, not being clear that he had done that which _ipso jure_ made him no magistrate, chused rather, while matters stood so, to engage to maintain him, than simply to disown him (which yet our forefathers did upon smaller grounds many times) in the hopes of being prevailed with at last. But when they saw that this proved ineffectual, therefore at the coronation of the new king they made the covenanted interest the sole basis upon which alone authority was conferred upon him. For the second, though they did not refuse the succession of Charles the Second (which was their blame and our bane, of which we may blush this day) yet we find many things in that transaction which justify our disowning of him, and condemn the owning of the present possessor. (1.) In that seasonable and necessary warning, July 27, sess. 27. 'whereas many would have admitted his majesty to the exercise of his royal power, upon any terms whatsoever: the assembly declares first; that a boundless and unlimited power is to be acknowledged in no king nor magistrate; neither is our king to be admitted to the exercise of his power, as long as he refuses to walk in the administration of the same, according to this rule. Secondly, that there is a mutual stipulation and obligation between the king and the people, as both of them are tied to God, so each of them are tied to one another, for the performance of mutual and reciprocal duties; accordingly kings are to take the oath of coronation, to abolish popery and maintain the protestant religion: As long therefore as the king refuses to engage and oblige himself for security of religion and safety of his people, it is consonant to scripture and reason and laws of the kingdom, that he should be refused. Thirdly, in the league and covenant the duty of defending and preserving the king, is subordinate to the duty of preserving religion and liberty: And therefore, he standing in opposition to the public desires of the people for their security, it were a manifest breach of covenant, and a preferring the king's interest to the interest of Jesus Christ, to bring him to the exercise of his power. Fourthly, That it was for restraint of arbitrary government, and for their just defence against tyranny, that the Lord's people did join in covenant, and have been at the expence of so much blood these years past; and if he should be admitted to the government before satisfaction, it were to put in his hand that arbitrary power, and so to abandon their former principles, and betray the cause. Fifthly, That he, being admitted before satisfaction, would soon endeavour an overturning of the things which God hath wrought, and labour to draw public administrations, concerning religion and liberty, into that course and channel in which they did run under prelacy, and before the work of reformation. Whence they warn that every one take heed of such a snare, that they be not accessory to any such design, as they would not bring upon themselves and their families, the guilt of all the detriment that will undoubtedly follow thereupon, of all the miseries it will bring upon the kingdoms--And therefore whosoever attempt the same, oppose themselves to the cause of God, and will at last dash against the rock of the Lord's power, which hath broken in pieces many high and lofty ones, since the beginning of the work in the kingdoms.' 2. I shall here insert the act of the West-kirk, declaring their mind very manifestly. '_West Kirk, August 13, 1650._ The commission of the general assembly, considering that there may be just ground of stumbling, from the king's majesty refusing to subscribe and emit the declaration, offered to him by the committee of estates and the commission of the general assembly, concerning his former carriage and resolutions for the future, in reference to the cause of God and the enemies and friends thereof; doth therefore declare, That this kirk and kingdom doth not own or espouse any malignant party, or quarrel, or interest, but that they fight merely upon their former grounds and principles, and in the defence of the cause of God and of the kingdom, as they have done these twelve years past: And therefore, as they disclaim all the sin and guilt of the king and of his house, so they will not own him nor his interest, otherwise than with a subordination to God, and so far as he owns and prosecutes the cause of God, and disclaims his and his father's opposition to the work of God, and to the covenant, and likewise all the enemies thereof; and that they will with convenient speed take unto consideration the papers, lately sent unto them by Oliliver Cromwel, and vindicate themselves from all the falshoods contained therein; especially in these things wherein the quarrel betwixt us and that party is mistated, as we owned the late king's proceedings, and were resolved to prosecute and maintain his present majesty's interest, before and without acknowledgement of the sin of his house and former ways, and satisfaction to God's people in both kingdoms.' 'A. KER.' '_August 13, 1650._ The committee of estates, having seen and considered a declaration of the commission of the general assembly, anent the stating of the quarrel wherein the army is to fight, do approve the same, and heartily concur therein.' 'THO. HENDERSON.' In the third place: It is specified in the Causes of Wrath, as one of the steps of defection, Art. 9. Step. 5. 'That a treaty should have been closed with him, upon his subscribing demands, after he had given many clear evidences of his disaffection and enmity to the work and people of God: That these demands, which he was required to subscribe, did not contain a real security, a real abandoning of former malignant courses and principles, and cleaving to the work of God; it was not a paper or verbal security which we were bound to demand of him, but a real one; and to entrust him without this, was but to mock God, and to deceive the world, and to betray and destroy ourselves, by giving up all the precious interests of religion and liberty unto the hands of one, who was in a course of enmity to them: That both before, and in the mean time of the treaty, he had given evidences of his enmity in many instances there condescended upon particularly; that he authorized James Graham to invade this kingdom, and encouraged him by letters to go on in that invasion, even whilst he was in terms of a treaty with us, as appeared by bringing into our hands the authentic commission itself, and sundry letters under his own hand.' Next, in the same Causes of Wrath, among the sins of the ministry, in relation to the public, sect. 10, 11, 12, 13. 'That they agreed to receive the king to the covenant, barely upon writing, without any apparent evidences of a real change of principle: That they did not use freedom, in showing what was sinful in reference to that treaty, but went on therein when they were not satisfied in their consciences, for fear of reproach, and of being mistaken: That they were silent in public, and did not give testimony, after a discovery of the king's commission to James Graham for invading the kingdom: That they pressed the king to make a declaration to the world, whilst they knew by clear evidences that he had no real conviction of the things contained therein.' PERIOD VI. _Containing the Testimony through the continued tract of the present deformation from the year 1660 to this day._ Now comes the last catastrophe of the deformation of the church of Scotland, which now renders her to all nations as infamously despicable, as her reformation formerly made her admired and envied; which in a retrograde motion hath gradually been growing these 27 years, going back through all the steps by which the reformation ascended, till now she is returned to the very border of that Babylon, from whence she took her departure, and reduced through defection, and division, and persecutious to a confused chaos of almost irreparable dissolution, and unavoidable desolation. Through all which steps notwithstanding, to this day, Scotland hath never wanted a witness for Christ, against all the various steps of the enemy's advancings, and of professed friends declinings: though the testimony hath had some singularities, some way discriminating it from that of former periods; in that it hath been more difficult by reason of more desperate and dreadful assaults of more enraged enemies, more expert and experienced in the accursed art of overturning than any formerly; in that it hath been attended with more disadvantages, by reason of the enemies greater prevalency, and friends deficency, and greater want of significant asserters, than any formerly; in that it hath been intangled in more multifarious intricacies of questions, and debates, and divisions among the assertors themselves, making it more dark, and yet in the end contributing to clear it more than any formerly; in that it hath been intended and extended to a greater measure, both as to matter and manner of contendings against the adversaries, and stated upon nicer points; more enixly prosecuted and tenaciously maintained, and sealed with more sufferings, than any formerly; in that it hath had more opposition and contradiction, and less countenance from professed friends to the reformation, either at home or abroad, than any formerly. And yet it hath had all these several speciallties together, which were peculiar to the former testimonies, in their respective periods: being both active and passive, both against enemies and friends; and _in cumulis_ stated against atheism, popery, prelacy, and erastian supremacy, which were the successive heads of the former testimonies, and also now extended in a particular manner against tyranny. And not only against the substance and circumstance, abstract and concret root and branch, head and tail of them, and all complying with them, conforming to them, or deduced from them, any manner of way, directly or indirectly, formally or interpretatively. This is that extensive and very comprehensive testimony of the present period, as it is now stated and sealed with the blood of many: which in all its parts, points and pendicles is most directly relative, and dilucidly reducible, to a complex witness for the declarative glory of Christ's kingship and headship over all, as he is Mediator, which is the greatest concern that creatures have to contend for, either as men or as Christians. The matter of this testimony, I shall give a short manuduction to the progress and result of its management. During the exile of the royal brothers, it is undeniably known that they were, by their mothers caresses and the jesuits allurements, seduced to abjure the reformed religion (which was easy to induce persons to, that never had the sense of any religion) and to be reconciled to the church of Rome: and that, not only they wrote to the pope many promises of promoting his projects, if ever they should recover the power into their hands again, and often frequented the mass themselves; but also, by their example and the influence of their future hopes, prevailed with many of their dependents and attendants abroad, to do the like. Yet it is unquestionably known, that in the mean time of his exile, he renewed and confirmed, by private letters to presbyterians, his many reiterated engagements to adhere to the covenant, and declared that he was and would continue the same man, that he had declared himself to be in Scotland, (wherein doubtless, as he was an expert artist, he equivocated, and meant in his heart he would continue as treacherous as ever) which helped to keep a loyal impression of his interest in the hearts of too many, and an expectation of some good of him, of which they were ashamed afterwards. And immediately before his return, it is known what promises are contained in that declaration from Breda (from whence he came also the second time, with greater treachery than at the first) to all protestants that would live peaceably under his government; beginning now to weigh out his perfidy, and perjury, and breach of covenant, in offering to tolerate that in an indulgence, which he swore to maintain as a duty. But in all this he purposed nothing, but to ingere and ingratiate himself into the peoples over credulous affections, that they might not obstruct his return, which a jealousy of his intended tyranny would have awakened them to withstand. And so having seated himself, and strengthened his power against the attemptings of any, whom his conscience might suggest an apprehension that they ought to resist him, he thought himself discharged from all obligations of covenants, oaths, or promises, for which his faith had been pledged. And from the first hour of his arrival, he did in a manner set himself to affront and defy the authority of God, and to be revenged upon his kingdoms for inviting him so unanimously to sway their sceptre; in polluting and infecting the people with all debaucheries and monstrous villanies; and commencing his incestous whoredoms that very first night he came to his palace, wherein he continued to his dying day outvying all for vileness. Yet he went on deluding our church with his dissimulations, and would not discover all his wickedness hatched in his heart at first, till his designs should be riper; but directed a letter to the presbytery of Edinburgh, declaring he was resolved to protect and preserve the government of the church of Scotland, as it is settled by law without violation: wherein it was observed he altered the stile, and spake never a word of the covenant, our _Magna Charta_ of religion and righteousness, our greatest security for all interests intrusted to him, but only of law; by which, as his practice expounded it afterwards, he meant the prelatical church, as it was settled by the law of his father, since which time he reckoned there was no law but rebellion. This was a piece and prelude of our base defection, and degeneration into blind blockish, and brutish stupidity; that after he had discovered so much perfidy, we not only at first tempted him to perjury, in admitting him to the crown, upon his mock-engagement in the covenant, whereby God was mocked, his Spirit was grieved, his covenant prostituted, the church cheated, and the state betrayed; but after the Lord had broken his yoke from off our necks, by sending him to exile ten years, where he was discovered to be imbibing all that venom and tyrannical violence, which he afterward vented in revenge upon the nation; and after we had long smarted for our first transaction with him; yet notwithstanding of all this, we believed him again, and Issachar-like couched under his burdens and were so far from withstanding, that we did not so much as witness against the re-admission and restoration of the head and tail of malignants, but let them come in peaceably to the throne, without any security to the covenanted cause, or for our civil or religious interests, and by meal, at their own ease, leisure and pleasure, to overturn all the work of God, and reintroduce the old antichristian yoke of absurd prelacy, and blasphemous sacreligious, supremacy, and absolute arbitrary tyranny with all their abominations: which he, and with him the generality of our nobility, gentry, clergy, and commonality by him corrupted, without regard to faith, or fear of God or man, did promote and propogate, the nation was involved in the greatest revolt from, and rebellion against God, that ever could be recorded in any age or generation; nay attended with greater and grosser aggravations, than ever any could be capable of before us, who have had the greatest privileges that ever any church had, since the national church of the Jews, the greatest light, the greatest effects of matchless magnified love, the greatest convictions of sin, the greatest resolutions and solemn engagements against it, and the greatest reformation from it, that ever any had to abuse and affront. O heavens be astonished at this, and horribly afraid! for Scotland hath changed her glory, and the crown hath fallen from off her head, by an unparalelled apostasy, a free and voluntary, wilful and deliberate apostasy, an avowed and declared and authorized apostasy, tyrannically carried on by military violence and cruelty, a most universal and every way unprecedented apostasy! I must a little change my method, in deducing the narration of this catastrophe, and subdistinguish this unhappy period into several steps; shewing how the enemies opposition to Christ advanced, and the testimony of his witnesses did gradually ascend, to the pitch it is now arrived at. I. These enemies of God, having once got footing again, with the favour and the fawnings of the foolish nation, went on fervently to further and promote their wicked design: and meeting with no opposition at first, did encourage themselves to begin boldly. Wherefore, hearing of some ministers peaceably assembled, to draw up a monitory letter to the king, minding him of his covenant engagements and promises (which was though weak, yet the first witness and warning against that heaven-daring wickedness then begun) they cruelly incarcerate them. Having hereby much daunted the ministry from their duty in that day, for fear of the like unusual and outrageous usage. The parliament convenes January 1, 1661, without so much as a protestation for religion and liberty given in to them. And there, in the first place, they frame and take the oath of supremacy, exauctorating Christ, and investing his usurping enemy with the spoils of his robbed prerogative, acknowledging the king 'only supreme governor over all persons and in all causes, and that his power and jurisdiction must not be declined.' Whereby under all persons and all causes, all church officers, in their most properly ecclesiastic affairs and concerns of Christ, are comprehended: And if the king shall take upon him to judge their doctrine, worship, discipline, or government, he must not be declined as an incompetent judge. Which did at once enervate all the testimony of the 4th period above declared, and laid the foundation for all this Babel they have built since, and of all this war that hath been waged against the Son of God, and did introduce all this tyranny and absolute power, which hath been since carried to its complement, and made the king's throne the foundation of all the succeeding perjury and apostacy. Yet, though then our synods and presbyteries were not discharged, but might have had access in some concurrence to witness against this horrid invasion upon Christ's prerogative and the church's privilege, no joint testimony was given against it, except that some were found witnessing against it in their singular capacity by themselves. As faithful Mr. James Guthrie, for declining this usurped authority in prejudice of the kingdom of our Lord Jesus, suffered death, and got the martyr's crown upon his head: And some others, for refuting that oath arbitrarily imposed, were banished or confined, when they had gained this bulwark of Christ's kingdom; then they waxed more insolent, and set up their ensigns for signs, and broke down the carved work of reformation with axes and hammers. In this parliament, 1661, they past an _act rescissory_ whereby they annulled and declared void the national covenant, the solemn league and covenant, presbyterial government, and all laws made in favour of the work of reformation since the year 1643. O horrid wickedness! both in its nature so atrocious, to condemn and rescind what God did so signally seal as his own work, to the conviction of the world, and for which he will rescind the rescinders, and overturn these overturners of his work, and make the curse of that broken covenant bind them to the punishment, whom its bond could not oblige to the duty covenanted; and in its design and end so base and detestable, for nothing but to flatter the king in making way for prelacy, tyranny, and popery, and to indulge the licentiousness of some debauched nobles, who could not endure the yoke of Christ's government, and to suppress religion and righteousness under the ruins of that reformation. But O holy and astonishing justice, thus to recompence our way upon our own head! to suffer this work and cause to be ruined under our unhappy hands, who suffered this destroyer to come in before it was so effectually secured, as it should not have been in the power of his hand (whatever had been in his heart, swelled with enmity against Christ) to have razed and ruined that work as now most wickedly he did, and drew in so many into the guilt of the same deed, that almost the whole land not only consented unto it but applauded it; by approving and countenancing another wicked act framed at the same time, by that same perfidious parliament for an anniversary thanksgiving, commemorating every 29th of May, that blasphemy against the Spirit and work of God, and celebrating that unhappy restoration of the rescinder of the reformation; which had not only the concurrence of the universality of the nation, but (alas for shame that it should be told in Gath, &c!) even of some ministers who afterwards accepted of the indulgence (one of which, a pillar among them, was seen scandalously dancing about the bonefires.) And others, who should have alarmed the whole nation _quasi pro aris & focis_, to rise for religion and liberty, to resist such wickedness, did wink at it. O how righteous is the Lord now in turning our harps into mourning! Though alas! we will not suffer ourselves to this day, to see the shining righteousness of this retribution: And though we be scourged with scorpions, and brayed in a mortar, our madness, our folly in these irreligious frolics, is not yet acknowledged, let be lamented. Yet albeit, neither in this day when then the covenant was not only broken, but cassed and declared of no obligation, nor afterward when it was burnt (for which Turks and Pagans would have been ashamed and afraid at such a terrible sight, and for which the Lord's anger is burning against these bold burners, and against them who suffered it, and did not witness against it) was there any public testimony by protestation or remonstrance, or any public witness? though the Lord had some then, and some who came out afterward with the trumpet at their mouth, whole heart then sorrowed at the sight; and some suffered for the sense they shewed of that anniversary abomination, for not keeping which they lost both church and liberty. It is true the ordinary meetings of presbyteries and synods were about that time discharged, to make way for the exercise of the new power conferred on the four prelates who were at court, re-ordained and consecrated thereby renouncing their former title to the ministry. But this could not give a discharge from a necessary testimony, then called for from faithful watchmen. However the reformation being thus rescinded and razed, and the house of the Lord pulled down, then they begin to build their Babel. In the parliament 1662, by their first act they restore and re-establish prelacy, upon such a foundation as they might by the same law bring in popery, which was then designed; and so settled its harbinger diocesan and erastian prelacy, by fuller enlargement of the supremacy. The very act begins thus: 'For as much as the ordering and disposal of the external government of the church, doth properly belong to his majesty as an inherent right of the crown, by virtue of his royal prerogative, and supremacy in causes ecclesiastic--whatever shall be determined by his majesty, with advice of the archbishops, and such of the clergy as he shall nominate, in the external government of the church (the same consisting with the standing laws of the kingdom) shall be valid and effectual. And in the same act all laws are rescinded, by which the sole power and jurisdiction within the church doth stand in the church assemblies, and all which may be interpreted, to have given any church power, jurisdiction, or government to the office-bearers of the church, other than that which acknowledgeth a dependence upon, and subordination to the sovereign power of the king as supreme.' By which, prelates are redintegrated to all their privileges and pre-eminencies, that they possessed 1637. And all their church power (robbed from the officers of Christ) is made to be derived from, to depend upon, and to be subordinate to the crown prerogative of the king: whereby the king is made the only fountain of church power, and that exclusive even of Christ, of whom there is no mentioned exception: And his vassals the bishops, as his clerks in ecclesiastics, are accountable to him for all their administrations; a greater usurpation upon the kingdom of Christ, than ever the papacy itself aspired unto. Yet, albeit here was another display of a banner of defiance against Christ, in altering the church government of Christ's institution into the human invention of lordly prelacy, in assuming a power by prerogative to dispose then of the external government of the church, and in giving his creatures patents for this effect, to be his administrators for that usurped government; there was no public, ministerial, at least united testimony against this neither. Therefore the Lord punished this sinful and shameful silence of ministers, in his holy justice, though by men's horrid wickedness; when by another wicked act of the council at Glasgow, above 300 ministers were put from their charges; and afterwards, for their non-conformity in not countenancing their diocesan meeting, and not keeping the anniversary day, May 29, the rest were violently thrust from their labours in the Lord's vineyard, and banished from their parishes, and adjudged unto a nice and strange confinement, twenty miles from their own parishes, six miles from a cathedral church, as they called it, and three miles from a burgh; whereby they were reduced into many inconveniencies. Yet in this fatal convulsion of the church, generally all were struck with blindness and baseness, that a paper proclamation made them all run from their posts, and obey the king's orders for their ejection. Thus were they given up, because of their forbearing to sound an alarm, charging the people of God, in point of loyalty to Christ, and under the pain of the curse of the covenant, to awake and aquit themselves like men, and not to suffer the enemy to rob them of that treasure of reformation, which they were put in possession of, by the tears, prayers, and blood of such as went before them; instead of those prudential fumblings and firstlings then and since so much followed. Wherefore the Lord in his holy righteousness, left that enemy (against whom they should have cried and contended, and to whose eye they should have held the curse of the covenant, as having held it first to their own, in case of unfaithful silence in not holding it to his) to call them out of the house of the Lord, and dissolve their assemblies, and deprive them of their privileges, because of their not being so valiant for the truth, as that a full and faithful testimony against that encroachment might be found upon record. Nevertheless some were found faithful in that hour and power of darkness, who kept the word of the Lord's patience, and who were therefore kept in and from that temptation (which carried many away into sad and shameful defections) though not from suffering hard things from the hands of men; and only these who felt most of their violence, found grace helping them to acquit themselves suitably to that day's testimony, being thereby prevented from an active yielding to their impositions, when they were made passively to suffer force. However that season of a public testimony was lost, and as to the most part never recovered to this day. The prelates being settled, and re-admitted to voice in parliament, they procure an act, dogmatically condemning several material parts and points of our covenanted reformation, to wit, these positions, 'That it was lawful for subjects, for reformation or necessary self-defence, to enter into leagues, or take up arms against the king: And particularly declaring, that the national covenant, as explained in the year 1638, and the solemn league and covenant, were and are in themselves unlawful oaths, and were taken by and imposed upon the subjects of this kingdom against the fundamental laws and liberties thereof, that all such gatherings and petitions that were used in the beginning of the late troubles, were unlawful and seditious: And whereas then people were led unto these things, by having disseminated among them such principles as these, That it was lawful to come with petitions and representations of grievances to the king, that it was lawful for people to restrict their allegiance under such and such limitations, and suspend it until he should give security for religion, &c. It was therefore enacted, that all such positions and practices founded thereupon, were treasonable.--And further did enact, that no person, by writing, praying, preaching, or malicious or advised speaking, express or publish any words or sentences, to stir up the people to the dislike of the king's prerogative and supremacy, or of the government of the church by bishops, or justify any of the deeds, actings, or things declared against by that act.' Yet notwithstanding of all this subversion of religion and liberty, and restraint of asserting these truths here trampled upon either before men by testimony, or before God in mourning over these indignities done unto him, in everting these and all the parts of reformation, even when it came to Daniel's case of confession, preaching and praying truths interdicted by law; few had their eyes open (let be their windows in an open avouching them) to see the duty of the day calling for a testimony. Though afterwards, the Lord spirited some to assert and demonstrate the glory of these truths and duties to the world. As that judicious author of the Apologetical Relation, whose labours need no eulogium to commend them. But this is not all: for these men, having now as they thought subverted the work of God, they provided also against the fears of its revival: making acts, declaring, 'that if the outed ministers dare to continue to preach, and presume to exercise their ministry, they should be punished as seditious persons; requiring of all a due acknowledgement of, and hearty compliance with, the king's government, ecclesiastical and civil; and that whosoever shall ordinarily and wilfully withdraw and absent from the ordinary meetings for divine worship in their own churches on the Lord's day, shall incur the penalties there insert.' Thus the sometimes chaste virgin, whose name was Beulah to the Lord, the reformed church of Scotland, did now suffer a violent and villainous rape, from a vermin of vile schismatical apostates, obtruded and imposed upon her, instead of her able, painful, faithful, and successful pastors, that the Lord had set over her, and now by their faintness and the enemy's force, robbed from her, and none now allowed by law to administer the ordinances, but either apostate curates, who by their perjury and apostacy forfaulted their ministry, or other hirelings and prelates journeymen, who run without a mission, except from them who had none to give according to Christ's institution, the seal of whose ministry could never yet be shewn in the conversion of any sinner to Christ: but if the tree may be known by its fruits, we may know whose ministers they are; _ut ex ungue leonem_, by their conversions of reformation into deformation, of the work and cause of God into the similitude of the Roman beast, of ministers into hirelings, of their proselytes into ten times worse children of the devil than they were before, of the power of godliness into formality, of preaching Christ into orations of morality, of the purity of Christ's ordinances into the vanity of men's inventions, of the beautiful government of the house of God for edification, to a lordly pre-eminence and domination over consciences; in a word, of church and state constitutions for religion and liberty, all upside dwon into wickedness and slavery: These are the conversions of prelacy. But now this astonishing blow to the gospel of the kingdom, introducing such a swarm of locusts into the church, and in forcing a compliance of the people with this defection, and that so violently and rigorously, as even simple withdrawing was so severely punished by severe edicts of fining, and other arbitrary punishments at first; what did it produce? did it awaken all Christ's ambassadors, now to appear for Christ, in this clear and claimant case of confessing him, and the freedom and purity of his ordinances? Alas! the backwardness and bentness to backsliding, in a superseding from the duties of that day, did make it evident, that now the Lord had in a great measure forsaken them, because they had forsaken him. The standard of the gospel was then fallen, and few to take it up. The generality of ministers and professors both went and conformed so far as to hear the curates, contrary to many points of the reformation formerly attained, contrary to their covenant engagements, and contrary to their own principles and practice at that same time; scrupling and refusing to keep the bishops visitations, and to countenance their discipline and power of jurisdiction, because it was required as a testification of their acknowledgment of, and compliance with the present government, and yet not scrupling to countenance their doctrine and usurped power of order required also by the same law, as the same test of the same compliance and submission. Its strange that some yet do plead for persisting in that same compliance, after all the bitter consequents of it. Other ministers lay altogether by in their retired recesses, waiting to see what things would turn to: others were hopeless, turned farmers and doctors: others more wily, staid at home, and preached quietly in in ladies chambers. But the faithful thought that this tyrannical ejection did not nor could not unminister them, so as they might not preach the gospel wherever they were, as ambassadors of Christ; but rather found themselves under an indispensible necessity to preach the gospel and witness for the freedom of their ministry, and make full proof of it, in preaching in season and out of season: and thereupon as occasion offered preached to all such as were willing to hear; but at first only in private houses, and that for the most part at such times, when sermons in public surceased (a superplus of caution.) But afterwards, finding so great difficulties and persecutions for their house meetings, where they were so easily entrapped, were constrained at last to keep their meetings in the fields, without shelter from cold, wind, snow, or rain. Where testifying both practically and particularly against these usurpations on their Master's prerogatives, and witnessing for their ministerial freedom, contrary to all law-interdictions, without any licences or indulgences from the usurper, but holding their ministry from Jesus Christ alone, both as to the office and exercise thereof; they had so much of their Master's countenance, and success in their labours, that they valued neither hazards nor hardships, neither the contempt of pretended friends, not the laws nor threatnings of enemies, adjudging the penalty of death itself to preachers at field conventicles as they called them. Now having thus overturned the church-government, by introducing prelacy, to advance an absolute supremacy; the effects whereof were either the corruption, or persecution of all the ministry, encouragement of profanity and wickedness, the encrease and advancement of popery, superstition, and error, cruel impositions on the conscience, and oppressions for conscience sake, by the practices of cruel supra-Spanish inquisitions, and all manner of outcries of outragious violence and villany: the king proceeds in his design, to pervert and evert the well modelled and moderated constitution of the state government also, by introducing and advancing an arbitrary tyranny; the effects whereof were, an absolute mancipation of lives and liberties and estates unto his lust and pleasure, the utter subversion of laws, and absolute impoverishing of the people. For effectuating which, he first procures a lasting imposition of intollerable subsidies and taxations, to impoverish that he might the more easily enslave the nation; next a further recognizance of his prerogative, in a subjection of persons, fortunes, and whole strength of the kingdom to his absolute arbitrement, 'in a levy of militia of 20,000 footmen, and 2000 horsemen sufficiently armed with 40 days provision, to be ready upon the king's call to march to any part of his dominions, for opposing whatsoever invasion, or insurrection, or for any other service.' The first sproutings of tyranny were cherished, by the cheerful and stupid submission generally yielded to these exorbitancies; under which they who suffered most were inwardly malecontents, but there was no opposition to them by word or action, but on the contrary, generally people did not so much as scruple sending out, or going out as militiamen: never adverting unto what this concurrence was designed, and demanded, and given for; nor what an accession it was, in the nature and influence of the mean itself, and in the sense and intention of the requirers, unto a confederacy for a compliance with, and a confirmation and strengthening of arbitrary tyranny. After the fundamental constitutions of both church and state are thus razed and rooted up, to confirm this absolute power, he contrived to frame all inferior magistrates according to his mould: And for this end appointed, that all persons in any public trust or office whatsoever should subscribe a declaration, renouncing and abjuring the covenants; whereby perjury was made the chief and indispensible qualification, and _conditio sine qua non_, of all that were capable of exercising any power or place in church or state. But finding this not yet sufficient security for this unsettled settlement; because he well understood, the people stood no ways obliged to acknowledge him but only according to the solemn covenants, being the fundamental conditions whereupon their allegiance was founded (as amongst all people, the articles mutually consented betwixt them and these whom they set over them, are the constituent fundamentals of government) and well knowing, that he and his associates, by violating these conditions, had loosed the people from all subjection to him, or any deriving power from him, whereby the people might justly plead, that since he had kept no condition they were not now obliged to him, he therefore contrived a new oath of allegiance to be imposed upon all in public trust both in church and state; wherein they are made to oblige themselves to that boundless breaker of all bonds sacred and civil, and his successors also, without any reciprocal obligation from him to them, or any reserved restriction, limitation, or qualification, as all human authority by God's ordinance must be bounded. Whereby the swearers have by oath homologated the overturning of the very basis of the government, making free people slaves to the subverters thereof, betraying their native brethren and posterity to the lust of tyranny, and have in effect as really as if in plain terms affirmed, that whatsoever tyranny shall command or do, either as to the overturning of the work of God, subverting of religion, destroying of liberty, or persecuting all the godly to the utmost extremity, they shall not only stupidly endure it, but actively concur with it, and assist in all this tyranny. Alas there was no public testimony against this trick, to bring people under the yoke of tyranny; except by some who suffered for conscientious refusing it, while many others did take it, thinking to salve the matter by their pitiful quibbling senses, of giving Cesar his due. Whereas this Cesar, for whom these loyal alledgers plead, is not an ordinary Cesar, but such a Cesar, as Nero, or Caligula, that if he got his due, it would be in another kind. Strange! can presbyterians swear that allegiance, which is substituted in the place of the broken and burnt covenant? Or could they swear it to such a person, who having broken and buried the covenant, that he who had sworn it might have another right and allegiance than that of the covenant, had then remitted to us all allegiance founded upon the covenant? However, having now prepared and furnished himself with tools so qualified for his purpose, in church and state, he prosecutes his persecution with such fervour and fury, rage and revenge, impositions and oppressions, and with armed formed force, against the faithful following their duty in a peaceable manner, without the least shadow of contempt even of his abused authority, that at length in the year 1666, a small party were compelled to go to defensive arms. Which, whatever was the desire of the court (as it is known how desirous they have been of an insurrection, when they thought themselves sure to suppress it, that they might have a vent for their cruelty; and how one of the brothers hath been heard say, that if he might have his wish, he would have them all turn rebels and go to arms.) Yet it was no predetermined design of that poor handful. For Sir James Turner, pursuing his cruel orders in Galloway, sent some soldiers to apprehend a poor old man; whom his neighbours compassionating, intreated the soldiers to loose him as he lay bound, but were answered with drawn swords and necessitated to their own defence: In which they relieve the man, and disarm the soldiers, and further attacked some others oppressing that country, disarming ten or twelve more, and killing one that made resistance. Whereupon, the country being alarmed, and fearing from sad experience Sir James would certainly avenge this affront upon the whole country, without distinction of free and unfree, they gather about 54 horsemen, march to Dumfries, take Sir James Turner prisoner, and disarm the soldiers, without any more violence. Being thus by providence engaged without any hope of retreat, and getting some concurrence of their brethren in the same condition, they came to Lanark, where they renew the covenant, and thence to Pentland hills; where, by the holy disposal of God, they were routed, many killed, and 130 taken prisoners, who were treated so treacherously and truculently, as Turks would have blushed to have seen the like. Hence now on the one hand, we may see the righteousness of God in leaving that enemy to him, whom we embraced, to make such avowed discoveries of himself, without a blush to the world, and to scourge us with scorpions that we nourished and put in his hands: And also, how justly at that time he left us into such a damp, that like asses we couched under all burdens, and few came out to the help of the Lord against the mighty, drawing on them Meroz's curse, and the blood of their butchered brethren; after we had sat, and seen, and suffered all things civil and sacred to be destroyed in our fight, without resentment. And though the Lord, who called out these worthy patriots who fell at Pentland to such an appearance for his interests, did take a testimony of their hands with acceptance by sufferings, and singularly countenanced them in sealing it with their blood; yet he would not give success nor his presence to the enterprise, but left them in a sort of infatuation, without counsel and conduct, to be a prey to devourers, that by a sad inadvertency they took in the tyrant's interest into the state of the quarrel. Which should have warned his people for the future to have stated the quarrel otherwise. II. By this time, and much more after, the king gave as many proofs and demonstrations of his being true to antichrist, in minding all the promises and treaties with him, as he had of his being false to Christ, in all his covenanted engagements with his people. For in this same year 1666, he, with his dear and royal brother the duke of York, contrived, countenanced, and abetted, the burning of London, evident by their employing their guards to hinder the people from saving their own, and to dismiss the incendiaries, the papists, that were taken in the fact. The committee, appointed to cognosce upon that business, traced it so far, that they durst go no further, unless they would arraign the duke, and charge the king, and yet before this, it was enacted as criminal for any to say the king was a papist. But having gained so much of his design in Scotland, where he had established prelacy, advanced tyranny to the height of absoluteness, and his supremacy almost beyond the reach of any additional supply, yea above the pope's own claim, and had now brought his only opposites, the few faithful witnesses of Christ, to a low pass; he went on by craft as well as cruelty, to advance his own in promoting antichrist's interest. And therefore, having gotten the supremacy devolved upon him by law (for which also he had the pope's dispensation, to take it to himself for the time, under promise to restore and surrender it to him, as soon as he could obtain his end by it, as the other brother succeeding hath now done) he would now exert that usurped power, and work by insnaring policy to effectuate the end which he could not do by other means. Therefore, seeing he was not able to suppress the meetings of the Lord's people for gospel ordinances, in house and fields, but that the more he laboured by violent courses, the greater and more frequent they grew; he fell upon a more crafty device, not only to overthrow the gospel and suppress the meetings, but to break the faithful, and to divide, between the mad-cap and the moderate fanatics (as they phrased it) that he might the more easily destroy both, to confirm the usurpation, and to settle people in a sinful silence, and stupid submission to all the incroachments made on Christ's prerogatives, and more effectually to overturn what remained of the work of God. And, knowing that nothing could more fortify the supremacy than minister's homologating and acknowledging it; therefore he offered the first indulgence in the year 1669, signifying in a letter, dated that year June 7, his gracious pleasure was, 'to appoint so many of the outed ministers, as have lived peaceably and orderly, to return to preach and exercise other functions of the ministry, in the parish churches where they formerly served (provided they were vacant) and to allow patrons to present to other vacant churches, such others of them as the council should approve: That all who are so indulged, be enjoined to keep presbyteries, and the refusers to be confined within the bounds of their parishes: And that they be enjoined not to admit any of their neighbour parishes unto their communions, nor baptize their children, nor marry any of them, without the allowance of the minister of the parish, and if they countenance the people deserting their own parishes, they are to be silenced for shorter or longer time, or altogether turned out, as the council shall see cause; and upon complaint made and verified, of any seditious discourse or expressions in the pulpit, uttered by any of the ministers, they are immediately to be turned out, and further punished according to law: And seeing by these orders, all pretences for conventicles were taken away, if any should be found hereafter to preach without authority, or keep conventicles, his pleasure is, to proceed with all severity against them, as seditious persons and contemners of authority.' To salve this in point of law, (because it was against former laws of their own) and to make the king's letter the supreme law afterwards, and a valid ground in law, whereupon the council might proceed, and enact, and execute what the king pleased in matters ecclesiastic; he therefore caused frame a formal statutory act of supremacy, of this tenor, 'That his majesty hath the supreme authority and supremacy over all persons and in all causes ecclesiastic, within his dominions, and that by virtue thereof, the ordering and disposal of the external government of the church, doth properly belong to him and his successors, as an inherent right to the crown: And that he may settle, enact, and emit such constitutions, acts, and orders, concerning the administrating thereof, and persons employed in the same, and concerning all ecclesiastical meetings and matters, to be proposed and determined therein, as he in his royal wisdom, shall think fit: which acts, orders, and constitutions, are to be observed and obeyed by all his majesty's subjects, any law, act, or custom to the contrary notwithstanding.' Whereupon, accordingly the council, in their act July 27, 1669, do nominate several ministers, and 'appoint them to preach, and exercise the other functions of the ministry, at their respective churches there specified, with consent of the patrons.' The same day also they conclude and enact the forementioned restrictions, conform to the king's letter above rehearsed, and ordain them to be intimate to every person, who is by authority foresaid allowed the exercise of the ministry. These indulged ministers, having that indulgence given only upon these terms, that they should accept these injunctions, and having received it upon these terms also (as an essential part of the bargain and condition, on which the indulgence was granted and accepted, as many following proclamations did expressly declare) do appoint Mr. Hutcheson, one of the number, 'to declare so much; in acknowledging his majesty's favour and clemency, in granting that liberty, after so long a restraint; and however they had received their ministry from Jesus Christ, with full prescriptions from him for regulating them therein, yet nothing could be more refreshing on earth to them, than to have free liberty for the exercise of their ministry, under the protection of lawful authority; and so they purposed to behave themselves in the discharge of their ministry, with that wisdom that became faithful ministers, and to demean themselves towards lawful authority, notwithstanding of their known judgment in church affairs, as well becometh loyal subjects; and their prayer to God should be, that the Lord should bless his majesty in his person and government, and the council in the public administration, and especially in the pursuance of his majesty's mind in his letter, wherein his singular moderation eminently appears.'--Afterwards they issued out proclamations, reinforcing the punctual observation of the forementioned injunctions, and delivered them into the indulged. In the mean time, though cruel acts and edicts were made against the meetings of the Lord's people, in houses and the fields, after all these Midianitish wiles to suppress them, such was the presence of the Lord in these meetings, and so powerful was his countenance and concurrence with the labours of a few, who laid up themselves to hold up the standard of Christ; that the number of converts multiplied daily, to the praise of free grace, and to the great encouragement of the few hands that wrestled in that work, through all human discouragement. Therefore, the king and council was put to a new shift, which they supposed would prove more effectual: To wit, because there was a great number of nonconformed ministers not yet indulged, who either did or might hereafter hold conventicles, therefore to remeed or prevent this in time coming, they appoint and ordain them to such places where indulged ministers were settled, there to be confined with allowance to preach as the indulged should employ them; thinking by this means to incapacitate many to hold meetings there or elsewhere: And to these also they give injunctions and restrictions to regulate them in the exercise of their ministry. And to the end that all the outed ministers might be brought under restraint, and the word of God be kept under bonds, by another act of council they command, that all other ministers (not disposed of as is said) were either to repair to the parish churches where they were, or to some other parishes where they may be ordinary hearers, and to declare and condescend upon the parishes where they intend to have their residence. After this they assumed a power, to dispose of these their curates as they pleased, and transport them from place to place; whereof the only ground was a simple act of council, the instructions always going along with them, as the constant companion of the indulgence. By all which it is apparent; whatever these ministers alledge, in vindication of it to cover its deformity, in their balms to take away its stink, and in their surveys to gather plaisters to scurf over its scurviness, viz. that it was but the removal of the civil restraint, and that they entered into their places by the call of the people (a mere mock pretence for a prelimited imposition, whereby that ordinance of Christ was basely prostituted and abused) and that their testimony and protestation was a salvo for their conscience (a mere Utopian fancy, that the indulgers with whom they bargained never heard of, otherwise, as they did with some who were faithful in testifying against their encroachments, they would soon have given them a bill of ease). It cannot be denied, that that doleful indulgence, both in its rise, contrivance, conveyance, grant, and acceptance, end and effects, was a grievous encroachment upon the princely prerogative of Jesus Christ the only head of the church; whereby the usurper's supremacy was homologated, bowed to, complied with, strengthened and established, the cause and kingdom of Christ betrayed, his church's privileges surrendered, his enemies hardened, his friends stumbled, and the remnant rent and ruined; in that it was granted and deduced from the king's supremacy, and conveyed by the council; in that, according to his pleasure, he gave and they received a licence and warrant, to such as he nominated and elected, and judged fit and qualified for it, and fixed them in what particular parish he pleased to assign, under the notion of a confinement, in that he imposed and they submitted to restrictions in the exercise of their ministry, in these particular parishes, inhibiting to preach elsewhere in the church; and with these restrictions, he gave and they received instructions to regulate and direct them in their functions: all which was done without advice or consent of the church: and thereupon they have frequently been called and conveened before the council, to give account of their ministerial exercise, and some of them sentenced, silenced, and deposed for alledged disobedience. This was a manifest treason against Christ, which involved many in the actual guilt of it that day, and many others who gaped after it, and could not obtain it, and far more at that time and since in the guilt of misprision of treason, in passing this also without a witness. Thus, in holy judgment, because of our indulging and conniving at the usurper of Christ's throne, he left a great part of the ministers to take that wretched indulgence; and another part, instead of remonstrating the wickedness of that deed, have been left to palliate, and plaister, and patronize it, in keeping up the credit of the king and council's curates, wherein they have shewed more zeal, than ever against that wicked indulgence. Yet the Lord had some witnesses, who pretty early did give significations of their resentment of this dishonour done to Christ, as Mr. William Weir, who having got the legal call of the people, and discharging his duty honestly, was turned out; and Mr. John Burnet, who wrote a testimony directed to the council, shewing why he could not submit to that indulgence, inserted at large in the history of the indulgence; where also we have the testimony of other ten ministers, who drew up their reasons of non-compliance with such a snare; and Mr. Alexander Blair, who, upon occasion of a citation before the council for not observing the 29th of May, having with others made his appearance, and got new copies of instructions presented to them, being moved with zeal and remembering whose ambassador he was, told the council plainly, that he could receive no instructions from them in the exercise of his ministry, otherwise he should not be Christ's ambassador but theirs, and herewith lets their instructions drop out of his hand, knowing of no other salvo or manner of testifying for the truth in the case; for which he was imprisoned, and died under confinement. But afterwards, the Lord raised up some more explicit witnesses against that defection. All this trouble was before the year 1673. About which time, finding this device of indulgences proved so steadable for his service in Scotland, he was induced to try it also in England; which he did almost with the same or like success, and producing the same effects of defection, security, and unfaithfulness. The occasion was upon his wars with the Dutch; which gave another demonstrative discovery of his treachery and popish perfidy, in breaking league with them, and entering into one with the French, to destroy religion and liberty in Britain: 'Wherein the king of France assures him an absolute authority over his parliaments, and to re-establish the catholic religion in his kingdoms of England, Scotland and Ireland; to compass which it was necessary first to abate the pride and power of the Dutch, and to reduce them to the sole province of Holland, by which means the king of England should have Zealand for a retreat in case of need, and that the rest of the Low Countries should remain to the king of France, if he could render himself master of it. But to return to Scotland.' While by the forementioned device, he thought he had utterly suppressed the gospel in house and field meetings, he was so far disappointed, that these very means and machines by which he thought to bury it, did chiefly contribute to its revival. For, when by persecution many ministers had been chased away by illegal law sentences, many had been drawn away from their duty, and others were now sentenced with confinements and restraints, if they should not chuse and fix their residence where they could not keep their quiet and conscience both; they were forced to wander and disperse through the country, and the people being tired of the cold and dead curates, and wanting long the ministry of their old pastors, so longed and hungered after the word, that they behoved to have it at any rate cost what it would; which made them entertain the dispersed ministers more earnestly, and encouraged them more to their duty. By whose endeavours, through the mighty power and presence of God, and the light of his countenance now shining through the cloud, after so fatal and fearful a darkness that had overclouded the land for a while, with such a resplendent brightness, that it darkened the prelatic locusts, and made them hiss and gnash their tongues for pain, and dazzled the eyes of all onlookers; the word of God grew exceedingly, and went through at least the southern borders of the kingdom like lightning, or like the sun in its meridian beauty; discovering so the wonders of God's law, the mysteries of his gospel, and the secrets of his covenant, and the sins and duties of that day, that a numerous issue was begotten to Christ, and his conquest was glorious, captivating poor slaves of satan, and bringing them from his power unto God, and from darkness to light. O! who can remember the glory of that day, without a melting heart, in reflecting upon what we have lost, and let go, and sinned away, by our misimprovements. O that in that our day we had heartened to his voice, and had known the things that belonged to our peace! A day of such power, that it made the people, even the bulk and body of the people, willing to come out and venture, upon the greatest of hardships and the greatest of hazards, in pursuing after the gospel, through mosses and muirs, and inaccessible mountains, summer and winter, through excess of heat and extremity of cold, many days and night-journeys; even when they could not have a probable expectation of escaping the sword of the wilderness, and the barbarous fury of bloody Burrio's raging for their prey, sent out with orders to take and kill them, it being now made criminal by law, especially to the preachers and convocaters of those meetings. But this was a day of such power, that nothing could daunt them from their duty, that had tasted once the sweetness of the Lord's presence at these persecuted meetings. Then had we such humiliation-days for personal and public defections, such communion-days even in the open fields, and such sabbath-solemnities, that the places where they were kept might have been called Bethel, or Peniel, or Bochim, and all of them Jehovah-Shammah; wherein many were truly converted, more convinced, and generally all reformed from their former immoralities: that even robbers, thieves, and profane men, were some of them brought to a saving subjection to Christ, and generally under such a restraint, that all the severities of heading and hanging, &c. in a great many years, could not make such a civil reformation, as a few days of the gospel, in these formerly the devils territories, now Christ's quarters, where his kingly standard was displayed. I have not language to lay out in the inexpressible glory of that day: but I will make bold to say two things of it, first, I doubt if ever there was greater days of the Son of man upon the earth since the apostolic times, than we enjoyed for the space of seven years at that time: and next, I doubt, if upon the back of such a lightsome day there was ever a blacker night of darkness, defection, division, and confusion, and a more universal impudent apostasy, than we have seen since. The world is at a great loss, that a more exact and complete account demonstrating both these, is not published, which I am sure would be a fertile theme to any faithful pen. But this not being my scope at present, but only to deduce the steps of the contendings of Christ's friends and his enemies, I must follow the thread of my narration. Now when Christ is gaining ground by the preached gospel in plenty, in purity, and power, the usurper's supremacy was like to stagger, and prelacy came under universal contempt, in so much that several country curates would have had but scarce half a dozen of hearers, and some none at all. And this was a general observe that never failed, that no sooner did any poor soul come to get a serious sense of religion, and was brought under any real exercise of spirit about their souls concerns, but as soon they did fall out with prelacy and left the curates. Hence to secure what he had possessed himself of by law, and to prevent a dangerous paroxism which he thought would ensue upon these commotions, the king returned to exerce his innate tyranny, and to emit terrible orders, and more terrible executioners, and bloody emissaries, against all field meetings: which, after long patience, the people at length could not endure; but being first chased to the fields, where they would have been content to have the gospel with all the inconveniences of it, and also expelled from the fields, being resolute to maintain the gospel, they resolved to defend it and themselves by arms. To which, unavoidable necessity in unsupportable extremity did constrain them, as the only remaining remedy. It is known, for several years they met without any arms, where frequently they were disturbed and dispersed with soldiers, some killed, others wounded, which they patiently endured without resistance: At length the ministers that were most in hazard, having a price set upon their heads to be brought in dead or alive, with some attending them in their wanderings, understanding they were thus appointed for death, judged it their duty to provide for the necessary defence of their lives from the violence of their armed assaulters. And as meetings increased, diverse others came under the same hazards, which enforced them to endeavour the same remedy, without the least intention of prejudice to any. Thus the number of sufferers increasing, as they joined in the ordinances at these persecuted meetings, found themselves in some probable capacity to defend themselves, and these much endeared and precious gospel privileges, and to preserve the memory of the Lord's great work in the land, which to transmit to posterity was their great design. And they had no small encouragement to endeavour it, by the satisfying sweetness and comfort they found in these ordinances, being persuaded of the justness of their cause, and of the groundlessness of their adversaries quarrel against them: And hereunto also they were incited and prompted, by the palpableness of the enemy's purposes to destroy the remainder of the gospel, by extirpating the remnant that professed it. Wherefore in these circumstances, being redacted to that strait, either to be deprived of the gospel, or to defend themselves in their meetings for it; and thinking their turning their backs upon it for hazard was a cowardly deserting duty, and palpable breach of covenant-engagements, abandoning their greatest interest, they thought it expedient, yea necessary, to carry defensive arms with them. And as for that discouragement, from the difficulty and danger of it, because of their fewness and meanness, it did not deter or daunt them from the endeavour of their duty; when they considered the Lord in former times was wont to own a very small party of their ancestors, who in extremity jeoparded their lives in defence of reformation against very potent and powerful enemies: These now owning the same cause, judged themselves obliged to run the same hazard, in the same circumstances, and to follow the same method, and durst not leave it unessayed, leaving the event to God: considering also, that not only the law of nature and nations doth allow self defence from unjust violence, but also the indissoluble obligation of their covenants, to maintain and defend the true religion, and one another in promoving the same, made it indispensible to use that endeavour, the defect of which, through their former supineness gave no small encouragement to the enemies: They considered also what would be the consequence of that war, declared against all the faithful of the land with a displayed banner, prosecuted with fire and sword, and all acts of horrid hostility published in printed proclamations, and written in characters of blood by barbarous soldiers, so that none could enjoy gospel ordinances dispensed in purity, but upon the hazard of their lives: and therefore, to prevent and frustrate these effects, they endeavoured to put themselves in a posture. And hereunto they were encouraged, by the constant experience of the Lord's countenancing their endeavours in that posture, which always proved successful for several years, their enemies either turning their backs without disturbance, when they observed them resolve defence, or in their assaultings repulsed: So that there was never a meeting which stood to their defence, got any considerable harm thereby. Thus the Lord was with us while we were with him, but when we forsook him, then he forsook us, and left us in the hands of our enemies. However, while meetings for gospel ordinances did continue, the wicked rulers did not cease from time to time to encrease their numerous bands of barbarous soldiers for suppressing the gospel in these field meetings. And for their maintenance, they imposed new wicked and arbitrary cesses and taxations, professedly required for suppressing religion and liberty, banishing the gospel out of the land, and preserving and promoting his absoluteness over all matters and persons sacred and civil: Which, under that temptation of great suffering threatened to refusers, and under the disadvantage of the silence and unfaithfulness of many ministers, who either did not condemn it, or pleaded for the peaceable payment of it, many did comply with it then, and far more since. Yet at that time there were far more recusants, in some places, (especially in the western shires) than compliers; and there were many of the ministers that did faithfully declare to the people the sin of it; not only from the illegality of its imposition, by a convention of overawed and prelimitated states; but from the nature of that imposed compliance, that it was a sinful transaction with Christ's declared enemies, a strengthening the hands of the wicked, an obedience to a wicked law, a consenting to Christ's expulsion out of the land, and not only that, but (far worse than the sin of the Gadarenes) a formal concurrence to assist his expellers, by maintaining their force, a hiring our oppressors to destroy religion and liberty; and from the fountain of it, an arbitrary power domineering over us, and oppressing and overpressing the kingdoms with intolerable exactions, that to pay it, it was to entail slavery on their posterity; and from the declared end of it, expressed in the very narrative of the act, viz. to levy and maintain forces for suppressing and dispersing meetings of the Lord's people, and to show unanimous affection for maintaining the king's supremacy as now established by law; which designs he resolved, and would be capacitate by the granters to effectuate by such a grant, which in effect, to all tender consciences had an evident tendency to the exauctorating the Lord Christ, to maintain soldiers to suppress his work, and murder his followers, yet all this time ministers and professors were unite, and with one soul and shoulder followed the work of the Lord, till the indulged, being dissatisfied with the meetings in the fields, whose glory was like to overcloud and obscure their beds of ease, and especially being offended at the freedom and faithfulness of some, who set the trumpet to their mouth, and shewed Jacob his sins, and Israel his transgressions, impartially without a cloak or cover, they began to make a faction among the ministers, and to devise how to quench the fervour of their zeal who were faithful for God. But the more they sought to extinguish it, the more it broke out and blazed into a flame. For several of Christ's ambassadors, touched and affected with the affronts done to their princely master by the supremacy and the indulgence its bastard brood and brat, began after long silence to discover its iniquity, and to acquaint the people how the usurper had invaded the Mediator's chair, in taking upon him to depose, suspend, silence, plant, and transplant his ministers, where and when and how he pleased, and to give forth warrants and licences for admitting them, with canons and instructions for regulating them in the exercise of their ministry, and to arraign and censure them at his courts for delinquencies in their ministry; pursuing all to the death who are faithful to Christ, and maintain their loyalty to his laws, and will not prostitute their consciences to his lusts, and bow down to the idol of his supremacy, but will own the kingly authority of Christ. Yet others, and the greater number of dissenting ministers, were not only deficient herein, but defended them, joined with them, and (pretending prudence and prevention of schism) in effect homologated that deed and the practice of these priests. Ezek. xxii. 16. teaching and advising the people to hear them, both by precept and going along with them in that erastian course: and not only so, but condemned and censured such who preached against the sinfulness thereof, especially in the first place, worthy Mr. Welwood, who was among the first witnesses against that defection, and Mr. Kid, Mr. King, Mr. Cameron, Mr. Donald Gargil, &c. who sealed their testimony afterwards with their blood; yet then even by their brethren were loaden with the reproachful nicknames of schismatics, blind zealots, Jesuits, &c. But it was always observed, as long as ministers were faithful in following the Lord in the way of their duty, professors were fervent, and under all their conflicts with persecutors, the courage and zeal of the lovers of Christ was blazing, and never out-braved by all the enemies boastings to undertake brisk exploits: which from time to time they were now and then essaying, till defection destroyed, and division diverted their zeal against the enemies of God, who before were always the object against which they whetted the edge of their just indignation. Especially the insulting insolency and insolent villany of that public incendiary, the arch-prelate Sharp, was judged intolerable by ingenuous spirits; because he had treacherously betrayed the church and nation, and being employed as their delegate to oppose the threatened introduction of prelacy, he had like a perjured apostate and perfidious traitor advanced himself into the place of primate of Scotland, and being a member of council he became a chief instrument of all the persecution, and main instigator to all the bloody violence and cruelty that was exerced against the people of God; by whose means, the letter sent down to stop the shedding of more blood after Pentland was kept up, until several of these martyrs were murdered. Therefore in July 1668, Mr. James Mitchel thought it his duty to save himself, deliver his brethren, and free the land of the violence of that beast of prey, and attempted to cut him off: which failing, he then escaped, but afterwards was apprehended; and being moved by the council's oath, and act of assurance promising his life, he made confession of the fact: yet afterwards for the same he was arraigned before the justiciary, and the confession he made was brought in against him, and witnessed by the perjured chancellor Rothes, and other lords, contrary to their oath and act produced in open court, to their indelible infamy: whereupon he was tortured, condemned, and executed. But justice would not suffer this murder to pass long unrevenged, nor that truculent traitor, James Sharp the arch-prelate, who was the occasion and cause of it, and of many more both before and after, to escape remarkable punishment; the severity whereof did sufficiently compense its delay, after ten years respite, wherein he ceased not more and more to pursue, persecute, and make havock of the righteous for their duty, until at length he received the just demerit of his perfidy, perjury, apostacy, sorceries, villanies, and murders, sharp arrows of the mighty and coals of juniper. For upon the 3d of May 1679, several worthy gentlemen, with some other men of courage and zeal for the cause of God and the good of the country, executed righteous judgment upon him in Magus Moor near St. Andrews. And that same month, on the anniversary day, May 29, the testimony at Rutherglen was published against that abomination of celebrating an anniversary day, kept every year for giving thanks for the setting up an usurped power, destroying the interest of Christ in the land.--And against all sinful and unlawful acts, emitted and executed, published and prosecuted against our covenanted reformation. Where also they burnt the act of supremacy, the declaration, the act recissory, &c. in way of retaliation for the burning of the covenants. On the Sabbath following June 1. a field meeting for the worship of God near to Loudoun-hill was assaulted by Graham of Claverhouse, and with him three troops of horse and dragoons, who had that morning taken an honest minister and about fourteen country men out of their beds, and carried them along with them as prisoners to the meeting in a barbarous manner. But by the good hand of God upon the defendents, they were repulsed at Drumclog and put to flight, the prisoners relieved, about thirty of the soldiers killed on the place, and three of the meeting, and several wounded on both sides. Thereafter the people retreating from the pursuit, consulted what was expedient in that juncture, whether to disperse themselves as formerly, or to keep together for their necessary defence. The result was, that considering the craft and cruelty of those they had to deal with, the sad consequence of falling into their hands now more incensed than ever, the evil effects that likely would ensue upon their separation, which would give them access to make havock of all; they judged it most safe in that extremity for some time not to separate. Which resolution, coming abroad to the ears of others of their brethren, determined them incontinently to come to their assistance, considering the necessity, and their own liableness to the same common danger, upon the account of their endeavours of that nature elsewhere to defend themselves, being of the same judgment for maintaining of the same cause, to which they were bound by the same covenants, and groaning under the same burdens; they judged therefore that if they now with-held their assistance in such a strait, they could not be innocent of their brethren's blood, nor found faithful in their covenant: to which they were encouraged with the countenance and success the Lord had given to that meeting, in that defensive resistance. This was the rise and occasion of that appearance at Bothwel-bridge, which the Lord did in his holy sovereignty confound, for former defections by the means of division, which broke that little army among themselves, before they were broken by the enemy. They continued together in amiable and amicable peace for the space of eight or nine days, while they endeavoured to put out and keep out every wicked thing from amongst them, and adhered to the Rutherglen testimony, and that short declaration at Glasgow confirming it; representing their 'present purposes and endeavours, where, only in vindication and defence of the reformed religion--as they stood obliged thereto by the national and solemn league and covenant, and the solemn acknowledgment of sins and engagement to duties; declaring against popery, prelacy, erastianism, and all things depending thereupon.' Intending hereby to comprehend the defection of the indulgence, to witness against which all unanimously agreed: until the army increasing, the defenders and daubers of that defection, some ministers and others, came in who broke all, and upon whom the blood of that appearance may be charged. The occasion of the breach was, first, when in the sense of the obligation of that command, when the host goeth forth against thine enemies, keep thee from every wicked thing, an overture was offered to set times apart for humiliation for the public sins of the land, according to the practice of the godly in all ages, before engaging their enemies, and the laudable precedents of our ancestors; that so the causes of God's wrath against the nation might be enquired into and confessed, and the Lord's blessing, counsel, and conduct to and upon present endeavours, might be implored. And accordingly the complying with abjured erastianism, by the acceptance of the ensnared indulgence, offered by and received from the usurping rulers, was condescended upon among the rest of the grounds of fasting and humiliation, so seasonably and necessarily called for at that time. The sticklers for the indulgence refused the overture, upon politic considerations, for fear of offending the indulged ministers and gentlemen, and provoking them to withdraw their assistance. This was the great cause of the division, that produced such unhappy and destructive effects. And next, whereas the cause was stated before according to the covenants, in the Rutherglen-testimony and Glasgow-declaration, wherein the king's interest was waved; these dividers drew up another large paper (called the Hamilton-declaration) wherein they assert the king's interest, according to the third article of the solemn league and covenant. Against which the best affected contended, and protested they could not in conscience put in his interest in the state of the quarrel, being now in stated opposition to Christ's interests, and inconsistent with the meaning of the covenant, and the practices of the covenanters, and their own testimonies; while now he could not be declared for as being in the defence of religion and liberty, when he had so palpably overturned and ruined the work of reformation, and oppressed such as adhered thereunto, and had burnt the covenant, &c. Whereby he had loosed the people from all obligation to him from it. Yet that contrary faction prevailed, so far as to get it published in the name of all: whereby the cause was perverted and betrayed, and the former testimonies rendered irrite, and the interest of the public enemy espoused. Finally, the same day that the enemy approached in sight, and a considerable advantage was offered to do execution against them, these loyal gentlemen hindered and retarded all action, till a parly was beat, and an address dispatched to the duke of Monmouth, who then commanded his father's army. By which nothing was gained, but free liberty given to the enemies to plant their cannon, and advance without interruption. After which, in the holy all over-ruling providence of God, that poor handful was signally discountenanced of God, deprived of all conduct, divested of all protection, and laid open to the raging sword, the just punishment of all such tamperings with the enemies of God, and espousing their interest, and omitting humiliation for their own and the land's sins. About 300 were killed in the fields, and 1000, and upwards were taken prisoners, stripped, and carried to Edinburgh, where they were kept for a long time in the Greyfriar's church-yard, without shelter from cold and rain. And at length had the temptation of an insnaring bond of peace: Wherein they were to acknowledge that insurrection to be rebellion, and oblige themselves never to rise in arms against the king, nor any commissionate by him, and to live peaceably, &c. Which, through fear of threatened death, and the unfaithfulness of some, and the impudence of other ministers that persuaded them to take it, prevailed with many: Yet others resolutely resisted, judging it to imply a condemning of their duty, an abandoning of their covenant engagements, wherein they were obliged to duties inconsistent with such bonds, and a voluntary binding up their hands from all oppositions to the declared war against Christ, which is the native sense of the peace they require, which can never be entertained long with men so treacherous. And therefore, upon reasons of principle and conscience they refused that pretended indemnity, offered in these terms. Nevertheless the most part took it: and yet were sentenced with banishment, and sent away for America as well as they who refused it; and by the way, (a few excepted,) perished in shipwreck: whose blood yet cries both against the imposers, and the persuaders to that bond. III. This fearful and fatal stroke at Bothwel, not only was in its immediate effects so deadly, but in its consequents so destructive, that the decaying church of Scotland, which before was beginning to revive, was then cast into such a swoon that she is never like to recover to this day. And the universality of her children, which before espoused her testimony, was after that partly drawn by craft, and partly drawn by cruelty, from a conjunction with their brethren in prosecuting the same, either into an open defection to the contrary side, or into a detestable indifferency and neutrality in the cause of God. For first of all the duke of Monmouth, whose nature, more averse from cruelty than the rest of that progeny, made him pliable to all suggestions of wicked policy that seemed to have a shew of smoothness and lenity, procured the emission of a pretended indemnity, attended with the foresaid bond of peace for its companion. Which were dreadful snares, catching many with flatteries, and fair pretences of favours, fairded over with curious words, and cozening names, of living peaceably, &c. while in the mean time a most deadly and destructive thrust (as it were under the fifth rib) because most secret, was intended against all that was left remaining of the work of God undestroyed, and a bar put upon all essays to revive or recover it by their own consent who should endeavour it. This course of defection carried away many at that time: And from that time, since the taking of the bond of peaceable living, there hath been an universal preferring of peace to truth, and of ease to duty. And the generality have been left to swallow all baits, though the hook was never so discernible, all those ensnaring oaths and bonds imposed since, which both then and since people were left to their own determination to chuse or refuse; many ministers refusing to give their advice when required and requested thereunto, and some not being ashamed or afraid to persuade the people to take them. The ministry then also were generally insnared with that bonded indulgence, the pretended benefit of that indemnity, which as it was designed, so it produced the woful effect of propagating the defection, and promoting the division, and laying them by from their duty and testimony of that day, which to this day they have not yet taken upon their former ground. For when a proclamation was emitted, inveighing bitterly against field meetings, and absolutely interdicting all such for the future under highest pain, but granting liberty to preach in houses upon the terms of a cautionary bond given for their living peaceably: yet excluding all these ministers who were suspected to have been at the late rebellion, and all these who shall afterward be admitted by non-conform ministers: and certifying, that if ever they shall be at any field conventicle, the said indemnity shall not be useful to such transgressors any manner of way: and requiring security, that none under the colour of this favour continue to preach rebellion. Though there seems to be enough in the proclamation itself to have scared them from this scandalous snare, yet a meeting of ministers at Edinburgh made up of indulged, avowed applauders of the indulgence, or underhand approvers and favourers of the same, and some of them old public resolutioners, assuming to themselves the name of a general assembly, yea of the representatives of the church of Scotland, voted for the acceptance of it. And so formally transacted and bargained upon base, dishonest, and dishonourable terms with the usurper, by consenting and compacting with the people to give that bond, wherein the people upon an humble petition to the council, 'obtaining their indulged minister to bind and oblige--that the said--shall live peaceably. And in order thereto to present him, before his majesty's privy council, when they shall be called so to do; and in case of failzie in not presenting him, to be liable to the sum of 6000 merks.' Whereby they condemned themselves of former unpeaceableness, and engaged to a sinful peace with the enemies of God, and became bound and fettered under these bonds to a forbearance of a testimony, and made answerable to their courts, and the people were bound to present them for their duty. The sinfulness, scandalousness, and inconveniences of which transactions, are abundantly demonstrated by a treatise thereupon, intitled, the banders disbanded. Nevertheless many embraced this new bastard indulgence, that had not the benefit of the former brat, of the same mother the supremacy, and far more consented to it without a witness, and most of all did some way homologate it, in preaching under the sconce of it: declining the many reiterated and urged calls of the zealous lovers of Christ, to come out and maintain the testimony of the gospel in the open fields, for the honour of their Master and the freedom of their ministry. Whereupon, as many poor people were stumbled and jumbled into many confusions, so that they were so bewildered and bemisted in doubts and debates, that they knew not what to do, and were tempted to question the cause formerly so fervently contended for against all opposition, then so simply abandoned, by these that seemed sometimes valiant for it, when they saw them consulting more their own ease than the concerns of their Master's glory, or the necessity of the poor people hungering for the gospel, and standing in need of counsel in time of such abounding snares, whereby many became a prey to all tentations: so the more zealous and faithful, after several addresses, calls, and invitations to ministers, finding themselves deserted by them, judged themselves under a necessity to discountenance many of them, whom formerly they followed with pleasure; and to resolve upon a pursuit and prosecution of the duty of the day without them, and to provide themselves with faithful ministers, who would not shun for all hazards to declare the whole counsel of God. And accordingly through the tender mercy of God, compassionating the exigence of the people, the Lord sent them first Mr. Richard Cameron, with whom after his serious solicitation his brethren denied their concurrence, and then Mr. Donald Cargil; who, with a zeal and boldness becoming Christ's ambassadors, maintained and prosecuted the testimony, against all the indignities done to their Master and wrongs to the cause, both by the encroachments of adversaries and defections of their declining brethren. Wherein they were signally countenanced of their Master; and the Lord's inheritance was again revived with the showers of the gospel's blessings, wherewith they had been before refreshed; and enlightened with a glance and glimpse of resplendent brightness, immediately before the obscurity of this fearful night of darkness that hath succeeded. But as Christ was then displaying his beauty, to his poor despised and persecuted people; so antichrist began to blaze his bravery, in the solemn and shameful reception of his harbinger, that pimp of the Romish whore, the duke of York. Who had now pulled off the mask, under which he had long covered his antichristian bigotry, through a trick of his brother, constrained by the papists importunity, and the necessity of their favour, and recruit of their coin, either to declare himself papist, or to make his brother do it: whereby all the locusts were engaged to his interest, with whom he entered into a conspiracy and popish plot; as was discovered by many infallible evidences, and confessed by Coleman his secretary, to Sir Edmund-Bury Godfrey; for which, lest he should witness against him, when Coleman was apprehended, that gentleman was cruelly murdered by the duke of York's contrivance and command. Yet for all the demonstrations of his being a bigot papist, that he had long given unto the world, it is known what some suffered for saying, that the duke of York was a papist, and being forced to leave England, he was come to Scotland to promote popery and arbitrary government. However, though the parliament of England, for his popery and villany, and his plotting and pursuing the destruction of the nation, did vote his exclusion; yet degenerate Scotland did receive him in great pomp and pride. Against which, the forementioned faithful witnesses of Christ did find themselves obliged to testify their just resentment, and to protest against his succeeding to the crown, in their declaration published at Sanquhar, June 22d, 1680. 'Wherein also they disown Charles Stewart, as having any right, title, or interest in the crown of Scotland or government thereof, as being forefaulted several years since, by his perjury and breach of covenant, usurpation on Christ's prerogatives, and by his tyranny and breaches in the very _leges regnandi_ in matters civil--and declare a war with him, and all the men of these practices--homologating the testimony at Rutherglen, and disclaiming that declaration at Hamilton.' This action was generally condemned by the body of lurking ministers, both for the matter of it, and the unseasonableness of it, and its apparent unfeasibleness, being done by a handful so inconsiderable, for number, strength, or significancy. But as they had very great and important reasons to disclaim that tyrant's authority, hinted in the declaration itself, and hereafter more fully vindicated: so the necessity of a testimony against all the tyrannical encroachments on religion and liberty, then current and increasing; and the sin and shame of shifting and delaying it so long, when the blasphemous supremacy was now advanced to its summit; the church's privileges all overturned; religion and the work of reformation trampled under foot; the people's rights and liberties destroyed, and laws all subverted; and no shadow of government left but arbitrary absoluteness, obtruding the tyrant's will for reason, and his letter for the supreme law (witness the answer which one of the council gave to another; objecting against their proceedings as not according to law, what devil do ye talk of law? have not we the king's letter for it?) and all the ends of magistracy wholly inverted; while innocent and honest people were grievously oppressed in their persons, consciences, and estates; and perjuries, adulteries, idolatries, and all impieties were not only connived at, but countenanced as badges of loyalty, and manifest and monstrous robberies and murders authorized, judgement turned into gall, and the fruit of righteousness into hemloc; do justify its seasonableness: and the ends of the declaration, to keep up the standard of the gospel, and maintain the work of reformation, and preserve a remnant of faithful adherers to it; the nature of the resolution declared, being only to endeavour to make good and maintain their revolt, in opposition to all who would pursue them for it, and reinforce them to a subjection to that yoke of slavery again; and the extremity of danger and distress that party was in, while declared and pursued as rebels, and intercommuned and interdicted of all supply and solace, being put out of their own, and by law precluded of the harbour of all other habitations, and so both for safety and subsistence compelled by necessity to concur and keep together, may alleviate the censure and stop the clamour of its unfeasibleness. But though it is not the prudence of the management, but the justness of the action, that I would have vindicated from obloquies; yet it wanted nothing but success to justify both, in the conviction of many that made much outcry against it. In these dangerous circumstances their difficulties and discouragements daily increased, by their enemies vigilance, their enviers treachery, and their own inadvertency, some of their number falling into the hands of them that sought their lives. For two of the most eminent and faithful witnesses of Christ, Mr. Donald Cargil and Henry Hall, were surprized at Queensferry; Mr. Cargil escaped at that time, but the other fervent contender for the interest of Christ, fixed in the cause, and courageous to his death, endeavouring to save him and resist the enemies, was cruelly murdered by them. And with him they got a draught of a covenant, declaring their present purposes and future resolutions. The tenor whereof was an engagement. '1. To avouch the only true and living God to be their God, and to close with his way of redemption by his Son Jesus Christ, whose righteousness is only to be relied upon for justification; and to take the scriptures of the old and new testament, to be the only object of faith, and rule of conversation in all things. 2. To establish in the land righteousness and religion, in the truth of its doctrine, purity and power of its worship, discipline, and government; and to free the church of God of the corruption of prelacy on the one hand; and the thraldom of erastianism on the other. 3. To persevere in the doctrine of the reformed churches, especially that of Scotland, and in the worship prescribed in the scriptures, without the inventions, adornings, and corruptions of men; and in the presbyterian government, exercised in sessions, presbyteries, synods, and general assemblies, as a distinct government from the civil, and distinctly to be exercised, not after a carnal manner, by plurality of votes, or authority of a single person, but according to the word of God, making and carrying the sentence. 4. To endeavour the overthrow of the kingdom of darkness, and whatsoever is contrary to the kingdom of Christ, especially idolatry, and popery in all its articles, and the overthrow of that power that hath established and upheld it--and to execute righteous judgments impartially, according to the word of God, and degree of offences, upon the committers of these things especially, to wit, blasphemy, idolatry, atheism, bougery, sorcery, perjury, uncleanness, profanation of the Lord's day, oppression and malignancy.----5. Seriously considering--there is no more speedy way of relaxation from the wrath of God, that hath ever lien on the land since it engaged with these rulers, but of rejecting them who hath so manifestly rejected God--disclaiming his covenant----governing contrary to all right laws, divine and human----and contrary to all the ends of government, by enacting and commanding impieties, injuries, and robberies, to the denying of God his due, and the subjects theirs; so that instead of government, godliness, and peace, there is nothing but rapine, tumult, and blood, which cannot be called a government, but a lustful rage----and they cannot be called governors, but public grassators and land-judgments, which all ought to set themselves against, as they would do against pestilence, sword, and famine raging amongst them----Seeing they have stopped the course of law and justice against blasphemers, idolaters, atheists, bougerers, sorcerers, murderers, incestuous and adulterous persons--And have made butcheries on the Lord's people, sold them as slaves, imprisoned, forefaulted &c. and that upon no other account, but their maintaining Christ's right of ruling over their consciences against the usurpations of men. Therefore, easily solving the objections, (1.) Of our ancestors obliging the nation to this race and line: That they did not buy their liberty with our thraldom, nor could they bind their children to any thing so much to their prejudice, and against natural liberty (being a benefit next to life, if not in some regard above it) which is not as an engagement to moral things: they could only bind to that government, which they esteemed the best for common good, which reason ceasing, we are free to choose another, if we find it more conducible for that end. (2.) Of the covenant binding to defend the king: That this obligation is only in his maintenance of the true covenanted religion--which homage they cannot now require upon the account of the covenant, which they have renounced and disclaimed; and upon no other ground we are bound to them--the crown not being an inheritance that passeth from father to son without the consent of tenants--(3.) Of the hope of their returning from these courses: whereof there is none, seeing they have so often declared their purposes of persevering in them, and suppose they should dissemble a repentance--supposing also they might be pardoned, for that which is done--from whose guiltiness the land cannot be cleansed, but by executing God's righteous judgments upon them--yet they cannot now be believed, after they have violated all that human wisdom could devise to bind them. Upon these accounts they reject that king, and those associate with him in the government--and declare them henceforth no lawful rulers, as they had declared them to be no lawful subjects--they having destroyed the established religion, overturned the fundamental laws of the kingdom, taken away Christ's church-government, and changed the civil into tyranny, where none are associate in partaking of the government, but only these who will be found by justice guilty criminals--and declare they shall, God giving power, set up government and governors according to the word of God, and the qualifications required Exod. xviii. verse 20.--And shall not commit the government to any single person, or lineal succession, being not tied as the Jews were to one single family--and that kind being liable to most inconveniences, and aptest to degenerate into tyranny--and moreover, that these men set over them shall be engaged to govern principally, by that civil and judicial law (not that which is any way typical) given by God to his people of Israel--as the best so far as it goes, being given by God--especially in matters of life and death--and other things, so far as they reach, and are consistent with Christian liberty--exempting divorces and polygamy--6. Seeing the greatest part of ministers not only were defective in preaching against the acts of the rulers for overthrowing religion--but hindered others also who were willing, and censured some that did it--and have voted for acceptation of that liberty, founded upon and given by virtue of that blasphemously arrogate and usurped power--and appeared before their courts to accept of it, and to be enacted and authorized their ministers--whereby they have become the ministers of men, and bound to be answerable to them as they will--and have preached for the lawfulness of paying that tribute, declared to be imposed for the bearing down of the true worship of God--and advised poor prisoners to subscribe that bond--which if it were universally subscribed--they should close that door, which the Lord hath made use of in all the churches of Europe, for casting off the yoke of the whore--and stop all regrets of men, when once brought under tyranny, to recover their liberty again.--They declare they neither can nor will hear them &c. nor any who encouraged and strengthened their hands, and pleaded for them, and trafficked for union with them. 7. That they are for a standing gospel ministry, rightly chosen and rightly ordained--and that none shall take upon them the preaching of the word &c. unless called and ordained thereunto--and whereas separation might be imputed to them, they resell both the malice, and the ignorance of that calumny--for if there be a separation, it must be where the change is; and that was not to be found in them, who were not separating from the communion of the true church, nor setting up a new ministry, but cleaving to the same ministers and ordinances, that formerly they followed, when others have fled to new ways, and a new authority, which is like the old piece in the new garment. 8. That they shall defend themselves in their civil, natural, and divine rights and liberties----and if any assault them, they shall look on it as a declaring a war, and take all advantages that one enemy does of another--but trouble and injure none but those that injure them.' This is the compend of that paper which the enemies seized and published, while it was only in a rude draught, and not polished, digested, nor consulted by the rest of the community: yet, whether or not it was for their advantage, so to blaze their own baseness in that paper truly represented, I leave it to the reader to judge: or, if they did not thereby proclaim their own tyranny, and the innocency and honesty of that people, whom thereby they were seeking to make odious; but in effect inviting all lovers of religion and liberty to sympathise with them, in their difficulties and distresses there discovered. However that poor party continued together in a posture of defence, without the concurrence or countenance of their convenanted brethren, who staid at home, and left both them to be murdered and their testimony to be trampled upon, until the 22d of July 1680. Upon the which day they were attacked at Airsmoss, by a strong party of about 120 horse well armed, while they were but 23 horse and 40 foot at most; and so fighting valiantly were at length routed, not without their adversaries testimony of their being resolute men: Several of Zion's precious mourners, and faithful witnesses of Christ were killed; and among the rest, that faithful minister of Christ, Mr. Richard Cameron, sealed and fulfilled his testimony with his blood. And with others, the valiant and much honoured gentleman, David Hackstoun of Rathillet, was after many received wounds apprehended, brought in to Edinburgh; and there, resolutely adhering to the testimony, and disowning the authority of king and council, and all their tyrannical judicatories, was cruelly murdered, but countenanced eminently of the Lord. Now remained Mr. Donald Cargill, deprived of his faithful colleague, destitute of his brethren's concurrence, but not of the Lord's counsel and conduct; by which he was prompted and helped to prosecute the testimony against the universal apostacy of the church and nation, tyranny of enemies, backsliding of friends, and all the wrongs done to his Master on all hands. And considering, in the zeal of God, and sense of his holy jealousy, provoked and threatening wrath against the land, for the sins especially of rulers, who had arrived to the height of heaven-daring insolence in all wickedness, in which they were still growing and going on without controul; that notwithstanding of all the testimonies given against them, by public preachings, protestations, and declarations, remonstrating their tyranny, and disowning their authority; yet not only did they still persist in their sins and scandals, to make the Lord's fierce anger break forth into a flame, but were owned also by professors, not only as magistrates, but as members of the christian and protestant church; and that, however both the defensive arms of men had been used against them, and the christian arms of prayer, and the ministerial weapon of preaching, yet that of ecclesiastical censure had not been authoritatively exerted against them: Therefore, that no weapon which Christ allows his servants under his standard to manage against his enemies, might be wanting, though he could not obtain the concurrence of his brethren to strengthen the solemnity and formality of the action, yet he did not judge that defect, in this broken case of the church, could disable his authority, nor demur the duty, but that he might and ought to proceed to excommunication. And accordingly in September 1680, at the Torwood, he excommunicated some of the most scandalous and principal promoters and abettors of this conspiracy against Christ, as formally as the present case could admit: After sermon upon Ezek. xxi. 25, 26, 27. 'And thou profane wicked prince of Israel, whose day is come,' &c. He had a short and pertinent discourse on the nature, the subject, the causes, and the ends of excommunication in general: And then declared, that he was not led out of any private spirit or passion to this action, but constrained by conscience of duty, and zeal to God to stigmatize with this brand, and wound with the sword of the Lord, these enemies of God that had so apostatized, rebelled against, mocked, despised, and defied our Lord, and to declare them as they are none of his, to be none of ours. 'The persons excommunicated; and the sentence against them was given forth as follows: 'I being a minister of Jesus Christ, and having authority and power from him, do, in his name, and by his Spirit, excommunicate, cast out of the true church, and deliver up to Satan, Charles the Second, king,' &c. The sentence was founded upon these grounds, declared in the pronunciation thereof, (1.) 'For his high mocking of God, in that after he had acknowledged his own sins, his father's sins, his mother's idolatry, yet he had gone on more avowedly in the same than all before him. (2.) For his great perjury in breaking and burning the covenant. (3.) For his rescinding all laws for establishing the reformation, and enacting laws contrary thereunto. (4.) For commanding of armies to destroy the Lord's people. (5.) For his being an enemy to true protestants, and helper of the papists, and hindering the execution of just laws against them. (6.) For his granting remissions and pardons for murderers, which is in the power of no king to do, being expressly contrary to the law of God. (7.) For his adulteries, and dissembling with God and man.' Next, by the same authority, and in the same name, he excommunicated James duke of York, 'for his idolatry, and setting it up in Scotland to dedefile the land, and enticing and encouraging others to do so:' Not mentioning any other sins but what he scandalously persisted in in Scotland, &c. With several other rotten malignant enemies, on whom the Lord hath ratified that sentence since very remarkably, whole sins and punishments both may be read more visible in the providences of the time, than I can record them. But about this time, when amidst all the abounding defections and divisions of that dark and dismal hour of temptation, some in zeal for the cause were endeavouring to keep up the testimony of the day, in an abstraction from complying ministers; others were left (in holy judgment, to be a stumbling-block to the generation hardening them in their defections, and to be a beacon to the most zealous to keep off from all unwarrantable excesses) to fall into fearful extravagancies, and delirious and damnable delusions, being overdriven with ignorant and blind zeal into untrodden paths, which led them into a labyrinth of darkness; when as they were stumbled at many ministers unfaithfulness, so through the deceit of Satan, and the hypocrisy of his instruments, they came to be offended at Mr. Cargil's faithfulness, who spared neither left hand declensions, nor right hand extremes, and left him and all the ministers; not only disowning all communion with those that were not of their way, but execrating and cursing them; and kept themselves in desert places from all company; where they persisted prodigiously in fastings and singing psalms, pretending to wonderful raptures and enthusiasms: and in fine, J. Gib, with four more of them came to that height of blasphemy, that they burnt the Bible and Confession of Faith. These were the 'sweet singers,' as they were called, led away into these delusions by that impostor and sorcerer, John Gib, who never encreased to such a number, as was then feared and reported, being within thirty, and most part women: all which for the most part have been through mercy reclaimed from that destructive way, which through grace the reproached remnant, adhering to the foresaid testimony, had always an abhorrence of. Wherefore that ignorant and impudent calumny, of their consortship with Gib's followers, is only the vent of viperous envy. For they were the first that discovered them, and whose pains the Lord blessed in reclaiming them, and were always so far from partaking with them, that to this day these that have come off from that way, and have offered the confession of their scandal, do still complain of their over rigid severity, in not admitting them to their select fellowships. To which may be added this undeniable demonstration, that whereas the persecuting courts of inquisition did always extend the utmost severity against the owners of this testimony, yet they spared them: And the duke of York, then in Scotland, was so well pleased with Gib's blasphemies, that he favoured him extraordinarily, and freely dismissed him. This was a cloudy and dark day, but not without a burning and shining light as long as that faithful minister of Christ, Mr. Donald Cargil, was following the work of the Lord; who shortly after this finished his testimony, being apprehended with other two faithful and zealous witnesses of Christ, Mr. Walter Smith, and Mr. James Boog, who with two more were altogether, at Edinburgh, 27 July, 1681, crowned with the glory of martyrdom. Then came the day of the remnant's vexation, trouble, darkness and dimness of anguish, wherein whoso looked unto the land could see nothing but darkness and sorrow, and the light darkened in the heavens thereof, wherein neither star nor sun appeared for many days, and poor people were made to grope for the wall like the blind, and to stumble in noon-day as in the night. While the persecution advanced on the one hand, a violent spait of defection carried down the most part of ministers and professors before it, driving them to courses of sinful and scandalous conformings with the time's corruptions, compearings before their courts, complyings with their commands, paying of their cesses and other exactions, taking of their oaths and bonds, and countenancing their prelatical church-services, which they were ashamed to do before: and thereupon on the other hand the divisions and confusions were augmented, and poor people that desired to cleave to the testimony were more and more offended and stumbled at the ministers, who, either left the land in that clamant call of the people's necessity, or lurked in their own retirements, and declined the duty of that day, leaving people to determine themselves in all their perplexities, as a prey to all temptations. But the tender Pastor and Shepherd of Israel, who leads the blind in the way they know not, did not forsake a remnant in that hour of temptation who kept the word of his patience; and as He helped those that fell into the hands of enemies to witness a good confession, so He strengthened the zeal of the remaining contenders, against all the machinations of adversaries to crush it, and all the methods of backsliding professors to quench it. And the mean which most effectually preserved it in life and vigour, was the expedient they fell upon of corresponding in general meetings, to consult, inform, and confirm, one another about common duties in common dangers, for preservation of the remnant from the destruction and contagion of the times, and propagation of the testimony: laying down this general conclusion for a foundation of order, to be observed among them in incident doubtful cases, and emergent controversies, that nothing relative to the public, and which concerns the whole of their community, be done by any of them, without harmonious consent sought after and rationally waited for, and sufficient deliberation about the means and manner. In the mean time, the duke of York, as commissioner from his brother, held a parliament wherein he presided, not only against all righteous laws that make a bloody and avowed papist incapable of such a trust, but against the letter of their own wicked laws, whereby none ought to be admitted but such as swear the oaths; yet not only was he constitute in this place, but in the whole administration of the government of Scotland without the taking any oath, which then he was courting to be entailed successor and heir of the crown thereof; and for this end made many pretences of flatteries, and feigned expressions of love, and of doing many acts of kindness to that ancient kingdom, as he hath made many dissembling protestations of it since, for carrying on his own popish and tyrannical designs: but what good-will he hath borne to it, not only his acts and actings written in characters of the blood of innocents declare, but his words do witness, which is known when and to whom he spake, when he said, It would never be well till all on the southside of Forth were made a hunting field. However in that parliament, anno 1681, he is chiefly intended, and upon the matter by a wicked act declared legal and lineal successor, and a detestable blasphemous and self-contradictory test is framed for a pest to consciences, which turned out of all places of trust any that had any remaining measure of common honesty; and when some was speaking of a bill for securing religion in case of a popish prince, the duke's answer was notable, that whatsoever they intended or prepared against papists should light upon others: whereby we may understand what measures we may expect, when his designs are ripe. And to all the cruel acts then and before made against the people of God, there was one superadded regulating the execution of all the rest, whereby at one dash all civil and criminal justice was overthrown, and a foundation laid for popish tyranny, that the right of jurisdiction both in civil and criminal matters is so inherent in the crown, that his majesty may judge all causes by himself, or any other he thinks fit to commissionate. Here was law for commissionating soldiers to take away the lives of innocents, as was frequently exemplified afterwards, and may serve hereafter for erecting the Spanish inquisition to murder protestants when he thinks fit to commissionate them. Against which wicked encroachments on religion and liberty, the faithful thought themselves obliged to emit a testimony: and therefore published a declaration at Lanark, January 12. 1682. Confirming the preceeding at Sanquhar, and adding reasons of their revolt from the government of Charles the second. 1. 'For cutting off the neck at one blow of the noble constitution of church and state, and involving all officers in the kingdom in the same perjury with himself. 2. For exalting himself into a sphere exceeding all measures divine and human, tyrannically obtruding his will for a law in his arbitrary letters, so that we are made the reproach of nations, who say, we have only the law of letters instead of the letter of the law. 3. For his constant adjourning and dissolving parliaments at his pleasure. 4. For his arrogantly arrogated supremacy in all causes civil and ecclesiastic, and oppressing the godly for conscience and duty. 5. For his exorbitant taxings, cessings, and grinding the faces of the poor, dilapidating the rights and revenues of the crown, for no other end but to employ them for keeping up a brothel rather than a court. 6. For installing a successor, such an one (if not worse) as himself, contrary to all law, reason, and religion, and framing the test, &c. And in end offer to prove, they have done nothing in this against our ancient laws, civil or ecclesiastic--but only endeavoured to extricate themselves from under a tyrannous yoke, and to reduce church and state to what they were in the year 1648 and 1649.' After which declaration, they were more condemned by them that were at ease than ever, and very untenderly dealt with; being without any previous admonition reproached, accused, and informed against, both at home and abroad, as if they had turned to some wild and unhappy course. For which cause, in the next general meeting, they resolved to delegate some of their number to foreign churches, on purpose to vindicate themselves from these calumnies, and to represent the justness of their cause, and the sadness of their case, and provoke them to some sympathy abroad, which was then denied at home: and withal to provide for a succession of witnesses, who might maintain the testimony, which was then in appearance interrupted, except by martyrdom and sufferings. Therefore by that means having obtained access for the instruction of some young men, at an university in the united provinces, in process of time, Mr. James Renwick received ordination there, and came home to take up the standard of his master, upon the ground where it last was left, and to carry on the testimony against all the oppositions of that day, from open enemies and backsliding professors: an undertaking more desperate-like than that _Unus Athanasius contra totam orbem_, and like that of a child threshing down a mountain. Which yet against all the outrageous rage of ravening enemies, ranging, ravaging, hunting, chasing, pursuing after him, through all the towns, villages, cottages, woods, moors, mosses, and mountains of the country; and against all the scourge of tongues, contradictions, condemnations, obliquies, reproaches, and cruel mockings of incensed professors, and generally of all the inhabitants of the land; he was helped to prosecute, by many weary wanderings, travels, and traversings thro' the deserts, night and day, preaching, conferring, and catechising, mostly in the cold winter-nights in the open fields: until, by the blessing of God upon his labours, not only was the faithful witnessing remnant that joined in the testimony, further cleared, confirmed, and encouraged, and their number much increased by the coming in and joining of many others to the fellowship of their settled societies; but also many others, in other places of the country were induced to the contracting themselves in the like, to the settling such fellowships in most of the southern shires. But then the fury of persecutors began to flame more flagrantly than ever; not only in sending out cruel soldiers, foot, horse and dragoons, habitually fleshed in, and filled with the blood of the saints, to hunt, hound, chase, and pursue after them, and seek them out of all their dens and hiding-holes, in the wildest glens, fens, and remotest recesses in the wilderness; but emitting edicts allowing them to kill, slay, hang, drown, and destroy such as they could apprehend of them _pro libitu_; and commanding the country to assist them, in raising the hue and cry after them, and not to refer, harbour, supply, or correspond any manner of way with them, under the hazard and pain of being liable to the same punishment. Whereby the country was harassed and spoiled in searching after them, and many villains were stirred up to give informations and intelligence of these wanderers wherever they saw them, or learned where they were. Hence followed such a slaughter and seizure of them, that common people usually date their common occurrences since, from that beginning of killing time, as they call it. For which cause, to preserve themselves from, and put a stop to that deluge of blood, and demur and deter the insolency of intelligencers and informers, they were necessitate to publish the Apologetical Relation, and affix it upon several market-crosses and parish-doors, November 8, 1684. Wherein they 'declare their firm resolution, of constant adherence to their covenants and engagements, and to the declarations disowning the authority of Charles Stewart. And to testify to the world, that they purpose not to injure or offend any whomsoever, but to pursue the ends of their covenants, in standing to the defence of the work of reformation, and of their own lives; yet, if any shall stretch forth their hand against them, by shedding their blood actually, either by authoritative commanding or obeying such commands, to search for them, and deliver them up to the spilling of their blood, to inform against them, to raise the hue and cry after them, and delate them before their courts. All these shall be reputed by them enemies to God and the covenanted reformation, and punished as such, according to their power and the degree of their offence, if they shall continue so maliciously to proceed against them; and declare, they abhor and condemn any personal attempt, upon any pretext whatsomever, without previous deliberation, common or competent consent, without certain probation by sufficient witnesses, the guilty person's confession, or the notourness of the deeds themselves; and in the end warn the bloody Doegs, and flattering Ziphites informing against them, to expect to be dealt with as they deal with them.' This declaration, though it occasioned greater trials to them and trouble to the country, by the courts of inquisition, pressing an oath abjuring the same universally upon all, as well women as men, and suffering none to travel without a pass, declaring they had taken that oath: yet it was so far effectual, as to scare many from their former diligence in informing against them, and to draw out some to join with the wanderers more publicly, even when the danger was greatest of owning any respect to them. But at length in the top and height of their insulting insolency, and heat of their brutish immanity and barbarous cruelty, designing to cut off the very name of that remnant, the king of terrors (a terror to kings) cut off that supreme author and authorizer of these mischiefs, Charles the Second, by the suspicious intervention of an unnatural hand as the instrument thereof. Wherein much of the justice of God was to be observed, and of his faithfulness verified, that 'bloody and deceitful men shall not live out half their days.' His bloody violence was recompensed with the unnatural villany of his brother, and his unparalleled perfidy was justly rewarded with the most ungrate and monstrous treachery of a parricide: for all the numerous brood of his adulterous and incestuous brats, begotten of other men's wives, and of his numerous multitude of whores at home and abroad, yea of his own sister too, he died a childless pultron, and had the unlamented burial of an ass, without a successor save him that murdered him: and for all his hypocritical pretensions to a protestant profession, he not only received absolution and extreme unction from a popish priest at his death, but drunk his death in a popish potion, contrived by his own dear brother that succeeded him; impatiently longing to accomplish that conspiracy of reintraducing popery, wherein the other moved too slowly, and passionately resenting Charles's vow, to suffer the murder of the earl of Essex to come to a trial (which was retorted by the reiterated solicitations of some, who offered to discover by whom it was contrived and acted) which made the duke's guilty conscience to dread a detection of his deep accession to it: whereupon the potion quickly after prepared, put a stop to that, and an end to his life, Feb. 6, 1685. Of which horrid villany time will disclose the mystery, and give the history when it shall be seasonable. IV. The former persecution and tyranny, mainly promoted by the duke of York's instigation, did not only oppress the poorer sort, but reached also the greatest of the nobility and gentry in both kingdoms. In Scotland, the earl of Argyle was arraigned and condemned for his explanation of the test, but escaped out of the castle of Edinburgh, _anno_ 1681. And after him several gentlemen were arbitrarily oppressed and troubled, upon the act of intercommuning with rebels, and for a pretended plot against the government (as they called it) but really because they knew these gentlemen had a desire, and would design to preserve the nation, which they were seeking to destroy, and would counteract their wicked projects to advance popery and tyranny upon the ruins of the nation's interest. For which cause they left their native country, to seek safety and quiet abroad. And in England, upon the same pretences, the lord Russel was murdered by law, and the earl of Essex by a razor in the Tower, in a morning when the king and duke of York came to pay it a visit. And many other gentlemen lost either their lives or fortunes, upon the same grounds of opposing the duke's designs: which made many resort to the United Provinces. Where they, with the Scots gentlemen, as soon as they heard of the death of Charles II. and of the ascending of James duke of York, a notorious and bigot papist, to the throne, associating themselves in counsel, to essay some diversion and opposition to the present current of tyranny and popery, threatening the ruin of both nations; resolved and agreed upon the declaring a war against that usurper and all his complices. And in order thereunto, having provided themselves with arms, concluded that a certain number should, under the conduct of James duke of Monmouth, direct their course for England, for managing the war there: And others to go for the same ends to Scotland, under the conduct of Archibald earl of Argyle, their chosen captain. Whereupon in a short time they arrived at Orkney, where two gentlemen of their company going ashore, were taken prisoners, and carried to Edinburgh; whereby the country was alarmed, and a huge host gathered to oppose them. From thence they went to the West Highlands, where encreasing to the number of about 2000 men, they traversed to and again about Kintyre and Bute, and other places in the Highlands, for six or seven weeks, until many of their men ran away, and the rest were much straitened for want of victuals, their passage by sea was blocked up by ships of war, and by land with their numerous enemies, who got time to gather and strengthen themselves, whereby their friends were frustrate and more oppressed, and themselves kept little better than prisoners, till their spirits were wearied and worn out, and all hope lost. At length the earl determined, when out of time, to leave the Highlands, and the ships, cannons, arms, and ammunition at Island Craig, and marched towards Dumbarton, crossing the water of Leven about three miles above it. Next morning near Duntreith, they discovered a party of the enemy, and faced towards them, but they retired. And then directed their course towards Glasgow, were intercepted by a body of the enemy's army: where they drew up in battalia one against another, and stood in arms till the evening, a water being betwixt them. But Argyle's party, perceiving that their enemies were above ten times their number, and that themselves were wearied out with a long and tedious march, want of victuals and sleep, resolved to withdraw: but as soon as it grew dark, all hope lost, they dispersed, every man shifting for himself; only a few keeping together all the next day, had a skirmish with a party of the enemies, in which they slew the captain, and about 12 or some more of his men, and afterwards they dispersed themselves also. The enemies, searching the country, gleaned up the earl of Argyle himself, colonel Rumbol an Englishman, Mr. Thomas Archer minister, Gavin Russel, and David Law, who were all condemned and executed at Edinburgh, and many others who were banished to America: and about some 20 in the Highlands, who were hanged at Inveraray. In England, the duke of Monmouth's expedition, though it had more action, yet terminated in the same success, the loss of many hundred lives, many killed in battle: and afterwards, by the mercy of the duke of York, several hundreds in the west of England were carried about, and hanged before the doors of their own habitations; and to make his captains sport by the way, according to the number of the hours of the day, when the murdering humour came in their head, so many of the poor captives were hanged, as a prodigious monument of monstrous cruelty. This was the commencement of the present tyrant's government. In the mean time, the wanderers in Scotland, though they did not associate with this expedition upon the account of the too promiscuous admittance of persons to trust in that party, who were then and since have discovered themselves to be enemies to the cause, and because they could not espouse their declaration as the state of their quarrel, being not concerted according to the constant plea of the Scots covenanters, and for other reasons given in their late vindication: yet against this usurpation of a bloody papist, advancing himself to the throne in such a manner, they published another declaration at Sanquhar, May 28, 1685. 'Wherein approving and adhering unto all their former declarations, and considering that James Duke of York, a profest and excommunicate papist, was proclaimed.--To testify their resentment of that deed, and to make it appear unto the world, that they were free thereof, by concurrence or connivance; they protest against the foresaid proclamation of James duke of York as king: in regard that it is the chusing of a murderer to be a governor, who hath shed the blood of the saints--that it is the height of confederacy with an idolater, forbidden by the law of God--contrary to the declaration of the general assembly of the church, July 27, 1649. And contrary to many wholesome and laudable acts of parliament----and inconsistent with the safety, faith, conscience, and christian liberty of a Christian people, to chuse a subject of antichrist to be their supreme magistrate----and to instruct an enemy to the work and people of God with the interests of both: and upon many important grounds and reasons (which there they express) they protest against the validity and constitution of that parliament, approving and ratifying the foresaid proclamation.----And against all kind of popery in general and particular heads----as abjured by the national covenant, and abrogated by acts of parliament----and against its entry again into this land, and every thing that doth or may directly or indirectly make way for the same: disclaiming likewise all sectarianism, malignancy, and any confederacy therewith.'----This was their testimony against popery in the season thereof: which though it was not so much condemned as any former declarations, yet neither in this had they the concurrence of any ministers or professors; who as they had been silent, and omitted a seasonable testimony against prelacy, and the supremacy, when these were introduced, so now also, even when this wicked mystery and conspiracy of popery and tyranny, twisted together in the present design of antichrist, had made so great a progress, and was evidently brought above board, they were left to let slip this opportunity of a testimony also, to the reproach of the declining and far degenerate church of Scotland. Yea to their shame, the very rabble of ignorant people may be brought as a witness against the body of presbyterian ministers in Scotland, in that they testified their detestation of the first erection of the idolatrous mass, and some of the soldiery, and such as had no profession of religion, suffered unto death for speaking against popery and the designs of the king, while the ministers were silent. And some of the curates, and members of the late parliament, 1686, made some stickling against the taking away of the penal statutes against papists; while presbyterians, from whom might have been expected greater opposition, were sleeping in a profound submission. I cannot without confusion of spirit touch these obvious and dolorous reflections, and yet in candour cannot forbear them. However the persecution against the wanderers went on, and more cruel edicts were given forth against them, while a relenting abatement of severity was pretended against other dissenters. At length what could not be obtained by law at the late parliament, for taking off the statutes against papists, was effectuated by prerogative: and to make it pass with the greater approbation, it was conveyed in a channel of pretended clemency, offering a sort of liberty, but really introducing a licentious latitude, for bringing in all future snares by taking off some former, as arbitrarily as before they were imposed, in a proclamation, dated Feb. 12, 1687. 'Granting by the king's sovereign authority, prerogative royal, and absolute power, which all subjects are to obey without reserve, a royal toleration, to the several professors of the Christian religion afternamed, with and under the several conditions, restrictions, and limitations aftermentioned. In the first place, tolerating the moderate presbyterians to meet in their private houses, and there to hear all such ministers, as either have or are willing to accept of the indulgence allenerly, and none other: and that there be nothing said or done contrary to the well and peace of his reign, seditious or treasonable, under the highest pains these crimes will import, nor are they to presume to build meeting houses, or to use out-houses or barns----in the mean time it is his royal will and pleasure, that field conventicles, and such as preach at them, or who shall any way assist or connive at them, shall be prosecute according to the utmost severity of laws made against them----in like manner tolerating the quakers to meet and exercise in their form, in any place or places appointed for their worship----and by the same absolute power, foresaid, suspending, stopping, and disabling all laws or acts of parliament, customs or constitutions against any Roman catholic subjects----so that they shall in all things be as free in all respects as any protestant subjects whatsoever, not only to exercise their religion, but to enjoy all offices, benefices, &c. which he shall think fit to bestow upon them in all time coming----and cassing, annulling, and discharging all oaths whatsoever, and tests, and laws enjoining them. And in place of them this oath only is to be taken----I A.B. do acknowledge, testify, and declare that James the VII. &c. is rightful king and supreme governor of these realms, and over all persons therein; and that it is unlawful for subjects, on any pretence or for any cause whatsoever, to rise in arms against him, or any commissionated by him; and that I shall never so rise in arms nor assist any who shall so do; and that I shall never resist his power or authority, nor ever oppose his authority to his person--but shall to the utmost of my power assist, defend, and maintain him, his heirs and lawful successors, in the exercise of their absolute power and authority against all deadly--and by the same absolute power giving his full and ample indemnity, to all the foresaid sorts of people, under the foresaid restrictions.' Here is a proclamation for a prince: that proclaims him in whose name it is emitted, to be the greatest tyrant that ever lived in the world, and their revolt who have disowned him to be the justest that ever was. For herein that monster of prerogative is not only advanced, paramount to all laws divine and human, but far surmounting all the lust, impudence, and insolence of all the Roman, Sicilian, Turkish, Tartarian, or Indian tyrants that ever trampled upon the liberties of mankind: who have indeed demanded absolute subjection, and surrender of their lives, lands, and liberties at their pleasure, but never arrived at such a height of arrogance as this does, to claim absolute obedience, without reserve of conscience, religion, honour, or reason; not only that which ignorantly is called passive, never to resist him, not only on any pretence, but for cause, even though he should command his popish janissaries to murder and massacre all protestants, which is the tender mercy and burning fervent charity of papists; but also of absolute active obedience without reserve, to assist, defend, and maintain him in every thing, whereby he shall be pleased to exercise his absolute power, though he should command to burn the Bible as well as the covenant (as already he applauded John Gib in doing of it) and to burn and butcher all that will not go to mass, which we have all grounds to expect will be the end of his clemency at last. Herein he claims a power to command what he will, and obliging subjects to obey whatsoever he will command: a power to rescind, stop, and disable all laws; which unhinges all stability and unsettles all the security of human society, yea extinguishes all that remains of natural liberty: wherein, as is well observed by the author of the representation of the threatening dangers impending over protestants page 53. 'It is very natural to observe, that he allows the government, under which we were born, and to which we were sworn, to be hereby subverted and changed, and that thereupon we are not only absolved and acquitted from all allegiance to him, but indispensibly obliged, by the ties and engagements that are upon us, to apply ourselves to the use of all means and endeavours against him, as an enemy of the people and subverter of the legal government.' But this was so gross, and grievously gripping in its restrictions, as to persons, as to the place, as to the matter allowed the presbyterians in preaching, that it was disdained of all; and therefore he behoved to busk it better, and mend the matter, in a letter to the council (the supreme law of Scotland) bearing date March 31. 1687. of this tenor--'Whereas we did recommend to you to take care, that any of the presbyterians should not be allowed to preach, but such only as should have your allowance for the same, and that they at the receiving the indulgence should take the oath contained in the proclamation----these are therefore to let you know, that thereby we meant such of them as did not solemnly take the test; but if nevertheless the presbyterian preachers do scruple to take the said oath, or any other oath whatsoever, and that you shall find it reasonable or fit to grant them or any of them our said indulgence, so as they desire it upon these terms, it is now our will and pleasure----to grant them our said indulgence, without being obliged to take the oath, with power unto them to enjoy the benefit of the said indulgence (during our pleasure only) or so long as you shall find they behave themselves regularly and peaceably, without giving any cause of offence to us, or any in authority or trust under us in our government.'----Thus finding the former proposal not adequately apportioned to his design, because of its palpable odiousness, he would pretend his meaning was mistaken (though it was manifest enough) and mitigate the matter by taking away of the oaths altogether, if any should scruple it; whereas he could not but know, that all that had sense would abhor it: yet it is clogged with the same restrictions, limited to the same persons, characterized more plainly and peremptorily, with an addition of cautions, not only that they shall not say or do any thing contrary to the well and peace of his reign seditious or treasonable, but also that they behave themselves regularly and peaceably without giving any cause of offence to him or any under him; which comprehends lesser offences than sedition or treason, even every thing that will displease a tyrant and a papist, that is, all faithfulness in seasonable duties or testimonies. But at length lest the deformity and disparity of the proclamation for the toleration in Scotland, and the declaration for liberty of conscience in England, should make his pretences to conscience suspect of disingenuity, and lest it should be said he had one conscience for England and another for Scotland; therefore he added a third eik to the liberty, but such as made it still an ill favoured patched project to destroy religion and true liberty, in another proclamation dated at Windsor, June 28, 1687, wherein he says--'Taking into our royal consideration, the sinistrous interpretations, which either have or may be made of some restrictions (mentioned in the last) we have thought fit by this further to declare, that we will protect our arch bishops, &c. And we do likewise, by our sovereign authority, prerogative-royal, and absolute power, suspend, stop, and disable, all penal and sanguinary laws; made against any for non-conformity to the religion established by law in that our ancient kingdom----to the end, that by the liberty thereby granted the peace and security of our government in the practice thereof may not be endangered, we hereby strictly charge all our loving subjects, that as we do give them leave to meet and serve God after their own way, in private houses, chapels, or places purposely hired or built for that use, so that they take care that nothing be preached or taught, which may any way tend to alienate the hearts of our people from us and our government, and that their meetings be peaceably and publicly held, and all persons freely admitted to them, and that they do signify and make known to some one or more of the next privy counsellors, sheriffs, stewards, bailiffs, justices of the peace, or magistrates of burghs royal, what place or places they set apart for these uses, with the names of the preachers----provided always that the meetings be in houses, and not in the open fields for which now after this our royal grace and favour (which surpasses the hopes, and equals the very wishes of the most zealously concerned) there is not the least shadow of excuse left: which meeting in the fields we do hereby strictly prohibit and forbid, against all which we do leave our laws and acts of parliament in full force and vigour, notwithstanding the premises; and do further command all our judges, magistrates, and officers of forces, to prosecute such as shall be guilty of the said field conventicles with the utmost rigour; for we are confident, none will after these liberties and freedoms, given to all without reserve to serve God in their own way, presume to meet in these assemblies, except such as make a pretence of religion to cover their treasonable designs against our royal person and the peace of our government.'---- This is the royal charter for security of the protestant religion (intended to secure it so, that it shall not go much abroad again) in lieu of all the laws, constitutional oaths, and covenants wherewith it was formerly confirmed. This is the only patent which the royal dawties, the moderate presbyterians, have now received to ensure their enjoyment of it _durante bene placito_, during his pleasure whole faith is as absolute over all ties of promises, as his power from whence it flows is over all laws; whose chiefest principle of conscience is that no faith is to be kept to hereticks. Here is the liberty which is said to surpass the hopes, and equal the wishes of the most zealously concerned; holding true indeed of too many, whose hopes and wishes and zeal are terminate upon peace rather than truth, case rather than duty, and their own things rather than the things of Christ; but as for the poor wild wanderers, it some way answers their fears and corresponds with their jealousies, who put the same interpretation upon it as on all the former indulgences, indemnities and tolerations, proceeding from the same fountain, and designed for the same sinistrous ends with this, which they look upon as more openly and obviously antichristian: and therefore, while others are rejoicing under the bramble-shadow of it, they think it a cause of weeping and matter of mourning, not because they do not share of the benefit of it, but because they are afraid to share of the curse of it. For which cause, though a freedom be pretended to be given, to all without reserve to serve God in their own way, they think it necessary to reserve to themselves the liberty wherewith Christ hath made them free, and to serve him in his way though interdicted by men, and to take none from antichrist restricted with his reserves; and do look upon it as a seasonable testimony for the cause of Christ, and the interest of the protestant religion, and the laws and liberties of the country, all overturned and subverted by this toleration, to keep their meetings as in former times, in the open fields whither their tyranny hath driven them. And let them call these meetings covered and treasonable designs against the government on pretence of religion, I trust it shall be made evident to the conviction of all that know religion, that their designs are to preserve it, in opposition to the tyranny that goes about all these ways to suppress it. Though I must suspend the reasons of their keeping their meetings in the fields, till I come to discuss that case in its own place: here I shall only say, none that are acquainted with their circumstances, which are as dangerously stated as ever, by reason of the constant persecution of cruel enraged enemies incessantly pursuing them without relenting, notwithstanding of all this pretence of clemency and tenderness to conscience, but may know they can neither have safety, secrecy, nor conveniency in houses for fear of their entrapping enemies, and none will blame them, that after so many discoveries of their truculent treachery they dare not trust them: and besides, they think it sinful, scandalous, and inconvenient to seem to homologate this toleration, the wickedness whereof they are convinced of, from these reasons. I. Considering the granter in his personal capacity, as to his morals, they look upon him as a person with whom they cannot in prudence communicate, in any transaction of that nature. First, because being in his principles and practice professedly treacherous, yea, obliged to be both perfidious and cruel by that religion whereunto he is addicted, he cannot be trusted in the least concerns, let be those of such momentous consequence as this, without a stupid abandoning of conscience, reason and experience. Since both that known principle, that 'no faith is to be kept to 'hereticks,' which is espoused by all papists, does to them justify all their lying dissimulations, equivocations, and treacheries imaginable; and that lateran canon, that enjoins kings 'to destroy and extirpate 'hereticks, under pain of excommunication,' does oblige them to be cruel; besides what deep engagements he is known to be under by oaths and promises to the pope, both in his exile, and while a subject, and since he came to the crown; which make him, to all considering persons, to be a person of that character, whose deceitful dainties are not to be desired, and that when he speaketh fair is not to be believed, for there are seven abominations in his heart. Of which open and affronted lies we have a sufficient swatch, both in his proclamation for Scotland, and declaration for England; where he speaks of his constant resolves of 'uniting the hearts of subjects to God in religion, and to their neighbours in christian love, and that it never was his principle to offer violence to any man's conscience, or use invincible necessity against any man on the account of his persuasion;' and that their property was never in any case invaded since his coming to the crown; and that it hath been his constant sense and opinion, that 'conscience ought not to be constrained, nor people forced to matters of mere religion.' To which his uninterrupted endeavours to divide us from God, and from one another, that he might the more easily destroy us, and his constant encroachments upon laws, liberties, and properties, and all interests of men and christians for conscience sake, do give the lie manifestly. And it must be great blindness not to see, and great baseness willingly to wink at that double-faced equivocation, in matters of mere religion; by which he may elude all these flattering promises of tenderness, by excepting at the most necessary and indispensible duties, if either they be such wherein any other interest is concerned, beside mere religion, or if their troubles sustained thereupon be not altogether invincible necessities. Hence the plain falsehood and doubleness of his assertions as to what is past, may give ground to conclude his intended perfidy in the promises of what is future. Next, it is known what his practice and plots have been for the destruction of all honest and precious interests; what a deep hand he had in the burning of London, in the popish plot discovered in 1678, in the murder of the earl of Essex, yea in the parricide committed upon his own brother. By all which it appears, nothing is so abominable and barbarous which he hath not a conscience that will swallow and digest without a scruple; and what he hath done of this kind must be but preparatory to what he intends, as meritorious to atone for these villanies. And in his esteem and persuasion of papists, nothing is thought more meritorious than to extirpate the protestant religion, and destroy the professors thereof. Therefore being such a person with whom in reason no honest man could transact, for a tenure of the least piece of land or house, or any holding whatsoever, they dare not accept of his security or protection for so great an interest, as the freedom and exercise of their religion under the shadow of such a bramble. If it was the Shechemites sin and shame to strengthen a naughty Abimelech, and strengthen themselves under the shadow of his protection, much more must it be to take protection for religion, as well as peace, from such a monster of cruelty and treachery. This were against their testimony, and contrary to the laudable constitutions of the church of Scotland, to take no protections from malignant enemies, as was shewed above in Montrose's case. See page 107 above. II. Considering his religion more particularly, they judge it unlawful so to bargain with him as this acceptance would import. It is known he is not only a papist, an apostate papist, and an excommunicate papist (as is related above) but a fiery bigot in the Romish religion, and zealous sworn votary and vassal of antichrist: who, as the letter from the Jesuits in Liege lately published in print, tells us, is resolved 'either to convert England to popery, or die a martyr,' and again that he stiles himself 'a son of the society of Jesuits, and will account every injury done to them to be a wrong done against himself;' being known to be under the conduct and guidance of that furious order, yea and enrolled as a member of that society. Which makes it the less to be wondered, that he should require absolute obedience without reserve, seeing he himself yields absolute obedience as well as implicit faith without reserve, to the Jesuits. Such a bigot was Mary of England (as also his great grand dame of Scotland if she had got her will;) and his bigotry will make him emulous of her cruelty, as counting it a diminution of his glory, for such a champion as he under antichrist's banner to come short of a woman's enterprizes: Nor would the late king have been so posted off the stage, if his successor were not to act more vigorously than he in this tragical design, to which this toleration is subservient. He is then a servant of antichrist, and as such under the Mediator's malediction; yea in this respect is heir to his grandfather's imprecations, who wished the curse of God to fall upon such of his posterity as should at any time turn papists. How then can the followers of the Lamb strike hands, be at peace, associate, confederate, or bargain with such a declared enemy to Christ, certainly the scripture-commands of making no covenant or league, interdicting entering into any affinity with the people of these abominations, and forbidding saying a confederacy with them, do lay awful bonds on the faithful to stand aloof from such. The people might have had liberty of conscience under the Assyrian protection, when they were saying a confederacy with him, but in so doing they forefaulted the benefit of the Lord's being a sanctuary to them. To bargain therefore with such an one for a toleration of religion, were contrary to the scriptures, contrary to the covenants and principles of the church of Scotland, against associations and confederacies with such enemies. See Gillespie's useful Case of Conscience concerning associations, hinted page 109, and more head 3. argument 1. But to accept of this liberty as now offered were a bargaining; for where there is a giving and receiving upon certain conditions, where there are demands and compliance; commands and obedience, promises and reliance, offers upon terms, and acquiescence in these terms, what is there wanting to a bargain, but the mere formality of subscriptions? at least it cannot be denied, but the addressers have bargained for it, and in the name of all the accepters, which must stand as their deed also; if they do not evidence their resentment of such presumption, which I do not see how they can, if they abide under the shadow thereof the same way as they do. I grant liberty is very desirable, and may be taken and improven from enemies of religion: and so do the wanderers now take it and improve it to the best advantage, without receiving it by acquiescing in any terms. But such a liberty as this was never offered without a destructive design, nor ever received without a destructive effect. It is one of the filthy flatteries found in the English addresses, particularly that from Totness, that the present indulger is like another Cyrus who proclaimed liberty to the people of God, Ezra i. But who sees not the disparity in every respect? Cyrus at his very first entry into the government did lay out himself for the church's good; this man who speaks now so fair, his first work was to break our head, and next to put on our hood, first to assert and corroborate his prerogative, and then by virtue of that to dispense with all penal laws: it was foretold that Cyrus should deliver the church at that time; but was it ever promised that the church should get liberty to advance antichrist? or that antichrist, or one of his limbs, should be employed in the church's deliverance, while such? The Lord stirred up the spirit of Cyrus; can it be said without blasphemy that the Lord stirred up this man, to contrive the introduction of popery by this gate and gap, except in a penal sense for judgment? Cyrus had a charge to build the Lord a house, but this is not a charge but a grant or licence, not from nor according to God's authority but man's, not to build Christ a house, but a Babel for antichrist; and all this liberty is but contrived as scaffolding for that edifice, which when it is advanced then the scaffolding must be removed. 3. Considering him in his relation as a magistrate, it were contrary to their testimony so often renewed and ratified, and confirmed with so many reasons, and sealed by so much blood, bonds, banishment, and other sufferings, to own or acknowledge his authority which is mere usurpation and tyranny; in that by the laws of the land he is incapable of government, and that he had neither given nor can give, without an hypocritical and damning cheat, the oath and security indispensibly required of him before and at his entry to the government. Yet this liberty cannot be complied with, without recognizing his authority that he arrogates in giving it: seeing he tenders it to all his good subjects, and gives it by his sovereign authority, and to the end that by the liberty thereby granted, the peace and security of the government in the practice thereof may not be indangered; and in the declaration to England, it is offered as an expedient to establish his government on such a foundation, as may make his subjects happy, and unite them to him by inclination as well as duty; to which indeed the acceptance thereof hath a very apt subserviency: seeing it implies, not only owning of the government out of duty, but an union and joining with it and him by inclination, which is a cordial confederacy with God's enemy, and a co-operating to the establishment of his tyranny; that the peace and security thereof may not be endangered. And in his former proclamation, he gives them the same security for their rights and properties, which he gives for religion; and in the English declaration, addeth that to the perfect enjoyment of their property, which was never invaded, &c. Which to accept, were not only to take the security of a manifest lie, but to prefer the word of a man that cannot, must not, will not keep it (without going cross to his principles) to the security of right and law which is hereby infringed, and to acknowledge not only the liberty of religion, the right of property to be his grant: which when ever it is removed, there must remain no more character for it, but stupid slavery entailed upon posterity, and pure and perfect tyranny transmitted to them. The sin and absurdity whereof may be seen demonstrated, head 2. 4. Considering the fountain whence it flows, they cannot defile themselves with it. In the English declaration, it flows from the royal will and pleasure which speaks a domination despotical and arbitrary enough, but more gently expressed than in the Scots proclamation; when it is refounded on sovereign authority, prerogative royal, and absolute power: proclaiming by sound of trumpet a power paramount to all law, reason, and religion, and outvying the height of Ottoman tyranny: a power which all are to obey without reserve: a power to tolerate or restrain the protestant religion, according to his royal will or pleasure: an absolute power which cannot be limited by laws, nor most sacred obligations, but only regulated by the royal lust; whereby indeed he may suffer the protestant religion, but only precariously so long as he pleases, and until his royal pleasure shall be to command the establishment of popery, which then must be complied with without controul. Whereby all the tenure that protestants have for their religion, is only the arbitrary word of an absolute monarch, whose principles oblige him to break it, and his ambition to disdain to be a slave to it. Now the acceptance of this grant, would imply the recognizance of this power that the granter claims in granting it; which utterly dissolves all government, and all security for religion and liberty, and all the precious interests of men and Christians: Which to acknowledge, were contrary to scripture, contrary to reason, and contrary to the principles of the church of Scotland, particularly the declaration of the general assembly, July 27, 1649. See page 117, &c. and contrary to the covenant. 5. Considering the channel in which it is conveyed, they cannot comply with it. Because it comes through such a conveyance, as suspends, stops, and disables all penal laws against papists, and thereby averts all the securities and legal bulwarks that protestants can have for the establishment of their religion; yea in effect leaves no laws in force against any that shall attempt the utter subversion of it, but ratifies and leaves in full vigour all wicked laws and acts of parliament, against such as would most avowedly assert it; and stops and disables none of the most cruel and bloody laws against protestants: for the most cruel are such as have been made against field-meetings, which are hereby left in full force and vigour. Hence as he hath formally by absolute power suspended all laws made for the protection of our religion, so he may when he will dispense with all the laws made for its establishment; and those who approve the one by such an acceptance, cannot disallow the other, but must recognosce a power in the king to subvert all laws, rights, and liberties, which is contrary to reason as well as religion, and a clear breach of the national and solemn league and covenants. 6. Considering the ends of its contrivance, they dare not have any accession to accomplish such wicked projects, to which this acceptance would be so natively subservient. The expressed ends of this grant are, to unite the hearts of his subjects to him in loyalty and to their neighbours in love, as in the former proclamation; and that by the liberty granted the peace and security of his government in the practice thereof may not be endangered, as in the latter proclamation; and to unite the subjects to him by inclination as well as duty, which he thinks can be done by no means so effectually as by granting the free exercise of religion, as in the English declaration. Whence we may gather not obscurely, what is the proper tendency of it, both as to the work and worker, to wit, to incline and induce us by flattery to a lawless loyalty, and a stupid contented slavery when he cannot compel us by force, and make us actively co-operate in setting and settling his tyranny, in the peaceable possession of all his usurpations, robberies, and encroachments upon our religion, laws, and liberties, and to incorporate us with Babylon; for who are the neighbours he would have us unite with in love, but the papists? against whom all the lovers of Christ must profess themselves irreconcileable enemies. The English declaration does further discover the design of this device, in one expression which will most easily be obtained to be believed of any in it, viz. that he heartily wishes that all the people of these dominions were members of the catholic church: which clearly insinuates, that hereby he would entice them to commit fornication with that mother of harlots; which enticing to idolatry (if we consult the scripture) should meet with another sort of entertainment than such a kind and thankful acceptance, which is not an opposing of such a wicked wish, but an encouraging and corroborating of it. And further he says, that all the former tract of persecutions never obtained the end for which it was employed; for after all the frequent and pressing endeavours that were used, to reduce this kingdom to an exact conformity in religion, it is visible the success has not answered the design, and that the difficulty is invincible. Wherein we may note his extorted acknowledgment, that all former endeavours to destroy the work of God have been successless, which induces him to try another method, to which this acceptance is very subservient, to wit, to destroy us and our religion by flatteries, and by peace to overturn truth, and by the subversion of laws to open a door to let in popery and all abominations. But what is more obscurely expressed in his words, is more visibly obvious in his works, to all that will not willingly wink at them; discovering clearly the end of this liberty is not for the glory of God, nor the advantage of truth, or the church's edification, nor intended as a benefit to protestants; but for a pernicious design, by gratifying a few of them in a pretended favour to rob all of them of their chiefest interests, religion, laws, rights, and liberties, which he could not otherwise effectuate but by this arbitrary way; for if he could have obtained his designs by law: he would never have talked of lenity or liberty, but having no legal ends, he behoved to compass them by illegal means. They must then be very blind who do not see, his drift is, first to get in all popish officers in places of public trust, by taking off the penal laws disabling them for the same; then to advance his absoluteness over all laws, in a way which will be best acknowledged and acquiesced in by people, till he be so strengthened in it that he fears no control; and then to undermine and overturn the protestant religion, and establish popery and idolatry: which he is concerned the more violently to pursue, because he is now growing old, and therefore must make haste, lest he leave the papists in a worse condition than he found them: which, to be sure, the papists are aware of, and their conscious fears of the nation's resentments of their villanies will prompt them, as long as they have such a patron, to all vigilance and violence in playing their game; and withal, hereby he may intend to capacitate himself for subduing the Dutch, against whom he hath given many indications of a hostile mind of old and of late; not only in hiring two rascals to burn the Amsterdam-fleet heretofore, but in stirring up and protecting the Algerine pirates against them; so universal a protector is he become of late, that Papists and Protestants, Turks and Jews are shrouded under the shadow of his patrociny, but with a design to destroy the best, when his time comes. Which cursed designs cannot be counteracted, but very much strengthened by this acceptance. 7. Considering the effects already produced thereby, they cannot but abhor it. Seeing the eyes of all that are tender may afflict their hearts, observing how the papists are hereby encouraged and encreased in numbers, the whole nation overflowed with their hellish locusts, and all places filled with priests and Jesuits, yea the executive power of the government put into the hands of the Romanists, and on the other hand how the people are endangered with their abounding and prevailing errors (to which the Lord may and will give up those that have not received the love of the truth) truth is fallen in the streets and equity cannot enter, a testimony against antichrist is abandoned and laid aside as unseasonable, the edge of zeal for the interest of Christ is blunted and its fervour extinguished, they that should stand in the gap and upon the watch tower are laid aside form all opposition to the invasions of the enemy, and lulled asleep by this bewitching charm and intoxicating opium, ministers and, professors are generally settling on their lees and languishing in a fatal security, defection is carried on, division promoted, and destruction is imminent. Is it not then both a part of the witness of the faithful, and of their wisdom to stand aloof from such a plague, that hath such destructive effects? 8. Considering the nature and name of this pretended liberty, they cannot but disdain it as most dishonourable to the cause of Christ. It is indeed the honour of kings and happiness of people, to have true human and Christian liberty established in the common wealth, that is, liberty of persons from slavery; liberty of privileges from tyranny, and liberty of conscience from all impositions of men; consisting in a freedom from the doctrines, traditions, and commandments of men against or beside the word of God in the free enjoyment of gospel ordinances in purity and power, and in the free observance and establishment of all his institutions of doctrine, worship, discipline, and government, in subordination to the only rule of conscience, the revealed will of its only lawgiver Jesus Christ. When this is ratified as a right by the sanction of approven authority, and countenanced and encouraged as religion, by the confirmation of laws, approving whatsoever is commanded by the God of heaven to be done for the house of the God of heaven (which is the full amount of all magistrates authority) then we are obliged to accept of it with all thankful acceptation. But such a liberty, as overturns our rights, our privileges, our laws, our religion, and tolerates it only under the notion of a crime, and indemnifies it under the notion of a fault to be pardoned, and allows the exercise thereof only in part so and so modified, cannot be accepted by any to whom the reproach thereof is a burden, and to whom the reproaches of Christ are in esteem, in such a day, when even the hoofs of Christ's interest buried in bondage are to be contended for. Whatever liberty this may be to some consciences, it is none to the tender according to the rule of conscience, it is only a toleration which is always of evil: for that which is good cannot be tolerated under the notion of good, but countenanced and encouraged as such. Therefore this reflects upon our religion, when a toleration is accepted which implies such a reproach: and the annexed indemnity and pardon tacitely condemns the profession thereof as a fault or crime, which no Christian can bear with or by his acceptance homologate these reproaches, if he consider the nature of it: and much more will he be averse from it, if he consider how dishonourable it is to God (whatever some addresses, particularly the presbyterians at London, have blasphemously alledged, that God is hereby restored to his empire over the conscience) since the granter, after he hath robbed the Mediator of his supremacy and given it away to antichrist, and God of his supremacy imperial as universal king by a claim of absolute power peculiar to him, he hath also robbed him of his empire over the conscience, in giving every man the empire over his own conscience, which he reserves a power to retract whom he pleases. 9. Considering the extent of it, they cannot class themselves among the number of them that are indulged thereby. It takes in not only the archbishops and bishops, and the prelatical and malignant crew, but all quakers, and papists, reaching all idolatry, blasphemy, and heresy, and truth also (which could never yet dwell together under one sconce.) Whereby the professors of Christ come in as partners in the same bargain with antichrist's vassals; and the Lord's ark hath a place with Dagon, and its priests and followers consent to it; and the builders of Babel and of Jerusalem are made to build together, under the same protection; and a sluice is opened to let the enemy come in like a flood, which to oppose the accepters cannot stand in the gap, nor lift up a standard against them. Liberty indeed should be universally extended to all the Lord's people, as Cyrus's proclamation was general, who is there among you of all his people? his God be with him. But a toleration of idolaters, blasphemers, and hereticks, as papists, &c. is odious to God, because it is contrary to scripture, expresly commanding idolaters to die the death, and all seducers and enticers to apostacy from God to be put to death without pity; and commending all righteous magistrates that executed judgment accordingly, as Asa, Hezekiah, &c. yea even heathen magistrates that added their faction to the laws of God, as Artaxerxes is approven for that statute, that whosoever will not do the law of God and of the king, judgment should be executed speedily upon him. And in the new testament this was never repealed but confirmed, in that the sword is given to magistrates, not in vain, but to be a terror to, and revengers to execute wrath upon all that do evil, among whom seducers that are evil workers and idolaters are chiefly to be ranked, being such as do the worst of evil to mankind. Ephesus is commended because they could not bear them which are evil: and Thyatira reproved for suffering Jezebel: by which it appeareth, that our Lord Jesus is no friend to toleration. It is true this is spoken against churchmen; but will any think that will be approven in civil powers, which is so hateful in church officers? Surely it will be the duty and honour of these horns spoken of Rev. xvii. to eat the whore's flesh and burn her with fire: and shall that be restricted only to be done against the great antichrist, and not be duty against the lesser antichrists, the limbs of the great one? it is recorded of Julian the apostate, that among other devices he used, to root out Christianity this was one, that he gave toleration openly to all the different professions that were among Christians, whereof there were many heretical in those days: which was exactly aped by James the apostate now for the same end. It is also contrary to the confession of faith, chap. 20, sect. 4. asserting that 'for their publishing such opinions, or maintaining of such practices, as are contrary to the light of nature, or to the known principles of Christianity, whether concerning faith, worship, or conversation, or to the power of godliness, or such erroneous opinions or practices, as either in their own nature, or in the manner of publishing or maintaining them, are destructive to the external peace and order, which Christ hath established in the church; they may lawfully be called to account, and proceeded against by the censures of the church, and by the power of the civil magistrate.' And therefore to accept of this toleration is inconsistent with the principles of the church of Scotland, with the national and solemn league and covenants, and solemn acknowledgment of sins and engagement to duties, in all which we are bound to extirpate popery, prelacy, &c. With the whole tract of contendings in the fifth period above related, and particularly by the testimony of the synod of Fife, and other brethren in the ministry, against Cromwell's vast toleration and liberty of conscience, mentioned above page ----, for it is plain, if it be not to be suffered, then it is not to be accepted. 10. Considering the terms wherein it is offered, they cannot make such a shameful bargain. In the former proclamation it is granted expresly under several conditions, restrictions, and limitations: whereof indeed some are retracted in the latter, as the restriction of it to moderate presbyterians, which would seem to be taken off by extending to all without reserve to serve God in their own way; but being evidently exclusive of all that would serve God in Christ's way, and not after the mode prescribed, it is so modified and restricted that all that will accept of it must be moderate presbyterians indeed, which as it is taken in the court sense, must be an ignominy to all that have zeal against antichrist. The limitation also to private houses and not to out-houses, is further enlarged to chapels, or places purposely hired, but still it is stinted to these, which they must bargain for with counsellors, sheriffs, &c. So that none of these restrictions and limitations are altogether removed, but the condition of taking the oath only: yet it is very near to an equivalency homologated, by the accepters acknowledging in the granter a prerogative and absolute power over all laws, which is confirmed and maintained by their acceptance. As for the rest that are not so much as said to be removed, they must be interpreted to remain, as the terms, conditions, restrictions, and limitations, upon which they are to enjoy the benefit of this toleration. And what he says, that he thought fit by this proclamation further to declare, does confirm it, that there are further explications, but no taking off of former restrictions. Hence it is yet clogged with such provisions and restrictions, as must make it very nauseous to all truly tender. (1.) The restriction as to the persons still remains, that only moderate presbyterians, and such as are willing to accept of this indulgence allenarly, and none other, and such only whose names must be signified to these sheriffs, stewards, bailiffs, &c. are to have the benefit of this indulgence: whereby all the zealous and faithful presbyterians are excluded, (for these they will not call them moderate) and all that would improve it without a formal acceptance, and all who for their former diligence in duty are under the lash of their wicked law, and dare not give up their names to those who are seeking their lives, must be deprived of it. (2.) It is restricted to certain places still, which must be made known to some one or more of the next privy counsellors, and whereby they are tied to a dependence on their warrant, and must have their lease and licence for preaching the word in any place, and field-meetings are severely interdicted, though signally countenanced of the Lord, whereby the word of the Lord is bound and bounded; and by this acceptance their bloody laws against preaching in the open fields, where people can have freest access with conveniency and safety, are justified. (3.) The manner of meeting is restricted, which must be in such a way as the peace and security of the government in the practice thereof may not be endangered, and again that their meetings be peaceably held, which is all one upon the matter with the bond of peace, and binding to the good behaviour so much formerly contended against by professors, and is really the same with the condition of the cautionary bond in the indulgence after Bothwel, of which see page ----. And further they must be openly and publicly held, and all persons freely admitted to them; which is for the informing trade, exposing to all the inconveniencies of Jesuits, and other spies and flies their delations, in case any thing be spoken reflecting on the government, a great temptation to ministers. (4.) The worst of all is upon their matter of preaching, which is so restricted and limited, that nothing must be said or done contrary to the well and peace of his reign, seditious or treasonable; and in case any treasonable speeches be uttered, the law is to take place against the guilty, and none other present, providing they reveal to any of the council the guilt so committed, as in the former proclamation: and in the last it is further declared, that nothing must be preached or taught, which may any way tend to alienate the hearts of the people from him or his government. Here is the price at which they are to purchase their freedom (a sad bargain to buy liberty and sell truth) which yet hardly can be so exactly paid, but he may find a pretence for retrenching it when he pleases; for if a minister shall pray for the overturning of a throne of iniquity, or for confounding all that serve graven images, and for destruction to the pope, and all that give their power to that beast, there will be something said against the well of his government; or if any shall hear this and not delate it, then the same pretence is relevant; or if he shall preach against the king's religion as idolatry, and the church of Rome as Babylon, and discharge his conscience and duty in speaking against the tyranny of the times; or let him preach against any public sin faithfully, a popish critic or Romish bigot shall interpret it to be an alienation of the people's hearts from the king and his government. But who can be faithful, and preach in season and out of season now, but he must think it his duty to endeavour to alienate the hearts of the people from such an enemy to Christ, and his absolute tyranny, so declaredly stated against God? What watchman must not see it his indispensible duty, to warn all people of his devilish designs to destroy the church and nation, and preach so that people may hate the whore, and this pimp of her's? sure if he preach the whole counsel of God, he must preach against popery and tyranny. And if he think this indulgence from absolute prerogative, granted and accepted on these terms, can supersede him from this faithfulness, then he is no more the servant of Christ but a pleaser of men. Therefore since it is so clogged with so many restrictions, so inconsistent with duty, so contrary to scripture, so clearly violatory of covenant-engagements, so cross to the constant contendings and constitutions of this church, and acts of assembly (see page ----, &c.) it were a great defection to accept of it. 11. Considering the scandal of it, they dare not so offend the generation of the righteous by the acceptance, and dishonour God, disgrace the protestant profession, wrong the interest thereof, and betray their native country, as thus to comply with the design of antichrist, and partake of this cruel tender mercy of the beast; who hath always mischief in his heart, and intends this as a preparative for inducing or inforcing all that are hereby lulled asleep either to take on his mark, or bear the marks of his fiery fury afterwards. For hereby foreign churches may think, we are in a fair way of reconciliation with antichrist, when we so kindly accept his harbinger's favours. And it cannot but be very stumbling to see the ministers of Scotland, whose testimony used to be terrible to the popish, and renowned through all the protestant churches, purchasing a liberty to themselves at the rate of burying and betraying the cause into bondage and restraint, and thus to be laid by from all active and open opposition to antichrist's designs, in such a season. The world will be tempted to think, they are not governed by principles but their own interest in this juncture, seeking their own things more than the things of Christ; and that it was not the late usurpation upon, and overturning of religion and liberty that offended them, so much as the persecution they sustained thereby; but if that arbitrary power had been exerted in their favours, though with the same prejudice of the cause of Christ, they would have complied with it as they do now. Alas, sad and dolorous have been the scandals given, and taken by and from the declining ministers of Scotland heretofore, which have rent and racked the poor remnant, and offended many both at home and abroad, but none so stumbling as this. And therefore the tender will be shy to meddle with it. 12. Considering the addresses made thereupon, with such a stain of fulsome and blasphemous flatteries, to the dishonour of God, the reproach of the cause, the betraying of the church, and detriment of the nation, and exposing themselves to the contempt of all, the poor persecuted party dare not so much as seem to incorporate with them. I shall set down the first of their addresses, given forth in the name of all the presbyterian ministers, and let the reader judge whether there be not cause of standing aloof from every appearance of being of their number. It is dated at Edinburgh, July 21, 1687, of this tenor. _To the king's most excellent majesty. The humble address of the presbyterian ministers of his majesty's kingdom of Scotland._ 'We your majesty's most loyal subjects, the ministers of the presbyterian persuasion in your ancient kingdom of Scotland, from the due sense we have of your majesty's gracious and surprising favour, in not only putting a stop to our long sad sufferings for non-conformity, but granting us the liberty of the public and peaceable exercise of our ministerial function without any hazard: as we bless the great God who hath put this in your royal heart, do withal find ourselves bound in duty to offer our most humble and hearty thanks to your sacred majesty, the favour bestowed being to us and all the people of our persuasion valuable above all our earthly comforts, especially since we have ground from your majesty to believe that our loyalty is not to be questioned upon the account of our being presbyterians, who as we have amidst all former temptations endeavoured, so we are firmly resolved still to preserve an entire loyalty in our doctrine and practice (consonant to our known principles, which according to the holy scriptures are contained in the confession of faith, generally owned by presbyterians in all your majesty's dominions) and by the help of God so to demean ourselves, as your majesty may find cause rather to enlarge than to diminish your favours towards us; throughly persuading ourselves from your majesty's justice and goodness, that if we shall at any time be otherwise represented, your majesty will not give credit to such information, until you have due cognition thereof: and humbly beseeching, that those who promote any disloyal principles and practices (as we disown them) may be looked upon as none of ours, whatsoever name they may assume to themselves. May it please your most excellent majesty graciously to accept of this our most humble address, as proceeding from the plainness and sincerity of loyal and thankful hearts, much engaged by your royal favour, to continue our fervent prayers to the King of kings, for divine illumination and conduct, with all other blessings spiritual and temporal, ever to attend your royal person and government, which is the greatest duty can be rendered to your majesty, by _Your majesty's most humble, most faithful, and most obedient subjects_. Subscribed in our names, and in the name of the rest of our brethren of our persuasion, at their desire.' Which received this gracious return. _The king's letter to the presbyterians in his ancient kingdom of Scotland_. 'We love you well: and we heartily thank you for your address: we resolve to protect you in your liberty, religion, and properties, all our life: and we shall lay down such methods, as shall not be in the power of any to alter hereafter. And in the mean time, we desire you to pray for our person and government.' To which may be added that kind compliment of the chancellor's: 'Gentlemen, My master hath commanded me to tell you, that I am to serve you in all things within the compass of my power.' These gentlemen needed not to have been solicitous that those who avouch an adherance to the covenanted reformation, and avow an opposition to antichristian usurpers (which they call promoting disloyal principles and practices) might not be looked upon as of their confederacy: for all that abide in the principles and practices of the church of Scotland (which they have deserted) and that desire to be found loyal to Christ, in opposition to his and the church's, and the country's declared enemy, would count it a sin and scandal, laying them obnoxious to the displeasure of the holy and jealous God, who will resent this heinous indignity they have done unto his majesty (if they do not address themselves unto him for pardon of the iniquity of this address, which is the desire of those whom they disown that they may find grace to do so) and a shameful reproach, exposing them to the contempt of all of whom they expect sympathy, to be reckoned of their association who have thus betrayed the cause and the country. These mutual compliments (so like the caresses of the Romish whore, whereby she entices the nations to her fornication) between the professed servants of Christ and the vassals of antichrist, if they be cordial, would seem to import that they are in a fair way of compounding their differences, and to accommodate their oppositions at length; which yet I hope will be irreconcileably maintained and kept up by all true presbyterians, in whose name they have impudence to give out their address: but it they be only adulatory and flattering compliments, importing only a conjunction of tails (like Samson's foxes) with a disjunction of heads and hearts, tending towards distinct and opposite interests; then, as they would suit far better the dissimulations of politicians, than the simplicity of gospel-ministers, and do put upon them the brand of being men-pleasers rather than servants of Christ, so for their dissemblings with dissemblers, who know their compliments to be and take them for such, they may look to be paid home in good measure, heaped up and running over, when such methods shall be laid down as shall not be in the power of any to alter, when such designs shall be obtained by this liberty and these addresses, that the after-bought wit of the addressers shall not be able to disappoint. However the address itself is of such a dress, as makes the thing addressed for to be odious, and the addressers to forefault the respect, and merit the indignation of all that are friends to the protestant and presbyterian cause, as may appear from these obvious reflections. 1. It was needful indeed they should have assumed the name of presbyterians (though it might have been more tolerable to let them pass under that name, if they had not presumed to give forth their flatteries in the name of all of that persuasion, and to alledge it was at their desire; which is either an illuding equivocation, or a great untruth, for though it might be the desire of the men of their own persuasion, which is a newly start up opinion that interest hath led them to espouse, yet nothing could be more cross to the real desires of true presbyterians, that prefer the truth of the cause to the external peace of the professors thereof) and call it the humble address of presbyterian ministers: for otherwise it could never have been known to come from men of the presbyterian persuasion; seeing the contents of this address are so clearly contrary to their known principles. It is contrary to presbyterian principles, to congratulate an antichristian usurper for undermining religion, and overturning laws and liberties. It is contrary to presbyterian principles, to justify the abrogation of the national covenant, in giving thanks for a liberty whereby all the laws are cassed and disabled therein confirmed. It is contrary to presbyterian principles, to thank the king for opening a door to bring in popery, which they are engaged to extirpate in the solemn league and covenant. It is contrary to presbyterian principles, to allow or accept of such a vast toleration for idolaters and hereticks, as is evident above from all their contendings against it, which is also contrary to the confession of faith, generally owned by presbyterians, as may be seen in the place forecited, chap. 20. par. 4. It is contrary to presbyterian principles, to consent to any restrictions, limitations, and conditions, binding them up in the exercise of the ministerial function, wherewith this liberty is loaded and clogged; whereby indeed they have the liberty of the public and peaceable exercise of it, without any hazard of present persecution, but not without great hazard of sin; and incurring the guilt of the blood of souls, for not declaring the whole counsel of God, which addressers cannot declare, if they preserve an entire loyalty in their doctrine, as here they promise. 2. There is nothing here sounds like the old presbyterian strain; neither was there ever an address of this stile seen before from presbyterian hands. It would have looked far more presbyterian like, instead of this address, to have sent a protestation against the now openly designed introduction of popery, and subversion of all laws and liberties which they are covenanted to maintain, or at least to have given an address in the usual language of presbyterians, who used always to speak of the covenants, and work of reformation; but here never a word of these, but of loyalty to his excellent, to his gracious, and to his sacred majesty, of loyalty not to be questioned, an entire loyalty in doctrine, a resolved loyalty in practice, and a fervent loyalty in prayers: and all that they are solicitous about is not lest the prerogatives of their master be encroached upon, and the liberties of the church be supplanted, and religion wronged; but lest their loyalty be questioned, and they be otherwise represented: and all that they beseech for is, not that the cause of Christ be not wronged, nor antichristian idolatry introduced by this liberty; but that these who promove any disloyal principles and practices may be looked upon as none of theirs, wherein all their encouragement is, that they persuade themselves from his majesty's justice and goodness, that he will not give credit to any other information, until he take due cognition thereof. Here is a lawless unrestricted loyalty to a tyrant, claiming an absolute power to be obeyed without reserve, not only professed, but solicitously sought to be the principle of presbyterians; whereas it is rather the principle of atheistical hobbes exploded with indignation by all rational men. This is not a Christian loyalty, or profession of conscientious subjection, to a minister of God for good, who is a terror to evil doers, but a stupid subjection and absolute allegiance to a minister of antichrist, who gives liberty to all evil men and seducers. This is not the presbyterian loyalty to the king, in the defence of Christ's evangel, liberties of the country, ministration of justice, and punishment of iniquity, according to the national covenant; and in the preservation and defence of the true religion and liberties of the kingdoms, according to the solemn league and covenant; but an erastian loyalty to a tyrant, in his overturning religion, laws and liberties, and protecting and encouraging all iniquity. This loyalty in doctrine will be sound disloyalty to Christ, in a sinful and shameful silence at the wrongs done to him, and not declaring against the invasions of his open enemies. This loyalty in practice is a plain betraying of religion and liberty, in lying by from all opposition to the open destroyer of both. And this loyalty in prayers, for all blessings ever to attend his person and government, will be found neither consonant to presbyterian prayers in reference to popish tyrants, nor consistent with the zeal of Christians, and the cries of all the elect unto God to whom vengeance belongs, against antichrist and all his supporters, nor any way conform to the saints prayers in scripture, nor founded upon any scripture promises, to pray for a blessing to a papist's tyranny, which cannot be of faith and therefore must be sin. It were much more suitable to pray, that the God which hath caused his name to dwell in his church, may destroy all kings that shall put to their hand to alter and destroy the house of God, Ezrah vi. 12. 3. This address is so stuffed with sneaking flatteries, that it would become more sycophants and court-parasites than ministers of the gospel; and were more suitable to the popish, prelatical, and malignant faction, to congratulate and rejoice in their professed patron and head, and fill the gazettes with their adulatory addresses, which heretofore used to be deservedly inveighed against by all dissenters; than for presbyterians to take a copy from them, and espouse the practice which they had condemned before, and which was never commended in any good government, nor never known in these British nations, before Oliver's usurpation and Charles' tyranny; flattery being always counted base among ingenuous men. But here is a rhapsody of flatteries, from the deep sense they have of his majesty's gracious and surprising favour----finding themselves bound in duty to offer their most humble and hearty thanks, to his sacred majesty, the favour bestowed being to them----valuable above all earthly comforts. One would think this behoved to be a very great favour, from a very great friend, for very gracious ends: but what is it? in not only putting a stop to their long sad sufferings; which were some ground indeed if the way were honest: but this not only supposes an also; what is that? but also granting us the liberty----which is either a needless tautology (for if all sufferings were stopped, then liberty must needs follow) or it must respect the qualifications of the liberty; flowing from such a fountain, absolute power; through such a conveyance, the stopping all penal laws against papists; in such a form as a toleration; for such ends, as overturning the reformation, and introducing popery. This is the favour for which they offer most humble and hearty thanks, more valuable to them than all earthly comforts; though it be manifestly intended to deprive the Lord's people, at the long run, of the heavenly comforts of the preached gospel. Sure, if they thank him for the liberty, they must thank him for the proclamation whereby he grants it, and justify all his claim there to absoluteness, being that upon which it is superstructed, and from which it emergeth, and so become a listed faction to abett and own him in all his attemptings, engaged now to demean themselves as that he may find cause rather to enlarge than to diminish his favours, which can be no other way but assisting him to destroy religion and liberty, at least in suffering him to do what he will without controul. O what an indelible reproach is this for ministers, who pretend to be set for the defence of the gospel, thus to be found betraying religion, through justifying and magnifying a tyrant, for his suspension of so many laws whereby it was established and supported. 4. It were more tolerable if they went no further than flatteries: but I fear they come near the border of blasphemy, when they say, that the great God hath put this in his royal heart: which can bear no other construction but this, that the holy Lord hath put it in his heart to assume to himself a blasphemous and absolute power, whereby he stops and suspends all penal laws against idolaters, and gives a toleration for all errors: or if it be capable of any other sense, it must be like that as the Lord is said to have moved David to number the people, or that Rev. xvii. 17. "God hath put it in their hearts to fulfil his will, and to agree and give their kingdom unto the beast." But to bless God and thank the tyrant for this wicked project, as deliberate and purposed by men, I say is near unto blasphemy. And again where they say, they are firmly resolved by the help of God so to demean themselves as his majesty may find cause rather to enlarge than to diminish his favours; this in effect is as great blasphemy as if they had said, they resolved by the help of God to be as unfaithful, time-serving and silent ministers as ever plagued the church of God; for no otherwise can they demean themselves so as he may find cause to enlarge his favours towards them, it being in no way supposeable that his enlarging his favours can consist with their faithfulness, but if they discover any measure of zeal against antichrist, he will quickly diminish them. Thus far I have compendiously deduced the account of the progress, and prosecution of the testimony of this church to the present state thereof, as it is concerted and contended for, by the reproached remnant now only persecuted: which I hope this pretended liberty shall be so far from obscuring and interrupting, that it shall contribute further to clear it, and engage them more to constancy in it, and induce others also to countenance it, when they shall see the sad effects of this destructive snare, which I leave to time to produce; and hope, that as the former representation of their cause will conciliate the charity of the unbiassed, so an account of their sufferings thereupon will provoke them to sympathy. To which I now proceed. PART II. _Containing a brief account of the persecution of the last period, and of the great suffering whereby all the parts of its testimony were sealed._ The foregoing deduction, being the first thing I proposed to be discussed in the method of this essay, hath now swelled to such a bulk, that the last period of it doth, in a manner, swallow up what I intended to have said on the second: because it gives grounds to gather the methods and measures that our adversaries have managed, for the ruin of this witnessing remnant, and also discover some special steps of their sufferings within these 27 years past, under the tyranny of both the brothers. It will now be the more easy to glean the gradations of the means and machines, used by this popish, prelatical, and malignant faction, to raze the work of reformation, and to build their Babel of popery and slavery on the ruins thereof; and to aggregate an account in brief of the great sufferings of the faithful. Which though it be beyond my power, and besides my purposes at present, to offer a narrative of it, with any proportion to the greatness of the subject; a more particular relation thereof, being now projected, if providence permit, to be published to the world, which will discover strange and unheard of cruelties: yet, in this little heap of some hints only of the kinds of their sufferings, I do not question but it will appear, that the persecution of Scotland hath been very remarkable, and scarcely out-done by the most cruel in any place or age, in respect of injustice, illegality, and inhumanity, though perhaps inferior in some other circumstances. But that none could be more unjust, illegal, or inhuman, I need not further, I cannot better, demonstrate than only to declare the matter of fact, as it fell out in the several steps of the last period. I. In the entry of this fatal catastrophe, the first of their mischievous machinations was to remove out of the way all who were eminent instruments in carrying on the former work of God, or might be of influence for obstructing their antichristian and tyrannical designs, both in the state and in the church. And accordingly, when the marquis of Argyle, who had a main hand in bringing home the king, and closing the second treaty at Breda, went up to London, to congratulate his return from exile, he was made prisoner in the tower, thereafter sent down to Scotland, indicted of high treason, at length beheaded, and his head placed upon the tolbooth of Edinburgh (a watch-word of warning to our addressers, who may, ere all be done, meet with the same sauce) for no other alledged cause, but for his compliance with the English, when they had our land in subjection; a thing wherein the judges who condemned him were equally criminal; but really for another provocation that incensed the king against him, which made him a tyrant as infamous for villany as for violence, to wit, for his reproving the king (when others declined it) for an adulterous rape, which he held for so piacular a crime, that he resolved nothing should expiate it but the blood of this nobleman. For the same pretended cause was the lord Wariston afterwards executed to death at Edinburgh, after they had missed of their design of taking him off by clandestine ways abroad. Then they fall upon the ministers: and because Mr. James Guthrie was a man, who had been honoured of God to be zealous and singularly faithful, in carrying on the work of reformation, and had asserted the kingly authority of Christ, in opposition to the erastian supremacy encroaching thereupon, therefore he must live no longer, but is condemned to die, and most basely handled, as if he had been a most notorious thief or malefactor; he is hanged, and afterward his head placed upon one of the ports of Edinburgh, where it abideth to this day, preaching not only against the enemies rebellion against God, but against the defection of many ministers since, who have practically denied that great truth for which he suffered, to wit, his testimony against the supremacy, and for declining the usurped authority of him who arrogated it. At the same time there was a proclamation, which they caused to be read at all the church-doors, discharging ministers to speak against them or their proceedings, whereby profane and malicious persons were encouraged to witness against their ministers. By which means (though many were in no hazard, thinking it commendable prudence, commended indeed by the world, but hateful unfaithfulness before God, to be silent at such a time) some faithful ministers giving faithful and free warning, and protesting against the present defection, were condemned of treason, and banished out of the three dominions. Others, without a legal citation, or without access to give in their defences, were sentenced with banishment, and could never get an extract of their sentence: and further, were compelled to subscribe a bond, under pain of death, to remove out of all the dominions betwixt and such a day. This was the lot, and also the blot of these famous and faithful ministers, Mr. John Livingston, Mr. Robert Macward, Mr. John Brown, &c. who spent the rest of their days in Holland, serving their generation by their excellent writings. Then, after they had disposed of many other ministers, whom they thrust out, for not keeping the 29th of May, having now laid by the most eminent, and whom they feared most of the ministry, they shortly thereafter outed, and violented the rest from the exercise of their ministry, and straitned them with strange and severe confinements; yea, because they would not be outdone in suppressing religion by any, no, not by Julian the apostate, they proceeded to poison all the springs and fountains of learning; ordaining that none be masters in universities, except they take the oath of supremacy, and own the government of prelacy; and none be admitted to teach in a school, without the prelate's licence. These courses brought many ministers and expectants to great sufferings. II. Hitherto they reached only noblemen, gentlemen and ministers, and others whom they thought might stand in their way of advancing their cursed designs. The next drift is, when they had emptied the churches of ministers, and filled them with the vermin of ignorant and scandalous curates, to force the people to conformity, and to disown and discountenance their own ministers; first, by severe edicts of exorbitant fining not only the persons themselves contraveening, but those that had the superiority over them, and rigorous exaction of these fines, to the depopulation of a poor country, by military force; whereby, where there was but one church in the bounds, still enjoying a minister whom the people could hear, the profane soldiers would beset that church in time of worship, and cause all within to pay their fines, or take the garments from them that could not, and beat them to the effusion of their blood: and where the church was planted with a curate, the soldiers would come, and call the names of the parishioners, and amerciate the absents in such fines as they pleased. In other places they went to private houses, and by force drove them to church, even though sick and unable. But where the dissenters were numerous, great bands of legal robbers were sent to exact and extort these exorbitant fines, by plundering, quartering, beating, wounding, binding men like beasts, chasing away from houses, and harassing whole country-sides in a hideous manner. And yet after all these insolencies, some of the common sort were compelled to subscribe an acknowledgment, that the captain had used them civilly and discreetly; though the account of others of that place manifests the violence to have been so monstrous, that it justified the great barbarity; shewing their exactions to have been intolerable, both for the quantity, without all proportion or pity, and for the manner of it, consuming and wasting poor people's provision by their very dogs, and sparing no more these who conformed, than others who did not conform at all, and punishing husbands for their wives, yea, doubling and tripling the same exactions after payment. Next, though at first they did not imprison any for simple absenting themselves from the curates, yet they began to fill prisons with such as at any time shewed more than ordinary zeal against the curates intrusion, and testified their dissatisfaction to his face; for which, some were imprisoned, scourged, stigmatized, and thereafter carried to Barbadoes. Others, because they would not give the prelates their title of lords, when conveened before them, were also scourged: and one minister seized for preaching, and offending the prelates by the same fault, was carried first to the thieves hole, laid in irons in company with a madman, and then banished to Shetland, the coldest and wildest of all the Scots islands. III. But when fining would not do, and still the people were more averse from the curates, by getting sometimes occasions of hearing their own ministers in private; hence were houses forced and searched, many hawled to prisons, and several necessitate to escape at windows with the hazard of their lives, spies sent unto and set in suspected places, to seize and fall upon such as they found at such meetings, or but suspected to have been there. Whence it came to pass, that many, both men and women, young and old, have been dragged to prisons, and there close kept as malefactors, besides several other outrageous and illegal acts of violence and oppression committed against them, contrary to all law, equity and conscience. IV. After Pentland defeat, they ruled by rage more than either law or reason. There 40 prisoners, who were taken upon quarter, and solemn parole to have their life spared, yet treacherously and bloodily were all hanged (except five that were reprieved) who had much of the Lord's presence at their deaths, and assurance of his love, strengthening them to seal a noble testimony. One of them, a much honoured young minister, only for having a sword about him, though not present at the fight, did first most patiently endure the cruel torture of the boots (a cruel engine of iron, whereby with wedges the leg is tortured, until the marrow come out of the bone) and afterwards death, with great courage and constancy. Upon the scaffold, at their execution, they then began that barbarity never practised in Scotland before, but frequently, and almost always at all the executions since, to beat drums, that they might not be heard. After this conflict, many were forefaulted of their estates, and intercommuned, with inhibition to all to reset, conceal, or correspond with any that had escaped, under the pain of being accounted guilty of the same rebellion, as they called it. Soldiers are permitted to take free quarter in the country, and licensed to all the abuses, that either rapine or cruelty may suggest; to examine men by tortures, threatning to kill or roast alive, all that would not delate all they knew were accessory to that rising; to strip them who did so much as reset the fugitives, and thrust them into prisons, in cold, hunger and nakedness, and crowd them so with numbers, that they could scarce stand together, having the miseries of their own excrements superadded; yea, to murder without process, such as would not, nay could not, discover those persecuted people. But not only time, but heart and tongue would fail, to relate all the violences and insolencies, the stobbings, woundings, stripping and imprisonings of mens persons, violent breaking of their houses both by day and night, beating of wives and children, ravishing of women, forcing of them by fire-matches and other tortures, to discover their husbands and nearest relations, although not within the compass of their knowledge, and driving away all their goods that could be carried away without respect to guilt or innocency, and all the cruelties that were exercised without a check by these ruffians at that time. V. After all these tender mercies and clemencies, or cruelties, which his gracious majesty was pleased to confer or commit upon these poor contenders for religion and liberty, he and his cabal the council thought it not enough to suppress them with oppressions and force, distrusting the authority of his law (that he knew the people would no more observe, than he would observe a promise or oath) and diffiding also the authority of his sword, which he had above their heads, he proposes terms of bargaining with them, whereupon he would suffer them to live, and to which he would have them bound to live according to his prescript; therefore, besides the old oaths of allegiance and supremacy, that were still going among hands, he caused coin new ones to keep the peace, and to live orderly, meaning to conform themselves to the disorders of the times! whereby, after he had wrought such destruction to their bodies and estates, and almost nothing was left them but a bit of a conscience, he would rob them of that too, verifying the constant character of the wicked, they only consult to cast a man down from his excellency. What is a man's excellency but a good conscience? But these men, having feared consciences of their own, not capable of any impression, they presume to impose upon all others, and cannot endure so much as to hear of the name of conscience in the country, except it be when it is baffled in the belchings of beastly mouths; as one, that was well acquaint with the council's humour in this point, told a gentleman that was going before them, to have one of these oaths imposed upon him, who was beforehand signifying his scruples, that he could not do such things in conscience. Conscience (said he) I beseech you whatever you do, speak nothing of conscience before the lords, for they cannot abide to hear that word. Therefore it is, that since this last revolution, there have been more conscience-debauching and ensnaring oaths invented and imposed, and some repugnant and contradictory to others, than ever was in any nation in the world in so short a time: and hereby they have had woful success in their designs, involving the generality of the land in the sin of perjury and false swearing with themselves. And it hath been observed, that scarcely have they let one year pass, without imposing some oaths or bonds upon presbyterians; such always as are unlawful to take, yea and impossible to keep, sometimes more obviously gross, sometimes more seemingly smooth, sometimes tendered more generally through the kingdom, sometimes imposed upon particular shires; and these carried on by craft and cunning, sometimes by force and cruelty. Doubtless it is not the least part of their design, hereby to make oaths and bonds become a trivial and common thing, and by making all men of as capacious consciences as themselves. VI. Further, they never ceased to express their fear of another rising, (their guilty consciences dictating that they deserved greater opposition.) Hence, to secure themselves, and incapacitate the people from further attempts of that nature, they order all withdrawers from churches, all who did not join to suppress the Lord's people, to deliver up their arms betwixt and such a day, and not keep a horse above such a very mean price, unfit for service. VII. When force could not do the business, then they try flatteries; and hence contrive that wicked indulgence to divide and destroy the ministers that remained, and to suppress meetings. But when this bait, so well busked, could not catch all, but still there were meetings for administring the ordinances; their flattery turns to fury, and the acceptance of that indulgence by some, and despising of it by others, did both animate and instigate them unto a following forth of their design, by all the cruel acts and bloody executions. And hereby the residue of the faithful of the land were exposed unto their rage, while the indulged became interpretatively guilty of, and accessory to all the cruelties used and executed upon ministers and professors, for adhering unto that way. Hence it was common at private and peaceable meetings, when, without arms of defence, they were disturbed by soldiers, and exposed to all manner of villanous violence, some being dragged to prisons, some banished and sold to French captains to be transported with rascals, many intercommuned and driven from their dwellings and relations, great sums of money were proffered to any that would bring in several of the most eminent ministers, either dead or alive; yea several at several times were killed, and others cruelly handled: all which, for several years, they patiently endured without resistance. But especially, when not only they were driven to the fields to keep their meetings in all weathers, summer and winter, but necessitate to meet with arms, then they raised more troops of horse and dragoons to pursue them with all rage, as traitors and rebels. Hence what pursuings, hornings, huntings, hidings, wanderings through mountains and muirs, and all kinds of afflictions, the people of God then met with, because of their following that necessary and signally blessed duty; all the lands inhabitants know, the jailors can witness to this day, and the barbarous soldiers, bloody executioners of the commands of their enraged masters, having orders to wound and kill, and apprehend all they could take at these meetings, or on the way suspected to be going to or coming from them, having encouragement to apprehend some ministers, and bring them dead or alive, by the promise of 2000 merks, others valued at 1000, and several professors also with prices put upon their heads. Hence others that were taken of them were sent into the Bass, a dry and cold rock in the sea, where they had no fresh water, nor any provision but what they had brought many miles from the country; and when they got it, it would not keep unspoiled. And others, both ministers and many hundreds of professors, were outlawed; whereby all the subjects were prohibited to reset, supply, intercommune with any of them, or to correspond with them by word, writ, or message, or furnish them with meat, drink, house, harbour, victual, or any other thing useful, under the highest pains. Hence also prisons were filled, and the wives and children of the outed ministers, that were come to Edinburgh for shelter, were commanded to dislodge, within a short day prefixed, under the pain of being forcibly shut up or dragged out. For which and other such uses, to apprehend and seize, on meetings, a major was appointed in Edinburgh, with command over the town guards, and a good salary for that end. Then prisons being filled, they were emptied to make room for others in ships, to be taken away to be sold for slaves, in one of which were sent to Virginia above 60 men, some ministers; who, through the kindness and sympathy of some English godly people, were relieved at London. A greater barbarity not to be found in the reigns of Caligula or Nero. VIII. But all this is nothing to what followed; when, thinking these blood-hounds were too favourable, they brought down from the wild Highlands an host of savages upon the western shires, more terrible than Turks or Tartars, men who feared not God nor regarded man; and being also poor pitiful Skybalds, they thought they had come to a brave world, to waste and destroy a plentiful country, which they resolved, before they left it, to make as bare as their own. This hellish crew was adduced to work a reformation, like the French conversions, to press a band of conformity, wherein every subscriber was bound for himself and all under him, wife, children, servants, tenants, to frequent their parish churches, and never to go to these meetings, nor reset, nor entertain any that went, but to inform against, pursue, and deliver up all vagrant preachers, as they called them, to trial and judgment. Which they prosecuted with that rigour and restless, boundless rage, that the children then unborn, and their pitiful mothers do lament the memory of that day, for the loss of their fathers and husbands. Many houses and families then were left desolate in a winter flight, many lost their cattle and horses, and some, in seeking to recover them, lost their lives, by the sword of these Burrios. So that it was too evident, both by what orders was given, the severity of prosecuting, and the expressions of some great ones since, that nothing less than the utter ruin and desolation of these shires was consulted and concluded, and that expedition, at that time, calculated for that end; for what else can be imagined could induce to the raising 10 or 11,000 barbarous savages, the joining them to the standing forces, and with such cruel orders the directing them all to the west, where there was not one person moving the finger against them: neither could they pretend any quarrel, if it was not the faithfulness of the people there in their covenanted religion, and their hopelessness of complying to their popish and tyrannical designs, and therefore no course so feasible as to destroy them; so for dispatching thereof, order is given forth, that whosoever refuseth to subscribe that hell-hatched bond, must instantly have 10, 20, 30, 40, more or fewer according to his condition as he is poorer or richer, of these new reformers sent to him, to ly not only upon free quarters to eat up and destroy what they pleased, but also (for the more speedy expedition) ordered to take a sixpence for each common soldier a-day, and the officers more, according to their degrees, and so to remain till either the bond was subscribed, or all destroyed; nor was these trustees deficient to further their purposes in prosecuting their orders, who, coming to their quarters, used ordinarily to produce a billgate for near to as many more as came, and for these absents they must have double money, because their landlord was not burdened with their maintenance, and, where that was refused, would take the readiest goods, and if any thing remained not destroyed and plundered at their removing, which was not transportable, rather than the owner should get any good of it, they would in some places set fire to it, as they did with the cornstacks. It would require several great volumes to record the many instances of horrid barbarities, bloods and villanies of that wicked expedition; so that what by free quarterings, exactions, robberies, thefts, plunderings, and other acts of violence and cruelty, many places were ruined almost to desolation, all which the faithful choosed rather to suffer, than to sin in complying: and albeit their oppression was exceeding lamentable, and their loss great, yet that of the compliers was greater and sadder, who losed a good conscience in yielding to them, and compounding with them. IX. Then the country behoved to pay the soldiers for all this service, and hire them to do more, by paying the imposed cess; whereby they were sharpened into a greater keenness in cruel executions of their orders, returning to those places of the country whither they had chased the persecuted people, who still kept their meetings wherever they were, though they could not attend them, but upon the hazard of being killed, either in the place (where some had their blood mingled with their sacrifice) or fleeing, or be exposed to their dreadful cruelties, more bitter than death. For then it was counted a greater crime, and punished with greater severity, for persons to hear a faithful minister preach, than to commit murder, incest, adultery, or to be guilty of witchcraft, or idolatry, or the grossest abominations: for these have passed unpunished, when some, for their simple presence at a meeting, have been executed unto the death. Then also, when some were forced to flee into the English border for shelter, there also were parties ordered to pursue these poor hunted partridges, who could not find a hole to hide their head in. There we lost a valiant champion for truth, and truly zealous contender for the interest of Christ, that universally accomplished gentleman and Christian, Thomas Ker of Heyhope, who was cruelly murdered in a rencounter with a party of the English side. Thereafter followed that lamentable stroke at Bothwel, where about 300 were killed on the field, and about 10 or 1100 taken prisoners, and stript, and brought into Edinburgh in a merciless manner. After which, first two faithful and painful ministers and witnesses of Christ, Mr. John Kid and Mr. John King, received the crown of martyrdom, sealing that testimony with their blood, and many others after them for the same cause. Then the enemy, after the manner used before, first to wound our head, and then put on a hood upon it, (as they have done always after a mischief, and intending a greater), offered their bond of peace, on terms that clearly condemned the cause, never to rise in arms against the king, &c. by which bond, many of the prisoners, after they had lien several weeks in a church-yard, without the shadow of a house to cover them night and day, were liberate: and many of the rest, by the persuasion of some ministers, at whose door their blood lies as well as at the enemy's, took that bond; and yet were sent away with others that did not take it, in a ship bound for America between 2 and 300 in all, who were all murdered in the ship, being shut up under the hatches, when it split upon a rock in the north of Scotland, except about 50 persons; whereof many to this are living witnesses of such a cruelty. X. Hitherto only the common rules and rudiments of the art of persecution were put in practice, exactly quadrating with the rules of Adam Contzen the Jesuit for introducing of popery, in his polit. lib. 2. cap. 18. which are, (1.) To proceed as musicians do, in tuning their instruments gradually. (2.) To press the examples of some eminent men to draw on the rest. (3.) To banish all arch-heretics at once (that is the most zealous witnesses of Christ) or at least with all expedition by degrees. (4.) To put them out of all power and trust, and put in friends to the catholic interest. (5.) To load the protestant opinions, as are most obnoxious, with all odious contions. (6.) To discharge all private conventicles. (7.) To make and execute rigorous laws against the most dangerous. (8.) To foment all quarrels among protestants, and strengthen the party that is ready to comply. But these, and many other of a deeper projection, and greater perfection, were fallen upon afterwards, equalling the most mischievous machines of Spanish inquisition, or the methods that effectuated the desolation of the church of Bohemia; that were exactly followed, as they are related in Clark's Martyrology. Especially the last of Contzen's rules were industriously observed, in the device of the indulgence both before and after Bothwel, which contributed more to the rending and ruining the remnant, and to expose the faithful to rage and cruelty, than any thing; for when, by these ensnaring favours, many were drawn away from their duty, the rest that maintained it, and kept up the testimony, were both the more easily preyed upon, and more cruelly insulted over. Hence the field-meetings that were kept, were more fiercely pursued after Bothwel than the many before, and more cruel laws were made against them, and more bloody executions, than I can find words to express in short. But, in a word, no party of Tartars invading the land, or crew of cut-throats destroying the inhabitants, or the most capital malefactors, could have been more violently opposed, or more vigorously fought to be suppressed, than these poor meeters were. But I must make some more special hints. 1. They not only raised more forces to exhaust the strength and substance of the already wasted country, and laid on and continued from one term to another that wicked exaction and cruel oppression of the cess, for the same declared ends of suppressing and banishing what remained of the gospel, and imposed localities for maintaining the soldiers employed in those designs; for refusing which many families were pillaged, plundered, and quite impoverished, besides the beating and abusing them: but also they went on unweariedly with their courts of inquisition, pressing the bonds of peace, and dragging them like dogs to prisons that would not subscribe them, and for taking up in their Porteous' rolls the names of all that were suspected to have been at Bothwel insurrection: which they gathered by the information of sycophants, and reputed them convict, if being summoned they did not appear, and forced others to swear concerning things that are to be enquired after, and delate upon oath whom they did either see or heard that they were in arms, or went to meetings; and such as refused, suffered bonds or banishment. Yea, having made it criminal to reset, harbour, correspond, or converse with these whom they declared rebels, they thereupon imprisoned, fined, and ruined vast numbers, for having seen or spoken with some of them, or because they did not discover or apprehend them when they fancied they might, and even when they were not obliged, and could not know whether they were obnoxious persons or not: for which many gentlemen and others were indicted and imprisoned, and some arraigned and condemned to death. For these causes, the country was harrassed and destroyed by four extraordinary circuit courts, successively going about with their numerous train, whereby many were grievously oppressed, and with their oppressions tempted with many impositions of conscience-debauching oaths, and bonds to compear when called, and to keep the church, and to refrain from going to meetings, &c. and by these temptations involved in compliances and defections. 2. To enrich themselves, by these means, with the spoil of the country, did not satisfy these destroyers; but they must glut themselves with the blood of the saints, upon every pretext that they could catch, under any colour of law. As upon the account of Bothwel insurrection, many were cruelly executed to the death, some gentlemen, and some common country men, without any legal conviction, by packing bloody juries and assizes most partially for their murdering ends, besides more than can be reckoned that were kept to perish in their imprisonments. And not only for being actually in arms, or any ouvert act of transgressing their wicked laws, but even for their extorted opinion of things, or because they could not condemn these necessitated risings in arms to be rebellion, and a sin against God, which they were forced to declare by terrible menacings of death and torture, they have been condemned to death; making their arbitrary laws to reach the heart, thoughts, and inward sentiments of the mind, as well as outward actions. Whereupon this became a criminal question robbing many of their lives, Was the rising at Bothwel-bridge rebellion, and a sin against God? And this another, Was the killing of the bishop of St. Andrew's horrid murder? Which if any answered negatively, or did not answer affirmatively, they were cruelly condemned to death; for which, first, five innocent Christians were execute upon the spot, where that murderer fell. Though they declared, and it was known, they were as free as the child unborn, and that some of them had never seen a bishop that they knew from another man, and were never in that place of the country where he was killed. And afterwards this was the constant question that all brought before them were troubled with, which some avouching to be duty, were dismembered alive, their hands struck off, and then hanged, and their heads cut off when dead. 3. After Sanquhar declaration, they observed the jesuits rules more exactly, especially that mentioned above, to load the opinions that are most obnoxious with all odious constructions, and to make it both criminal to declare them, and also criminal to conceal and wave their intrapping questions thereupon. For after Mr. Hall was killed at the Queensferry, and Mr. Cameron with several worthies were slain at Airsmoss, and after Mr. Hackston for declining the authority of his murderers, head and tail, and for being accessory to executing judgment upon the arch traitor, or arch bishop of St. Andrew's (though he laid not his hands on him himself, nor was present at the action, but at a distance when it was done) was tortured alive, with the cutting off of his hands, and then hanged, and before he was dead, ripped up, his heart taken out, and carried about on the point of a knife, and thrown into a fire, and afterwards his body quartered. Then, not only such as were with that little handful at Airsmoss were cruelly murdered, but others against whom they could charge no matter of fact, were questioned if they owned the king's authority? which if any did not answer affirmatively and positively, he was to look for nothing but exquisite torments by terrible kinds of tortures, and death besides. And if any declared their judgment, that they could not, in conscience, own such authority as was then exercised; or if they declined to give their thoughts of it, as judging thoughts to be under no human jurisdiction; or if they answered with such innocent specifications as these, that they owned all authority in the Lord, or for the Lord: or according to the word of God, or all just and lawful authority, these underwent and suffered the capital punishment of treason. And yet both for declining and declaring their extorted answers about this, they were condemned as unsufferable maintainers of principles inconsistent with government. 4. But here, as in Egypt, the more they were afflicted, the more they grew, the more that the enemies rage was increased, the more were the people inflamed to inquire about the grounds of their suffering, seeing rational men and religious christians die so resolutely upon them; and the more they insisted in this inquisition, the more did the number of witnesses multiply, with a growing increase of undauntedness, so that the then shed blood of the martyrs became the seed of the church, and as by hearing and seeing them so signally countenanced of the Lord, many were reclaimed from their courses of compliance, so others were daily more and more confirmed in the ways of the Lord, and so strengthened by his grace, that they chose rather to endure all torture, and embrace death in its most terrible aspect, than to give the tyrant and his complices any acknowledgment: yea, not so much as to say, God save the king, which was offered as the price of their life, and test of their acknowledgment, but they would not accept deliverance on these terms, that they might obtain a better resurrection. Which so enraged the tygrish truculency of these persecutors, that they spared neither age, sex, nor profession: the tenderness of youth did not move them to any relenting, in murdering very boys upon this head, nor the grey hairs of the aged; neither were women spared, but some were hanged, some drowned, tied to stakes within the sea-mark, to be devoured gradually with the growing waves, and some of them of a very young, some of an old age. Especially after the murder of the never to be forgotten martyr, Mr. Cargil, the multitude of merciless sufferings upon this account cannot be enumerated; which increased far beyond all the former steps, after the Lanark declaration, which was burnt with great solemnity by the magistrates of Edinburgh in their robes, together with the solemn league and covenant, which had been burnt before, but then they would more declaredly give new demonstrations of their rage against it, because they confessed, and were convinced of its being conform unto and founded upon that covenant. And because the incorporation of Lanark did not, because they could not, hinder the publishing of it; therefore they were threatened with the loss of their privileges, and forced to pay 6000 merks. Upon the back of which, the sufferings of poor people that owned the testimony were sadder and sharper, and further extended than ever: some being banished for soldiers to Flanders, &c. some to be sold as slaves in Carolina, and other places in America, to empty the filled prisons, and make room for more, which were daily brought in from all quarters, and either kept languishing in their nasty prisons, or thieves holes, in bolts and irons to make them weary of their life, or dispatched as sacrifices, and led as dumb sheep to the slaughter, without suffering them to speak their dying words, for beating of drums, or disposed of to masters of ships to be transported to slavery. 5. Had they satisfied themselves with murdering them out of hand, it would have been more tolerable, and reckoned some degree of mercy, in comparison of their malice; which, after all their endeavours to murder their souls, by ensnaring offers, enslaving bonds, blasphemous and contradictory oaths, and multiplying captious questions to catch the conscience, or at least vex the spirits of the righteous, whom they could not prevail with to put forth their hands into iniquity, did proceed to invent all exquisite torments more terrible than death. Some at their first apprehending were tortured with fire-matches, burning and for ever thereafter disabling their hands: then laid fast, and locked up in great irons upon their legs, where they lay many months in the cold of winter, without any relaxation. Some were tortured with the boots, squeezing out the marrow of their legs: others with thumbkins, piercing and bruising the bones of their thumbs: and some tormented with both one after another, and besides, kept waking nine nights together by watchful soldiers, who were sworn not to let the afflicted person sleep all that time. 6. All this tyranny had been the more tolerable, if they had kept within any bounds of colourable or pretended shadow of legality, or in any consonancy to their own wicked laws, or exemplars of any former persecutions. But in an ambition to outdo all the Neros, Domitians, Dioclesians, duke d'Alvas, or Lewis le Grands, they scorned all forms, as well as justice of law, and set up monstrous monuments of unprecedented illegality and inhumanity. For when, after all their hornings, harassings, huntings, searchings, chafings, catchings, imprisonments, torturings, banishments, and effusions of blood, yet they could not get the meetings crushed, either in public or private, or the zeal of the poor wanderers quenched, with whom they had interdicted all harbour, supply, comfort, refreshment, converse or correspondence, and whom they had driven out of their own and all other habitations, in towns, villages, or cottages, to the deserts, mountains, muirs, and mosses, in whose hags and holes they were forced to make dens and caves to hide themselves, but that they would still meet for the worship of God, either in public (though mostly in the cold winter nights) or in their private fellowships for prayer and conference; and to rescue their brethren, and prevent their murder in these extremities, would surprize and take advantages of the soldiers now and then: they then raged beyond all bounds, and not only apprehending many innocent persons (against whom they had nothing to accuse them of, but because they could not satisfy them in their answers) sentenced, and executed them, all in one day, and made an act to do so with all; but allowed the bloody soldiers to murder them, without either trial or sentence. Especially after the apologetical declaration, affixed on the church doors, they acted with an unheard of arbitrariness. For not only did they frame an oath of abjuration, renouncing the same, but pressed it universally upon pain of death, upon all men and women in city and country, and went from house to house, forcing young and old to give their judgment of that declaration, and of the king's authority, &c. to ridicule and reproach, and make a mocking stock of all government: yea impowered soldiers, and common varlets, to impannel juries, condemn, and cause to be put to death, innocent recusants, and having stopt all travel and commerce without a pass, signifying they had taken that oath, they gave power to all hostlers and inn-keepers to impose oaths upon all passengers, travellers, gentlemen and countrymen, who were to swear, that their pass was not forged. And prisoners that would not take the oath were, according to the foresaid act, condemned, sentenced and execute, all in one day, and early in the morning, that the people might not be affected with the spectacles of their bloody severities. Yea spectators also, that gathered to see the execution, were imposed upon, and commanded to give their judgment, whether these men were justly put to death or not. And not only so, but after that, they gave orders and commands to the soldiers to pursue the chase after these wanderers more violently, and shoot, or otherwise put them to death wherever they could apprehend them; whereby many were taken and instantly most inhumanly murdered. XI. In the beginning of this killing time, as the country calls it; the first author or authorizer of all these mischiefs, Charles II. was removed by death. Then one would have thought the severity would have stopped: and the duke of York succeeding, in his late proclamation would make the world believe, that it never was his principle, nor will he ever suffer violence to be offered to any man's conscience, nor use force or invincible necessity against any man on the account of his persuasion: smooth words, to cover the mischiefs of his former destructions, and the wickedness of his future designs. To which his former celebrated saying, that it would never be well till all the south side of Forth were made a hunting field; and his acts and actings designed to verify it, since his unhappy succession, do give the lie. For immediately, upon his mounting the throne, the executions and acts, prosecuting the persecution of the poor wanderers, were more cruel than ever. 1. There were more butchered and slaughtered in the fields, without all shadow of law, or trial, or sentence, than all the former tyrant's reign; who were murdered without time given to deliberate upon death, or space to conclude their prayers, but either in the instant, when they were praying, shooting them to death, or surprizing them in their caves, and murdering them there, without any grant of prayer at all; yea many of them murdered without taking notice of any thing to be laid against them, according to the worst of their own laws, but slain and cut off without any pity, when they were found at their labour in the field, or travelling upon the road. And such as were prisoners, were condemned for refusing to take the oath of abjuration, and to own the authority, and surprized with their execution, not knowing certainly the time when it should be, yea left in suspense whether it should be or not, as if it had been on design to destroy both their souls and bodies. Yea Queensberry had the impudence to express his desire of it, when some went to solicit him, being then commissioner, for a reprieval in favours of some of them, he told them, they should not have time to prepare for heaven, hell was too good for them. 2. There have been more banished to foreign plantations in this man's time, than in the other's. Within these two years, several shipfuls of honest and conscientious sufferers have been sent to Jamaica, (to which before they were sent, some had their ears cut) New Jersey, and Barbadoes, in such crouds and numbers, that many have died in transportation; as many also died before in their pinching prisons, so thronged that they had neither room to ly nor sit. Particularly the barbarous usage of a great multitude of them that were sent to Dunotter castle, when there was no room for them in Edinburgh, is never to be forgotten; which the wildest and rudest of savages would have thought shame of. They were all that long way made to travel on foot, men and women, and some of both sexes, very infirm and decrepit through age; and several sick, guarded by bands of soldiers, and then put into an old ruinous and rusty house, and shut up under vaults above 80 in a room, men and women, without air, without ease, without place, either to ly or walk, and without any comfort save what they had from heaven, and so straitned for want of refreshment, which they could not have but at exorbitant prices inconsistent with their poor empty purses, and so suffocated with the smell of the place, and of their own excrements, that as several of them died; so it was a wonder of mercy that any of them could outlive that misery, yet there they remained some months, at a distance from all their friends, being sent thither to that northern corner out of the south and west borders of the country; and some out of London. Whose transportation hither, if it were not a part of this tragical story, would seem a merry and ridiculous passage to strangers, discovering the ridiculous folly as well as the outrageous fury of their persecutors. For at a private meeting in London, among others, some Scotsmen, of very mean figure, some taylors, a shoemaker, a chapman, &c. were taken, and being found to be Scotsmen, were not only examined at the common courts there, but by Sir Andrew Foster, by express commission from the late king a little before his death; who threatened them under a strange sort of certification, (considering what fell out immediately thereafter) that assuredly they should be sent to Scotland very shortly, if there were not a revolution of the government. But this revolution, following within a few days, retarded it a little: yet not long thereafter they were sent in a yacht, with a guard of soldiers, and a charge of high treason. But, when brought before the council of Scotland, the amount of all that bustle was, a question posed to them under pain of death, whether the king should be king or no? that is, whether they owned his authority or not. Yet though some of the poor men did own it, they were sent to Dunotter castle: and thence among the rest banished and transported to New Jersey; in which passage, by reason of their crude and bad provision, the most part in the ship were cast into a fever, and upwards of sixty died, yea even since the former proclamation for this pretended liberty, there are twenty-one men and five women sent to Barbadoes, against whom nothing could be alledged but matters of mere religion and conscience: which, as it proclaims the notoriousness of these impudent lies, wherewith the proclamations for this liberty are stuffed; so it puts an indelible brand of infamy upon some London merchants, that are said to pretend to some profession of religion, who sent the ship to transport them, thereby to make gain of the merchandise of the Lord's captives. 3. There have been more cruel acts of parliament enacted in this tyrant's time, than the former made all his reign. For in his first parliament held by Queensberry, commissioner, not only was there an act for making it treason to refuse the oath of abjuration, confirming all the illegalities of their procedure hereupon before; but an act making it criminal to own the covenant, and another act making it criminal for any to be present at a field-meeting, which was only so to preachers before. Yet neither these acts, and all the executions following upon them, have daunted, nor I hope shall drive them, nor the indemnity and toleration (so generally now applauded) draw them from the duty of owning both these, that are so much the more publicly to be avouched, that they are so openly interdicted by wicked and blasphemous tyranny, though for the same they expect from the Scottish inquisition all the murdering violence, that hell and Rome and malignant rage can exert. But to conclude this tragical deduction: as these hints we have heaped together of the kinds and several sorts (the particulars being impossible to be reckoned) of barbarities and arbitrary methods, used in carrying on this persecution, demonstrating the reign, or rather rage of these two dominators, under which we have howled these twenty-seven years, to be a complete and habitual tyranny, to discover the inhumanity and illegality of their proceedings, having no other precedent save that of the French conversions, or Spanish inquisition, out-done by many stages, in respect of illegality, by the Scottish inquisition, and the practices of the council of Scotland, and judiciary court; so I shall shut up all in a summary relation of the common practices and forms of procedure in these courts: which will be useful to understand a little more distinctly, to the end the innocency of sufferers may more clearly appear. 1. They can accuse whom they will, of what they please; and if by summar citation, he will not, may be, because he cannot, compear; if once his name be in their Porteons' rolls, that is sufficient to render him convict. 2. They used also to seize some, and shut them up in prison year and day, without any signification of the cause of their imprisonment. 3. They can pick any man off the street; and if he do not answer their captious questions, proceed against him to the utmost of severity; as they have taken some among the croud at executions, and imposed upon them the questions. 4. They can also go through all the houses of the city, as well as the prisons, and examine all families upon the questions of the council's catechism, upon the hazard of their life, if they do not answer to their satisfaction, as has been done in Edinburgh. 5. When any are brought in by seizures, sometimes (as is said before) they let them lie along without any hearing, if they expect they cannot reach them; but if they think they can win at them any way, then they hurry them in such haste, that they can have no time to deliberate upon, and oftentimes have no knowledge or conjecture of the matter of their prosecution: yea, if they be never so insignificant, they will take diversion from their weightiest affairs, to examine and take cognizance of poor things, if they understand they dare vent or avow any respect to the cause of Christ: and the silliest body will not escape their catechization about affairs of state, what they think of the authority, &c. 6. If they be kept in prison any space, they take all ways to pump and discover what can be brought in against them: yea, sometimes they have exactly observed that device of the Spanish inquisition, in suborning and sending spies among them, under the disguise and shew of prisoners, to search and find out their minds, who will outstrip all in an hypocritical zeal, thereby to extort and draw forth words from the most wary, which may be brought in judgment against them the next day. 7. When prisoners are brought in before them, they have neither libel nor accuser, but must answer concerning things that are to be enquired after, to all questions they are pleased to ask. 8. If at any time they form a sort of libel, they will not restrict themselves to the charges thereof, but examine the person about other things altogether extraneous to the libel. 9. They have frequently suborned witnesses, and have sustained them as witnesses, who either were sent out by themselves as spies and intelligencers, or who palpably were known to delate those against whom they witnessed, out of a pick and prejudice, and yet would not suffer them to be cast for partial counsel. 10. If they suppose a man to be wary and circumspect, and more prudent than forward in the testimony; then they multiply questions, and at first many impertinent interrogations, having no connexion with the cause, to try his humour and freedom, that they may know how to deal with him: and renew and reiterate several criminal examinations, that they may know whereof, and find matter wherein, to indict him, by endeavouring to confound, or intrap, or involve him in confessions or contradictions, by wresting his words. 11. They will admit no time for advice, nor any lawful defence for a delay, but will have them to answer presently, except they have some hopes of their compliance, and find them beginning to stagger and succumb in the testimony; in that case, when a man seeks time to advise, they are animated to a keenness to impose, and encouraged to an expectation of catching by their snares, which then they contrive and prepare with greater cunning. 12. If a man should answer all their questions, and clear himself of all things they can alledge against him, yet they used to impose some of the oaths, that they concluded he would not take; and according to the measure of the tenderness they discovered in any man, so they apportioned the oaths to trap them, to the stricter the smoother oaths, to the laxer, the more odious, that all natural consciences did fear at. 13. They will not only have their laws obeyed, but subscribed, and they reckon not their subjects obedience secured by the lawmaker's sanction, but the people's hand-writing; and think it not sufficient that people transgress no laws, but they must also own the justness of them, and the authority that enacts them, and swear to maintain it: and yet when some have done all this, and cleared themselves by all compliances, they will not discharge them, but under a bond to answer again when called. 14. They will have their laws to reach not only actions, but thoughts; and therefore they require what people think of the bishop's death, and of Bothwel insurrection; and whether they own the authority, when they can neither prpve their disowning of it, nor any way offending it. 15. They will have them to declare their thoughts, and hold them convict, if they do not answer positively all their captious questions; and if they will not tell what they think of this or that, then they must go as guilty. 16. If they insist in waving, and will not give categorical answers, then they can extort all, and prove what they please by torture: and when they have extorted their thoughts of things, though they be innocent as to all actions their law can charge them with, then they used to hang them when they had done. 17. They have wheedled men sometimes into confession either of practices or principles, by promising to favour their ingenuity, and upbraiding them for dissemblers if they would not, and by mock expostulations, why were they ashamed to give a testimony? and then make them sign their confessions at the council, to bring them in as a witness against them at the criminal court. 18. Yea, not only extrajudicial confession will sustain in their law: but when they have given the public faith, the king's security the act and oath of council, that their confession shall not militate against them, they have brought it in as witness against them, and given it upon oath, when their former oath and act was produced in open court, in demonstration of their perjury. 19. When the matter comes to an assize or cognizance of a jury, they use to pack them for their purpose, and pick out such as they listed, who they think will not be bloody enough. 20. Sometimes when the jury hath brought their verdict in favours of the pannel, they have made them sit down, and resume the cognition of the case again, and threatened them with an assize of error, if they did not bring him in guilty. 21. Yea, most frequently the king's advocate used to command them to condemn, and bring in the pannel guilty, under most peremptory certifications of punishment if they should not; so that they needed no juries, but only for the fashion. 22. Sometimes they have sentenced innocent persons twice, once to have their ears cut and be banished, and after the lopping of their ears, some have been re-examined, and sentenced to death, and execute. 23. They have sentenced some and hanged them both in one day; others early in the morning, both to surprize the persons that were to die, and to prevent spectators of the sight of their cruelty; others have been kept in suspence, till the very day and hour of their execution. 24. Not only have they murdered, serious and zealous followers of Christ in taking away their lives, but endeavoured to murder their names, and to murder the cause for which they suffered; loading it with all reproaches, as sedition, rebellion, &c. which was their peculiar policy, to bring the heads of sufferings to points that are most obnoxious to men's censure, and accounted most extrinsic to religion, whereby they levelled their designs against religion, not directly under that notion, but obliquely in the destruction of its professors, under the odium and reproach of enemies to government. 25. But chiefly they labour to murder the soul, defile the conscience, and only consult to cast a man down from his excellency, which is his integrity; that is a christian's crown, and that they would rather rob him of as any thing, either by hectoring or flattering him from the testimony: which they endeavour, by proposing many offers, with many threatnings in subtile terms; and pretend a great deal of tenderness, protesting they will be as tender of their blood as of their own soul (which in some sense is true, for they have none at all of their own souls) and purging themselves as Pilate did, and charging it upon their own heads. 26. They will be very easy in their accommodations, where they find the poor man beginning to faint, and hearken to their overtures, wherein they will grant him his life, yielding to him as cunning anglers do with fishes: and to persuade him to complying, they will offer conference sometimes or reasoning upon the point, to satisfy and inform his conscience, as they pretend, but really to catch him with their busked hook. 27. Sometimes they used to stage several together, whereof they knew some would comply, to tantalize the rest with the sight of the others liberty, and make them bite the more eagerly at their bait, to catch the conscience. But when they had done all they could, Christ had many witnesses, who did retain the crown of their testimony in the smallest points, till they obtained the crown of martyrdom, and attained boldly to them without fear or shame, and disdaining their flattering proposals, but looking on them under a right notion, as stated there in opposition to Christ; whereby they found this advantage, that hence they were restrained from all sinful tampering with them, or entertaining any discourse with them, but what was suitable to speak to Christ's enemies, or doing any thing to save their life, but what became Christ's witnesses, who loved not their lives unto the death. Of whom universally this was observed, that to the admiration of all, the conviction of many enemies, the confirmation of many friends, the establishment of the cause, and the glory of their Redeemer, they went off the stage with so much of the Lord's countenance, so much assurance of pardon and eternal peace, so much hope of the Lord's returning to revive his work, and plead his cause again in these lands, that never any suffered with more meekness humility and composure of spirit, and with more faithfulness, stedfastness and resolution, than these worthies did for these despised and reproached truths; for which their surviving brethren are now contending and suffering, while others are at ease. PART III. _The Present testimony stated and vindicated in its principal heads._ By what is above premitted, the reader may see the series and succession of the testimony of Christ's witnesses in Scotland from time to time, in all the periods of that church; how it hath been transmitted from one generation to another down to our hands; how far it hath been extended, and what increasements it hath received in every period; how it hath been opposed by a continued prosecution of an hereditary war against Christ, by an atheistical, papistical, prelatical, and tyrannical faction; and how it hath been concerted, contended for, maintained, and sealed actively and passively, by an anti-pagan, anti-popish, anti-prelatical, anti-erastian, anti-sectarian, and anti-tyrannical remnant of the followers, professors, confessors, and martyrs of Christ in all ages. Now it remains in the third and last place, to consider the merit of the cause as it is now stated, to see whether it will bear the weight of those great sufferings wherewith it hath been sealed. I hope all the lovers of Christ, who have an esteem even of his reproaches above all the treasures of Egypt, will grant, that if these sufferings be stated on the least or lowest of the truths of Christ, then they are not mistated, nor built upon a bottom that will not bear them, or is not of that worth to sustain them. For certainly every truth, the least of truths, is of greater value than any thing that we can suffer the loss of for it; yea, of infinitely greater value, than the whole world. So that if I prove these heads of suffering to be truths wherein conscience is concerned, the cause will be sufficiently vindicated from the loadings and lashings of such as prefer peace to truth, and ease to duty, who to justify their own backwardness and detestable lukewarmness, call some of them only state questions about things civil, and not gospel truths and heads to state suffering upon: and if they be truths and duties, the cause will some way be rendered more illustrious, that it is stated upon the smallest hoofs and hair-breadths of the concerns of Christ's declarative glory; as being a greater witness of its owners love and loyalty to Christ, and of their pure and tender zeal for his honour, than if for more substantial and fundamental truths, which a natural conscience may reclaim to decline, when for the meanest circumstantials of Christ's truths they dare and are ambitious to bestow their dearest blood. But if the complex of them be impartially considered, no unprejudiced arbiter will suffer himself to have such extenuating impressions of the present word of patience, and testimony of the suffering remnant in Scotland this day: but it will appear to be a very weighty and worthy concern, as any that either men or Christians can be called to witness for; being the privilege of all mankind, the duty of all Christians, and the dignity of all churches, to assert; it is for the glory and crown prerogatives and imperial regalia of the King of kings, with reference to his visible kingdom, of which the government is laid upon his shoulders, against the heaven daring usurpations and encroachments made thereupon, both as he is Mediator, and King, and Head of the church, and as he is God and universal King of the world. As he is Mediator, it is his peculiar prerogative to have a supremacy and sole sovereignty over his own kingdom, to institute his own government, to constitute his own laws, to ordain his own officers, to appoint his own ordinances, which he will have observed without alteration, addition, or diminution, until his second coming: this his prerogative hath been, and is invaded by erastian prelacy, sacrilegious supremacy, and now by antichristian popery, which have overturned his government, inverted his laws, subverted his officers, and perverted his ordinances. As he is God and universal King, it is his incommunicable property and glory, not only to have absolute and illimited power, but to invest his deputed ministers of justice with his authority and ordinance of magistracy, to be administred in subordination to him, to be regulated by his laws, and to be improved for his glory, and the good of mankind; this glory of his, hath been invaded by tyrants and usurpers arrogating to themselves an absolute power, intruding themselves without his investment into authority, in a rebellion against him, in opposition to his laws, and abusing it to his dishonour, and the destruction of mankind. Against both which encroachments the present testimony is stated, in a witness for religion and liberty, to both which these are destructive. This will appear to be the result and tendency of the testimony in all its parts, opposed by the enemies of religion and liberty, and the end of all their opposition, to bring it to this crinomenon, who shall be king? Jesus or Cæsar? Let any seriously search into all their proclamations and edicts against religion and liberty, this will be found to be the soul and sense of them, practically and really speaking to this purpose, especially since this man came to the throne. '_J. R._ 'James the VII. II. by the V. of G. king of Scotland, England, France, and Ireland, defender of the antichristian faith: To all and sundry our good subjects, whom these presents do, or may concern: greeting. We having taken into our royal consideration, the many and great inconveniencies which have happened in that our ancient kingdom of Scotland, especially of late years, through the persuasions of the christian religion, and the great heats and animosities, betwixt the professors thereof, and our good and faithful subjects, whose faith and religion is subject and subservient to our royal will (the supreme law, and reason, and public conscience) to the disappointment of our projects, restraint of our pleasures, and contempt of the royal power, converting true loyalty and absolute subjection, into words and names (which we care not for) of religion and liberty, conscience and the word of God, thereby withdrawing some to the christian faction, from an absolute and implicit subjection to us and our will, as if there were a superior law to which they might appeal; and considering that these rebellious christians do never cease to assert and maintain strange paradoxes, such principles as are inconsistent with the glory and interest of our government, as that the authority of kings should be hemmed in with limits, and that their acts and actions are to be examined by another rule than their own authority to make them lawful, that some things in the kingdom are not subject to the king's authority, that there is a kingdom within a kingdom not subordinate to the king, and that there is another King superior to the supreme whom they will rather obey than us, and that we must either take laws from him, or otherwise we are no magistrates; and considering also their practices are conform to their principles, they will not obey our laws, but the laws of another inconsistent with ours, and will calculate their religion according to his laws, and not according to ours, and continually make their addresses to, and receive ambassadors from a prince whom we know not, whom our predecessors, of truly worthy memory, did crucify, one Jesus who was dead, whom they affirm to be alive, whose government they alledge is supreme over all kings, whom they acknowledge but as his vassals: being now by favourable fortune, not only brought to the imperial crown of these kingdoms through the greatest difficulties, but preserved upon the throne of our royal ancestors, which from our great founder Nimrod of glorious memory, and our illustrious predecessors Pharaoh, Nebuchadnezzar, Herod the great, Nero, Caligula, &c. of blessed and pious memory, hath been ever opposite to, and projecting the destruction of that kingdom of Christ, do, after their laudable example, resolve to suppress that kingdom by all the means and might we can use, because his government is hateful to us, his yoke heavy, his sayings are hard, his laws are contrary to our lusts; therefore we will not let this man reign over us, we will break his bonds, and cast away his cords from us; and advance and exercise our sovereign authority, prerogative royal, and absolute power, which all our subjects are to obey without reserve. 'And as by virtue of our supremacy, whereby we are above all, but such as we are pleased to subject ourselves to, settled by law, and lineally derived to us as an inherent right to the crown, we have power to order all matters of church as well as state, as we in our royal wisdom shall think fit, all laws and acts of Christ to the contrary notwithstanding; and accordingly in our royal wisdom have overturned the platform of that government which Christ hath instituted, razed all courts fenced in his name, and severely interdicted all meetings of his subjects, and entertainment of his ambassadors: many of whom, in contempt of him that sent them, we have punished according to law, for negotiating his affairs in our kingdoms without our pleasure, and requiring allegiance and obedience to him, after we had exauctorated him; we have also established our right trusty, and well beloved clerks in ecclestiastic affairs, and their underlings, by our authority to have the administration of the business of religion and impowered our right trusty and well beloved cousins and counsellors, to compel all to submit to them, by finings, confinings, imprisonment, banishment, oaths, and bonds, and all legal means: so now having prosecuted this war against Christ to this length, that we have no fears of a rally of his forces again so often beaten, we are now engaged with other antichristian princes to give our power to our holy father antichrist, so far as may serve his purpose to oppose Christ in his way; but we reserve so much to ourselves, as may encroach upon him in our capacity. And therefore we have thought fit to restore to antichrist our ecclesiastical supremacy, from whom we borrowed it, and for which we have no use at present: but we resolve to maintain and prosecute our sovereign authority, prerogative royal, and absolute power foresaid, against Christ, and without subordination to him, from whom, as we sought none, so we received no power by his warrant and grant, and against whom we mind to manage it to the uttermost of our power. Yet reflecting upon the conduct of the four last reigns, how, after all the frequent and pressing endeavours that were used in each of them, to reduce our kingdoms to antichrist, the subjects of Christ were so stubborn, that the success hath not answered the design: we must now change our methods a little, and tolerate that profession of Christ which we cannot yet get overturned, his subjects being so numerous, but always upon these terms, that they take a special care that nothing be preached or taught among them, which may be a testimony for Christ's prerogatives, in opposition to our usurpation, or may any way tend to alienate the hearts of our people from us, or our government, or preach his truths which we have condemned as seditious and treasonable, under the highest pains these crimes will import. Hereby we shall establish our government on such a foundation, on the ruin of Christ's, as may make our subjects happy, and unite them to us by inclination as well as duty, in a belief that we will not restrain conscience in matters of mere religion: for which we have a dispensation from our holy father, and also from our own absoluteness, to be slaves to this promise no longer than consists with our own interest; and which we have power to interpret as we please: and would have all to understand, that no testimony for Christ's supremacy against our encroachments thereupon, shall be comprehended under these matters of mere religion, for which the conscience shall not be constrained: but we will have the consciences of such subjects of his, that dare assert it, brought to a test and probation how they stand affected in this competition betwixt us and this King Jesus, and see whether they will own or decline our authority, because not of him, nor for him, nor to him, but against him and all his interests. Our will is therefore, that all who will countenance any other meetings of his subjects than we have allowed, or connive at them, shall be prosecuted according to the utmost severity of our laws made against them, which we leave in full force and vigour, notwithstanding of all the premises. And for this effect, we further command all our judges, magistrates, and officers of our forces, to prosecute all these subjects and followers of Christ, who shall be guilty of treating with, or paying homage to that exauctorated king of theirs, in their assemblies with his ambassadors in the fields with the utmost rigour, as they would avoid our highest displeasure: for we are confident none will, after these liberties and freedom we have given to all without reserve, to serve God publicly, in such a way, as we, by our sovereign authority, prerogative royal, and absolute power aforesaid, have prescribed and allowed, presume to meet in these assemblies, except such whose loyalty to Christ doth alienate them from us and our government. As also, under the same certifications, by the same sovereign authority, and prerogative royal, and absolute power foresaid, we charge, impower, warrant, and authorize, against all hazards (hell excepted) all our foresaid judges and officers, in their respective places, to prosecute and execute our laws, against all that may be suspected or convicted of their adherence to Christ, or be found guilty of owning their allegiance to him as their liege Lord, by solemn covenant, which we have caused burn by the hand of the hangman, and declared criminal to own it, or shall be found guilty of declining allegiance to us and our absolute authority, stated in opposition to him and his, or of maintaining that pernicious principle, inconsistent with our government, that their lives are their own, which they will preserve without surrender to our mercy: all which we command to be executed to death, or banished as slaves, as shall be found most conducible to our interest. And to the end, the few that remain of that way may be totally exterminated, we straitly command all our soldiers, horse and foot, to be ready upon order, to march and make search, pursue and follow, seize and apprehend, kill and slay, and cause to perish, all such, whether they shall be found at meetings, or in their wanderings, wherever they may be apprehended: and ordain all our good subjects to be assistant to these our forces, in prosecuting this war against Christ and his followers, and contribute their best help and encouragement, in giving them their required maintenance, and duly paying cess and locality imposed for that end; and that they shall not dare to countenance, converse with, refer, harbour, supply, or keep any manner of correspondence with any of these traitors that adhere to Christ, under the pain of being found art and part with them, and obnoxious to the same punishments to which they are liable; but on the contrary, to assist our forces to apprehend, and raise the hue and cry after them wherever they shall be seen, that they may be forthwith pursued, seized, cut off, and destroyed, which we order to be instantly done upon the place, where they or any of them are apprehended, and that without any delay or mercy to age or sex,' &c. On the other hand, if any will take a look of the declarations and testimonies of the other party without prejudice or stumbling at some expressions, which may be offensive to critics, he will find the scope and strain of them to have this importance. 'We, a poor company of persecuted, reproached, and despised Christians; who indeed have not many wise men among us after the flesh, not many mighty, not many noble, but are a few foolish, weak, base, and despised nothings in the world; yet having this ambition to be his called chosen; and faithful soldiers, who is King of glory, King of heaven, King of saints, King of nations, King of kings, whose kingdom is everlasting and universal; considering the many insolent indignities, affronts, and reproaches cast upon his name and glory, and the many usurpations, encroachments, and invasions made upon his crown and dignity, by a pestilent generation of his atheistical, papistical, prelatical, and tyrannical enemies, who have rebelled against him, and have renounced, corrupted, and subverted his royal government, both in the church and in the world, both in his kingdom of grace and of power: do bear witness and testimony against these rebels, from the highest to the lowest: and assert the interest and title of our princely Master, and own allegiance and absolute obedience to him and his government, to which he hath undoubted right; an essential right by his eternal Godhead, being the everlasting Father, whose goings forth have been of old from everlasting; a covenant-right by compact with the Father, to bear the glory and rule upon his throne, by virtue of the council of peace between them both; a donative right by the Father's right of delegation, by which he hath all power given to him in heaven and in earth, and all authority, even because he is the Son of man; an institute right by the Father's inauguration, which hath set him as King in Zion; an acquisite right by his own purchase, by which he hath merited and obtained not only subjects to govern, but the glory of the sole sovereignty over them in that relation, a name above every name; a bellical right by conquest, making the people fall under him, and be willing in the day of his power, and overcoming those that make war with him; an hereditary right by proximity of blood and primogeniture, being the first born, higher than the kings of the earth, and the first born from the dead, that in all things he might have the pre-eminence; an electing right by his people's choice and surrender, a crown wherewith his mother crowned him in the day of his espousals. In a humble recognizance of all which rights, we own and avouch, that he hath that incommunicable prerogative of sole sovereignty over his visible kingdom, as well as invisible, without a co-partner or competitor, either co-ordinate or subordinate; in prescribing laws, by no human authority to be reversed; in appointing ordinances immutable, without addition or diminution, for matter or manner; instituting a government, which no man or angel can, without blasphemy, arrogate a power either to invert or evert, change or overturn; and constituting officers, which must depend only on his authority, and his alone; and must be cloathed only with his commission, and his alone; guided by his instructions, and his alone; acting according to his laws and prescribed platform, and his alone; without any dependence on, subordination to, licence, warrant or indulgence from any mortal. And therefore we disown and detest every thing that hath not the stamp of his authority, either in doctrine, worship, discipline or government: and will discountenance prelacy, supremacy, popery, and all corruption contrary to his institution, who is sole and supreme lawgiver to the conscience, and will submit to, or comply with nothing that may directly or indirectly signify our respect unto them. Hence we will take none of their oaths, subscribe none of their bonds, yield to none of their impositions, pay none of their exactions; neither will we hear or receive ordinances from any minister, but the faithful authorized ambassadors of Christ our king, whatever either rage or reproach we suffer for it. We assert and affirm also, that our exalted Prince is King of the whole world, by whom kings reign, and princes decree justice, as his ministers of justice, in subordination to him; whom he hath hath appointed to rule over us, with just boundaries, that they may not exceed, and true characters, by which we should know them and pay them deference. And therefore, whosoever shall arrogate to themselves, and extend their power beyond and above his prescripts, being neither called to, nor qualified for, nor improving the office for the ends he hath appointed; we will acknowledge them no otherwise than usurping tyrants, and not magistrates nor ministers of justice, to whom he hath given the sword by his perceptive will; only as lions, bears, wolves, to whom he hath given a rod by his providential will; in that case we may be passively subject, when we cannot do better; but will never own conscientious allegiance to them, nor own them as our lawful magistrates; and therefore we will not bow down to their idols they have set up, nor prostitute either conscience or liberty to their lust, but will endeavour, under our Master's banner and conduct, to preserve whatever he hath intrusted to us religion, life, liberty, estate, and whatsoever the Lord our God hath given us to possess, as they unjustly possess what their god gives them; and will maintain a war of constant opposition to them (against whom our Lord hath declared a war for ever) without parley, treaty of peace, capitulation, composition, truce, or any transaction; we will neither meddle nor make with them, less or more, nor seek their favour, nor embrace it when it is offered, on any terms that may imply any obligation to surcease from our duty to our King, and irreconcileable opposition to them,' &c. Now I shall come more distinctly to the purpose, in offering a short vindication of the heads and grounds of our great sufferings, dividing them into their principal parts, which I reduce to two, to wit, negatives and positives. The negative grounds I reckon three principally. 1. For refusing to acknowledge a corrupt ministry. 2. For refusing to own a tyrannical magistracy. 3. For refusing to swear and subscribe their unlawful imposed oaths, chiefly that of abjuration, which was the occasion of suffering unto death. The positive grounds are also three. 1. For frequenting field-meetings, to receive gospel ordinances from faithful ministers. 2. For maintaining the principle and practice of defensive resistance of superior powers. 3. For maintaining the privilege and duty of offensive revenge, in executing justice upon murdering enemies of mankind, in cases of extreme necessity, in prosecuting which, I shall intertex some subordinate questions relating to their respective heads, and endeavour to discuss them briefly. HEAD I. _Where the sufferings of many, for refusing to acknowledge a corrupt ministry, are vindicated; and the question of hearing curates is cleared._ This question, though it may seem nice, and of no great moment, to persons of Gallio's or Laodicea's temper, indifferent and lukewarm dispositions, consulting their own more than the things of Christ, which make it pass without any enquiry with the most part of the world; yet, to all who are truly tender in keeping a good conscience, free of the times contagion, to all who have the true impression of the fear of God, who is jealous, especially in the matters of his worship; to all who have the true zeal of God eating them up, in a just indignation at the indignities done to him, in usurping the office and corrupting the administration of the ministry; to all who truly love the gospel, and put a due value on the ordinances of Christ, the corruptions whereof this question touches, it will be accounted of great importance. There are three questions about the duty of hearing the word, concerning which the Lord Jesus gives us very weighty cautions, to wit, what we should hear, Mark iv. 24. how we should hear, Luke viii. 28. and whom we should hear. The last of which, though it be not so expressly stated as the other two, yet the searcher of the scriptures will find it as clearly determined, and as many cautions to guard from erring in it, as in any other case, and that the concern of conscience in it is very weighty. And certain it is, if there had been more advertency in this point, there would not have been such inconsideration and licentiousness in the matter and manner of hearing. Nor would that itching humour and luxuriancy of lust, in heaping up teachers to please the fancy, have been so much encouraged, to the great detriment of the church, disgrace of the gospel, and destruction of many poor souls. But through the ignorance and neglect of this duty of trying whom we should hear, by seeking some satisfying evidence of their being cloathed with authority from Christ, the world hath been left loose in a licence to hear what they pleased, and so have received the poison of error from the mountebanks, instead of the true and wholesome potions of Christ's prescripts from them that had power and skill to administer them. Hence the many sects, and schisms, and errors that have pestered the church in all ages, have in a great measure proceeded from this latitude and laxness of promiscuous hearing of all whom they pleased, whom either the world's authority impowered, or by other means were possessed of the place of preaching, without taking any cognizance whether they had the characters of Christ's ambassadors or not. If this had been observed, and people had scrupled and refused to hear these whom they might know should not have preached; neither the great antichrist, nor the many lesser antichrists, would have had such footing in the world as they have this day. It is then of no small consequence to have this question cleared. Neither is it of small difficulty to solve the intricacies of it, what characters to fix for a discovery of Christ's true ministers; whom we should submit to and obey in the Lord, and love and esteem them for their work's sake, and for their qualities sake, as standing in Christ's stead, having the dispensation of the word of reconciliation committed to them; and how we may discern those characters; what judgment is incumbent to private Christians, for the satisfaction of their own consciences in the case; and how they ought to demean themselves in their practice, without scandal on either hand, or sin against their own conscience; how to avoid the rocks and extremes that inadvertency or precipitancy in this matter may rush upon; so as to escape and sail by the Scylla of sinful separation on the one hand, and the Charybdis of sinful union and communion on the other, which are equally dangerous; especially how these cautions are to be managed in a broken, and disturbed, and divided case of the church. The question also is the more difficult, that as it was never so much questioned before this time, and never so much sought to be obscured, by the perverse disputings of men of corrupt minds, to find out evasions to cover sin and escape sufferings upon this account; so it hath never been discussed by divines either at home or abroad, with relation to our case, except what hath been of late by some faithful men, who have suffered upon this head, from whom I shall gather the most of my arguments, in as compendious a way as I can without wronging them. The reason, I fancy, that we are at such a loss in our helps from the learned on this head, is partly, that they have written with relation to their own times, in a constitute case of the church, when corruptions and disorders might be orderly rectified, and people might have access to get their scruples removed in a legal way by church-order, in which case the learned and judicious Mr. Durham hath written excellently in his book on scandal; but therein neither he nor others did consult, nor could have a prospect of such a case as ours is; and partly, that foreign divines, not having this for their exercise, could not be acquainted with our circumstantiate case, and so are not fit nor competent arbiters to decide this controversy; hence many of them do wonder at our sufferings upon this head. Every church is best acquainted with her own testimony. Yet we want not the suffrage of some of the most learned of them, as the great Gisb. Voetius in his polit. eccles. in several places comes near to favour us: where he allows people to leave some, and hear such ministers as they profit most by, from these grounds, 'That people should choose the best and most edifying gifts, and from that scripture, 1 Thess. v. 21. Prove all things, &c. and answers objections to the contrary, and granteth, that, upon several occasions, one may abstain from explicit communion with a corrupt church, for these reasons, that such communion is not absolutely necessary, by necessity either of the mean or precept, where the Christian shall have more peace of conscience, and free exercise of Christian duties elsewhere, and that he may keep communion with more purity in other places, polit. eccles. quest. 17. pag. 68. And he approves of the people refusing to bring their children to be baptized by such corrupt ministers, because they may wait until they have occasion of a minister; for if the best gifts be to be coveted, why should not the best ministers be preferred? and why should not Christians shew by their deeds, that they honour such as fear the Lord, and contemn a vile person? They ought not to partake of other men's sins, 1 Cor. v. 9, 11. Eph. v. 11. They should not strengthen the hands of the wicked, and make sad the godly; the authority of such ministers should not be strengthened,' Voet. polit. eccles. pag. 637 to 640. But though it labour under all these disadvantages; yet it is not the less, but so much the rather necessary, to say somewhat to clear it, with dependence upon light from the fountain, and with the help of faithful men who have sufficiently cleared it up, to all that have a conscience not blinded nor bribed with some prejudices, by which more light hath accrued to the church in this point of withdrawing from corrupt ministers than ever was attained in former times; which is all the good we have got of prelacy. Insomuch that I might spare labour in adding any thing, were it not that I would make the arguments, vindicating this cause of suffering, a little more public, and take occasion to shew, that the grounds espoused by the present and reproached party for their withdrawings, so far as they are stretched, are no other than have been owned by our writers on this head; to the intent that it may appear, there is no discrepancy, but great likeness and harmony between the arguments and grounds of withdrawing, in the late informatory vindication, &c. and those that are found in other writings. And so much the rather I think it needful to touch this subject now, that not only this hath been the first ground of our sufferings, but many that suffered a while for it, now have fainted, and condemned all their former contendings for this part of the testimony, calling in question all these reasons that formerly satisfied them. But to proceed with some distinctness in this thorny point: some concessory assertions must first be permitted, and then our grounds propounded. First, I willingly yield to, and cordially close with the truth of these assertions. I. The unity of the spirit, in the bond of peace, ought to be the endeavour of all that are members of the one body of Christ, partakers of his one Spirit, called in one hope, professing one Lord, confessing one faith, sealed with one baptism, Eph. iv. 3. &c. and for brethren to dwell together in unity, is good and pleasant, and like the precious ointment upon the head, that ran down upon Aaron's beard, Psal. cxxxiii. 1, 2. A fragrant ointment indeed, if it be composed aright of gospel simples, according to divine art, and the wisdom that is from above, which is pure, and then peaceable: and not made up of adulterate politics: that union that hath the Spirit for its author, the scripture for its rule, peace for its bond and beauty, love for its cement, faith for its foment, Christ for its foundation, and truth and holiness for its constant companions, cannot but be intensely desired, enixly endeavoured, and fervently followed by all the professors of the gospel of peace, and subjects of the Prince of peace: which makes division and schism, not only a great misery, but a grand sin. But it must be in the way of truth and duty, and consistent with holiness and the honour of Christ, otherwise if it be in the way of apostasy and defection, it is but a confederacy and conspiracy against the Lord. And true union can neither be attained, nor retained, nor recovered, except the sinful cause of division, defection, and the holy over-ruling cause, the anger of the Lord be removed, in turning to and following him. II. Though there be not perfect union, but diversity both of judgments and practices, in several cases there may be communion with a church in its ordinances and ministry. As, 1. We may have a catholic communion with all christian ministers and members of the catholic church, considered as such; holding the head Christ, and the fountain sure. And so we may meet for worship with all devout men in every nation under heaven, whether they be Parthians, or Medes, or Elamites, or French or Dutch, &c. though differing in controversies of lesser moment, not overturning that; if they hold the universal testimony of the gospel, against the common enemies thereof, Jews, Turks, or Pagans: for there is neither Greek nor Jew, if he be a christian, Christ is all and in all, Col. iii. 11. But if they be heretics, we can have no communion with them. 2. We may have a more special communion with all protestant ministers and members of the reformed church, considered as such, more strictly, and upon stricter conditions: providing they hold, not only the universal of christians, but the general testimony of protestants, against the greater and lesser antichrists; though differing from us in some circumstantial points, not reformed, and not contradictory unto the protestant testimony against popery, and all heresy; nor declining from their own reformation, by defection or schism. And consequently, it is lawful to own communion with the churches of the united provinces, and take ordination from them, though they have some forms not allowable, from which they were never reformed, because they are sound in the protestant testimony. But with the sectarians, or schismatics, or apostates among them, we cannot own that special communion. 3. We may have a more particular communion upon yet stricter conditions with all our covenanted brethren, ministers and members of the churches of Britain and Ireland, considered as such: providing they hold, not only the universal, not only the more special, protestant testimony against the greater and lesser antichrists, but the covenanted testimony for the reformation in doctrine, worship, discipline, and government, against popery, prelacy, superstition, heresy, schism, and profaneness, according to the covenant; though differing from us in those controversial points, never reformed, and which were never the word of Christ's patience, and do not overturn the covenanted testimony. But with those that contradict and counteract that, we own that particular communion. 4. We may have yet a nearer organical communion, upon stricter conditions still with all the ministers and members of the national church of Scotland constitute and confederate under one reformed government, according to the rule of Christ: providing they hold, not only all the former testimonies under the foresaid considerations, but the presbyterian testimony as stated in the ecclesiastical constitution, and sworn to in the national covenants and engagements of that church, founded upon the word of God, against popery, prelacy, erastianism, sectarianism, toleration, schism and defection; though differing in some things from us, never reformed, never considered in ecclesiastical judicatories, never engaged against in our covenants, never stated as the word of patience and matter of testimony. But with those that oppose, suppress, reproach, and abandon this testimony, we cannot own this organical communion, in this broken state of the church. We may have yet a stricter congregational communion, upon stricter conditions, in and with the ordinary or extraordinary meetings or societies of the Lord's people for gospel ordinances, with any minister or ministers, duly and truly admitted to that function, according to Christ's appointment, and the call of the people, whether in a fixed or unfixed relation; providing he holds the testimony of Christ, under all the considerations, and owns and adheres unto the true received principles of the church of Scotland, in doctrine, worship, discipline and government, founded upon the written word of God, and whatsoever declarations or testimonies, former or latter, particular or more general, are agreeable thereunto; though differing from us in some of the integral and not essential parts of our testimony against the enemies of our covenanted reformation. But with such as deny or decline from it, by schism or defection, or compliance with the enemies thereof, we cannot own this congregational communion, in this broken state of the church. III. Though there be many things in a church, to brangle and lessen the comfort of our communion with it, and the ministry thereof; yet we may keep fellowship with a true church, though in many things faulty and corrupt, as all churches are, in some measure, in this militant state. As the church of Corinth had many corruptions in their practice, yet no separation is enjoined from it. And the Lord did not require separation from the churches of Pergamos and Thyatira; though they had many corruptions and deficiences in discipline, in a toleration of heretics; and would lay no other burden upon them, but to hold fast what they had: as Mr. Durham shews in his Commentary on the Revelation, chap. 2. lect. 6. page 148, 149. as also chap. 18. lect. 1. page 585. in 4to. This must be granted especially in these cases, 1. In the infant state of the church, when the reformation is only begun: then many things may be tolerated, before they be gradually reformed, which, in an adult state, are not to be suffered. 2. In a growing case of the church, advancing out of corruptions, then many things may be borne with, while they are ascending and wrestling up the hill, which in a declining state, when the church is going backward, must not be yielded unto. See that objection of hearing prelatical men in the time of former prelacy, answered above, Period 4. In a constitute and settled case of the church, enjoying her privileges and judicatories, corruptions may be forborn, and the offended are not to withdraw, before recourse to the judicatories for an orderly redress; but in a broken and disturbed state, when there is no access to these courts of Christ; then people, though they must not usurp a power of judicial censuring these corruptions, yet they may claim and exercise a discretive power over their own practice; and by their withdrawing from such ministers as are guilty of them, signify their sense of the moral equity of these censures that have been legally enacted against these and the equivalent corruptions, and when they should be legally inflicted. As we do upon this ground withdraw from the prelatic curates, and likewise from some of our covenanted brethren, upon the account of their being chargeable with such corruptions and defections from our reformation, as we cannot but shew our dislike of. This the reverend author of Rectius Instruendum justifies, Confut. 3. Dial. chap. 10. p. 8. where he is shewing what separation is not sinful; and gives this for one, If we separate in that, which a national church hath commanded us as her members to disown, by her standing acts and authority, while those from whom we separate own that corruption. Which holds true of the curates, and indulged and addressers, and all that we withdraw from. However it be, certainly those are to be withdrawn from, with whom we cannot communicate without submitting to the laws establishing them, and taking on that test and badge of our incorporation with them, and partaking of their sin, and in hazard of their judgment. IV. Though in some cases, as we are warranted, so are necessitated to withdraw: yet neither do we allow it upon slight or slender grounds, nor can any tender soul be forced to discountenance the ministers of Christ, (I do not here speak of the prelatical curates), without great reluctancy and grief of heart, even when the grounds of it are solid and valid, and the necessity unavoidable; therefore we reject these as insufficient grounds. Besides what are given already, 1. We cannot withdraw from a minister, for his infirmities or weakness, natural, spiritual, or moral. 2. Neither for personal faults and escapes: we expect a faithful, but not a sinless ministry. 3. Nor for every defect in faithfulness, through ignorance, want of courage, misinformation, or being biassed with affection for particular persons. We do not hold, that faults in members or defects in ministers, do pollute the ordinances, and so necessitate a separation; but agree with what Mr. Durham says on Revelations, chap. 2. lect. 6. p. 147. in quarto. Sincerity discovered will cover many faults. 4. Nor for every discovery of hypocrisy; though we may have ground to suspect a man's principle and motive be not right, yet if he be following duty unblameably, and have a lawful call, what then! "notwithstanding every way, whether in pretence or in truth, Christ is preached, therein we may rejoice," Phil. i. 18. 5. Nor yet for real scandals, not attended with obstinacy, if ministers will take reproof and admonition, and at least by doctrinal confessing, and practical forsaking them, satisfy the offended. 6. Yea, though his scandals be so gross, that we must discountenance him, when he persists in them: yet that is not a disowning of his ministry, or a rejecting his commission, but a discountenancing for his disorders, until they be removed. But the Apologet. Relat. sect. 14. p. 290, 291. says, (1.) 'There may be ministerial corruptions, that cut the very throat of the office, and make one no officer,----and it is past questioning, such may be shunned, without all hazard of separation. (2.) When personal faults are very gross and palpable, open and avowed, such may be shunned without any hazard of separation; because the man's being an officer, before God, is much to be questioned; and there is great probability, that by the very deed itself, he had forefaulted the same, though such should be the corruption in a church, that notwithstanding of all this he may be maintained. (3.) Separation is one thing, and not hearing such or such a man is a far other thing: there may be many just grounds of exception against a particular person, why people may refuse to countenance him, without any hazard of separation, or joining with separatists in their principles: separation is one thing, and refusing to attend the ministry of such a man is another thing; for a man may join with ordinances in another congregation, and so testify that he hath no prejudice at the ministry, but only against such a man in particular.' Whence it is an ignorant as well as malicious calumny, to say, that our withdrawing from the curates, and also from some ministers, whom otherwise we respect and reverence as godly ministers, for their offensive defections, is a disowning all the ministry of Scotland. Whereas, we do profess indeed a disowning of the curate's ministry, but for our reverend presbyterian ministers, though we do discountenance many of them with sad hearts, for not keeping the word of the Lord's patience in this hour of tentation, nor adhering to the principles and constitutions of the church of Scotland: yet this is not a disowning of their ministry, but a refusing to countenance them in their present administrations, in this disturbed state, till these offences be removed. V. As to disown the ministry were hateful sectarianism; so to dissolve or break off communion with a true church, whereof we are members, were an unnatural schism, which is horrid sin. But because among all the various sufferings, wherewith the poor tossed and racked remnant now persecuted, have been exercised, this hath not been the lightest; that they have been on all hands stigmatized as schismatics and separatists, not only because they have maintained a resolved withdrawing from the curates, but also have discountenanced many presbyterian ministers, with whom they have been offended for their declining courses, and compliances with the times corruptions, and forsaking in a great measure the duty of this day: I shall distinguish some cases of separation, out of the writings of our approven authors, which will justify all their withdrawings. 1. Mr. Durham distinguishes these three, schism separating from the unity and communion of a true church, consisting not always in diversity of doctrine, but in divided practices, according to that of Augustine, it is not a different faith makes schismatics, but a broken society of communion: then separation, either in whole from a church as no church, or in part in some things wherein they cannot communicate with that corrupt church, which is lawful if it exceed not its ground; then, lastly, secession, a local removing to a better church. The first of these cannot be imputed to the persecuted wanderers: for they separate from no true church, whereof they were members, but these from whom they separate, will be found to be the schismatics. 2. The second of these, to wit separation, is either positive and active, or negative and passive. The first is, when a party not only leaves communion with a church whereunto they were formerly joined, but also gathers up new distinct churches, different from the former, under another government and ministry, and ordinances, disowning those they left. The latter is, when the faithful remnant of a declining church, standing still and refusing to concur with the backsliding part of the same church, after they have become obstinate in their defections, hold closely by, and adheres unto the reformation attained. This famous Mr. Rutherford, in his due right of presbyteries, p. 253, 254. sheweth to be lawful, and calleth it a non-union, as that in Augustine's time, when the faithful did separate from the Donatists; which is lawful and laudable. 3. 'Mr. Rutherford there proceeds to distinguish between a separation from the church in her worst and most part, and a separation from the best and least part: and these who separate from the worst and greatest part, do notwithstanding retain a part of, and a part in the visible church, because they do not separate from the church, according to the least and best part thereof; as the godly in England, who refused the popish ceremonies and antichristian bishops. Hence it will follow, that though people should now withdraw from communion with the greatest part of the church, which is now corrupted, they cannot be counted separatists, because they hold full communion with the better, though lesser part. Moreover he saith, p. 254, 255. That there may be causes of non-union with a church which are not sufficient causes of separation. Lastly, he tells us in the same place, p. 258. when the greatest part of a church makes defection from the truth, the lesser part remaining sound, the greatest part is the church of separatists; though the manyest and greatest part in the actual exercise of discipline be the church, yet in the case of right discipline the best, though fewest, is the church. For truth is like life, that retireth from the manyest members unto the heart, and there remaineth in its fountain in case of dangers. So that it is the major part which hath made defection, that are to be accounted separatists, and not such who stand to their principles, though they cannot comply or join with the corrupt majority.' Thus the Apol. Relat. rehearsed his words, sect. 14. pag. 292. 293. 4. There may be a lawful withdrawing, where the ordinances and ministry are not cast at, as the Apol. Rel. saith ibid. 291. 'So then, so long as people do not cast at the ordinances, but are willing to run many miles to enjoy them: nor cast at the church as no church (thought they sadly fear, that God shall be provoked by this dreadful defection, which is carried on by these men and their favourers, to give her a bill of divorce) nor at the ministry, for they love those that stand to their principles dearly, and are most willing to hear them either in public or private. 5. It is granted by all that write against separatists, that separation from a church is lawful, when the case so falleth out, that union cannot be kept up with her without sin,' Voet. Polit. Eccles. p. 68. quest. 17. 6. The grave author of Rectius Instruendum Confut. 3 dial. chap. pag. 7. &c. 'Allows, every separation is not schism, even from the church which hath essentials; yea, and more than essentials: if it be from those (though never so many) who are drawing back from whatever piece of duty and integrity is attained; for this is still to be held fast, according to many scripture commands. So Elias, when God's covenant was forsaken, was as another Athanasius (I and I only am left) in point of tenacious integrity. 7. Next he says, If we separate in that which a national church hath commanded us as her members to disown, by her standing acts and authority, while those from whom we separate own that corruption. 8. Likewise he there asserts, there is a lawful forbearance of union and compliance with notorious backsliders, in that which is of itself sinful, or inductive to it: which is far from separation strictly taken. The commands of abstaining from all appearance of evil, and hating the garment spotted with the flesh, do clearly include this. 9. He adds, many things will warrant separation from such a particular minister or congregation; which will not warrant separation from the church national; nor infer it, by Mr. Durham's acknowledgment (on Scandal, pag. 129.) for if scandals become excessive, he allows to depart to another congregation. 10. Lastly, He says, There is a commanded withdrawing from persons and societies even in worship, the precepts, Rom. xvi. 17. 2 Cor. vi. 17. Prov. xix. 27. Acts ii. 40. will clearly import this by consequence.--Surely the ministers and professors, adhering to the reformation, must be the true church of Scotland, though the lesser number: these soldiers who keep the generals orders, are the true army, not the deserters of the same.' But, Secondly, it being in part cleared by these assertions, what is our mind in this controversy, I shall lay down from scripture oracles, all the causes and cases justifying and warranting withdrawing from any ministers; with application of all of them to the curates, and accommodation of some of them to all that the wanderers withdraw from: with arguments endeavouring to evince the validity of them, and evidencing they are not new notions, but the same grounds which approven authors have improved in this controversy. I shall omit the ordinary criticisms in stating the question, in distinguishing betwixt hearing and joining in worship, and owning them as our ministers, and submitting to them, &c. And only essay to prove this thesis: we cannot, without sin, own church communion in gospel ordinances with the prelates or their curates, as our ministers, but must withdraw from them, and any other guilty of the like corruptions, which we can make out against them. I shall not resume what confirmations this thesis is strengthned with, from the testimonies, or church constitutions of former periods, which are permitted in the foregoing discourse; nor make any repetition of the circumstances of our present condition, represented above, which contributes to clear it: but shortly come to the arguments. I. It is necessary that we must acknowledge them ministers of Christ, and his ambassadors clothed with his commission, from whom we receive the ordinances of the gospel. For otherwise they must be looked upon as thieves, robbers, usurpers, and strangers, whom Christ's sheep will not, nay must not hear, John x. 1, 5. And "how shall they preach," or be heard, "except they be sent," Rom. x. 15. For such whom we know may not lawfully preach, we cannot lawfully hear. These from whom we may receive the mysteries of God, we must account ministers of Christ, 1 Cor. iv. 1. and ambassadors for Christ, standing in his stead, beseeching us to be reconciled to God, 2 Cor. v. 20. Hence such as we doubt to acknowledge ministers of Christ, clothed with his commission, them we cannot hear without sin; but the prelatical curates are such as we doubt to acknowledge ministers of Christ, clothed with his commission: therefore we cannot hear them. The minor only needs probation. These who neither have nor can have the qualifications of a minister of Christ, cannot be acknowledged with confidence to be ministers of Christ clothed with his commission: but the prelatical curates are such: Ergo----First, they neither have, nor can have the qualifications of Christ's ministers; since few of them have the personal, as christians, far less the ministerial as officers, mentioned 1 Tim. iii. 2, 3. Tit. i. 6, 9. except it be to be "husbands of one wife," and if that do not make them ministers, they having nothing else, especially four are wanting in all of them. (1.) Blamelessness, and freedom from scandal, even such as affects the office (besides other gross disorders in their life and conversation, obvious to the view of onlookers, being men who have denied the faith; and therefore unfit to have the privilege of church members in any well governed church) being, in the experience of all that know them signalized under the characters of those that run unsent, and from whom we are commanded to withdraw: causing the people to err by their lies, and by their lightness, not sent of God, Jer. xxiii. making the heart of the righteous sad, and strengthening the hands of the wicked, Ezek. xiii. 22. See also Ezek. xxxiv. 2, 3. Such as we are commanded to beware of, Matth. vii. 15, 16. Such as we must mark and avoid, Rom. xvi. 17, 18. Phil. iii. 2. Disorderly walkers from whom we must withdraw, 2 Thess. iii. 6. Covenant breakers, from whom we are commanded to turn away, 2 Tim. iii. 3, 5. They are not then blameless: and in shewing how fitly these agree unto the persons now spoken of, time needs not be spent, such as know them can best judge. Hence, such as either are not fit to be church members, or have all the characters of such officers from whom we are to withdraw, cannot be acknowledged capable of the qualifications of the ministers of Christ; but such are the curates: Ergo----(2.) The qualification of vigilancy cannot be found with them for all that know them will acknowledge that they neither do, nor can in preaching the word be "instant in season and out of season," so as to make "full proof of their ministry," 2 Tim. vi. 1,--5. Nay, they can give no proof of their ministry at all, further than may be competent to dumb dogs that cannot bark, Isa. lvi. 10, 11. For they nor no man can say, That the diseased they have strengthened, or healed that which was sick, &c. Ezek. xxxiv. 4. And it is known to all that know them, that if ever there were any that assumed to themselves the name of Levites, who departed out of the way, and caused many to stumble at the law, and corrupted the covenant of Levi, and therefore were deservedly contemptible and base before all the people, (Mat. ii. 8, 9.) they are the men. Let any man judge then, whether they have the qualifications of the messengers of the Lord of hosts. Hence, they that can give no proof of their ministry, but that which proves them to be such whom the Lord condemns, and such who deserve to be contemned of all, cannot be acknowledged to be qualified as the Lord's ministers; but the prelatic curates can give no proof of their ministry, &c. Ergo----(3.) The qualification of aptness to teach is wanting; yea, incompatible with them, not only such of them as are noted for ignorance, of whom clearly that is verified, they are blind watchmen, they are all ignorant (Isa. lvi. 10.) but even their greatest clerks and rabbies may fitly be called after the name of their forefathers, whom Christ calls blind leaders of the blind, concerning whom he gives a command to let them alone, Mat. xv. 14. Either generally they are discovered to be such masters of Israel, as know not these things, John iii. 10. being men not exercised in religion, and have not learned the truth as it is in Jesus; or they are such, as if they have had gifts or grace, yet now they are palpably blasted of God, and so cannot profit the people at all, being such as do not stand in God's counsel, for then they should have turned the people from their evil way, and so they are not apt to teach others when they are not taught of God, but steal his words every one from their neighbour, clearly discovering they are not sent of him, Jer. xxiii. 21, 22, 30, 32. And because they do not stand in God's counsel, they cannot declare all the counsel of God, Acts xx. 27. For they can neither be apt to teach repentance towards God, since they cannot be supposed to be sensible of these sins to be repented of, for which the land perisheth, and is burnt up like a wilderness, Jer. ix. 12. For then they would first repent themselves of their own conformity with prelacy, of their breach of covenant, &c. All that they can do in such a subject is, to see vain and foolish things, and not to discover the land's iniquity, but to see false burdens, and causes of banishment, Lam. ii. 14. Nor can they be apt to teach faith, seeing in many things they teach otherwise than Christ hath taught us in his word, and consent not to wholesome words, and to the doctrine which is according to godliness, from such the command is to withdraw, 1 Tim. vi. 3,--5. whose mouths must be stopped when they teach things which they ought not, Tit. i. 9,--11. which is undeniable to all that know what sort of stuff they preach, contrary to the word of God, and the principles of our covenanted reformation. Hence if none of them be apt to teach, then none of them is fit to be heard; but none of them is apt to teach: Ergo----'It is true private christians may not judge of the endowments and qualifications of ministers; yet every private christian hath the judgment of discretion, and that way may judge such an one if he appear qualified according to the rule of the word; and may doubt if he be a qualified minister before God, wanting these qualifications which the word requireth,' Apol. Relat. sect. 15. p. 285. Secondly, They have not the lawful call of a minister of Christ, so much as an external call of his institution: which I prove thus. They that have presentations from patrons, and collations from prelates, and no more for a call, have no lawful call at all; but the curates have presentations from patrons, and collations from prelates, and no more for a call: Ergo they have no lawful call at all. The minor cannot be doubted: 'For, in this government, the minister's mission, call, ordination, and relation to such a people over whom he is to officiate, flows all from the prelate; the congregational eldership hath not the least interest in it: hence the presbyterian way of calling pastors was ranversed by the parliament, when prelacy was set up, and the old custom of patronages was restored,' Rectius Instru. Confut. of 1 Dial. chap. 4. p. 3. The major proposition may be proven by parts. First, Presentations from patrons cannot give a lawful call; for besides what other reasons might be given against this old relict of popish bondage of patronages, it destroys that privilege and liberty of the church in calling their own pastors, and makes all intruders, without the church's choice; whereas the flock are allowed a judgment of discretion, knowledge of, and consent to the admission of their pastors, to whom they intrust their soul's directions, before they be subject to, and obey him in the Lord, for otherwise he is a stranger that hath not come in at the door, and they must not, nor will not be imposed upon, John x. 1-5. They had an interest in choosing and nominating even the apostles, though there were other apostles of infallible knowledge, as to qualifications, present to ordain them; and they appointed two to be chosen by lot, Acts vi. 23. and even the deacons were looked out and chosen by the people, and appointed over the business, Acts vi. 3. 'Much less ought ministers to be thrust upon such a weighty employment, to pleasure great men who are patrons, since in their faithfulness the people are infinitely more concerned,' Rectius Instruen. ubi Supra. Hence, if the curates have no call but what destroys the people's privilege, they have no lawful call at all, neither ought they to be owned, or countenanced as called ministers; but by the presentation of patrons they have no call, but what destroys the people's privilege: Ergo--Next, collations from prelates cannot give a lawful call: for (1.) they cannot give that to others which they have not themselves; but they have not a lawful call themselves, because they are not lawful officers, as is clear, and may be proven afterwards. (2.) the only way of conveyance of an ordinary call to this office, is by the act of a presbytery, Tim. iv. 4. And, by ministers, their ordaining elders in every church, with the consent of that church; but a prelate's collation is not this act of a presbytery. (3.) That which only makes a man a prelate's depute, cannot give him a call to the ministry of Christ; but this collation only makes a man a prelate's depute. Or thus, a prelate's depute is no minister; but a curate is a prelate's depute: Ergo----That a prelate's depute is no minister, I prove; not only from that, that a prelate, as such, is not a servant of Christ, but an enemy; and therefore cannot confer upon another, that dignity to be Christ's servant; but from this, that the scripture allows no derivation of deputed officers. If no officers of Christ can have deputes of Christ's institution; then the deputes that they make cannot be Christ's officers of his institution; but no officers of Christ can have deputes by Christ's institution: every man that hath any piece of stewardship in God's family must ever see and execute it immediately by himself, and wait upon it, Rom. xii. 7, 8. That curates are prelates deputes is clear: for they are subject to them in order and jurisdiction, and derive all their power from them, and are accountable to them: therefore they cannot be acknowledged with confidence of conscience to be Christ's ministers. 'Because they have not such a visible evidence of the call of Christ, as, in reason and charity, doth oblige all men to receive the person so called, as truly sent: which things are so evident in themselves, that whoever denieth them, is obliged by the same consequence to affirm, that if Simon Magus had in his horrid wickedness, purchased the apostleship by money, the Christian world had been bound to receive him as an apostle,' Naphtali, p. 105, 106, first edition. That their ministry is the Lord's ordinance is plainly denied, Naphtali, p. 109. 'They have nothing like a solemn ordination, having no imposition of hands of the presbytry with fasting and prayer, according to the order of the gospel, but the sole warrant and mission of the prelate, and therefore it cannot be lawful to countenance such, and to look upon them as lawful ministers,' Apol. Relat. sect. 15. pag. 183. It will be objected here, 1. 'That then their baptism is no baptism, if they be no ministers.' Ans. '(1.) what sad consequences may follow upon the nulling of their office, let them see to it who either send such forth, or employ them.' Apol. Relat. ib. p. 294. the best way to avoid these inconveniences is not to countenance them. But (2.) the same answers may serve which are adduced for popish baptisms and ordinations: and the deed sometimes signifies, That it ought not to be done. Next it will be, Object. 2. That many of the curates were in the ministry before, therefore the argument is not stringent against them. Ans. The one half of it about the qualifications does still urge them, through the want of which, and their base treachery and betraying their trust, and perjuries in breaking covenant, they have really forefaulted their ministry, and loosed all from an obligation to hear them, or any other to whom these scripture-characters may be applied, and brings all under the guilt of partaking with them that hear them. II. It is necessary also, that all whom we may lawfully hear as ministers and ambassadors of Christ, should not only have had a commission from Christ, sometimes conveyed to them in his orderly appointed way, by and from approven church officers; but they must have it then when we hear them, at this time when we own communion with them. For if they have sometimes had it, and forefaulted or changed it, by taking a new right another way, it is all one in point of owning them, as if they had none at all: and we must not meddle with such changelings, in things that they and we must not come and go upon, Prov. xxiv. 21. Now plain it is, that some curates sometimes had a commission from Christ, when they were presbyters; but now they have changed their holding, and taken a new right from them who are no officers of Christ, invested with power to confirm or convey a ministerial mission; and so they have forefaulted what they had. Mr. Durham, in a digression on this subject of hearing, shews, that ministers may forefeit, on Revel. chap. i. p. 55. in 4to. 'In matter of hearing (says he) it is not so hard to discern, who are to be counted to speak without God's commission; because ordinarily such have no warrantable call at all (no not in the outward form, and so cannot be counted but to run unsent) or by palpable defection from the truth, and commission given them in that call, they have forefeited their commission: and so no more are to be counted ambassadors of Christ, or watchmen of his flock, than a watchman of the city is to be accounted an observer thereof, when he hath publicly made defection to the enemy, and taken on with him.' Let the indulged and addressing ministers advert to this: and consider, whether or not the truly tender have reason to discountenance them, while they continue in their palpable defection. But undeniably this resells that objection of the curates ordination before they were curates; for they that change their holding of a right, and take a new right which is null, they forego and forefeit their old right, and all right; but the prelatic curates have changed their holding of their right, and taken a new one, which is null: therefore they have foregone and forefeited their old one. The minor I prove thus. They who had a right from Christ by conveyance of his officers, and take a new grant for the exercise of it, not from Christ, but by conveyance of such as are none of his officers, they change their holding, and take a new one, which is null. But the prelatic curates, who had a right by conveyance of his officers, have taken a new grant for the exercise of it, not from Christ, but by conveyance of the prelate, which is none of his officers; Therefore----The stress of all will ly in the probation of this, that the prelate is none of Christ's officers, and therefore the conveyance of a power from him is not from Christ. Which I prove, 1. Because his office is cross to the very nature of gospel church government, and therefore he cannot be a gospel church ruler. Christ discharged his officers to exercise dominion (or lordship, Luke xxii. 25.) or authority, as the Gentiles did, but that the chiefest should be only a minister, Matth. xxii. 25, 26. The apostle Paul disclaims dominion over the church, 2 Cor. i. ult. Peter exhorts the elders not to be lords over God's heritage, 1 Pet. v. 3. The authority of church-officers then is not a despotic power, but a ministerial stewardship. But the diocesan bishop is both a lordly title and power, having all authority in the diocese derived from him, as being as it were the universal pastor, and so taking upon him a power, which is neither commanded, nor can be discharged. Hence, he that subjects his ministry to the domination of a strange lord, inverting the nature of gospel church-government, cannot be owned in his ministry; but all curates subject their ministry, &c. Therefore----2. Because he is an officer distinct from, and superior to a presbyter or pastor; whereas the scripture makes a bishop and presbyter all one. The elders of the church of Ephesus are called episcopi or overseers, Acts xx. 17, 28. An ordained elder must be a blameless bishop, as the steward of God, Tit. i. 5, 7. Again, it cannot be shown, where the scripture mentions either name, qualification, work, duty, or ordination of an ordinary church-officer superior to presbyters, and which are not likewise appropriate to them who are called rulers, governors, bishops. In all the holy Ghost's purposed recitals of ordinary church-officers, there is not the least hint of a diocesan bishop; and yet a deacon is described the meanest officer in his work and qualifications. Hence then, if this diocesan prelate be such an uncouth beast, that neither in name nor nature is found in the word of God, all the power derived from him is null; but the first is true: therefore----3. Because every officer in the scripture relates to the flock (except the extraordinary officers, who were further extended, now ceased) bishops of Ephesus, were overseers over the flock, Acts xx. the elders that Peter writes to were over the flock. But this diocesan antiscriptural monster pretends to be over the shepherds, and invents new degrees and orders of superiority and inferiority of officers of the same kind, beside and against the scripture, which makes all apostles alike, and all evangelists, so all teachers; though there be a distinction and superiority in diverse kinds, yet not in same. God hath set some in the church, first apostles, secondarily prophets, thirdly teachers, 1 Cor. xii. 28. but not among teachers, some above others, in a power of order and jurisdiction. Hence, an officer over officers of the same kind, is not an officer of Christ's institution, and consequently any power conveyed from him is null; but a prelate pretends to be an officer, over officers of the same kind: therefore, 4. Because every officer in the church hath equally, and in perfect parity, equal power and authority allowed them of God in the exercise of both order and jurisdiction; all ruling elders may rule alike, and deserve equal honour; and all preaching elders have the like authority, and the like honour conferred upon them, 1 Tim. vi. 17. The scripture attributes both power of order and jurisdiction; to all preaching presbyters equally. They must oversee the flock (or as the word is, do the part of a bishop over them) Acts xx. 28. and they must also feed the flock, 1 Pet. v. 2. Subjection and obedience is due to them all alike: all that are over us and admonish us, we must esteem highly for their work's sake, 1 Thes. v. 12. and obey and submit ourselves to them that watch for our souls, Heb. xiii. 17. We find also excommunication belongs to all alike, 2 Cor. ii. 6. and ordination, 1 Tim. iv. 14. But the diocesan prelate takes from presbyters to himself power of ordination, assuming only his curates for fashion's sake, and the sole decisive power in church judicatories, wherein he hath a negative voice; like a Diotrephes, the first prelate who loved to have the pre-eminence, 3 John 9. the only precedent for prelacy in the scripture. Hence, he that would take all power to himself, which is undivided and equal to all officers by Christ's appointment, hath none by Christ's allowance, but is to be reckoned an usurping Diotrephes; but the Diocesan prelate would take all the power to himself, which is undivided and equal to all. By all which it appears, the prelate being no authorized church-officer of Christ's, no authority can be derived from him; and so that such as betake themselves to this pretended power, for warranting them in the function, can warrantably claim no deference thereupon, nor can be owned as ministers, whatever they were before. 'For this were an acknowledging of the power and authority of prelates (especially when the law commands our hearing as a submitting to them.) The reason is, because these men came forth from the prelate, having no other call or warrant but what the prelate giveth: and so a receiving of them will be a receiving of the prelate, as a refusing of them will be accounted a slighting of the prelate and his power,' Apol. Relat. 15. p. 272. III. It is necessary also, that all with whom we own communion as ministers, should be Christ's ambassadors, having then, when we hear them, and holding still their commission from Christ as king, and only head of his church: conveyed not only from church-officers, in a way that he hath revealed as the prophet of his church, but in a way of dependence upon, and subordination to Christ as king, who ascending far above principalities and powers, appointed and gave the gifts of the ministry, Eph. iv. 8, 11. and set them in the church, 1 Cor. xii. 28. and gave them commission to go and teach the nations, by virtue of that all power that was given to him in heaven and earth, Matth. xxviii. 18, 19. If then they take a new holding, and close with a new conveyance of the ministry, and of the power to exercise the same, from a new architectonic usurped power in the church, encroaching on Christ's royal prerogative, we dare not homologate such an affront to Christ, as to give them the respect of his ambassadors, when they became the servants of men, and subject even in ministerial functions to another head than Christ, for then they are the ministers of men, and by men, and not by Jesus Christ, and God the Father, who raised him from the dead, because they do not hold the head, Col. ii. 19. Hence those that receive and derive their church power from, and are subordinate in its exercise to, another head than Christ Jesus, should not be received and subjected to as the ministers of Christ in his church; but the prelates and their curates do receive and derive their church power from, and are subordinate in its exercise to, another head than Christ: therefore they should not be received, &c. The first proportion cannot be denied, the second is proved thus: Those officers in the church, professing themselves such, that derive their church power from, and are subordinate in its exercise to, a power truly architectonic and supreme in the church (to wit the magistrate) beside Christ, do derive their power from, and are subordinate in its exercise to another head than Christ Jesus; but so it is that prelates and their curates do derive, &c. Therefore----The major is evident; for whosoever hath a supreme architectonic power in and over the church, must be a head to the same, and the fountain of all church-power. The minor is also clear, from the foregoing historical deduction, manifesting the present prelacy to be gross erastianism; for the disposal of the government of the church is declared by law to be the crown-right, and and an inherent perpetual prerogative, and thereupon the bishops are restored to the episcopal function; it is expressly declared, that there is no church power in the church office-bearers, but what depends upon, and is subordinate unto the supremacy, and authorized by the bishops, who are declared accountable to the king for the administration; by virtue of which ecclesiastic supremacy, he put excommunication, and spiritual censures, and consequently the power of the keys, into the hands of persons merely civil, in the act for the high commission. Hence it is clear, that as the fountain of all church government, he imparts his authority to such as he pleases, and the bishops are nothing else but his commissioners in the exercise of that ecclesiastic power, which is originally in himself, and that the curates are only his under clerks. All the stress will ly in proving, that this monster of a supremacy, from which the prelates and their curates have all their authority, is a great encroachment on the glory of Christ as king; which will appear, if we will briefly consider these particulars. 1. It usurps upon Christ's prerogative, who only hath all undoubted right to this architectonic and magisterial dominion over the church, his own mediatory kingdom; not only an essential right by his eternal Godhead, being the everlasting Father, whose goings forth hath been of old, from everlasting, Isa. ix. 6. Mic. v. 2. in recognizance of which, we own but one God the Father, and one Lord, by whom are all things, and we by him, 1 Cor. viii. 6. but also a covenant-right, by compact with the Father, to bear the glory and rule upon his throne, by virtue of the counsel of peace between them both, Zech. vi. 13. A donative right by the Father's delegation, by which he hath all power given in heaven and in earth, Mat. xxviii. 18. and all things given into his hand, John iii. 35. and all judgment and authority to execute it, even because he is the Son of man, John v. 22, 27. and to be head over all things to the church, Eph. 1. 22. An institute right, by the Father's inauguration, who hath set him as King in Sion, Psal. ii. 6. and appointed him governor, that shall rule over his people Israel, Matth. ii. 6. An acquisite right, by his own purchase, by which he hath merited and obtained, not only subjects to govern, but the glory of the sole sovereignty over them in that relation. A name above every name, Phil. ii. 9. which is, that he is the head of the church, which is as much his peculiar prerogative, as to be Saviour of the body, Eph. v. 23. A bellical right by conquest, making the people fall under him, Psal. xlv. 4. and be willing in the day of his power, Psal. cx. 3. and overcoming those that make war with him, Rev. xvii. 14. An hereditary right by proximity of blood and promogeniture, being the first born, higher than the kings of the earth, Psal. lxxxix. 27. and the first born from the dead, that in all things he might have the pre-eminence, Col. i. 18. An elective right, by his people's choice and surrender, having a crown wherewith his mother crowned him in the day of his espousals, Cant. iii. last verse. By all which undoubted titles, it is his sole incommunicable prerogative, without a co-partner or competitor, co-ordinate or subordinate, to be judge, and only lawgiver, and king in spirituals, Isa. xxxiii. 22. to be that one lawgiver, Jam. iv. 12. who only can give the power of the keys to his officers, (which comprehends all the power they have) Matth. xvi. 9. to be that one Master over all church officers, who are but brethren, Matth. xxiii. 8, 10. in whose name only they must perform all church acts, and all parts of their ministry, and not in the name of any mortal, Matth. xxviii. 18, 19. Matth. xviii. 20. from whom only they receive whatever they have to deliver to the church, 1 Cor. xi. 23. to be the only instituter of his officers, who hath set them in the church, 1 Cor. xii. 28. and gave them to the church, Eph. iv. 11. whose ambassadors only they are, 2 Cor. v. 20. from whom they have authority for edification of the church, 2 Cor. x. 8. 2 Cor. xiii. 10. in whose name only they are to assemble, and keep and fence their courts, both the least, Matth. xviii. 20. and the greatest, Acts xv. But now also this is usurped by one who is not so much as a church-member, let be a church-officer, as such: for the magistrate is neither, as he is a magistrate, otherwise all magistrates would be church-members. Hence they that have all their power from a mere usurper on Christ's prerogative, who is neither member nor officer of the church, have none at all to be owned or received as his lawful ambassadors; but the prelates and their curates have all their power from a mere usurper on Christ's prerogative, who is neither member nor officer of the church: Ergo----2. It confounds the mediatory kingdom of Christ with, and subjects it to, the kingly government of the world, removes the scripture land-marks and limits between civil and ecclesiastic powers in making the governors of the state to be governors of the church, and denying all church-government in the hands of church-officers, distinct from and independent upon the civil magistrate: which clearly derogates from the glory of Christ's mediatory kingdom, which is altogether distinct from, and not subordinate to the government of the world, both in the old testament and in the new. For, they have distinct fountains whence they flow; civil government flows from God Creator, church government from Christ the Lord Redeemer, Head and King of his church, whose kingdom is not of this world, John xviii. 36. though for this end he came into the world, that he should have a kingdom there, verse 37. They have distinct objects: civil government hath a civil object, the outward man; church government a spiritual object, men considered as Christians; in the old testament, the matters of the Lord are clearly distinguished from the matters of the king, 2 Chron. xix. last verse. In the new testament, there are matters of church cognizance which do not at all belong to the civil magistrate; as, in the case of offence, they must tell the church, not the civil magistrate, Matth. xviii. 15, 20. In the case of excommunication, the church is to act by virtue of the power of the Lord Jesus Christ, 1 Cor. v. 4, 5. not by the magistrate's power; in the case of absolution, the church is to judge what punishment is sufficient, and what evidence of repentance is sufficient to remove it, 2 Cor. ii. 6, 7. So in the case of trial and ordination of ministers, &c. None of those belong to the magistrate. They have distinct natures: the civil is a magisterial, the ecclesiastic is a ministerial government; the one is the power of the sword, the other of the keys; the one put forth in political punishments, the other in ecclesiastic censures: In the old testament, the magistrate's power was coactive, by death, banishment, confiscation, &c. Ezra vii. 26. the church, but putting out of the synagogue, interdiction from sacred things, &c. In the new testament, the magistrate's power is described, Rom. xiii. to be that of the sword by punishment; the power of the church only in binding and loosing, Matth. xvi, 19. They have distinct ends, the end of the one being the good of the commonwealth, the other the church's edification: In the old testament, the end of the civil government was one thing, and of the church another, to wit, to warn not to trespass against the Lord, in that forecited, 2 Chron. xix. 10. In the new testament, the end of magistratical power is to be a terror to evil works, and a praise to the good, Rom. xiii. 3. but the end of church power is edification, 1 Cor. v. 5. 2 Cor. x. 8. 2 Cor. xiii. 10. They have distinct courts of officers: in the old testament, the distinction of the civil and ecclesiastic Sanhedrim is known, where there were distinct causes, and persons set over them to judge them respectively, 2 Chron. xix. last verse. In the new testament, we find officers given unto the church, 1 Cor. xii. 28. with no mention of the civil magistrate at all, and church assemblies distinct from parliaments or senates (yea, when the magistrate was an enemy) determining questions that did not belong to the magistrate at all, Acts xv. we have rulers distinct from the rulers of the commonwealth, 1 Thess. v. 12. whom we are to obey and submit ourselves to as those who are accountable to Christ only, for to whom else can they give account of souls? Heb. xiii. 17. we have rulers inferior to labourers in word and doctrine, not to be honoured so much as they: sure these cannot be civil rulers, 1 Tim. v. 17. we have rulers commended for trying impostors, which were not magistrates, Rev. ii. 2. And others who are rebuked for suffering hereticks, ibid. ver. 14, 15, 20. which supposes they had authority to do it; yet distinct from and not depending on the magistrate. Besides it is from the confusion of the two governments together, and making the supreme magistrate to be supreme governor of the church, would follow many absurdities; as that they who are not church-members should be church-officers, even heathen magistrates; yea women should be church-officers; and none should be chosen for magistrates, but such as have the qualifications of church-officers. See Apol. Relat. Sect. 12. pag. 190. Rectius Instruen. Confut. 1. Dial. chap. 6. pag. 50. Hence, they that in deriving their authority do confound the two governments, civil and ecclesiastic, and take it all from a mere civil power, cannot be owned as having any authority of Christ's institution: but the prelates and their curates, in deriving their authority, do confound the two governments civil and ecclesiastic, and take it all from a mere civil power. This same argument equally militates against hearing the indulged ministers, who have taken a licence and warrant from the usurper of this supremacy: because it is highly injurious to Christ's headship; very contrary to presbyterian principles; clearly homologatory of the supremacy; plainly prejudicial to the power of the people; very much establishing erastianism; sadly obstructive and destructive to the good of the church; wronging our cause and ground of suffering; strengthening the prelates hands; contradictory to our covenants; prejudging the meetings of God's people; and heinously scandalous and offensive: as is clear by, and unanswerably proven in the history of the indulgence. IV. There is a necessity that any man whom we may join with as a minister, must not only be a minister, and a minister clothed with Christ's commission then, when we join with him, but he must also have a right to administer there where we join with him. Else we can look upon him no otherwise than a thief and a robber, whom Christ's sheep should not hear, John x. 1-5. Now the prelates and curates, though they should be accounted and acknowledged ministers, yet they have not a right to officiate where they have intruded themselves. Hence we have several arguments, as 1. They who have no just authority, nor right to officiate fixedly in this church as the proper pastors of it, ought not to be received but withdrawn from: but the prelates and their curates have no just authority, or right to officiate in this church as her proper pastors: therefore they ought not to be received, but withdrawn from. All the debate is about the minor, which may thus be made good. They who have entered into and do officiate fixedly in this church, without her authority and consent, have no right so to do: but the prelates and their curates have entered into and officiate fixedly in this church, without her authority and consent: Ergo--The major is manifest: for if this church have a just right and power of electing and calling of ministers, then they who enter into and officiate fixedly in this church, without her authority and consent, have no just authority or right so to do: But this church hath a just right and power of electing and calling of ministers, as all true churches have. And, if it were not evident from what is said above, might be easily demonstrated from scripture. The minor, to wit, that the prelates and their curates have entered into and officiate fixedly in this church, without her authority and consent, is evident, from matter of fact: for there was no church-judicatory called or convocated, for bringing of prelates into this church; but on the contrary her judicatories were all cashiered and discharged, and all her officers turned out to let them in; and all was done immediately by the king and acts of parliament without the church; a practice wanting a precedent in this, and (for any thing we know) in all other churches: All that the curates can say is, that they came in by the bishop and patron, who are not the church, nor have any power from her for what they do; all their right and power is founded upon and derived from the supremacy, whereby the diocesan erastian prelate is made the king's delegate and substitute, only impowered thereto by his law. This is Mr. Smith's, 1st and 6th argum. If 'we suppose a particular congregation acknowledging their own lawful pastor, and a few violent persons arise and bring in a minister by plain force, and cast out their lawful pastor; are not the faithful in that church obliged to relinquish the intruder, and not only discountenance him, but endeavour his ejection?' This is our case, Naphtali, pag. 106. Sect. 5. first edition. 2. If we cannot submit to these curates, without consenting to the great encroachments made upon the privileges of this church, then we cannot submit to them without sin; but we cannot submit to them without consenting to the great encroachments made upon the privileges of this church: therefore we cannot submit to them without sin. The minor is all the question: but instances will make it out. As first, The robbing of the privilege of election of her pastors, and substituting the bondage of patrons presentations, is a great encroachment upon the privilege of this church: but accepting of curates as ministers lawfully called, notwithstanding that they want the election of the people, and have nothing for their warrant but a presentation from the patron, were a consenting to that robbery and wicked substitution. It will be of no force to say, Our forefathers did submit to this, and to a ministry who had no other call. This is answered above in the narrative; 'tis a poor consequence to say, The posterity may return backward, because their forefathers could not advance further forward. Secondly, The thrusting out of lawful ministers without any cause but their adhering to the covenanted work of reformation, and thrusting in others in their rooms who denied the same, is a great encroachment on the churches privileges; but embracing and encouraging curates by countenancing their pretended ministry, were a consenting to this violent extrusion and intrusion. The minor is proven thus. They who leave the extruded, and countenance the intruded, they consent to the extrusion and intrusion, and declare they confess the intruded's right is better than his who is extruded: but they who embrace and encourage curates by countenancing their pretended ministry, do leave the extruded, to wit, their old ministers, and countenance the intruded: Ergo----To say, that people, in this case, should protest against these encroachments is frivolous; for withdrawing is the best protestation: and if after their protestation they still countenance the encroachment, they should undo their own protestation. The same argument will militate against countenancing the indulged, or any that obtained authority to preach in any place by a power encroaching on the churches liberties. There is an objection to be removed here, from Matth. xxiii. 2, 3. The Scribes and Pharisees sit in Moses chair; therefore whatever they bid you observe, that observe and do; therefore they who, without a title, usurp the office, may be heard. Ans. 1. The case is no-ways alike; for then the Lord had no other church in the world but that, which was confined in its solemnities of worship to that place, where they intruded themselves: he had not yet instituted the New Testament form of administration in its ordinances and officers. Therefore the head of the church being present might give a toleration, during pleasure: but it is not so now. But, 2. Our Lord's words bear no command for the people to hear them at all, but only not to reject sound doctrine, because it came from them: surely he would not bid them hear such, as he calls plants that his Father had never planted, whom he bids let alone, Matth. xv. 13, 14. and who were thieves and robbers whom his sheep should not hear. V. They must not only be ministers, and acknowledged as such then and there, when and where we join with them; but they must be such as we can own church communion with in the ordinances administrated by them, as to the matter of them. Otherwise if they pervert and corrupt their ministry, by preaching and maintaining errors, either in doctrine, worship, discipline, or government, contrary to the scriptures, our confessions, and principles of our covenanted reformation, and contradictory to our testimony founded thereupon, and agreeable thereunto, maintaining errors condemned thereby, or condemning truths maintained thereby, we must withdraw from them. For if any seek to turn us away from the Lord our God, we must put away that evil, and not consent nor hearken to them, Deut. xiii. 5, 8. We must cease to hear the instruction that causeth to err from the words of knowledge, Prov. xix. 27. We must have a care of these leaders that will cause us to err lest we be destroyed with them, Isa. ix. 16. we must mark these who contradict the doctrine that we have learned, and avoid them, Rom. xvi. 17. If any man teach otherwise we must withdraw ourselves from such, 1 Tim. vi. 3, 5. If there come any, and bring not this doctrine, we must not receive him, nor bid him God speed, in that work of his preaching or practising against any of the truths, we have received from the word, 1 John x. 11. Hence we must not hear false teachers, who, in preaching and prayer, bring forth false doctrine contrary to the principles of our reformation; but the curates are false teachers, who, in preaching and prayer, bring forth false doctrine, &c. Therefore we must not hear them. The minor is certain, in that not only many of them are tainted with points of Popery and Arminianism; but all of them do teach false doctrine tending to seduce the hearers: when in their preaching they cry up the lawfulness of prelacy, and vent bitter invectives against presbyterian government, condemn the work of reformation, and inveigh against the covenant, and so teach and encourage people to follow them in open perjury, and condemning all our testimony, as nothing but treason and sedition; which we are persuaded is truth, and that therefore they are blasphemers: and in their prayers, stuffed with error, and larded with blasphemy, they reproach the work of reformation, and the power of godliness, and pray for a blessing on the prelates, and on their courses which are cursed; besides their parasitick prayers for the king, to be blessed in his government when stated in opposition to Christ, and several other things that tender consciences cannot go along with them therein. And yet if they hear them, they must go along and actively concur with them, as their mouth to God. If it be objected here, that this doth not strike against all, nor against any at all times, because some preach always sound doctrine, and all preach sometime sound doctrine, and the like may be said of their prayers: therefore sometimes at least they may be heard. I answer 1. This may be alledged for all hereticks, who do all at sometimes preach sound doctrine, and yet these scriptures are stringent against them at all times, which I have adduced; for by these fruits which they bring forth at sometimes, they shew themselves to be such as we must beware of at all times. 2. We cannot know when they will preach sound doctrine, seeing by their subjection to that government, they are obliged to maintain prelacy, and impugn our covenanted constitution. VI. They must not only be such as we can join with in the ordinances as to the matter of them, but in the manner also they must be such administrators, as we are obliged in charity to think the Lord will approve of them, and their administrations, and of us in our communion with them; or at least, that, in their manner of dispensing ordinances, they be not such as we find are under a recorded sentence of dreadful punishment, both against them and their partakers: for if it be so, it is as sufficient a ground to withdraw from them, as for men to withdraw from a company staying in a house, that they see will fall and smother them in its ruin; yea it is as warrantable to separate from them, as for Israel to separate themselves from the congregation of the rebels who were to be consumed in a moment, Numb. xvi. 21. or for the Lord's people to come out of Babylon, that they receive not of her plagues, Rev. xviii. 4. Now we find that not only the prophets of Baal, and enticers to idolatry, and leaders to error upon the matter are threatened, and the people for adhering to them, but we find also (as is observed by Rectius Instruendum confut. dial chap. 1. pag. 21.) many terrible charges and adjurations laid upon ministers, in reference to a faithful diligence in their ministerial function, and a suitable testimony concerning the sin and duty of the time, that they are commanded to cry aloud and shew the people their sin, Isa. lviii. 1. and as they would not have the blood of souls upon them, to give faithful warning touching the peoples case and hazard, sin and duty, especially in times of great sin and judgment, when God is terribly pleading his controversy with them, Ezek. iii. 17. therefore they must be instant in season and out of season, 2 Tim. iv. 2. And for their negligence and unfaithfulness herein, we find many scripture woes and threatenings thundered against them. When in the deceit of their own heart they promise assured peace, when the Lord is pleading against a generation, they are threatened to be consumed with sword and famine, and the people to whom they prophesy shall be cast out in the streets, Jer. xiv. 13, 15, 16. therefore we dare not admit them to prophesy to us. When they strengthen the hands, and harden the hearts of evil doers, that none doth return from his wickedness, the Lord threatens to feed them with wormwood, and commands not to hearken to them, Jer. xxiii. 14.-16. their blood shall be required at their hands, Ezek. iii. 18. one builds a wall, and another daubs it with untempered morter, then ye, O great hailstones shall fall, and they shall be consumed in the midst thereof, Ezek. xiii. 10, 11, 14, 18, 22. we dare not join with either builders or daubers of such a work, as is carried on to the dishonour of Christ and ruining of reformation, nor by our countenance and concurrence strengthen either builders or daubers; lest we also be consumed in the midst thereof. When there is a conspiracy of the prophets, and the priests violate the law, and profane holy things, and shew no difference between the unclean and the clean, then the Lord will pour out his indignation upon all, Ezek. xxii. 25,--to the end. We would endeavour to keep ourselves free of having any hand in that conspiracy. These scriptures do give the perfect pourtracture of our curates, in the conviction of all that know them. Hence we draw a complex argument: such ministers as can do no good by their ministry, but a great deal of hurt to their hearers, and expose themselves and them both to the indignation of a jealous God, are not to be heard; but the curates are such as can do no good by their ministry, but a great deal of hurt to their hearers, and expose themselves and them both to the indignation of the jealous Lord: therefore they are not to be heard. The connexion of the major is clear from what is said above. The minor is also evident from the application of these scriptures, thus: they that in the deceit of their own heart promise peace to, and strengthen the hands of evil doers, and give them not warning, but seduce them by daubing their wickedness, and shew no difference between the unclean and the clean, &c. are such as can do no good by their ministry, but a great deal of hurt to hearers, and expose themselves and them both to the indignation of God; but the curates are such, and all others, who are so unfaithful as to give no warning against, but justify the sins of the times. To be short, the minor of both these foregoing arguments is evident from the experience of all that go to the curates, who wrong thereby their own souls, mar their edification; and run to cisterns without water. What blessing can be expected upon the labours of such, who having perjured themselves in taking on with the prelates, are prosecuting that course of defection, and making themselves captains to lead the people back to Egypt, encouraging profanity and wickedness, being themselves patterns and patrons of the times corruptions? And seeing a blessing cannot be expected upon their labours, but rather a curse, as daily experience maketh good, when instead of any work of conversion or conviction among people, there is nothing seen but a fearful hardening in profanity, ignorance and atheism: so that many that seemed to have somewhat like religion before, through hearing of them, are turned loose and lax in all duties: yea never can it be instanced these twenty-seven years, that they have brought one soul to Christ, from darkness to light, and from the power of Satan unto God: but many instances might be given of their murdering souls, as indeed they cannot be free of it, who cannot warn nor declare the whole counsel of God. Hence these who cannot but be soul-murderers, may not be heard nor entertained as soul-physicians; but the curates cannot but be soul-murderers. Again, we can expect no good from them, but a great deal of hurt; seeing their ministry is not the Lord's ordinance, which he will approve, and no performances can be acceptable unto the Lord which are not, in manner as well as in matter, agreeable to his will: hence the wickedness even of the Lord's lawful priests, not only caused the people to abhor the offerings of the Lord, but even the Lord himself to abhor his sanctuary, and to account their incense an abomination, so that he could not away with the calling of their assemblies, which yet upon the matter were duties. Should not we then hate that which the Lord hates, and withdraw from that which he hath forsaken? But the meetings of the curates for administration of ordinances in their way, the Lord hates, and hath signally forsaken: therefore we should hate and forsake them. This is confirmed by what Mr. Durham says in that digression about hearing, Rev. 1. page 55. in quarto, 'Seeing edification is God's gift, can it be expected but in his way, or can that be accounted his way which he hath not warranted.' VII. As we would not partake of their judgment in countenancing of their administration of ordinances, so we would keep ourselves free from all participation of their sin; for we must not be partakers with any in sin, nor have fellowship with the unfruitful works of darkness, that we must reprove, and that we find the Lord reproves and condemns, Eph. v. 7, 11. and not only ministers in ordaining, but people in hearing, may be in hazard of partaking of some mens sins, who enter into the ministry, 1 Tim. v. 22. we must keep at the greatest distance from sin: hence if we hear the curates without partaking of their sin, then we must not hear them; but we cannot hear the curates without partaking of their sin: therefore we must not hear them. The minor I prove. If hearing of them be a tessera of our incorporation with them, a test of our submission to them, a badge of our compliance with them, and sign of our approbation of them, then we cannot hear them without partaking of their sin; but hearing of them is such: the major cannot be denied, if prelacy and conformity therewith be sin, as is in part proven above: for if these be sins, then we must not incorporate with, nor submit to them, nor comply with them, nor approve them. The minor I prove by parts. 1. Hearing of curates is a tessera of our incorporation with them; for communion in sacred things doth infer an incorporation of the communicants or joiners in all cases, both in lawful and unlawful communions, 1 Cor. x. 17.-20. All partakers of the bread are one body, and they which eat of the sacrifices are partakers of the altar; and also they that partake of the sacrifice offered to devils, though they do not offer it so themselves, yet they are incorporate, and have fellowship with devils. And 2 Cor. vi. 14.-17. where they that do not come out, and are separate from unlawful communions, are expostulated with, as making an unequally yoked fellowship between righteousness and unrighteousness, light and darkness, Christ and Belial, the temple of God and idols: hence then, if we cannot partake of their sacred things, without partaking of their altar, and becoming one body with them, and making such an unequally yoked mixture with them, then we must be separate; but the first is true from these places. This argument concludes with equal force, against joining with any deeply engaged in the gross defections of the time. 2. Hearing of curates is a test of our submission to them, and compliance with them: for so it is required by law, as the acts themselves say, 'That a chearful concurrence, countenance, and assistance given to such ministers, and attending all the ordinary meetings for divine worship, is an evidence of a due acknowledgment of, and hearty compliance with his majesty's government ecclesiastical and civil, as now established by law within this kingdom,' Act of Parl. July 10, 1663. And themselves look on all such as obey this act as their friends. Hence, if this be sinful to submit to them, and comply with their establishment, in obedience to a sinful act of parliament, then it is sinful to hear them; but the former is true, as hath been shown: Therefore----3. Hence it follows, by native consequence, that hearing of curates is a sign of our approbation of them: for he that gives that which is required, and accepted, and interpreted as an evidence of a due acknowledgment, and of compliance with the government ecclesiastical, gives the sign of his approbation of it; but the hearer of curates does that in obedience to the act requiring accepting, and expresly interpreting it so: therefore, &c. VIII. As we would be free of their sin, in approving of, and complying with their course; so we must endeavour to stand at the greatest distance from all appearance of sin in ourselves, either by commission or omission, in which our joining with them in these circumstances would involve us. For we must abstain from all appearance of evil, 1 Thess. v. 22. and from every thing that circumstances may make sinful: for otherwise, suppose a thing might be materially lawful and not sinfully sinful, yet circumstances may make it sinful, and a countenancing it so circumstantiated, doth infer a communion in these circumstances that makes it sinful. They that eat of the sacrifice are partakers of the altar, and if the altar be not of God's approbation, the thing offered, though otherwise lawful to be eaten, cannot justify the eaters, so circumstantiated. An idol is nothing, and that which is offered in sacrifice to idols is nothing, yet they who eat of it, when they know it is so circumstantiated, have fellowship with devils, 1 Cor. x. 18, 19, 20, 21. And it is called idolatry, comp. verse 14. which provokes the Lord to jealousy, verse 22. Especially when an action is so circumstantiated, that it would infer an omission of our duty, and a declining from or denying of our testimony, then it is clearly sinful. For whosoever shall deny the Lord before men, him will he deny before his Father, Matth. x. 33. And we must 'hold fast the profession of our faith without wavering,' Heb. x. 23. and 'keep the word of his patience,' if we would be kept in the hour of temptation, and hold it fast that no man take our crown, Rev. iii. 10, 11. 'All truth must be avowed, and practically avowed, on the greatest hazard: and as this testimony must be full so must it be also constant. It was Demas's shame, that the afflictions of the gospel made him forsake the apostle, after great appearances for Christ: and therefore whatever truth or duty is opposed, that becomes the special object of this testimony.' Rectius instruend. confut. 3. Dial. Chap. 1. Pag. 18, 19. Hence, if hearing of the curates would infer and involve us under the guilt both of commission of sin, and omission of duty, then we cannot hear them without sin; but the former is true; therefore also the latter. I prove the minor by parts. First, That it would infer and involve us under the guilt of commission of sin, all that is said above doth evince it; and besides, palpable breach of covenant, hereafter to be charged and cleared: and idolatry is a great sin of that nature; but the hearing of the curates doth infer this. Which may be made out thus; the breach of the second commandment is idolatry, (for to make the sins against that command odious, they are all comprehended under that odious name of worshipping images, as the sins against the seventh are called adultery, comprehending all unchaste thoughts, words, and actions); hearing of curates is a breach of the second command: Ergo----The minor I prove thus: Every worship, not according to Christ's appointment, is a breach of the second commandment; but hearing of curates is a worship not according to Christ's appointment. Which I prove thus: a worship enjoined by, and performed in obedience to a law, establishing a human ordinance in the church, besides and against the institution of Christ, is a worship not according to Christ's appointment; but the hearing of curates is a worship enjoined by, and performed in obedience to a law establishing a human ordinance, to wit Diocesan Erastian prelacy, with the curates their substitutes. Hence also the second doth follow by necessary consequence, that it would infer and involve us under the guilt of omission of duty. For, first, If reductively it may involve us under the guilt of idolatry and breach of the second commandment, then it will infer the guilt of omission of these necessary duties incumbent to the Lord's people with a reference to idolatry; to make no covenant with them nor with their gods, nor let them dwell in the land, lest they make us sin, Exod. xxiii. 32. 33. Exod. xxxiv. 14, 15. to overthrow their altars, and break their pillars, and destroy the names of them out of the place, Deut. xii. 3. Judg. ii. 2. I do not adduce these precepts, to stretch them to the full measure of the demerit of the grossest of idolaters: for as there are degrees of breaches of the commandment, some grosser, some smaller, so there are also degrees of punishment, and as to the manner of destroying and extirpating all pieces of idolatry; but that the commands being founded upon a moral ground, lest they be sins and snares unto us, do oblige us to some endeavour of expelling, extirpating and overthrowing all pieces of idolatry, according to the word and our covenants; 'and that the true and right zeal of God should and would not only inspire all with an unanimous aversion against the profane intruding curates, but animate us as one man to drive away these wolves and thieves, and to eradicate these plants which our heavenly Father never planted,' Naph. Prior edit. pag. 108. The least duty that can be inferred is that of the apostles, flee from idolatry, 1 Cor. x. 14. which idolatry, there mentioned to be avoided, is to eat of the sacrifices offered to idols: whence we infer, that if to eat of things consecrated to idols be idolatry, then also to partake of sacred things consecrated by idols must be idolatry; as the curates dispensing of ordinances is consecrated by, and hath all its sanction from an idol of Diocesan Erastian prelacy; but we see the apostle expresses the former: therefore we may infer the latter. Further, It will also infer a declining from, and denying a necessary testimony, in the case circumstantiated. Even the smallest matter is great, when a testimony is concerned in it, were it but the circumstance of an open window; Daniel durst not omit it upon the greatest hazard. And now this is clearly come to a case of confession, when there is no other way to exoner our 'consciences before God and the world, and declare our non-conformity to this course of backsliding, no getting of wrongs redressed, or corruptions in the ministry removed, but by this practice; and certainly some way we must give public testimony against these courses, and there is no other way so harmless and innocent as this, though suffering follow upon it,' Apol. Relat. Sect. 14. 272, 273. And now there is no other way apparent, whereby the difference shall be kept up betwixt such as honestly mind the covenanted work of reformation, and the corrupt prelatical and malignant enemies; but this argument also will infer the expediency of withdrawing from all ministers, with whom our circumstantiate joining would involve us in a participation with their defections. IX. As we would endeavour to avoid sin in ourselves; so we must have a care to give no occasion of others sinning, by our taking liberty in a promiscuous joining in church communion, whereby we may offend and stumble the conscience of others: for to that, in this as well as in other things, we must have a special respect, and forbear things, not only for our own unclearness, but for the sake of others also. If therefore the hearing of curates be a scandal, we must refuse it, be the hazard what will: for 'whoso shall offend one of Christ's little ones, it were better for him that a milstone were hanged about his neck,' Matth. xviii. 6. 'No man must put a stumbling block, or an occasion to fall in his brother's way,' Rom. xiv. 13. They that 'sin so against the brethren, and wound their weak conscience, they sin against Christ,' 1 Cor. viii. 12. we must forbear some things for conscience sake. Conscience, I say, not our own, but of others, giving none offence, neither to the Jews, nor to the Gentiles, nor to the church of God,' 1 Cor. x. 28, 29, 32. and so 'cut off all occasion from them that desire occasion,' 2 Cor. xi. 12. 'These commands discharge whatever practice gives occasion of our brother's sinning, of calling truth in question, of acting with a doubting conscience, or which weakens his plerophory or assurance; and neither the lawfulness nor indifferency of the thing itself, nor mens authority commanding it, nor the weakness, yea, or wickedness of those in hazard to be stumbled, will warrant the doing of that out of which offence arises,' Rectius Instruend. Confut. 3. Dial. chap. 1. p. 19. Mr. Durham in that forecited place saith, 'It carries offence along with it; in reference to the party who runs unsent, it proves a strengthening and confirming of him, and so a partaking of his sin; in reference to others, either strengthens them by that example, to cast themselves in that snare, which possibly may be their ruin; or it grieves them, and makes them sad, who are tender of such things, or gives occasion to make all difference of that kind to be thought light of.' Hence, if hearing of the curates be an offence or scandal, both in reference to malignants, and in reference to the godly, and in reference to the posterity, then it must be avoided; but the former is true: which is evidenced by parts. First, in reference to malignants, it hardens and encourages them in their opposition to the work of God, and all backsliders and compliers with them in their apostacy; this strengthens their hands in their wicked courses, when they see how they are countenanced by all, and that there is no disrespect put upon them, nor dissatisfaction evinced against their courses, then they conclude that they are approven of all: and this hardeneth them, so that they never once think of the evil of their ways. Next, in reference to the godly, stumbles the truly tender, by encouraging them to do contrary to their light and conscience, even when they are not clear to hear them, then they are emboldened thereunto when they see others doing so; and so it tends to the wounding of their peace, and makes them halt in the ways of the Lord. Lastly, With reference to posterity, it would prejudge them very much: though now the honest party be not in a capacity to transmit the work of reformation unto their posterity, in such a manner as were to be wished: yet they should do something for keeping fresh the memory of the good old cause, by keeping up some footsteps of a standing controversy for Zion's interest against the common enemy: but now let all join with, and own the curates, what appearance of this shall the posterity see? shall not they conclude that the day is lost, and the cause is gone, when they see that this generation hath fled the fields, or rather sold and betrayed the cause, by owning, countenancing, and complying with the enemy, and no standing testimony against these corruptions? whereas if there were but this much of a standing difference, betwixt the people of God and the common enemies of God, to be seen, posterity shall in some measure be kept from being deceived, and shall see the interest of Christ not killed nor buried quick, but living, though in a bleeding condition, and this will occasion their engaging for Christ, and interesting themselves in the quarrel; and it is far better to see the cause of Christ owned, though by suffering and blood, than sold and betrayed by base flenching and complying with persecutors. This argument may also sound and infer a withdrawing from the addressing ministers, who, to the great scandal of presbyterians, give forth their addresses in the name of all of that persuasion. X. Our duty to themselves, yea our greatest office of love we owe to them, in order to their conviction, does oblige us to withdraw from them. This may seem a paradox, yet it will be apparent, if we search the scriptures, to see what we owe to scandalous brethren. There we find it is a duty, to endeavour by all lawful means to shame them out of their sin; and it is an argument of hatred, when we do not rebuke our neighbour, or when we suffer sin upon him, Lev. xix. 17. If we consider them then as neighbours and friends, we must use endeavours to take away their sin from them; if we consider them not as such, but as enemies, then we must avoid them, and not be mingled with them, as I could adduce many scriptures for that. But I suppose all that will oppose my thesis, would have them considered as friends. Well then, if they be scandalous brethren, this is the way prescribed by the apostle to deal with them, in order not to suffer sin upon them, that we should withdraw from them our company; and if we must withdraw our company, then also a fortiori, we must deny them our religious communion: for that must either be included there, or necessarily inferred. He writes, not to keep company: If any man that is called a brother (mark that especially) be a fornicator, or covetous, or an idolater, or a railer, or an extortioner, with such an one no not to eat, 1 Cor. v. 11. And I presume they that know them best will grant, that it would not be hard to prove, that all the curates in Scotland were chargeable with some of these, or at least partakers with them; and that if they were all impartially impannelled, they would be rare ones, whom an honest jury would not bring in guilty of this libel. Then we are expresly commanded 'in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, to withdraw ourselves from every brother that walketh disorderly, and not after the received tradition. And if any man obey not the word, to note him, and have no company with him, that he may be ashamed,' 2 Thess. iii. 6, 14. Sure neither their office nor their innocency can exempt them from these rules. For either they must be considered as our brethren; or not; if not, then we own no church communion with them; for that is only among brethren that are so in sympathy and affection, and affinity, having one father and one mother, if they be brethren, then all scandalous brethren are to be withdrawn from; but they are scandalous brethren: therefore they are to be withdrawn from. The minor will not be doubted by any, but such as are strangers to them, who both in their ministerial and personal capacity are so scandalous to the conviction of all, that profaneness hath gone forth from them into all the land, and they as much as ever the profane sons of Eli, have made men to abhor the offering of the Lord, 1 Sam. ii. 17. But even strangers, that are unacquaint with their personal profligateness and ignorance, &c. cannot be altogether ignorant of the scandal of prelacy and erastianism, in which they are involved, of the scandal of apostasy, perjury, and breach of covenant, which is their brand, and the nation's bane, that hath countenanced them. And none can doubt, but if our church were duly constitute, and invested with the orderly power of Christ, and in capacity to exercise and improve it, they would soon be censured every soul of them as scandalous, as they have been also previously sentenced as such, by the acts of our general assemblies. This argument levels also against all complying, indulged, addressing ministers, who by these courses have incurred the character of disorderly brethren. XI. Our faithfulness to God, and to one another, engaged in our covenants, doth oblige us to turn away from them who have broken it, and so classed themselves among these truce breaking traitors, who make our times perilous, from whom we must turn away, 2 Tim. iii. 1,--5. It appears from the foregoing deduction, how solemnly these nations were engaged, both to keep out and put out this generation of prelatists, now prevailing; the obligation of which yet lies upon all the inhabitants of the land, with a binding force, both in regard of their form, and object and end. Hence, if the curates be covenant-breakers, and we also in owning them, then we cannot own them without sin; but the curates are covenant-breakers, and we also in owning them: Ergo----The minor may be manifest by an induction of all the articles of the solemn league and covenant, broken by them, and all that own them. 1. That doctrine, worship, discipline and government in the 1st article, sworn to be preserved and propagated, was the presbyterian then established, which our church was in possession of, which they have opposed, and their owners refiled from, and have not maintained. 2. We are engaged in the 2d article, to endeavour the extirpation of prelacy, and its dependents; which is diametrically opposite to owning of curates: can we own them whom we are bound to abhor? and submit to them whom we are bound to extirpate? Surely this were to rebuild what we have destroyed, see Napht. p. 104. and since in relation to popery, heresy and schism, this article obliges us to disown, and not to hear papists and schismatics, why not also in relation to prelatists, who are greatest schismatics? 3. They have established and homologated an erastian supremacy, to the prejudice of true religion, and the liberties of the church and kingdom; and their owners have abetted and countenanced the same, and not preserved either the liberties of church or kingdom, contrary to the 3d article. 4. They have not only concealed and countenanced malignant enemies to this church and kingdom, but have themselves been real incendiaries, hindering the reformation of religion, making factions and parties among them contrary to this league and covenant: and their hearers are so far from bringing them to condign punishment, that they have strengthened their hands in their avowed opposition to the covenants, contrary to the 4th article. 5. They have broken our conjunction in firm peace and union, and yet their hearers have not marked and avoided these causers of divisions, contrary to scripture, and the 5th article. 6. Instead of assisting and defending all these that entered into this league and covenant, &c. they have been the greatest persecutors of all them that adhered to it; and their owners have suffered themselves, by combination, or persuasion, or terror, to be divided and withdrawn from their suffering brethren, and have made defection to the contrary part, and given themselves to a detestable indifferency in this cause, contrary to the 6th article. 7. Instead of humbling themselves for their sins, and going before others in the example of a real reformation, they have obstinately defended their breach of covenant, and have been patrons and patterns of all deformations; and their owners and hearers have not repented of that neither, when they countenance such covenant-breakers and profane persons, nor of their not labouring for the purity and power of the gospel when they seek it from such impure hands: neither do they go before others in reformation, when they are such bad examples of defection, contrary to the conclusion of the covenant. This argument will also strike against hearing of such ministers, that have made themselves guilty of the same, or equivalent breaches of covenant. XII. Finally, for union's sake, and to avoid schism in the body, we must withdraw from them. This may seem another paradox; but it is apparent, if we consider, 'That there should be no schism in the body, but that the members should have the same care one for another,' 1 Cor. xii. 25. And that for to prevent and remeid this, the apostle 'beseeches us to mark them which cause divisions and offences, contrary to the doctrine which we have learned, and avoid them,' Rom. xvi. 17. Now then, if the prelates and their curates be schismatics and separatists, and dividers, then we must avoid and withdraw from them, but so it is, that the prelates and their curates are schismatics and separatists, and dividers: therefore we must avoid and withdraw from them. The minor I prove from all the constituents of a formed schism, separation and sinful division. 1. They that start out from under due relations to a church, and from her ministry, are schismatics, separatists and dividers; but the prelates and their curates have started out from under due relations to the covenanted church of Scotland, and from her ministry, in being so unnatural rebellious children, as have broken their mother's beauty and bands, order and union, and razed her covenanted reformation in doctrine, worship, discipline and government. 2. These who withdraw from the communion of a true church, and therefore are censurable by all her standing acts, are schismatical separatists; but the prelates and their curates have withdrawn from the communion of the true church of Scotland, and therefore are censureable by all her standing acts, in that they have made a faction and combination repugnant to the communion of this church, and all her established order. 3. Those who separate from a church, whose principles and practices are subservient to that church's true union and communion, and right establishment, are properly schismatics; but the prelates and their curates have separated from this church, whose principles and practices are subservient to its true union and communion, and right establishment: for they could never yet impeach or challenge any principle or practice, contrary to the word of God, or not subservient to true union and order, but their principles and practices are stated in opposition to her purity and reformation. Those who innovate the worship and government, owned and established in a true church, are schismatics; but the prelates and their curates have innovated the worship and government of the true church of Scotland, in bringing a doctrine new and odd, and not the voice of this church; and their worship, over and above the corruption adhering to it, is the worshipping of an innovating party, contrary to our church's established order. 5. They that make a rent in the bowels of the true and genuine church, are the schismatics; but the prelates and their curates have made a rent in the bowels of this church, and have caused all the divisions in this church. 6. Those that divide themselves from the fellowship of a pure church, either in her ministry, lawful courts and ordinances, are the schismatics; but the prelates and their curates have divided themselves from the fellowship of this pure church, in her ministry, lawful courts and ordinances, in that they have caused the ejection of her ministry, dissipation of her assemblies, and subversion of her pure ordinances. 7. Those that break union with such, to whom they were under obligations to adhere, are schismatical dividers; but the prelates and their curates have broken union with such to whom they were under obligations to adhere, both from the antecedent morally obliging duty, and from the superadded obligation of the covenants, neither could they ever pretend any thing that might loose the obligation. 8. That party in a reformed church, which having overturned her reformation, hath shut out, laid aside, and persecute away sound adherers thereunto, both ministers and professors, and will not admit ministers to officiate, but upon the sinful terms of compliance with their way, are schismatics; but the prelates and their curates are that party in this reformed church, which having overturned her reformation, hath shut out, laid aside, and persecute away sound adherers thereunto, &c. therefore they are the schismatics to be withdrawn from, and their way is the schism, which we are bound to extirpate in the covenant. HEAD II. _The sufferings of many for refusing to own the tyrant's authority vindicated._ The other grand ordinance of God, magistracy, which he hath in his sovereign wisdom, justice, and goodness, appointed, ordained, and consecrated, for the demonstration, illustration, and vindication of his own glory, and the communication, conservation, and reparation of the peace, safety, order, liberty, and universal good of mankind, is next to that of the ministry of great concern: wherein not only the prudence, policy, property, and liberty of men, but also the conscience, duty, and religion of Christians, have a special interest. And therefore it is no less important, pertinent, profitable, and necessary for every one that hath any of these to care and contend for, keep and recover, to inquire into and understand something of the institution, constitution, nature, and boundaries of the sacred ordinances of magistracy, than into the holy ordinance of the ministry; so far at least as may consist with the sphere of every one's capacity and station, and may conduce to the satisfaction of every one's conscience, in the discharge of the duties of their relations. Every private man indeed hath neither capacity, concern, nor necessity, to study the politics, or search into the secrets, or intrigues of government, no more than he is to be versed in all the administrations of ecclesiastical policy, and interests of the ministry; yet every man's conscience is no less concerned, in distinguishing the character of God's ministers of justice, the magistrates, to whom he owes and owns allegiance, that they be not usurping tyrants, everting the ordinances of the magistracy, than in acknowledging the character of Christ's ministers of the gospel, to whom he owes and owns obedience, that they be not usurping prelates or impostors, perverting the ordinance of the ministry. The glory of God is much concerned, in our owning and keeping pure and entire, according to his will and word, both these ordinances. And our conscience as well as interest is concerned in the advantage or hurt, profit or prejudice, of the right or wrong, observation or prevarication, of both these ordinances; being interested in the advantage of magistracy, and hurt of tyranny in the state, as well as in the advantage of the ministry, and hurt of diocesan, or erastian supremacy in the church; in the advantage of liberty, and hurt of slavery in the state, as well as in the advantage of religion, and hurt of profaneness in the church; in the profit of laws, and prejudice of prerogative in the state, as well as in the profit of truth, and prejudice of error in the church; in the profit of peace and true loyalty, and prejudice of oppression and rebellion in the state, as well as in the profit of purity and unity, and prejudice of defection, and division or schism in the church. So that in confidence, we are no more free to prostitute our loyalty and liberty absolutely, in owning every possessor of the magistracy; than we are free to prostitute our religion and faith implicitly, in owning every pretender to the ministry. This may seem very paradoxical to some, because so dissonant and dissentient from the vulgar, yea almost universal and inveterate opinion and practice of the world, that hitherto hath not been so precise in the matter of magistracy. And it may seem yet more strange, that not only some should be found to assert this; but that any should be found so strict and strait laced, as to adventure upon suffering, and even to death, for that which hath hitherto been seldom scrupled, by any that were forced to subjection under a yoke, which they had no force to shake off, and wherein religion seems little or nothing concerned; for not owning the authority of the present possessors of the place of government: which seems to be a question not only excentric and extrinsic to religion, but such a state-question, as for its thorny intricacies and difficulties, is more proper for politicians and lawyers to dispute about, (as indeed their debates about this head of authority, have been as manifold and multiplied as about any one thing) than for private christians to search into, and suffer for, as a part of their testimony. But if we will cast off prejudices, and the tyranny of custom, and the bondage of being bound to the world's mind in our inquiries about tyranny, and suffer ourselves to ponder impartially the importance of this matter; and then to state the question right; we shall find religion and conscience hath no small interest in this business. They must have no small interest in it, if we consider the importance of this matter, either extensively, objectively, or subjectively. Extensively considered, it is the interest of all mankind to know and be resolved in conscience, whether the government they are under be of God's ordination, or of the devil's administration? Whether it be magistracy or tyranny? Whether it gives security for religion and liberty, to themselves and their posterity? Or whether it induces upon themselves, and entails upon the posterity, slavery as to both these invaluable interests? Whether they have matter of praise to God for the blessings and mercies of magistracy, or matter of mourning for the plagues and miseries of tyranny, to the end they may know both the sins and snares, duties and dangers, cases and crisis, of the times they live in? All men, that ever enjoyed the mercy of a right constitute magistracy, have experienced, and were bound to bless God for the blessed fruits of it: and, on the other hand, the world is full of the tragical monuments of tyranny, for which men were bound both to search into the causes, and see the effects of such plagues from the Lord, to the end they might mourn over both. And from the beginning it hath been observed, that as people's sins have always procured the scourge of tyranny; so all their miseries might be refounded upon tyrants encroachments, usurping upon or betraying their trust, and overturning religion, laws and liberties. Certainly mankind is concerned in point of interest and conscience, to inquire into the cause and cure of this epidemic distemper, that hath so long held the world in misery, and so habitually, that now it is become, as it were, natural to ly stupidly under it; that is, that old ingrained gangrene of the king's evil, or compliance with tyranny, that hath long afflicted the kingdoms of the world, and affected not only their backs in bearing the burden thereof; but their hearts into a lethargic stupor of insensibleness; and their heads in infatuating and intoxicating them with notions of the sacredness and uncontroulableness of tyranny; and their hands in infeebling and fettering them from all attempts to work a cure: or else it hath had another effect on many that have been sensible of a touch of it; even equivalent to that, which an ingenious author, Mr. Gee, in his preface to the divine right and original of the civil magistrate, (to which Mr. Durham is not absonant) expounds to be the effect of the fourth vial, Rev. xvi. 8, 9. when in these dog days of the world, power is given to the sun of imperial, especially popish, tyranny, by their exorbitant stretches of absolute prerogative, to scorch men with fire of furious oppressions, they then blaspheme the name of God which hath power over these plagues, in their male-content complaints, grumblings, grudgings, and murmurings under the misery, but they do not repent, nor give him glory, in mourning over the causes promeriting such a plague, and their own accession in exposing themselves to such a scorching sun, nakedly without a sconce. Certainly this would be the remedy that conscience would suggest, and interest would incite to, an endeavour either of allaying the heat or of subtracting from it under a shelter, by declining the oblique malignity of its scorching rays. But will the world never be awakened out of this dream and dotage, of dull and stupid subjection to every monster that can mount a throne? Sure at length it may be expected, either conscience from within as God's deputy, challenging for the palpable perversion of this his excellent ordinance, or judgments from without, making sensible of the effects of it, will convince and confute these old inveterate prejudices. And then these martyrs for that universal interest of mankind, who got the fore-start and the first sight of this, will not be so flouted as fools, as now they are. And who knoweth, what prelude or preparative, foreboding and presaging the downfal of tyranny, may be in its aspirings to this height of arbitrary absoluteness, and in the many questions raised about it, and by them imposed upon consciences to be resolved. If we consider the object of this question; as conscience can only clear it, so in nothing can it be more concerned. It is that great ordinance of God, most signally impressed by a very sacred and illustrious character of the glorious majesty of the Most High, who hath appointed magistracy; in which, considering either its fountain, or dignity, ends, or effects, conscience must have a very great concern. The fountain, or efficient cause of magistracy, is high and sublime. The powers that are, be of God, not only by the all-disposing hand of God in his providence, as tyranny is, nor only by way of naked approbation, but by divine in-institution; and that not only in the general, by at least a secondary law of nature, but also the special investiture of it, in institution and constitution, is from God; and therefore they are said to be ordained of God, to which ordinance we must be subject, not only for wrath, but also for conscience sake: which is the great duty required in the fifth commandment, the first commandment with promise; that hath the priority of place before all the second table, because the other commandments respect each some one interest, this hath a supereminent influence upon all. But tyrannical powers are not of God in this sense. And it were blasphemy to assert they were of the Lord's authorization, conscience cannot bind to a subjection to this. Again, the dignity of magistracy, ordained for the maintenance of truth and righteousness, the only foundations of people's felicity, whether temporal or eternal, including the bonds and boundaries of all obedience and subjection, for which they are intended, and to which they refer, is supereminent; as that epithet of higher, added to the powers that are of God, may be rendered; making them high and sublime in glory, whose highest prerogative is, That, being God's ministers, they sit in the throne of God, anointed of the Lord; judging not for man, but for the Lord, as the scripture speaks. To this conscience is concerned in duty to render honour as due, by the prescript of the fifth commandment; but for tyranny, conscience is bound to deny it, because not due, no more than obedience, which conscience dare not pay to a throne of iniquity, and a throne of the devil, as tyranny may be called, as really as magistracy is called the throne of God. Next, conscience is much concerned in the ends of magistracy, which are the greatest, the glory of God, and the good of mankind. And, in the effects of it, the maintenance of truth, righteousness, religion, liberty, peace, and safety, and all choicest external blessings; but the ends and effects of tyranny are quite contrary, domineering for pleasure, and destroying for profit. Can we think that conscience is nothing concerned here, that these great ends shall be subverted, and the effects precluded; and to that effect, that tyranny not only be shrouded under a privilege of impunity, but by our subjection and acknowledgement of it, as a lawful power, encouraged into all enormities, and licensed to usurp, not only our liberties, but God's throne by an uncontroulable sovereignty? But if we consider the subjective concern of conscience, it must be very graat, when it is the only thing that prompts to subjection, that regulates subjection, and is a bottom for subjection to lawful powers. If it were not out of conscience, men that are free born are naturally such lovers of liberty, and under corruption such lusters after licentiousness, that they would never come under the order of this ordinance, except constrained for wrath's sake: but now, understanding that they that resist the power, resist the ordinance of God, and they that resist shall receive to themselves damnation, they must needs be subject, not only for wrath, but also for conscience sake. If conscience were not exercised in regulating our duty to magistrates, we would either obey none, or else would observe all their commands promiscuously, lawful or unlawful, and would make no difference either of the matter commanded, or the power commanding: but now, understanding that we must obey God rather than man, and that we must render to all their dues, fear to whom fear, honour to whom honour, conscience regulates us what and whom to obey. And without conscience there is little hope for government to prove either beneficial or permanent; little likelihood of either a real, regular, or durable subjection to it. The discernible standing of government upon conscientious grounds, is the only thing that can bring in conscience, and a conscientious submission to it; it being the highest and most kindly principle of, and the strongest and most lasting obligation to any relative duty. It will not be liberty of conscience, (as saith the late declaration for it) but reality of conscience, and government founded upon a bottom of conscience, that will unite the governed to the governors, by inclination as well as duty. And if that be, then there is needful a rule of God's revealed preceptive will, (the only cynosure and empress of conscience), touching the founding and erecting of government, that it have the stamp of God's authority. It must needs then follow, that conscience hath a very great concernment in this question in the general, and that before it be forced to an abandoning of its light in a matter of such moment, it will rather oblige people that are conscientious to suffer the worst that tyrants can do; especially when it is imposed and obtruded upon conscience, to give its sufferage and express acknowledgment that the present tyranny is the authority of God, which is so visible in the view of all that have their eyes open, that the meanest capacity that was never conversant in laws and politics can give this verdict that the constitution and administration of the government of the two royal brothers, under whose burden the earth and we have been groaning these twenty-seven years past, hath been a complete and habitual tyranny, and can no more be owned to be magistracy, than robbery can be acknowledged to be a rightful possession. It is so plain, that I need not the help of lawyers and politicians to demonstrate it, nor launch into the ocean of their endless debates in handling the head of magistracy and tyranny: yet I shall improve what help I find in our most approved authors who have enlarged upon this question, (though not as I must state it) to dilucidate the matter in Thesi, and refer to the foregoing deduction of the succession of testimonies against tyranny, to clear it in Hypothesi. Whence we may see the occasion, and clearly gather the solution of the question, which is this: Whether a people, long oppressed with the encroachments of tyrants and usurpers, may disown their pretended authority; and, when imposed upon, to acknowledge it, may rather choose to suffer than to own it? To clear this question: I shall premit some concessions, and then come more formally to resolve it. 1. It must be granted the question is extraordinary, and never so stated by any writer on this head; which makes it the more difficult and odious, because odd and singular, in the esteem of those who take up opinions rather from the number of votes than from the weight of the reasons of the asserters of them. It will also be yielded, that this was never a case of confession for Christians to suffer upon. And the reason of both is, because, before these seven years past, this was never imposed upon private and common subjects to give an account of their thoughts and conscience about the lawfulness of the government they lived under. Conquerors and usurpers sometimes have demanded an acknowledgment of their authority, from men of greatest note and stroke in the countries they have seized; but they never since the creation urged it upon common people, as a test of loyalty; but thought always their laws and power to execute them on offenders, did secure their subjection. Or otherwise to what purpose are laws made, and the execution of them committed to men in power, if they be not thought a sufficient fence for the authority that makes them; except it also have the actual acknowledgment of the subjects to ratify it? Men that are really invested with authority, would think it both a disparagement to their authority, and would disdain such a suspicion of the questionableness of it, as to put it as a question to the subjects, whether they owned it or not. But the gentlemen that rules us, have fallen upon a piece of unprecedented policy; wherein they think both to involve the nation in the guilt of their unparalelled rebellion against the Lord, by owning that authority that promotes it; and so secure their usurpations, either by the suffrage of all that own them, or by the extirpation of the conscientious that dare not, with the odium and obloquy of being enemies to authority; by which trick they think to bury the honour of their testimony. Yet in sobriety without prophesying it may be presumed, at the long run, this project will prove very prejudicial to their interest: and herein they may verify that Scots proverb, 'o'er fast o'er loose,' and accomplish these divine sayings, 'He disappointeth the devices of the crafty, he taketh the wise in their own craftiness, and the counsel of the froward is carried headlong.' For as they have put people upon this question, who would not otherwise have made such inquiries into it, and now finding they must be resolved in conscience to answer it, whenever they shall be brought before them; upon a very overly search, they see terrible tyranny written in legible bloody characters almost on all administrations of the government, and so come to be fixed in the verdict that their conscience and the word of God gives of it; so it may be thought, this question now started, for as despicable beginnings it hath, yet ere it come to a full and final decision, will be more enquired into through the world, and at length prove as fatal to tyranny, as ever any thing could be, and then they may know whom to thank. But however, though the question be extraordinary, and the sufferings thereupon be unprecedented, and therefore, among other contradictions that may be objected, that neither in history nor scripture we can find instances of private people's refusing to own the authority they were under, nor of their suffering for that refusal; yet nevertheless it may be duty without example. Many things may be done, though not against the law of God, yet without a precedent of the practice of the people of God. Though we could not adduce an example for it, yet we can gather it from the law of God, that tyranny must not be owned, this will be equivalent to a thousand examples. Every age in some things must be a precedent to the following, and I think never did any age produce a more honourable precedent, than this beginning to decline a yoke under which all ages have groaned. 2. It will be also granted, it is not always indispensibly necessary, at all times, for a people to declare their disclaim of the tyranny they are under, when they cannot shake it off; nor, when they are staged for their duty before wicked and tyrannical judges, is it always necessary to disown their pretended authority positively; when either they are not urged with questions about it, then they may be silent in reference to that; or when they are imposed upon to give their judgment of it, they are not always obligated, as in a case of confession, to declare all their mind, especially when such questions are put to them with a manifest design to entrap their lives, or intangle their conscience. All truth is not to be told at all times; neither are all questions to be answered when impertinently interrogate, but may be both cautiously and conscientiously waved. We have Christ's own practice, and his faithful servant Paul's example, for a pattern of such prudence and Christian caution. But yet it were cruel and unchristian rigour, to censure such as, out of a pious principle of zeal to God and conscience of duty, do freely and positively declare their judgment, in an absolute disowning of their pretended authority, when posed with such questions, though to the manifest detriment of their lives, they conscientiously looking upon it as a case of confession. For where the Lord hath not peremptorily astricted his confessors to such rules of prudence, but hath both promised, and usually gives his Spirit's conduct, encouraging and animating them to boldness, so as before hand they should not take thought how or what they shall speak, and in that same hour they find it given them, it were presumption for us to stint them to our rules of prudence. We may indeed find rules to know, what is a case of confession; but hardly can it be determined, what truth or duty we are questioned about is not, or may not be, a case of confession. And who can deny, but this may be in some circumstance, a case of confession, even positively to disown the pretended authority of a bloody court or council? when either they go out of their sphere, taking upon them Christ's supremacy, and the cognizance of the concerns of his crown, whereof they are judges noways competent; then they must freely and faithfully be declined. Or when, to the dishonour of Christ, they blaspheme his authority, and the sacred boundaries he hath prescribed to all human authority, and will assert an illimited absolute authority, refusing and discharging all offered legal and scriptural restrictions to be put thereupon, (as hath been the case of the most part of these worthy though poor martyrs, who have died upon this head) then they must think themselves bound to disown it. Or when they have done some cruel indignity and despite to the Spirit of God, and to Christ's prerogative and glory, and work of reformation, and people, in murdering them without mercy, and imposing this owning of their king, by whose authority all is acted, as a condemnation of these witnesses of Christ their testimony, and a justification of their bloody cruelties against them, which hath frequently been the case of these poor people that hath been staged upon this account: in this case, and several others of this sort that might be mentioned, then they may be free and positive in disowning this test of wicked loyalty, as the mark of the dragon of the secular beast of tyranny. And in many such cases, when the Lord gives the spirit, I see no reason but that Christ's witnesses must follow his pattern of zeal in the case of confession, which he witnessed before Pontius Pilate in asserting his own kingship, as they may in other cases follow his pattern of prudence. And why may we not imitate the zeal of Stephen who called the council before whom he was staged stiff-necked resisters of the Holy Ghost, persecutors of the prophets, and betrayers and murderers of Christ the just one, as well as the prudence of Paul? But, however it be, the present testimony against this pretended authority lies in the negative, which obliges always, for ever and for ever; that is to say, we plead, that it must never be owned. There is a great difference between a positive disowning and a not owning; though the first be not always necessary, the latter is the testimony of the day, and a negative case of confession, which is always clearer than the positive. Though we must not always confess every truth, yet we must never deny any. 3. It is confessed, we are under this sad disadvantage besides others, that not only all our brethren, groaning under the same yoke with us, will not take the same way of declining this pretended authority, nor adventure, when called, to declare their judgment about it, (which we do not condemn, as is said, and would expect from the rules of equity and charity, they will not condemn us when we find ourselves in conscience bound to use greater freedom) but also some when they do declare their judgment, give it in terms condemnatory of, and contradictory unto our testimony, in that they have freedom positively to own this tyranny as authority, and the tyrant as their lawful sovereign: and many of our ministers also are of the same mind. And further, as we have few expressly asserting our part of the debate, as it is now stated; so we have many famous divines expresly against us in this point, as especially we find in their comments upon, Rom. xiii. among whom I cannot dissemble my sorrow to find the great Calvin, saying, Sæpe solent inquirere, &c. 'Men often enquire, by what right they have obtained their power who have the rule! it should be enough to us that they do govern; for they have not ascended to this eminency by their own power, but are imposed by the hand of the Lord.' As also Pareus saying too much against us. For answer to this, I refer to Mr. Knox's reply to Lethington, producing several testimonies of divines against him upon this very head; wherein he shews, that the occasions of their discourses and circumstances wherein they were stated, were very far different from those that have to do with tyrants and usurpers, as indeed they are the most concerned, and smart most under their scourge, are in best case to speak to the purpose. I shall only say, mens averment, in a case of conscience, is not an oracle, when we look upon it with an impartial eye, in the case wherein we are not prepossessed: it will bear no other value, than what is allayed with the imperfections of fallibility, and moreover is contradicted by some others, whose testimony will help us as much to confirm our persuasion, as others will hurt us to infirm it. 4. But now when tyrants go for magistrates, lest my plea against owning tyranny, should be mistaken, as if it were a pleading for anarchy, I must assert, that I and all those I am vindicating, are for magistracy, as being of divine original, institute for the common good of human and Christian societies, whereunto every soul must be subject, of whatsoever quality or character, and not only for wrath but also for conscience sake (though as to our soul and conscience, we are not subject) which whosoever resisteth, resisteth the ordinance of God, and against which rebellion is a damnable sin, whereunto (according to the fifth commandment, and the many reiterated exhortations of the apostles) we must be subject, and obey magistrates, and submit ourselves to every ordinance of man, for the Lord's sake, whether it be unto the king as supreme, &c. And we account it a hateful brand of them that walk after the flesh, to despise government, to be presumptuous, self-willed, and not afraid to speak evil of dignities: and that they are filthy dreamers, who despise dominion, and speak evil of dignities: and of those things which they know not. We allow the magistrate, in whatsoever form of government, all the power the scripture, laws of nature and nations, or municipal do allow him; asserting, that he is the keeper and avenger of both the tables of the law, having a power over the church, as well as the state, suited to his capacity, that is, not formally ecclesiastical, but objectively, for the church's good; an external power, of providing for the church, and protecting her from outward violence, or inward disorder, an imperate power, of commanding all to do their respective duties; a civil power of punishing all, even church-officers, for crimes; a secondary power of judicial approbation or condemnation; or discretive, in order to give his sanction to synodical results; a cumulative power, assisting and strengthening the church in all her privileges, subservient, though not servile, co-ordinate with church-power, not subordinate (though as a christian he is subject) in his own affairs, viz. civil; not to be declined as judge, but to be obeyed in all things lawful, and honoured and strengthened with all his dues. We would give unto Cæsar the things that are Cæsar's, and to God the things that are God's; but to tyrants, that usurp and pervert both the things of God and of Cæsar, and of the peoples liberties, we can render none of them, neither God's, nor Cæsar's, nor our own: nor can we from conscience give him any other deference, but as an enemy to all, even to God, to Cæsar, and the people. And in this, though it doth not sound now with court-parasites, nor with others, that are infected with royal indulgencies and indemnities, we bring forth but the transumpt of old principles, according to which our fathers walked when they still contended for religion and liberty, against the attemptings and aggressions of tyranny, against both. 5. It must be conceded, it is not an easy thing to make a man in the place of magistracy a tyrant: for as every escape, error, or act of unfaithfulness, even known and continued in, whether in a minister's entry to the ministry, or in his doctrine, doth not unminister him, nor give sufficient ground to withdraw from him, or reject him as a minister of Christ: so neither does every enormity, misdemeanor, or act of tyranny, injustice, perfidy, or profanity in the civil magistrate, whether as to his way of entry to that office, or in the execution of it, or in his private or personal behaviour, denominate him a tyrant or an usurper, or give sufficient ground to divest him of magistratical power, and reject him as the lawful magistrate. It is not any one or two acts contrary to the royal covenant or office, that doth denude a man of the royal dignity, that God and the people gave him. David committed two acts of tyranny, murder and adultery; yet the people were to acknowledge him as their king (and so it may be said of some others, owned still as kings in scripture) the reason is, because though he sinned against a man or some particular persons, yet he did not sin against the state, and the catholic good of the kingdom, subverting law; for then he would have turned tyrant, and ceased to have been lawful king. There is a great difference between a tyrant in act, and a tyrant in habit; the first does not cease to be a king. But on the other hand, as every thing will not make a magistrate to be a tyrant; so nothing will make a tyrant by habit a magistrate. And as every fault will not unminister a minister; so some will oblige the people to reject his ministry, as if he turn heretical, and preach atheism, Mahometanism, or the like, the people, though they could not formally depose him, or through the corruption of the times could not get him deposed; yet they might reject and disown his ministry: so it will be granted, that a people have more power in creating a magistrate, than in making a minister; and consequently they have more right, and may have more light in disowning a king, as being unkinged; than in disowning a minister, as being unministred. It will be necessary therefore, for clearing our way, to fix upon some ordinary characters of a tyrant, which may discrimate him from a magistrate, and be ground of disowning him as such. I shall rehearse some, from very much approved authors; the application of which will be as apposite to the two brothers, that we have been burdened with, as if they had intended a particular and exact description of them. Buchanan de jure regni apud Scotos, shews, 'That the word tyrant was at first honourable, being attributed to them that had the full power in their hands, which power was not astricted by any bonds of laws, nor obnoxious to the cognition of judges; and that it was the usual denomination of heroes, and thought at first so honourable, that it was attributed to the gods: but as Nero and Judas were sometimes among the Romans and Jews names of greatest account, but afterwards by the faults of two men of these names, it came to pass, that the most flagitious would not have these names given to their children, so in process of time, rulers made this name so infamous by their wicked deeds, that all men abhorred it, as contagious and pestilentious, and thought it a more light reproach to be called hangman than a tyrant.' Thereafter he condescends upon several characters of a tyrant. 1. 'He that doth not receive a government by the will of the people, but by force invadeth it, or intercepteth it by fraud, is a tyrant; and who domineers even over the unwilling (for a king rules by consent, but a tyrant by constraint) and procures the supreme rule without the peoples consent, even tho' for several years they may so govern, that the people shall not think it irksome.' Which very well agrees with the present gentleman that rules over us, who, after he was by public vote in parliament secluded from the government, of which the standing laws of both kingdoms made him incapable for his murders, adulteries and idolatries, by force and fraud did intercept first an act for his succession in Scotland, and then the actual succession in England, by blood and treachery, usurping and intruding himself into the government, without any compact with, or consent of the people; though now he studies to make himself another Syracusan Hiero, or the Florentine Cosmo de medices, in a mild moderation of his usurped power; but the west of England, and the west of Scotland both, have felt the force of it. 2. He does not govern for the subjects welfare, or public utility, but for himself, having no regard to that, but to his own lust, 'acting in this like robbers, who cunningly disposing of what wickedly they have acquired, do seek the praise of justice by injury, and of liberality by robbery; so he can make some shew of a civil mind; but so much the less assurance gives he of it, that it is manifest, he intends not hereby the subjects good, but the greater security of his own lusts, and stability of empire over posterity, having somewhat mitigated the peoples hatred, which when he had done, he will turn back again to his old manners; for the fruit which is to follow, may easily be known, both by the seed and by the sower thereof.' An exact copy of this we have seen within these two years, oft before in the rule of the other brother. After God hath been robbed of his prerogatives, the church of her privileges, the state of its laws, the subjects of their liberty and property, he is now affecting the praise, and captating the applause of tenderness to conscience, and love of peace, by offering now liberty after all his cruelties; wherein all the thinking part of men do discern he is prosecuting that hellish project, introducing popery and slavery, and overturning religion, law, and liberty. 3. The kingly government is according to nature, the tyrannical against it; principality is the kingly government of a freeman amongst freemen; the tyrannical a government of a master over slaves. Tyranny is against nature, and a masterly principality over slaves. Can he be called a father, who accounts his subjects slaves; or a shepherd, who does not feed, but devours his flock? or a pilot, who doth always study to make shipwreck of the goods, and strikes a leak in the very ship where he fails? 'What is he then that bears command, not for the people's advantage, but studies only himself, who leadeth his subjects into manifest snares? He shall not verily be accounted by me either commander, emperor, or governor.' King James VI. also, in a speech to the parliament in the year 1609, makes this one character of a tyrant, when he begins to invade his subjects rights and liberties. And if this be true, then we have not had a king these many years: the foregoing deduction will demonstrate, what a slavery we have been under. 4. What is he then, who doth not contend for virtue with the good but to exceed the most flagitious in vices? 'If you see then any usurping the royal name, and not excelling in any virtue, but striving to exceed all in baseness, not tendering his subjects good with native affection, but pressing them with proud domination, esteeming the people committed to his trust, not for their safeguard, but for his own gain, will you imagine this man is truly a king, albeit he vapours with a numerous levee guard, and makes an ostentation of gorgeous pomp?' The learned Althusius likewise in his politics, chap. 38. Num. 15. (as he is cited by Jus Populi, chap. 16. p. 347.) makes this one character of a tyrant, that 'living in luxury, whoredom, greed and idleness, he neglecteth, or is unfit for his office.' How these suit our times we need not express; what effrontery of impudence is it, for such monsters to pretend to rule by virtue of any authority derived from God, who pollute the world with their adulteries and incests, and live in open defiance of all the laws of the universal king; with whom to exceed in all villanies is the way to purchase the countenance of the court, and to aspire to preferment? No Heligobaldus, &c. could ever come up the length in wickedness, that our rulers have professed. 5. He can transfer unto himself the strength of all laws, and abrogate them when he pleases. King James VI. in that forecited speech saith, a king degenerateth into a tyrant, when he leaveth to rule by law. Althusius also, in the forecited place, saith, 'There is one kind of tyranny, which consisteth in violating, changing, or removing of fundamental laws, specially such as concern religion; such, saith he, Philip the king of Spain, who, contrary to the fundamental Belgic laws, did erect an administration of justice by force of arms; and such was Charles IX. of France, that thought to overturn the Salic law.' All that knoweth what hath been done in Britain these twenty-seven years, can attest our laws have been subverted, the reformation of religion overturned, and all our best laws rescinded; and now the penal statutes against papists disabled and stopped, without and against law. 6. He can revoke all things to his nod, at his pleasure. This is also one part of King James VI.'s character of a tyrant, when he sets up an arbitrary power; and of Althusius, in the forecited place, 'when he makes use of an absolute power, and so breaks all bonds for the good of human society.' We allow a king an absolute power taken in a good sense, that is, he is not subaltern, nor subordinate to any other prince, but supreme in his own dominions: or if by absolute he meant perfect he is most absolute that governs best, according to the word of God; but if it be to be loosed from all laws, we think it blasphemy to ascribe it to any creature. Where was there ever such an arbitrary and absolute power arrogated by any mortal, as hath been claimed by our rulers these years past? especially by the present usurper, who, in this liberty of conscience now granted to Scotland, assumes to himself an absolute power, which all are to obey without reserve, which carries the subjects slavery many stages beyond whatever the grand Signior did attempt. 7. For by a tyrant strangers are employed to oppress the subjects: 'they place the establishment of their authority in the people's weakness, and think that a kingdom is not a procuration concredited to them by God, but rather a prey fallen into their hands; such are not joined to us by any civil bond, or any bond of humanity, but should be accounted the most capital enemies of God, and of all men.' King James, as above says, he is a tyrant that imposes unlawful taxes, raises forces, makes war upon his subjects, to pillage, plunder, waste, and spoil his kingdoms. Althusius as above, makes a tyrant, who by immoderate exactions, and the like, exhausts the subjects, and cites scripture, Jer. xxii. 13, 14. Ezek. xxxiv. 1. Kings xii. 19. Psal. xiv. 4.' It is a famous saying of Bracton, he is no longer king, than while he rules well, but a tyrant whensoever he oppresseth the people that are trusted to his care and government. And Cicero says, he loseth all legal power in and over an army or empire, who by that government and army does obstruct the welfare of that republic. What oppressions and exactions by armed force our nation hath been wasted with, in part is discovered above. 8. Althusius in the place above quoted, makes this another mark, 'When he keepeth not his faith and promise, but despiseth his very oath made unto the people.' What shall we say of him then, who not only brake, but burnt, and made it criminal to assert the obligation of the most solemnly transacted covenant with God and with the people, that ever was entered into, who yet upon these terms of keeping that covenant only was admitted to the government? And what shall we say of his brother succeeding, who disdains all bonds, whose professed principle is, as a papist, to keep no faith to heretics? 9. In the same place he makes this one character: 'A tyrant is he, who takes away from one or more members of the commonwealth the free exercise of the orthodox religion.' And the grave author of the impartial enquiry into the administration of affairs in England, doth assert, p. 3. 4. 'Whensoever a prince becomes depraved to that degree of wickedness, as to apply and employ his power and interest, to debauch and withdraw his subjects from their fealty and obedience to God, or sets himself to extirpate that religion which the Lord hath revealed and appointed to be the rule of our living, and the means of our happiness, he doth by that very deed depose himself; and instead of being owned any longer for a king, ought to be treated as a rebel and traitor against the supreme and universal sovereign.' This is the perfect portracture of our princes; the former of which declared an open war against religion, and all that professed it: and the latter did begin to prosecute it with the same cruelty of persecution, and yet continues without relenting against us; though to others he tolerates it under the notion of a crime, to be for the present dispensed with, until he accomplish his design. 10. Ibid. he tells us, 'That whoso for corrupting of youth erecteth stage plays, whore-houses, and other play-houses, and suffers the colleges and other seminaries of learning to be corrupted.' There were never more of this in any age, than in the conduct of our court, which, like another Sodom, profess it to be their design to debauch mankind into all villanies, and to poison the fountains of all learning and virtue, by intruding the basest of men into the place of teachers, both in church and university, and precluding all access to honest men. 11. Further he says. 'He is a tyrant who doth not defend his subjects from injuries when he may, but suffereth them to be oppressed, (and what if he oppress them himself?)' It was one of the laws of Edward the confessor, if the king fail in the discharge of his trust and office, he no longer deserves nor ought to enjoy that name. What name do they deserve then, who not only fail in the duty of defending their subjects, but send out their lictors and bloody executioners to oppress them, neither will suffer them to defend themselves! But Althusius makes a distinct character of this. 12. Then, in fine he must certainly be a tyrant, who will not suffer the people, by themselves nor by their representatives, to maintain their own rights, neither by law nor force; for, saith my author forecited, 'He is a tyrant who hindereth the free suffrages of members of parliament, so that they dare not speak what they would; and chiefly he who takes away from the people all power to resist his tyranny, as arms, strengths, and chief men, whom therefore, though innocent, he hateth, afflicteth, and persecuteth, exhausts their goods and livelihoods, without right or reason.' All know that our blades have been all along enemies to parliaments; and when their interest forced to call them, what means were used always to paque and prelimit them, and overawe them, and how men, who have faithfully discharged their trust in them, have been prosecuted with the height of envy and fury, and many murdered thereupon; and how all the armed force of the kingdoms have been inhanced into their hand, and the people kept so under foot, that they have been rendered incapable either to defend their own from inrestine usurpers, or foreign invaders. All that is said amounts to this, that when ever men in power to evert and subvert all the ends of government, and intrude themselves upon it, and abuse it, to the hurt of the commonwealth, and the destruction of that for which government was appointed; they are then tyrants, and cease to be magistrates. To this purpose I shall here append the words of that forecited ingenious author of the Impartial Inquiry, pag. 13, 14. 'There can be nothing more evident from the light of reason as well as scripture, than that all magistracy is appointed for the benefit of mankind, and the common good of societies; God never gave any one power to reign over others for their destruction, (unless by his providence when he had devoted a people for their sins to ruin,) but on whomsoever he confers authority over cities or nations, it is with this conditional proviso and limitation, that they are to promote their prosperity and good, and to study their defence and protection; all princes are thus far pactional----And whosoever refuseth to perform this fundamental condition, he degrades and deposes himself; nor is it rebellion in any to resist him; whensoever princes cease to be for the common good, they answer not the end they were instituted unto, and cease to be what they were chosen for.' 6. It will not be denied, but when the case is so circumstantiate, that it would require the arbitration of judgment to determine, whether the king be a tyrant or not, that then people are not to disown him: for if it be a question, whether the people be really robbed of their rights and liberties, and that the king might pretend as much reason to complain of the people's doing indignity to his sovereignty, as they might of his tyranny; then it were hard for them to assume so far the umpirage of their own cause, as to make themselves absolute judges of it, and forthwith to reject his authority upon these debatable grounds. But the case is not so with us; no place being left for doubt or debate, but that our fundamental rights and liberties civil and religious, are overturned, and an absolute tyranny, exactly characterized as above, is established on the ruins thereof. Hence we have not disowned the pretended authority, because we judged it was tyrannical, but because it was really so. Our discretive judgment in the case was not our rule, but it was our understanding of the rule, by which only we could be regulated, and not by the understanding of another, which cannot be better, nor so good, of our grievances, which certainly we may be supposed to understand best ourselves, and yet they are such as are understood every where. To the question then, who shall be judge between these usurping and tyrannizing rulers and us? We answer briefly and plainly. We do not usurp a judgment in the case pretending no more authority over them in our private capacity, than we allow them to have over us, that is none at all? Nor can we admit that they should be both judges and party; for then they might challenge that prerogative in every case, and strengthen themselves in an uncontrollable immunity and impunity to do what they pleased. But we appeal to the fundamental laws of the kingdom, agreeable to the word of God, to judge, and to the whole world of impartial spectators to read and pronounce the judgment. Lex Rex, Quest. 24. pag. 213. saith in answer to this, 'There is a court of necessity no less than a court of justice; and the fundamental laws must then speak, and it is with the people in this extremity as if they had no ruler. And as to the doubtsomeness of these laws, he saith, (1.) As the scriptures in all fundamentals are clear, and expound themselves, and _in the first instance_ condemn heresies; so all laws of men in their fundamentals, which are the law of nature and nations, are clear. (2.) Tyranny is more visible and intelligible than heresy, and it is soon discerned----The people have a natural throne of policy in their conscience, to give warning, and materially sentence against the king as a tyrant;--where tyranny is more obscure, and the thread small, that it escape the eye of man, the king keepeth possession, but I deny that tyranny can be obscure long.' 7. I shall grant that many things are yieldable even to a grassonant dominator, and tyrannical occupant of the place of magistracy; as 1. There may be some cases, wherein it is lawful for a people to yield _subjection_ to a lawless tyrant, when groaning under his overpowering yoke, under which they must patiently _bear the indignation of the Lord, because_ they _have sinned against him, until he_ arise and _plead_ his own _cause, and execute judgment_ in the earth, (Mic. vii. 9.) until which time they must kiss the rod as in the hand of God, and own and adore the holiness and sovereignty of that providence that hath subjected them under such a slavery; and are not to attempt a violent ejection or excussion, when either the thing attempted is altogether impracticable, or the means and manner of effectuating it dubious and unwarrantable, or the necessary concomitants and consequents of the cure more hurtful or dangerous than the disease, or the like. As in many cases also a man may be subject to a robber prevailing against him; so we find the people of Israel in Egypt and Babylon, &c. yielded subjection to tyrants. But in this case we deny two things to them, (1.) Allegiance or active and voluntary subjection, so as to own them for magistrates. (2.) Stupid _passive obedience_, or suffering without resistance. For the first, we owe it only to magistrates, by virtue of the law, either ordinative of God, or constitutive of man. And it is no argument to infer; as a man's subjecting himself to a robber assaulting him, is no solid proof of his approving or acknowledging the injury and violence committed by the robbery, therefore a person's yielding subjection to a tyrant a public robber does not argue his acknowledging or approving his tyranny and oppression. For, the subjection that a tyrant requires, and which a robber requires, is not of the same nature; the one is legal of subjects, which we cannot own to a tyrant; the other is forced of the subdued, which we must acknowledge to a robber. But to make the parallel; if the robber should demand, in our subjecting ourselves to him, an owning of him to be no robber but an honest man, as the tyrant demands in our subjecting ourselves to him in owning him to be no tyrant, but a magistrate, then we ought not to yield it to the one no more than to the other. For the second, to allow them passive obedience is unintelligible nonsense and a mere contradiction; for nothing that is merely passive can be obedience as relative to a law; nor can any obedience be merely passive; for obedience is always active. But not only is the inaccuracy of the phrase excepted against, but also that position maintained by many, that, in reference to a yoke of tyranny, there is a time which may be called the proper season of suffering, that is, when suffering (in opposition to acting or resisting) is a necessary and indispensible duty, and resisting is a sin: for if the one be an indispensible duty, the other must be a sin at the same time, but this cannot be admitted. For, though certainly there is such a season of suffering, wherein suffering is lawful, laudable and necessary, and all must lay their account with suffering, and little else can be attempted, but which will increase sufferings; yet even then we may resist as well as we can: and these two, resistance and suffering, at the same time, are not incompatible: David did bear most patiently the injury of his son's usurpation, when he said, 'Let the Lord do to me as seemeth him good,' 2 Sam. xv. 26. chap. x. 12. and betaketh himself to fervent prayers, Psal. iii. and yet these were not all the weapons he used against him; neither did he ever own him as a magistrate. We are to suffer all things patiently as the servants of the Lord, and look to him for mercy and relief, (Psal. cxxiii. 2.); but we are not obliged to suffer even in that season, as the slaves of men. Again, suffering in opposition to resistance, does never fall under any moral law of God, except in the absolutely extraordinary case of Christ's passive obedience, which cannot fall under our deliberation or imitation; or in the case of a positive law, as was given to the Jews to submit to Nebuchadnezzar, which was express and peculiar to them, as shall be cleared. That can never be commanded as indispensible duty, which does not fall under our free will or deliberation, but the enemies will, as the Lord permits them, as the case of suffering is. That can never be indispensible duty, which we may decline without sin, as we may do suffering, if we have not a call to it; yea, in that case, it were sin to suffer; therefore, in no case it can be formally and indispensibly commanded, so as we may not shift it, if we can without sin. Suffering simply the evil of punishment, just or unjust, can never be a conformity to God's preceptive will, but only to his providential disposal; it hath not the will of the sign for its rule, but only the will of well-pleasing. All the commands that we have for suffering, are either to direct the manner of it, that it be patiently and cheerfully, when forced to it wrongfully, 1 Pet. ii. 19, 20, or comparatively, to determine our choice in an unavoidable alternative, either to suffer or sin; and so we are commanded, rather to suffer, than to deny Christ, Matth. xiii. 33. and we are commanded upon these terms to follow Christ, to take up his cross, when he lays it on his providence, Matth. xvi. 24. See at length this cleared, Lex Rex, Q. 30. page 317-320 otherwise in no case subjection, even passive, can be a duty; for it is always to be considered under the notion of a plague, judgment and curse, to be complained of as a burden, never to be owned as a duty to magistrates. As we find the Lord's people resenting it as a servitude, under which they were servants even in their own land, which did yield increase unto the kings whom the Lord had set over them, because of their sins, Neh. ix. 36, 37. 2. In divers cases there may be some compliance with a mere occupant, that hath no right to reign; as upon this account the noble marquis of Argyle and lord Warriston suffered for their compliance with the usurper Cromwell. Such may be the warrantableness, or goodness, or necessity, or profitableness of a compliance, when people are by providence brought under a yoke which they cannot shake off, that they may part with some of their privileges, for the avoidance of the loss of the rest, and for the conveniency and profit, peace and safety of themselves and their country, which would be in hazard, if they did not comply; they may do whatsoever is due from them to the public weal, whatsoever is an office of their station or place, or which they have any other way a call unto, whatsoever may make for their own honest interest, without wronging others, or the country's liberties in their transactions with these powers, even though such a compliance may be occasionally to the advantage of the usurpers, seeing good and necessary actions are not to be declined for the ill effects that are accidental to them, and arise from the use which others make of them. But though this may be yielded in some cases to such usurpers, especially conquerors, that have no right of occupying the empire, but are capable of it by derivation from the people's consent: yet it must not be extended to such usurpers as are also tyrants, that have no right of their own, nor are capable of any, and that overturn all rights of subjects. To such we can yield no compliance, as may infer either transacting with them, or owning them as magistrates. We find indeed the saints enjoyed places under these, who were not their magistrates; as Nehemiah and Mordecai and Esther was queen to Ahasuerus. But here was no compliance with tyrants (for these heathens were not such) only some of them were extraordinary persons, raised up by an extraordinary spirit, for extraordinary ends in extraordinary times, that cannot be brought to an ordinary rule, as Esther's marriage; and all of them in their places kept the law of their God, served the work of their generation, defiled not themselves with their customs, acted against no good, and engaged to no evil, but by their compliance promoted the welfare of their country, as Argyle and Warrriston did under Cromwel. Again, we find they paid custom to them, as Neh. ix. 36, 37. and we read of Augustus' taxation universally complied with, Luke ii. 1-5. and Christ paid it. This shall be more fully answered afterwards. Here I shall only say (1.) It can never be proven that these were tyrants. (2.) Christ paid it with such a caution, as leaves the title inflated; not for conscience (as tribute must be paid to magistrates, Rom. xiii. 5, 6.) but only that he might not offend them. (3.) Any other instances of the saints taxations are to be judged forced acts, badges of their bondage, which, if they had been exacted as tests of their allegiance, they would not have yielded. Strangers also, that are not subjects, use to pay custom in their trafficking, but not as tests of their allegiance. 3. There may be also, in some cases, obedience allowed to their lawful commands because of the lawfulness of the thing commanded, or the coincidency of another just and obligging authority commanding the same. We may do many things which a tyrant commands, and which he enforces; and many things also whether he will or not; but we must do nothing upon the consideration of his command, in the acknowledgement of obedience, due by virtue of allegiance, which we own of conscience to a lawful magistrate. We must do nothing, which may seem to have an accessoriness to the tyrant's unlawful occupancy, or which depends only on the warrant of his authority to do it, or may entrench on the divine institution of magistracy, or bring us into a participation of the usurper's sin. In these cases we can neither yield obedience in lawful things, nor in unlawful: 'nor can we own absolute subjection, no more than we can absolute obedience; for all subjection is enjoined, in order to obedience: and to plead for a privilege in point of obedience, and to disclaim it in point of subjection, is only the flattery of such, as having renounced with conscience all distinction of obedience, would divest others of all privileges, that they may exercise their tyranny without controul, Naphtali, p. 28. prior edit.'] 4. There may be addresses made to such as are not rightful possessors of the government, for justice, or mercy, or redress of some intolerable grievances, without scruple of accepting that which is materially justice or mercy, or seeking them at the hand of any who may reach them out to us, though he that conveys them to us be not interested in the umpirage of them. Thus we find Jeremiah supplicated Zedekiah for mercy, not to return to prison; and Paul appealed to Cæsar for justice. But in these addresses we may not acknowledge the wicked laws that brought on these grievances, nor conceal the wickedness, no more than the misery of them which we have endured; nor may we own the legal power of them that we address, to take them off, nor signify any thing, in the matter and manner of our representations, that may either import a declining our testimony, for which we have suffered these grievances, or a contradiction to our declinature of their pretended authority: only we may remonstrate, what cruelties we have endured, and how terrible it will be to them to be guilty of, or accessory to our blood, in not pitying us; which was all that Jeremiah did. And as for Paul's appeal, we find he was threatened to be murdered by his countrymen, Acts xxiii. 14. from whose hands he was rescued, and brought before the judicatory of Festus the Roman deputy, not voluntarily; thence also they sought to remand him to Jerusalem, that they might kill him, Acts xxv. 3. whereupon he demands in justice that he might not be delivered to his accusers and murderers, but claims the benefit of the heathens own law, by that appeal to Cæsar, which was the only constrained expedient of saving his own life, Acts xxviii. 19, by which also he got an opportunity to witness for Christ at Rome. But, as shall be cleared further afterwards, Cæsar was not an usurper over Judea; which not obscurely is insinuated by Paul himself, who asserts, that both his person, and his cause criminal, of which he was accused (it was not an ecclesiastical cause, and so no advantage hence for the supremacy) appertained to Cæsar's tribunal, and that not only in fact, but of right, Acts xxv. 10. 'I stand at Cæsar's judgment-seat, where I ought to be judged.' We cannot say this of any tribunal; fenced in the name of them that tyrannize over us. 5. I will not stand neither upon the names and titles of kings, &c. to be given to tyrants and usurpers, in speaking to them or of them, by way of appellation or compellation: for we find even tyrants are called by these names in scripture, being kings in fact, though not by right and indeed not impertinently, kings and tyrants for the most part are reciprocal terms. But in no case can we give them any names or titles, which may signify our love to them whom the Lord hates, or who hate the Lord, 2 Chron. xix. 2. or which may flatter them, whom Elihu durst not give, for fear his Maker should take him away, Job xxxii. 22. or which may be taken for honouring of them, for that is not due to the vilest of men, when exalted never so high, Psal. xii. ult. a vile person must be contemned in our eyes, Psal. xv. 4. nor which may any way import or infer an owning of a magistratical relation between them and us, or any covenant-transaction or confederacy with them, which is no terms with them, as such, we will say or own. Isa. viii. 12. Hence many sufferers upon this head forbear to give them their titles. 8. It will be yielded very readily by us, that a magistrate is not to be disowned, merely for his differing in religion from us: yea, though he were a heathen. We do not disown our pretended rulers merely upon that account, but cheerfully do grant and subscribe to that truth in our Confession of Faith, chap. xxiii. sect. 4. That infidelity, or difference in religion, doth not make void the magistrate's just and legal authority, nor free the people from their due obedience to him: on which our adversaries have insulted, as if our principle and practice were thereby disproved. But it is easy to answer, 1. Let the words be considered, and we are confident, 'That no sober man will think, the acknowledgement of just and legal authority, and due obedience a rational ground to infer, that tyranny is thereby either allowed or privileged,' Napht. p. 60 prior edition. 2. Though infidelity or difference of religion, does not make void authority, where it is lawfully invested; yet it may incapacitate a person, and lawfully seclude him from authority, both by the word of God, which expressly forbids to set a stranger over, who is not our brother, Deut. xvii. 15. which includes as well a stranger of a strange religion, as one of a strange country, and by the laws of the land, which do incapacitate a papist of all authority, supreme or subordinate. And so, if this James VII. II. had been king before he was a Roman Catholic, if we had no more to object, we should not have quarrelled his succession. 3. We both give and grant all that is the confession, to wit, that dominion is not founded in grace: yet this remains evident, that a prince, who not only is of another religion, but an avowed enemy to, and overturner of the religion established by law, and intending and endeavouring to introduce a false, heretical, blasphemous and idolatrous religion, can claim no just and legal authority, but in this case the people may very lawfully decline his pretended authority; nay, they are betrayers of their country and posterity, if they give not a timeous and effectual check to his usurpings, and make him sensible that he hath no such authority. Can we imagine, that men in the whole of that blessed work so remarkably led of God, being convocate by a parliament of the wisest and worthiest men that ever were in England, whom they did encourage, by writing and preaching, and every way to stand fast in their opposition to the then king displaying a banner for his prerogative (a court dream) against religion and liberty, should be so far left, as to drop that as a principle and part of our religion, which would sacrifice religion itself to the lust of a raging tyrant? Must we believe, that a religion destroying tyrant is a righteous ruler? And must we own him to be a nursing father to the church? Shall we conclude, that the common bounds and limits, whereby the Almighty hath bounded and limited mankind, are removed by an article of our Confession of Faith, which hereby is turned into a court creed: Then welcome Hobs de cive, with all the rest of Pluto's train, who would babble us into a belief, that the world is to be governed according to the pleasure of wicked tyrants. I would fain hope at length the world would be awakened out of such ridiculous dreams, and be ashamed any more to own such fooleries. And it may be, our two royal brothers have contributed more to cure men of this moral madness than any who went before them. And this is the only advantage, I know, that the nations have reaped by their reign. 9. Though we deny that conquest can give a just title to a crown; yet we grant, in some cases, that by the peoples after-consent it may be turned into a just title. It is undeniable, when there is just ground of the war, if a prince subdue a whole land, who have justly forfeited their liberties, when by his grace he preserves them, he may make use of their right now forfeited, and they may resign their liberty to the conqueror, and consent that he be their king, upon fair and legal, and not tyrannical conditions. And even when the war is not just, but successful on the invading conquerors side, this may be an inducement to the conquered, if they be indeed free and unengaged to any other, to a submission, dedition, and delivery up of themselves to be the subjects of the victor, and to take him for their sovereign: as it is like the case was with the Jews in Cæsar's time, whose government was translated by dedition to the Roman power; in the translation, when a-doing, there was a fault, but after it was done, it ceased; though the beginning was wrong, there was a post-fact, which made it right, and could not be dissolved, without an unjust disturbance of public order. Whence, besides what is said above, in answer to that much insisted instance of Christ's paying tribute, and commanding it to be paid to Cæsar, the difficulty of that instance may be clearly solved. That tribute which he paid, Matth. xvii. 14. &c. and that about the payment whereof he was questioned, Matth. xxii. 21. seem to be two different tributes. Many think, very probably, they were not one and the same tribute. It is a question, for whom, and by whom that of Matth. xvii. was gathered; it is most likely, it was gathered by the officers of the temple for its service: however, the payment was made, with such caution (tacitely declining the strict right to exact it from him, but to avoid offence, in an act in itself unobliging) that their claim is left as much in the dark, as if the question had never been moved. The other, Matth. xxii. was exacted for Cæsar: but to that captious question our Lord returns such an answer, as might both solve it, and evade the snare of the propounder, giving a general rule of giving to God and to Cæsar each their own, without defining which of them had the right to the payment in question; whether Cæsar should have it, or whether it should be paid only for the temple's use: upon which they marvelled, which they needed not do, if they had understood in his words an express and positive declaration of an obligation to make that payment to Cæsar; for then they would have obtained one of their ends, in making him odious to the people, who were not satisfied with the payment of it. But however, the knot is loosed, by considering that they were now lawfully subject to the Roman Emperors, as their governors, to whom they were obliged (I do not say Christ was) to pay tribute. For they had yielded themselves unto, and owned the Roman dominion in Pompey, Cæsar Augustus and Tiberius, ere this question about tribute paying was proposed to our Saviour; and therefore they who stuck at the payment of it, were a seditious party, dissenting from the body of the nation; else it is not supposeable readily, that their dominion in Judea could have been exercised long without some consent, sufficient to legitimate it to the present rulers; and this is the more likely, if we consider the confession of the Jews themselves, disavowing the power of capital punishment. It is not lawful for us to put any man to death, and owning Cæsar as their king, with an exclusive abrenunciation of all other, we have no king but Cæsar; as Paul also acknowledges, he ought to be judged at Cæsar's bar, in his appeal to Cæsar. It is also acknowledged by very good authors, that this was the tribute which Judas the Galilean stood up to free the people from; and that the sedition of those Jews that followed him, mentioned Acts v. 37. who mutinied upon this occasion, was, according to Gamaliel's speech, disallowed by that Sanhedrim, or council of the Jews. And it may be gathered out of Josephus, that the Jews of Hircanus' party came under the Roman power by consent and dedition, while they of Aristobulus' party looked upon the Romans as usurpers. Which difference continued till our Saviour's time, when some part of them acknowledged the Cæsarean authority, some part looked upon it as an usurpation; and of this generally were the Pharisees. To confirm this, Calvin's testimony may be adduced, upon Matth. xxii. who saith, 'The authority of the Roman emperors was by common use approved and received among the Jews, whence it was manifest, that the Jews had now of their own accord imposed on themselves a law of paying the tribute, because they had passed over to the Romans the power of the sword.' And Chamiers panstrat. tom. 2 lib. 15. cap. 16. p. 635. 'What then? if Cæsar's authority was from bad beginnings, did therefore Christ untruly say it was from above? Can no power, at first unjust, afterward become just? if that were so, then either none, or very few kingdoms would be just.' 10. As tyranny is a destructive plague to all the interests of men and Christians; to anarchy, the usual product of it, is no less pernicious, bringing a community into a paroxysm as deadly and dangerous. We must own government to be absolutely necessary, for the constitution and conservation of all societies. I shall not enter into a disquisition, let be determination of the species or kind of magistracy, whether monarchy aristocracy or democracy, be preferable. My dispute, at present, is not levelled against monarchy, but the present monarch: not against the institution of the species (though I believe, except we betake ourselves to the divine allowance and permission; we shall be as puzzled to find out the divine original of it, as cosmographers are in their search of the spring of Nilus, or theologues of the Father of Melchizedeck) but the constitution of this individual monarchy established among us, which, in its root and branch, spring and streams, in its original, nature, ends and effects, is diametrically opposite to religion and liberty; and because its contagion, universally converting and corrupting all the ends and orders of magistracy, doth affect and infect all the subordinate officers, deriving their power from such a filthy fountain; we must also subtract and deny their demanded acknowledgments as any way due, so long as they serve the pride and projects of such a wicked power: and do not reckon ourselves obliged by covenant, or any otherwise (though, in the third article of the solemn league, we are bound to preserve the rights and privileges of our parliaments, and consequently the honour and deference that's due to our peers, or other parliament-men, acting according to the trust committed to them, but not when they turn traitors engaged in a conspiracy with the tyrant) to own or defend a soulless shadow of a court cabal, made up of persons who have sold themselves to work wickedness, in conspiring with this throne of iniquity against the Lord, which is all we have for a parliament, whom we can in no ways own as our representatives, but must look upon them as perjured and perfidious traitors to God and their country, which they have betrayed into the hands of a tyrant; and therefore divested of that power and authority, which they had of the people as their representatives, which now is returned to the fountain. And therefore we must act as we can against them, and also what is necessary for securing of ourselves, religion and liberty, without them. We would think nobles, ennobled with virtue, a great mercy and encouragement; and if they would concur in the testimony for religion and liberty, we would be glad that they should lead the van, and prove themselves to be powers appointed by God, in acting for him in his interest. But for the want of their conduct, we must not surcease from that duty that they abandon, nor think that the concurrence of peers is so necessary to legitimate our actions, as that without that formality our resolutions to maintain the truth of God on all hazards, in a private capacity, were unlawful in the court of God and nature: but, on the contrary, must judge that their relinquishing or opposing their duty, which before God they are obliged to maintain, preserve, and promove, is so far from loosing our obligation, or exeeming us from our duty that it should rather press us to prosecute it with the more vigour, without suspending it upon their precedency. For now they can pretend to no precedency, when they do not answer the end of their own private advantage, they cease to be the ministers of God and of the people, and become private persons. And reason will conclude, 'That when the Ephori or trustees betray their trust, and sell, or basely give away the liberties and privileges of the people, which they were entrusted with, the people cannot be brought into a remediless condition; if a tutor waste and destroy the pupils estate, the law provides a remedy for the pupil, Jus popu. vind. cap. 15. page 335, 336.' 'The remedy, in this case, can only be, as every one must move in his own sphere, while all concur in the same duty; so if any, in higher place, become not only remiss, but according to the influence of their power would seduce others into their apostasy, it is their duty to resist and endeavour their reformation or removal: and if these more eminently entrusted shall turn directly apostates, and obstructive and destructive to common interests, the people of an inferior degree may step forward to occupy the places, and assert the interests, which they forefault and desert. Neither is this a breach of good order; for order is only a mean subordinate to, and intended for the glory of God, and the peoples good, and the regulation thereof must only be admitted as it is conducible, and not repugnant to these ends. A general's command to his soldiers in battle, does not impede the necessity of succession, in case of vacancy of any charge, either through death or desertion, even of such as in quality may be far inferior to those whose places they step into, Naphtali, page 151. first edition.' I do not assert this for private peoples aspiring into the capacity of primores of peers; but that they may do that which the peers desert, and dare not, or will not do, if the Lord put them in a capacity to do it. And more plainly I assert, that if the peers of the land whose duty it is principally to restrain and repress tyranny, either connive at it, or concur with it, and so abandon or betray their trust, then the common people may do it; at least are obliged to renounce, reject, and disown allegiance to the tyrant, without the peers. For which I offer these reasons. 1. Because all men have as much freedom and liberty by nature as peers have, being no more slaves than they; because slavery is a penal evil contrary to nature, and a misery consequent of sin, and every man created according to God's image, is a sacred thing; and also no more subjects to kings, &c. than they; freedom being natural to all (except freedom from subjection to parents, which is a moral duty, and most kindly and natural, and subjection of the wife to the husband, &c.) but otherwise as to civil and politic subjection, man, by nature, is born as free as beasts; no lion is born king of lions, nor no man born king of men; nor lord of men, nor representative of men, nor rulers of men, either supreme or subordinate; because none, by nature, can have those things that essentially constitute rulers, the calling of God, nor gifts and qualifications for it, nor the election of the people. 2. The original of all that power, that the primores or representatives can claim, is from the people, not from themselves; from whence derived they their being representatives, but from the people's commission or compact? when at the first constitution of parliaments, or public conventions for affairs of state, necessity put the people, who could not so conveniently meet all, to confer that honour and burden upon the best qualified, and who had chief interest by delegation. Hence, if the people give such a power, they may wave it when perverted, and act without their own impowered servants. 3. The people's power is greater than the power of any delegated or constituted by them; the cause is more than the effect; parliament-men do represent the people, the people do not represent the parliament: they are as tutors and curators unto the people, and in effect their servants deputed to oversee their public affairs, therefore if their power be less the people can act without them. 4. It were irrational to imagine, the people committing the administration of their weighty affairs unto them, did denude themselves of all their radical power; or that they can devolve upon them, or they obtain any other power but what is for the good and advantage of the people; therefore they have power to act without them, in things which they never resigned to them; for they cannot be deprived of that natural aptitude, and nature's birth-right, given to them by God and nature, to provide the most efficacious and prevalent means for the preservation of their rights and liberties. 5. As the people have had power before they made peers, and have done much without them; so these primores could never do without them, therefore in acts of common interest, the peers depend more upon the people than the people do upon them. 6. All these primeve rights, that gave rise to societies, are equal to both people and peers, whereof the liberty to repress and reject tyranny is a chief one. The people as well as peers have a hand in making the king, and other judges also, as is clear from Deut. xvii. 14. Judg. ix. 6. 1 Sam. xi. 15. 2 Kings xiv. 21. therefore they may unmake them as well as they. To seek to preserve the ends of government, when they are overturned, is essentially requisite to all societies, and therefore common and competent to all constituents of these societies, superiors or inferiors. The glory of God and security of religion, the end of all Christian government, doth concern all equally. As every one equally is bound to obey God rather than man, so violence in this case destroys both the commonwealth, and maketh the end and means of government, and the injured persons obligation thereto to cease; and this equally to every man of private or public capacity. In the concern of religion at least, we must not think because we are not nobles, or in authority, that the care of it, or reformation thereof does nothing pertain to us; nay in that, and carrying on the work thereof, there is an equality: as in the erection of the Old Testament tabernacle, all the people were to contribute alike half a shekel, Exod. xxx. that it might be for a remembrance before the Lord. Hence it follows, if we disown the supreme ruler, and the inferior confederate with him, and cannot have the concurrence of others: 'now through the manifest and notorious perversion of the great ends of society and government, the bond thereof being dissolved, we liberated therefrom, do relapse into our primeve liberty and privilege: and accordingly, as the similitude of our case, and exigence of our cause doth require, may, upon the very same principles, again join and associate, for our better defence and preservation, as we did at first enter into societies,' Nap. p. 150. yet, whatever we may do in this case, we are not for presumptuous assumptions of authority which maleversers have forefaulted: neither are we for new erections of government, but are for keeping the society, of which we are members, entire, in an endeavour to have all our fellow members united unto God, and to one another, in religion and liberty, according to the bond of the solemn league and covenant. Certain it is, that greater societies, under one government, may in some cases make a secession, and divide into lesser, without sedition: or else, how would there be so many distinct commonwealths in the world? seeing at first all was under one head: and how comes it to pass, that there are so many kingdoms in Europe, when it can be instanced, when all, or the most part, were under one Roman emperor? But this, in our circumstance, is noway expedient, neither was it ever in projection. But our aim is to abstract ourselves inoffensively, and maintain our rights that remain unrobbed, and to adhere closely to the fundamental constitutions, laws, and laudable practices of our native kingdom. II. We own the obligation of our sacred covenants, unrepealably and indispensibly binding to all the duties of christian subjection to magistrates. But we deny, that hereby we are bound either to maintain monarchy, especially thus perverted; nor to own the authority of either of the two monarchs that have monarchized or tyrannized over us these twenty-seven years past. For as to the first, we assert, That that which is in its own nature mutable, cannot be simply sworn unto to be maintained and preserved, but hypothetically at most, else it were simply sinful; since it were to make things in their own nature, and in the providence of God changeable, unchangeable; yea it were a downright swearing not to comply with, but to spurn against, the various vicissitudes of divine providence, the great rector of the universe. And it is unquestionable, that when things alterable and unalterable are put in the same oath, to make the engagement lawful the things must be understood, as they are in their own nature, and no otherwise: else both the imposer and the taker grievously transgress; the former, in taking upon him what is in the power of no mortal, and a contradiction to the prerogative of the immortal God; and the other, in owning that power as just. Hence when these two fall to be in the same oath, they must be so understood as it may not be made a snare to the conscience of the swearer. For it may fall so out in the providence of God, that the preservation of both is in all respects made impossible: and an adhesion to the one, may so far interfere with the preservation of the other, as if the mutable and that which hath no objective obligation to be stuck to the other, which with the loss of all interests we are to maintain, must be abandoned; yea, that which was sworn to be maintained as a mean only, and a mutable one too, may not only cease to be a mean, but may actually destroy the main end, and then it is to be laid aside, because then it inverts the order of things. Hence also it may be questioned, if it were not more convenient, to leave out those things that are alterable in themselves, out of the same oath with things unalterable, and put them in a distinct oath or covenant by themselves; as we see Jehojadah did 2 Kings xi. 17. 'He made a covenant between the Lord, and the king, and the people, that they should be the Lord's people; between the king also and the people.' Here are two distinct covenants; the one made with God, about things eternally obligatory, wherein the king and people engage themselves upon level ground to serve the Lord, and Joash the king, his treacherous dealing with God in that matter, brought the curse of that covenant upon him: the other covenant was civil, about things alterable relating to points of government and subjection. And as he, by virtue of that prior covenant, had obliged himself, under the pain of the curse thereof, to carry as one covenanted to God with the people, and so not to tyrannize over his brethren: so, the people, by virtue of that same covenant, were to yield obedience, but in nothing to acknowledge him, as having power or authority to countermand God's command; neither had it been an act of disloyalty, to have broken down his groves, which he had, with the addition of the guilt of perjury, set up, and to have bound his ungrateful hands from the blood of the gracious Zechariah: a perfect parallel to our case under the former dominator, save that it was outdone as to all dimensions of wickedness by him. To speak more plainly, the religious part of our covenant is of an eternal obligation; but as to the civil part, it is impossible it can ever be so, unless it be well and cautiously understood; that is, unless instead of any species of government, as monarchy, &c. we put in magistracy itself. For this is that power which is of God; but monarchy, &c. is only a human creature, about the creation whereof men take a liberty, according to what suits them best in their present circumstances. And as to this species of monarchy; men are never left at liberty to clothe therewith any inept or impious person. And they are perfectly loosed from it. 1. When that species of government becomes opposite to the ends of government, and is turned tyranny, especially when a legal establishment is pretended, then it affects with its contagion the very species itself: the house is to be pulled down, when the leprosy is got into the walls and foundation. 2. When it is exercised, it is turned inept for answering the ends of its erection, and prejudicial to the main thing for which government is given, to wit, the gospel and the coming of Christ's kingdom: hence it is promised to the church, Isa. xlix. 23. 'Kings shall be nursing fathers to the church:'----And Isa. lii. 15. It is promised to the Mediator that 'Kings shall shut their mouths,'----_i.e._ never a word in their head, but out of reverence and respect to his absolute sovereignty, they shall take the law from him, without daring to contract, far less to take upon them to prescribe in the house of God, as they in their wisdom think fit. 3. When providence, without any sinful hand, makes that species impossible to be kept up, without the ruin of that for which it was erected: when things comes to this push, whosoever are clothed with the power, are then under an obligation to comply with that alteration of providence, for the safety of the people; else they declare themselves unworthy of rule, and such who would sacrifice the interest of their people to their particular interest; in which case the people may make their public servant sensible, he is at his highest elevation but a servant. Hence now, when this species named in the covenant, viz. monarchy, is by law so vitiate, as it becomes the mean and instrument of the destruction of all the ends of that covenant, and now by law transmitted to all successors as a hereditary, pure, perfect and perpetual opposition to the coming of Christ's kingdom, so that as long as there is one to wear that crown, (but Jehovah will in righteousness execute Coniah's doom upon the race, Jer. xxii. _ult._ 'Write this man childless'----) and enter heir to the government as now establishment, he must be an enemy to Christ; there is no other way left, but to think on a new model moulded according to the true pattern. As to the second, we are far less obliged to own and acknowledge the interest of any of the two monarchs, that we have been mourning under these many years, from these sacred covenants. For, as to the first of them, Charles II. Those considerations did cassate his interest, as to any covenant obligation to own him. 1. In these covenants we are not sworn absolutely to maintain the king's person and authority, but only conditionally, in the preservation and defence of religion and liberties. Now, when this condition was not performed, but, on the contrary, professedly resolved never to be fulfilled; and when he laid out himself to the full of his power and authority, for the destruction of that reformed religion and liberties of the kingdom, which he solemnly swore to defend when he received the crown, only in the terms that he should be a loyal subject to Christ, and a true and faithful servant to the people, in order to which a magistrate is chosen, and all his worth, excellency, and valuableness, consists in his answering that purpose; for the excellency of a mean, as such, is to be measured from the end, and its answerableness thereunto: we were not then obliged, to maintain such an enemy to these precious interests. 2. Because, as the people were bound to him, so he was bound to them by the same covenant, being only on these terms entrusted with the government, all which conditions he perfidiously broke, whereupon only his authority and our allegiance were founded; and thereby we were loosed from all reciprocal obligation to him by virtue of that covenant. 3. Though he and we stood equally engaged to the duties of that covenant, only with this difference, that the king's capacity being greater, he was the more obliged to have laid out that power, in causing all to stand to their covenant engagements, as Josiah did, 2 Chron. xxxiv. 31, 32, 33. (but alas! there was never a Josiah in the race,) yet he rose up to the height of rebellion against God and the people, in heaven daring insolency, and not only brake, but burnt that covenant, and made laws to cass and rescind it, and made a not-concurring in this conspiracy, a note of incapacity for any trust in church or state. Therefore to plead for an owning of him in this case, were only concludent of this, that the generation had dreamed themselves into such a distraction, as may be feared will be pursued with destruction, and make such dreamers the detestation of posterity, and cause all men proclaim the righteousness of God, in bringing ruin upon them by that very power and authority they owned in such circumstances. 4. It is a known maxim, 'He that does not fulfil the conditions, falls from the benefit of it, and whoso remits the obligation of the party obliged upon condition, cannot exact it afterwards.' So then it is evident, that the subjects of Scotland were by king Charles II. his consent, yea express command, disengaged from so much of that covenant as could be alledged in favours of himself: so that all that he did, by burning and rescinding these covenants, and pursuing all who endeavoured to adhere to them, was a most explicit liberating his subjects from, and remission of their allegiance to him, (and in this we had been fools if we had not taken him at his word;) yea he rescinded his very coronation, by an act of his first parliament after his return, which did declare null and void all acts, constitutions and establishments, from the year 1633 to that present session, not excepting those for his own coronation, after which he was never recrowned, and therefore we could not own that right, which himself did annul. But as for his royal brother, James the VII. and II. we cannot indeed make use of the same reasons and arguments to disown him, as we have now adduced; yet, as we shall prove afterwards, this covenant does oblige to renounce him. So it is so clear, that it needs no illustration, that there lies no obligation from this covenant to own him. 1. Because, as he is an enemy to the whole of our covenant, and especially to these terms upon which authority it is to be owned therein: so he will not come under the bond of this covenant, nor any other compact with the people, but intrude himself upon the throne, in such a way as overturns the basis of our government, and destroys all the liberties of a free people, which by covenant we are bound to preserve, and consequently, as inconsistent therewith, to renounce his usurpation. For, a prince that will set himself up without any transactions with the people, or conditions giving security for religion and liberty, is an usurping tyrant, not bounded by any law but his own lusts. And to say to such an one, reign thou over us, is all one as to say, come thou and play the tyrant over us, and let thy lust and will be a law to us: which is both against scripture and natural sense. If he be not a king upon covenant terms, either expresly or tacitely, or general stipulations according to the word of God, and laws of the land, he cannot be owned as a father, protector, or tutor, having any fiduciary power entrusted to him over the common wealth, but as a lawless and absolute dominator, assuming to himself a power to rule or rage as he lists: whom to own were against our covenants: for there we are sworn to maintain his majesty's just and lawful authority, and by consequence not to own usurpation and tyranny, stated in opposition to religion and liberty, which there also we are engaged to maintain. Sure, this cannot be lawful authority which is of God, for God giveth no power against himself; nor can it be of the people, who had never power granted them of God to create one over them, with a liberty to destroy them, their religion and liberty, at his pleasure. 2. As he is not, nor will not be our covenanted and sworn king (and therefore we cannot be his covenanted and sworn subjects;) so he is not nor cannot be our crowned king, and therefore we must not be his liege subjects, owning fealty and obedience to him. For, 'according to the national covenant, as all lieges are to maintain the king's authority, consistent with the subjects liberties; which, if they be innovated or prejudged, such confusion would ensue, as this realm could be no more a free monarchy;--so for the preservation of true religion, laws and liberties of this kingdom, it is statute by the 8th act, parl. 1. repeated in the 99th act, parl. 7th, ratified in the 23d act, parl. 11th, and 14th act, parl. 12th of king James VI, and 4th act. of king Charles I. that all kings and princes, at their coronation and reception of their princely authortity, shall make their faithful promise by their solemn oath, in the presence of the eternal God, that enduring the whole time of their lives, they shall serve the same eternal God, to the uttermost of their power, according as he hath required in his most holy word, contained in the Old and New Testaments; and according to the same word, shall maintain the true religion of Christ Jesus, the preaching of his holy word, the due and right ministration of the sacraments, now received and preached within this realm (according to the confession of faith immediately preceding) and shall abolish and gainst and all false religion, contrary to the same; and shall rule the people committed to their charge, according to the will and command of God, revealed in his foresaid word, and according to the laudable law and constitutions received in this realm, no ways repugnant to the said will of the eternal God; and shall procure, to the uttermost of their power, to the kirk of God, and whole Christian people, true and perfect peace in all time coming, and that they shall be careful to root out of their empire all hereticks, and enemies to the true worship of God, who shall be convicted by the true kirk of God of the foresaid crimes.' Now, this coronation oath he hath not taken, he will not, he cannot take; and therefore cannot be our crowned king according to law. As there be also many other laws, incapacitating his admission to the crown, being a professed papist, and no law for it at all, but one of his own making, by a packed cabal of his own complices, a parliament, wherein himself presided as commissioner, enacting materially his succession, and rescinding all these ancient laws: which act of succession (which is all the legal right he can pretend to in Scotland) because it cannot be justified, therefore his right cannot be owned, which is founded upon the subversion of our ancient laws. But as he cannot be our legally crowned king, so he is not so much as formally crowned. And therefore before his inauguration, whatever right to be king (whom the representatives may admit to the government) he may pretend to, by hereditary succession, yet he cannot formally be made king, till the people make a compact with him, upon terms for the safety of their dearest and nearest liberties, even though he were not disabled by law. He might, as they say, pretend to some right to the thing, but he could have no right in the thing. The kings of Scotland, while uncrowned, can exercise no royal government; for the coronation in concrete, according to the substance of the act, is no ceremony (as they, who make conscience itself but a ceremony, call it) nor an accidental ingredient in the constitution of a king, but as it is distinctive, so it is constitutive: it distinguished Saul from all Israel, and made him from no king to be a king; it is dative, and not only declarative; it puts some honour upon him that he had not before. 3. Though the laws should not strike against his coronation, and though the representatives legally should take the same measures with him that they took with his brother, and admit him upon the terms of the covenant; yet after such doleful experiences of such transactions with these sons of Belial, who must not be taken with hands, nor by the hand, it were hard to trust, or entrust them with the government, even though they should make the fairest professions; since they, whose principles is to keep no faith to heretics (as they call us) and who will be as absolute in their promises as they are in their power, have deservedly forfeited all credit and trust with honest men; so that none could rationally refer the determination of a half crown reckoning to any of them, far less own them and their government in the management of the weightiest affairs of state, since their malversations are written in such bloody characters, as he that runs may read them. At least it were wisdom, and is our duty, to take our measures from the general assembly's procedure with the other brother, before his admission to the government, to suspend our allegiance to him, until authority be legally devolved upon him, and founded upon, and bounded by terms, giving all security for religion and liberty. 12. As I said, before wary prudence, in waving such an impertinent and ticklish question, cannot be condemned; since whatever he may be in conscience, no man in law can be obliged, so far to surrender the common privilege of all mankind, to give an account of all his inward thoughts, which are always said to be free. And as in nothing they are more various, so in nothing they can be more violented, than to have our opinion and sentiments of the current government extorted from us, a declining of which declaration of thoughts, where no ouvert act in project or practice can be proven against it, cannot be treason in any law in the world: so a cautelous answer, in such a ticklish, and intrapping imposition, cannot be censured in point of lawfulness or expediency, even though much be conceded, to stop the mouths of these bloody butchers, gaping greedily after the blood of the answerer; if he do not really own, but give them to understand, he cannot approve of this tyranny. But as these poor faithful witnesses, who were helped to be most free, have always been honoured with the most signal countenance of the Lord in a happy issue of their testimony: so those that used their prudentials most, in seeking shifts to shun severity, and studying to satisfy these inquisitors with their stretched concessions, were ordinarily more exposed to snares, and found less satisfaction in their sufferings even though they could say much to justify, or at least extenuate their shiftings. I knew one, who had proof of this, who afterwards was ashamed of this kind of prudence. A short account of whose managing of answers to this question, because it may conduce somewhat to the explication of it, may here be hinted. The question moved after the usual form, was, do ye own the authority of king James VII. In answer to which, he pleaded first, for the immunity of his thoughts, which he said were not subject to theirs or any tribunal. When this could not be an evasion from their extortions, he objected the ambiguity of the terms in which the question was conceived, being capable of divers senses: and enquired, what they meant by authority? What, by owning authority? By authority, whether did they mean the administration of it as now improved? If so, then he was not satisfied with it: or the right, as now established? If so, then he was not clear to give his opinion of it, as being neither significant nor necessary; and that it was fitter for lawyers and those that were better acquaint with the secrets of government, than for him to dispute it. Again he asked, what they meant by owning? Either it is passive subjection, that he did not decline; or active acknowledgment of it and that he said he looked upon as all the suffrage he could give to its establishment in his station, which he must demur upon some scruple. The replies he received were very various, and some of them very rare, either for ignorance or imposture. Sometimes, it was answered: to own the king's authority, is to take the oath of allegiance; this he refused. Some answered, it is to engage never to rise in arms against the king, upon any pretence whatsoever; this he refused likewise. Others explained it to be, to acknowledge his right to be king: to his he answered, when the authority is legally devolved upon him by the representatives of both kingdoms, it was time enough for him to give account of his sentiments. Others defined it, to own him to be a lawful king by succession. To this he answered, he did not understand succession could make a man formally king, if there were not some other way of conveyance of it; it might put him in the nearest capacity to be king, but could not make him king. Some did thus paraphrase upon it, that he must own him to be his sovereign Lord under God, and God's vicegerent, to be obeyed in all things lawful. To this he answered, whom God appoints, and the people choose according to law, he would own. When those shifts would not do, but from time to time being urged to a categorical answer; he told them, he was content to live in subjection to any government providence set up; but for owning the present constitution as of God, and according to law, he durst not acknowledge it, nor own any mortal as his lawful sovereign, but in terms consistent with the covenant securing religion and liberty. This not satisfying, when he came to a more pinching trial; he declared, he owned all lawful authority according to the word of God, and all authority that was the ordinance of God by his preceptive will, and he could be subject to any; but further to acknowledge it, he behoved to have more clearness; for sometimes a nation might be charged with that, 'Ye have set up kings, and not by me,' &c. Further he conceded, he owned his providential advancement to the throne; he owned as much as he thought did oblige him to subject himself with patience; he owned him to be as lawful, as providence possessing him of the throne of his ancestors, and lineal succession, as presumed next in blood and line, could make him: but still he declined to own him as lawful king, and alledged that was all one, whether he was lawful or not, he refused not subjection, distinguishing it always from allegiance. But all these concessions did not satisfy them, and alledged he might say all this of a tyrant; and therefore commanded him to give it under hand, to own not only the lineal, but the legal succession of king James VII. to the crown of Scotland; which he did, upon a fancy, that legal did not import lawful, but only the formality of their law; withal protesting, he might not be interpreted to approve of his succession. But this was a vain protestation against fact. However, by this we see, what is owning this authority, in the sense of the inquisitors. The result of all is, to acknowledge allegiance to the present possessor, and to approve his pretended authority as lawful, rightful and righteous; which indeed is the true sense of the words, and any other, that men can forge or find out, is strained. For, to speak properly, if we own his authority in any respect, we own it to be lawful: for every authority, that is owned to be authority indeed, is lawful; authority always importing authorization, and consisting in a right or call to rule, and is formally and essentially contradistinct to usurpation: where ever the place of power is merely usurped, there is no authority but according to his word; a stile without truth, a barely pretended nominal equivocal authority, no real denomination: if we then own this man's authority, we own it to be lawful authority: and if we cannot own it so, we cannot own it all. For it is most suitable, either to manly ingenuity, or Christian simplicity, to speak properly, and to take words always in the sense, that they to whom they are speaking will understand them, without equivocating. These preliminaries being thus put by, which do contribute to clear somewhat in this controversy, and both furnish us with some arguments for, and solutions in most of the objections against my thesis, in answer to the questions above stated. I set it down thus: A people long oppressed with the encroachments of tyrants and usurpers, may disown all allegiance to their pretended authority, and when imposed upon to acknowledge it, may and must rather chuse to suffer, than to own it. And consequently we cannot, as matters now stand, own, acknowledge, or approve the pretended authority of king James VII. as lawful king of Scotland; as we could not, as matters then stood, own the authority of Charles II. This consequence is abundantly clear from the foregoing deduction, demonstrating their tyranny and usurpation. In prosecuting of this general thesis, which will evince the particular hypothesis, I shall, 1. Adduce some historical instances, whence it may be gathered, that this is not altogether without a precedent, but that people have disowned allegiance to tyrants and usurpers before now. 2. Deduce it from the dictates of reason. 3. Confirm it by scripture arguments. I. Albeit, as was shewed before, this question, as now stated, is in many respects unprecedented; yet the practice, which in our day hath been the result of it, to disown, or not to own prevailing dominators usurping the government, or abusing it, is not so alien from the examples of history, but that by equivalency or consequence it may be collected from and confirmed by instances. 1. To begin at home, besides many passages related already for confirmation, we may add, (1.) That for about 1025 years, the people had in their choice whom to own, or admit to succeed in the government, 'Even though the kingdom was hereditary; and used to elect, not such who were nearest in blood and line, but these that were judged most fit in government, being of the same progeny of Fergus,' Buchanan's History of Scotland, book vi. pag. 195. in the life of Kenneth III. This continued until the days of Kenneth III. who to cover his villainous murder of his brother's son Malcolm, and prevent his, and secure his own son's succession, procured this charter for tyranny, the settlement of the succession of the next in line from the parliament: which, as it pretended the prevention of many inconveniencies, arising from contentions and competitions about the succession; so it was limited by laws, precluding the succession of fools or monsters, and preserving the people's liberty to shake off the yoke when tyranny should thereby be introduced: otherwise it would have been not only an irrational surrender of all their own rights, and enslaving the posterity, but an irreligious contempt of providence, refuting and anticipating its determination in such a case. However it is clear, before this time, that as none but the fittest were admitted to the government; so if any did usurp upon it, or afterwards did degenerate into tyranny, they took such order with him, as if he had not been admitted at all; as is clear in the instances of the first period, and would never own every pretender to hereditary succession. (2.) As before Kenneth's days, it is hard to reckon the numerous instances of kings that were dethroned, or imprisoned, or slain, upon no other account than that of their oppression and tyranny; so afterwards they maintained the same power and privilege of repressing them, when ever they began to encroach. And although no nation hath been more patient towards bad kings, as well as loyal towards good ones; yet, in all former times, they understood so well the right they had, and the duty they owed to their own preservation, as that they seldom failed of calling the exorbitantly flagitious to an account. And albeit, instead of condoling or avenging the death of the tyrannous, they have often both excused and justified it, yet no kingdom hath inflicted severer punishments upon the murders of just and righteous princes: and therefore, though they did neither enquire after, nor animadvert upon those that slew James III. a flagitious tyrant, yet they did, by most exquisite torments, put them to death who slew James the I. a virtuous monarch. Hence, because these and other instances I mind to adduce of deposing tyrants, may be excepted against, as not pertinent to my purpose, who am not pleading for exauctoration and deposition of tyrants, being impracticable in our case: I shall once for all remove that, and desire it may be considered, (1.) That though we cannot formally exauctorate a tyrant; yet he may, by law itself, fall from his right, and may exauctorate himself, by his laws by whom kings reign; and this is all we plead for as a foundation of not owning him. (2.) Though we have not the same power, yet we have the same grounds, and as great and good, if not greater and better reasons to reject and disown our tyrant, as they, whose example is here adduced, had to depose of their tyrannizing princes. (3.) If they had power and ground to depose them, then a fortiori, they had power and ground to disown them; for that is less, and included in the other, and this we have. (4.) Though it should be granted, that they did not disown them before they were deposed; yet it cannot be said that they did disown them only because they were deposed: for it is not deposition that makes a tyrant; it only declares him to be justly punished for what he was before. As the sentence of a judge does not make a man a murderer or thief, only declares him convict of these crimes, and punishable for them; it is their own committing them that makes him criminal: and, as before the sentence, having certain knowledge of the fact, we might disown the man's innocency or honesty; so a ruler's acts of tyranny and usurpation make him a tyrant and usurper, and give ground to disown his just and legal authority; which he can have no more than a murderer or thief can have innocency or honesty. (3.) We find also examples of their disowning kings undeposed; as king Baliol was disowned with his whole race, for attempting to enslave the kingdom's liberties to foreign power. And if this may be done for such an attempt, as the greatest court parasites, and sycophants consent; what then shall be done for such as attempt to subject the people to domestic or intestine slavery? shall we refuse to be slaves to one without, and be, and own ourselves contented slaves to one within the kingdom? It is known also that king James the I. his authority was refused by his subjects in France, so long as he was a prisoner to the English there, though he charged them upon their allegiance, not to fight against the party who had his person prisoner: they answered, They owned no prisoner for their king, nor owned no allegiance to a prisoner. Hence princes may learn, though people submit to their government; yet their resignation of themselves to their obedience is not so full, as that they are obliged to own allegiance to them, when either morally or physically they are incapacitate to exercise authority over them. They that cannot rule themselves cannot be owned as rulers over a people. 2. Neither hath there been any nation, but what at one time or other hath furnished examples of this nature. The English history gives account, how some of their kings have been dealt with by their subjects, for impieties against the law and light of nature, and encroachments upon the laws of the land. Vortigern was dethroned for incestuously marrying his own sister. Neither did ever blasphemies, adulteries, murders, plotting against the lives of innocents, and taking them away by poison or razor, use to escape the animadversion of men, before they were priest-ridden unto a belief that princes persons were sacred. And if men had that generosity now this man that now reigns might expect some such animadversion. And we find also king Edward, and Richard the II. were deposed, for usurpation upon laws and liberties, in doing whereof the people avowed, They would not suffer the laws of England to be changed. Surely the people of England must now be far degenerate, who having such laws transmitted to them from their worthy ancestors, and they themselves being born to the possession of them without a change, do now suffer them to be so encroached upon, and mancipate themselves, and leave their children vassals to popery, and slaves to tyranny. 3. The Dutch also, who have the best way of guiding of kings of any that ever had to do with them (witness their having so many of them in chains, now in Batavia in the East Indies) are not wanting for their part to furnish us with examples. When the king of Spain would not condescend to govern them according to their ancient laws, and rule for the good of the people, they declared him to be fallen from the seigniory of the Netherlands, and so erected themselves into a flourishing common-wealth. It will not be amiss to transcribe some of the words of the edict of the states general to this purpose. It is well known, (say they) 'That a prince and lord of a country is ordained, by God, to be sovereign and head over his subjects, to preserve and defend them from all injuries, force, and violence; and that if the prince therefore faileth therein, and instead of preserving his subjects, doth outrage and oppress them, depriveth them of their privileges and ancient customs, commandeth them, and will be served of them as slaves; they are no longer bound to respect him as their sovereign lord, but to esteem of him as a tyrant, neither are they bound to acknowledge him as their prince, but may abandon him, &c.' And with this agrees the answer William, prince of Orange, to the edict of proscription, published against him by Philip the II. There is, says he, 'A reciprocal bond betwixt the lord and his vassal; so that if the lord break the oath, which he hath made unto his vassal, the vassal is discharged of the oath made unto his lord.' This was the very argument of the poor suffering people of Scotland, whereupon they disowned the authority of Charles the II. 4. The monarchy of France is very absolute; yet there also the state hath taken order with their tyrants; not only have we many instances of resistances made against them, but also of disowning, disabling, and invalidating their pretended authority, and repressing their tyranny. So was the two Childerici served: so also Sigebertus, Dagabertus, and Lodowick the II. kings of France. 5. The great body of Germany moves very slowly, and is inured to bear great burdens: yet there also we find Joanna of Austria, mother of Charles V. was put to perpetual imprisonment: which example is adduced by the earl of Morton, in his discourse to the queen of England (whereof I rehearsed a part before) vindicating the deposing and disowning queen Mary of Scotland. 'If, saith he, we compare her with Joanna of Austria--what did that poor wretch commit, but that she could not want a little lustful pleasure as a remedy necessary for her age? and yet, poor creature, she suffered that punishment, of which our dame, convicted of most grievous crimes, now complains.'--Buchanan's History of Scotland, book xx. p. 748. The duke of Saxon, the landgrave of Hesse, and the magistrates of Magdeburgh, joined in a war against her son Charles V. and drew up a conclusion by resolution of lawyers, wherein are these words----'Neither are we bound to him by any other reason, than if he keep the conditions on which he was created emperor. By the laws themselves it is provided, That the superior magistrate shall not infringe the right of the inferior, and if the superior magistrate exceed the limits of his power, and command that which is wicked, not only we need not obey him, but if he offer force we may resist him.' Which opinion is confirmed by some of the greatest lawyers, and even some who are patrons of tyranny, Grotius none of the greatest enemies of tyrants, de jure belli. lib. 1. chap. 4. p. 11. saith out of Barclaius, and with him, That the king doth lose his power when he seeketh the destruction of his subjects. It was upon the account of the tyranny of that bloody house of Austria over the Helvetians, that they shook off the rule and government of that family, and established themselves into a republic. And at this present time, upon the same accounts, the tyranny and treachery of this imperial majesty, the Hungarians have essayed to maintain and justify a revolt in disowning the emperor, now for several years. 6. Poland is an elective kingdom, and so cannot but be fertile of many instances of casting off tyrants. Henricus Valesius, disowned for fleeing, and Sigismundus for violating his faith to the states, may suffice. Lex Rex, q. 24. p. 217. 7. In Denmark, we find Christiernus their king, was, for his intolerable cruelty, put from the kingdom, he and all his posterity, and after twenty years did end his life in prison. 8. In Swedland, within the compass of one century, the people deposed and banished the two Christierns, and dethroned and imprisoned Ericus, for their oppressions and tyranny, and for pursuing the destruction of their subjects. 9. The Portuguese, not many years ago, laid aside and confined Alphonsus their king, for his rapines and murders. 10. Some dukes of Venice have been so disowned by these commonwealths men, that laying aside their royal honours as private men, they have spent their days in monasteries. Buchan. de jure regni apud Scotos. 11. If we will resolve the old Roman histories, we shall find no small store of such examples, both in the time of their kings, consuls, and emperors. Their seventh king Tarquinius Superbus was removed by the people, for his evident usurpation: saith Livius, 'That is, for he had nothing for a right to the government, but mere force, and got the rule neither by the people's consent and choice, nor by the authority of the senators.' So afterwards the empire was taken from Vitellius, Heliogabulus, Maximinus, Didius, Julianus, Lex Rex, ubi supra. 12. But it will be said, Can there be any instances of the primitive christians adduced? Did ever they, while groaning under the most insupportable tyranny of their persecuting emperors, disown their authority, or suffer for not owning it? To this I answer, 1. What they did, or did not of this kind, is not of moment to enquire.: seeing their practice and example, under such disadvantages, can neither be known exactly, nor what is known of it be accommodated to our case: for (1.) They were never forced to give their judgment, neither was the question ever put to them, whether they owned their authority or not? If they transgressed the laws, they were liable to the punishment, they craved no more of them. (2.) They confess themselves to be strangers, that had no establishments by law; and therefore they behoved to be passively subject, when in no capacity to resist; there was no more required of them. Yet Lex Rex Quest. 35. page 371. cites Theodoret affirming, 'Then evil men reigned through the unmanliness of the subjects.' (3.) Their examples are not imitable in all things; they were against resistance, which we doubt not to prove is lawful against tyrannical violence: many of them refused to flee from the fury of persecutors: they ran to martyrdom, when neither cited nor accused; and to obtain the crown thereof they willingly yielded up their lives and liberties also to the rage of tyrants. We cannot be obliged to all these. 2. Yet we find some examples not altogether unapplicable to this purpose. When Barochbach, the pretended king of the Jews, after the destruction of Jerusalem, set himself as king in Bitter, a city in Arabia; the Christians that were in his precincts, refused to own him as king; which was one great cause of his persecuting them. It is true he persecuted them also for other things, as for their not denying Christ; so are we persecuted for many other things, than for our simple disowning of the king: yet this is reckoned as a distinct cause of their suffering, by Mr. Mede, on the Revel. Part. 1. Page 43. Gees Magist. Origin. Chap. 10. Sect. 7. Page 361. The same last cited author shews, that when Albinus, Niger, and Cassius, successively usurped the empire, having none of them any legal investiture, the Christians declined the recognition of their claim, and would not own them; and that upon this Tertullian says, That is, the Christians could never be found to be Albinians, or Nigrians, or Cassians, meaning they were never owners of these men for magistrates. And so may we say, We may be ashamed to be found amongst the Charlites and Jacobites of these times. Not unlike is the passage of Ambrose, who, in favours of Valentinian the rightful governor, contested against Maximus the tyrant, and not only disowned him, but excommunicated him, for which he was threatened with death. And yet it is observable, that when Maximus offered to interpose his power in defence of Ambrose, that he might not be banished by Justina the empress, he would not accept of the help of Maximus, whose power he disallowed and disowned. Whence I observe, that it is not without a precedent for a minister to disown a tyrant, to refuse favour from him: yea, and to excommunicate him, yea, even without the concurrence of his fainting brethren; for all which some of our faithful ministers have been much condemned in our day, especially Mr. Donald Cargil for excommunicating Charles the II, and James, Duke of York, as if such a thing had never been done before: whereas, we see what Ambrose did to Maximus. And this same faithful minister, Ambrosius minister at Milan, in Italy, did also hold out of the assembly of the Christians Theodosius the emperor, though a most virtuous prince, for that grievous scandal committed by him, against the innocent people at Thessalonica in killing so many of them in a passionate transport. But, 3. since this objection of primitive Christians is much insisted on, both against this and the head of defensive arms: I shall further take notice of several distinctions, that do make the difference between their case and ours very vast. (1.) There is a great difference betwixt a prince of the common religion of his subjects, but distinct from some of them, whom yet he does not seek to entice to his religion, but gives them liberty, and the benefit of the law as other subjects: which was the case of many in these primitive times sometimes. And a prince, by all means, both foul and fair, pressing to a revolt from the true, and to embrace a false religion. In this case (which is ours with a witness) it must be granted we should be wary, that we neither engage with him, nor own allegiance to him, when he would withdraw us from our allegiance to God. (2.) There is a great difference betwixt a prince persecuting the true religion, which only a few of his subjects here and there did profess, who in regard of their paucity were never in capacity to be looked upon as the body of the people, impowering him as their public servant; (which was their case) and a prince persecuting that religion, which was professed by the body of the nation, when they set him up. In this latter case, men of great sense have denied he should be owned for a prince, because then he is stated against the common good. This was our case under the former king, and yet under this, though all professors be not now persecuted, the public religion and ancient reformation is persecuted in a few, whom he intends to destroy, and in their destruction to bury it. (3.) There is a difference betwixt a prince persecuting religion, publicly owned and received of his subjects, yet never approved nor confirmed by law (as it was not in the primitive times) and a prince persecuting religion ratified and established by the laws of the land, which is our case. It will seem clear to every soul, not benighted with court darkness, that he then of course, and by law, falleth from his right in this case, because now he is not only stated against the common good, but against the very laws by which the subjects must be ruled. Then he ruleth not as a prince, to whom the law giveth his measures and bounds, but rageth as a tiger and tyrant, and ought to be carried towards as such. (4.) There is a difference betwixt a prince suppressing that religion established by law, which he never professed, nor never gave his consent to these laws (as might be the case of some of the Arian emperors) though it be unlawful for any people to set up any mortal over them, who is not in this case bound to the good behaviour; and a prince, opposing and oppressing that religion, which himself hath professed, and is ratified by laws with his own consent: which was our case under the former king, who did give the most solemn ratification of them that ever was given, but afterwards most perfidiously retracted it. As also this apostate papist, did sometime profess himself protestant, and consented to the laws establishing it, and the penal statutes against papists, though now he is going about to raze all, and ruin that alone valuable treasure of our nation, religion. (5.) There is a difference betwixt a prince consenting to laws establishing religion which he now persecuteth (which might have been the case of Julian the apostate) and a prince, who not only consented to these laws, but who did upon these very terms, and no other, get and receive his crown and sceptre, that he should preserve the religion as reformed, and protect as a father the professors thereof, and maintain the laws establishing it, which yet he, perfidiously, being once settled in the government, breaks, casts, cassates and overturns (which was done by Charles) or, and a prince who will be bounded by the laws consented to, nor be bound to the observation of any laws whatsoever; but challenges it as his prerogative royal, to be absolute above all laws, and denying all security upon terms, is free to destroy religion and liberty, and all the valuable interests of the nation, when he pleases. This is James's character. (6.) There is a difference betwixt a prince breaking the main and only article of his covenant, in a fit of fury and rage being transported upon some mistakes (which was the case of Theodosius the emperor) and a prince not only violating this upon deliberation, but plainly declaring, that neither oath nor declaration can or will bind him; but these being made void, he will destroy without restraint all these covenanted privileges (this was the case of Charles) or, and a prince who, as he never will come under the bond of a covenant with his people: so tho' he makes never so many fair promises with the greatest solemnities, maintains a principle, that he will keep no promises, but when, and with whom he pleases, and can get a dispensation to break all when he likes. (This is James's ingenuity.) Sure in this case, such as are characterized, declare themselves so far from being princes, that they profess before the world, they are no more men to be conversed with: for if neither their words, writs, vows, promises, oaths, declarations, nor protections can bind them, what society can be had with them? Are they not to be looked upon, and carried towards as common enemies of morality, religion, righteousness, liberty, humanity, yea even of mankind itself? Now then, let the world be judge, if the people of Scotland can be judged in conscience, reason, prudence, policy, or any imaginable way, bound to own their authority, being so stated, and by the act rescissory all human ground rescinded, that ever it shall be otherwise; let them go seek other slaves where they can find them, for we will not sell ourselves and posterity to tyrants as slaves, nor give up our religion and the exercise of it to the mouldings of the court. II. In the second place, it being clear from these forementioned instances, that tyrants and usurpers have been disowned; and it being also as clear as light can make any thing, from the foregoing account of their government, and all the characters of truculency, treachery and tyranny, conspicuously relucent therein, that these two gentlemen, whose authority we are pressed to own, were tyrants and usurpers: it remains therefore to prove from all dictates of reason about government, that their pretended authority could not nor cannot be owned. For the argument runs thus; the authority of tyrants and usurpers cannot be owned; but the authority of Charles and James was and is the authority of tyrants and usurpers, therefore their authority cannot be owned. Now it is the major of this syllogism that I undertake to prove, the minor being so clear from their history, that to prove it by witnesses were to do what is already done. 1. All authority to be owned of men must be of God, and ordained of God: for so the apostle teacheth expresly, Rom. xiii. 1. &c. which is the alone formal reason of our subjection to them, and that which makes it a damnable sin to resist them; because it is a resisting the ordinance of God. The Lord owns himself to be the author of magistrates, Prov. viii. 15. By me kings reign and princes decree justice. As he is the author of man, and hath made him a sociable creature, so he is the author of the order of human society, which is necessary for the preservation of mankind, he being the God of order and not of confusion. And this must hold not only of the supreme authority, but of subordinate magistrates also; for they must be included in the higher powers, to whom we must be subject, Rom. xiii. and they that resist them, resist God's ordinance too. Their judgment is God's, as well as the judgment of the supreme magistrate, Deut. i. 17. 2 Chron. xix. 6, 8. They are called gods among whom the Lord judgeth, Psal. lxxxii. 1. He speaketh not there of a congregation of kings. We are to be subject to them for the Lord's sake, as well as to the supreme magistrate, 1 Pet. ii. 13. therefore all magistrates, superior and inferior, are ordained of God in the respective places. It is true, Peter calls every degree of magistracy an ordinance of man, not that he denies it to be an ordinance of God for so he would contradict Paul, Rom. xiii. but terms it so emphatically, to commend the worth of obedience to magistrates, though but men, when we do it for the Lord's sake: not effectively, as an invention of men, but subjectively, because exercised by men, and created and invested by human suffrages, considered as men in society, and objectively, for the good of man, and for the external peace and safety of man, thereby differenced from the ministry, an ordinance of Christ, for the Spiritual good of mens souls. Hence, those rulers that are not of God, nor ordained of God, cannot be owned without sin; but tyrants and usurpers are the rulers, that are not of God, nor ordained of God, but are set up, and not by him, &c. Hos. viii. 1.-4. therefore they cannot be owned without sin. I refer it to any man of conscience and reason to judge, if these scriptures, proving magistracy to be the ordinance of God, for which alone is to be owned, can be applied to tyrants and usurpers. How will that, Rom. xiii. read of tyrants? Let every soul be subject to tyrants, for they are ordained of God as his ministers of justice, &c. and are a terror to good works, and a praise to the evil. Would not every man nauseate that as not the doctrine of God? Again, how would that sound, Prov. viii. By me tyrants reign, and usurpers decree injustice? Harsh to Christian ears. Can they be said to be gods among whom the Lord judgeth? If they be, they must be such as the witch of Endor saw, gods coming out of the earth, when she raised the devil; in a very catechrestical meaning, as the devil is called the god of this world. And indeed they have no more power, nor otherwise to be owned, than he hath: for this is a truth, tyranny is a work of satan, and not from God; because sin, either habitual or actual, is not from God; tyranny is sin in habit and act: therefore----The magistrate, as magistrate, is good in nature and end, being the minister of God for good, a tyrant as a tyrant, is quite contrary. Lex Rex saith well, 'A power ethical, politic or moral, to oppress, is not from God, and is not a power, but a licentious deviation of a power, and no more from God, but from sinful nature, and the old serpent, than a licence to sin,' quest. 9. p. 59. Hence sin, a licence to sin, a licentious sinning, cannot be from God; but tyranny, usurpation, absolute power enaroaching upon all liberties, laws, divine and human, is sin, a licence to sin, a licentious sinning: therefore----But, to make this clear, and to obviate what may be said against this, let it be considered, how the powers that be are of God, and ordained of God. Things are said to be of God and ordained of God, two ways; by his purpose and providence, and by his word and warrant. Things may be of God, either of his hand working, or bringing them about, ordaining and ordering them to be to his glory, either by a holy over-ruling providence, as Samson's desire of a wife was of God, Judg. xiv. 4. and Amaziah's insolent and foolish rejection of Joash's peaceable overture, 2 Chron. xxv. 20. or by a powerful effective providence; so Rom. xi. 36. Of him and through him are all things, 1 Cor. viii. 6. One God, of whom are all things. Or things be of God, of his word warranting and authorizing. So we are commanded to try the spirits; whether they be of God (1 John iv. i.) So in this sense, sin, tentation, lust, corruptions of the world are not of God, Jam. i. 13, 1 John ii. 16. Again, things are ordained of God, ether by the order of his counsel or providential will; either effectively, by way of production, or direction; or permissively, by way of non-impedition: or they are ordained by the order of his word and preceptive will. The former is God's rule, the latter is ours: the former is always accomplished, the latter is often contradicted: the former orders all actions, even sinful; the latter only that which is good and acceptable in the sight of God: by the former Israel rejected Samuel, by the latter they should have continued Samuel's government, and not sought a king: by the former Athaliah usurped the government, by the latter she should have yielded obedience, and resigned the government to the posterity of Ahaziah: by the former, all have a physical subordination to God at creatures, subject to his all disposing will; by the latter, those whom he approves have a moral subordination to God, as obedient subjects to his commanding will. Now magistrates are of God, and ordained by him both these ways, tyrants but one of them. I say, magistrates, the higher powers, to whom we owe and must own subjection, are of God both these ways; both by his purpose and providence; and that not merely eventual, but effective and executive of his word, disposing both of the title and right, and possession of the power, to them whom he approves, and bringing the people under a conscientious subjection, and by his word and warrant. So Adonijah the usurper (though he had the pretence of hereditary right, and also possession by providence) was forced to own king Solomon in these terms, upon which only a magistrate may be owned: 'the kingdom' says he, 'was mine, and all Israel set their faces on me that I should reign: howbeit the kingdom is turned about, and become my brother's, for it was his from the Lord,' 1 Kings ii. 15. He had both providence turning about the kingdom to him, and also the warrant of the Lord's approbative and preceptive will. But tyrants and usurpers are only of God, and ordained of God, by his over-ruling purpose and permissive providence, either for performing his holy purpose towards themselves, as Rehoboam's professing he would be a tyrant, and refusing the lawful desires of the people was of God, 2 Chron. x. 15. or for a judgement and vengeance upon them that are subject to them, Zech. xi. 6. whereby they get a power in their hand, which is the rod of the Lord's indignation, and a charge and commission against a hypocritical nation, Isa. x. 5, 6. This is all the power they have from God, who 'gives Jacob to the spoil, and Israel to the robbers, when they sin against him,' Isa. xlii. 24. This doth not give these robbers any right, no more than they whose 'tabernacle prosper, into whose hand God bringeth abundantly,' Job xii. 6. Thus all robbers, and the great legal robbers, tyrants and their authorized murderers, may be of God, viz. by his providence. Hence those that are not ordained of God's preceptive will, but merely by his providential will; their authority is not to be owned; but tyrants and usurpers are not ordained of God's preceptive, but merely by his providential will. The minor needs no proof, yet will be cleared by many following arguments, the major will be afterwards more demonstrated. Here I shall only say, they that have no other ordination of God impowering them to be rulers, than the devil hath, must not be owned; but they that have no other than the ordination of providence, have no other ordination of God impowering them to be rulers, than the devil hath: therefore they that have no other than the ordination of providence, must not be owned. 2. But let us next consider what is comprehended in the ordination of that authority which is to be owned as of God: and it may be demonstrated, there are two things in it, without which no authority can be owned as of God, viz. institution and constitution so as to give him, whom we must own as God's minister, authority both in the abstract and concrete, that is, that he should have magistracy by God's ordination, and be a magistrate by and according to the will of God. All acknowledge that magistracy hath God's institution, for the powers that be are ordained of God: which contains not only the appointment of it, but the qualification and form of it. That government is appointed by divine precept all agree, but whether the precept be moral natural, or moral positive, whether it was appointed in the state of innocency, or since disorder came into the world, whether it be primario or secundario, from the law of nature, is not agreed upon. It may possibly be all these ways; government in the general may be from the law and light of nature appointed in innocency, because all its relative duties are enjoined in the fifth command, and all nations naturally have an esteem of it, without which there could be no order, distinction, or communion in human societies but the specification or individuation may be by a postnate, positive and secondary law, yet natural too, for though there be no reason in nature why any man should be king and lord over another, being in some sense all naturally free, but as they yield themselves under jurisdiction the exalting of David over Israel is not ascribed to nature, but to an act of divine bounty, which took him from following the ewes, and made him feeder of the people of Israel, Psal. lxxviii. 70, 71. yet nature teacheth, that Israel and other people should have a government, and that this should be subjected to. Next, not only is it appointed to be, but qualified by institution, and the office is defined, the end prescribed, and the measures and boundaries thereof are limited, as we shall hear. 'Again, the forms of it though politically, they are not stinted, that people should have such a form and not another; yet morally, at least negatively, whatever be the form it is limited to the rules of equity and justice, and must be none other than what hath the Lord's mould and sanction. But there is no institution any of these ways for tyranny. Hence, that power hath no institution from God, cannot be owned as his ordinance; but the power of tyrants is that power, being contrary in every respect to God's institution, and a mere deviation from it, and eversion of it: Ergo--To the minor it may be replied; though the power which tyrants may exercise, and usurpers assume, may be in concrete contrary to God's institution, and so not to be owned; yet, in the abstract, it may be acknowledged of God. It is but the abuse of the power, and that does not take away the use. We may own the power, though we do not own the abuse of it. I answer, 1. I acknowledge the distinction as to magistrates is very pertinent; for it is well said by the congregation in a letter to the nobility, Knox's History of Scotland, Book 2. 'That there is a great difference betwixt the authority, which is God's ordinance, and the persons of these who are placed in authority; the authority and ordinance of God can never do wrong, for it commandeth that vice be punished, and virtue maintained; but the corrupted person placed in this authority may offend.' It is certain, higher powers are not to be resisted; but some persons in power may be resisted. The powers are ordained of God; but kings commanding unjust things are not ordained of God to do such things; but to apply this to tyrants, I do not understand. Magistrates in some acts may be guilty of tyranny, and yet retain the power of magistracy; but tyrants cannot be capable of magistracy, nor any one of the scripture-characters of righteous rulers. They cannot retain that which they have forfeited, and which they have overturned; and usurpers cannot retain that which they never had. They may act and enact some things materially just, but they are not formally such as can make them magistrates, no more than some unjust actions can make a magistrate a tyrant. A murderer, saving the life of one and killing another, does not make him no murderer: once a murderer ay a murderer, once a robber ay a robber, till he restore what he hath robbed: so once a tyrant ay a tyrant, till he makes amends for his tyranny, and that will be hard to do. 2. The concrete does specificate the abstract in actuating it, as a magistrate in his exercising government, makes his power to be magistry; a robber, in his robbing, makes his power to be robbery; an usurper in his usurping makes his power to be usurpation; so a tyrant in his tyrannizing, can have no power but tyranny. As the abstract of a magistrate is nothing but magistracy, so the abstract of a tyrant is nothing but tyranny. It is frivolous then to distinguish between a tyrannical power in the concrete, and tyranny in the abstract; the power and the abuse of the power: for he hath no power as a tyrant, but what is abused. 3. They that object thus, must either mean, that power in it general notion is ordained of God, but this particular power abused by tyrants, and assumed by usurpers, is not ordained: or they must mean, that the very power of tyrants and usurpers is ordained of God, but the way of holding it and using it, is not of God. If the first be said, they grant all I plead for; for though the power in general be ordained, yet what is this to tyrants and usurpers? would not this claim be ridiculous for any man to soy, God hath ordained governments to be, therefore I will challenge it? God hath ordained marriage, therefore any may cohabit together as man and wife, without formal matrimony. If the second be alledged, that the power of these prevailing dominators is ordained, but not their holding and using of it: this is nonsense, for how can a power be ordained, and the use of it be unlawful? For the abuse and use of tyrannical power is all one and reciprocal: an usurper cannot use his power but by usurpation. Again, is it not plain, that the abstract and the concrete, the act or habit, and the subject wherein it is, cannot have a contrary denomination? if drunkenness and theft, lying or murder, be of the devil; then the drunkard, the thief, the liar, and the murderer, are of the devil too: so if tyranny and usurpation, or the use or abuse of tyrants and usurpers be of the devil, then most the tyrants and usurpers also be of him: none can say, the one is of the devil, and the other of God. Wherefore it is altogether impertinent to use such a distinction, with application to tyrants or usurpers, as many do in their pleading for the owning of our oppressors; for they have no power, but what is the abuse of power. 3. As that authority which is God's ordinance must have his institution; so it must have his divine constitution from himself and by the people. Wherever then there is authority to be owned of men, there must be these two, constitution from God and constitution from the people. For the first, God hath a special interest in the constitution of authority, both immediately and mediately. Immediately, he declares such and such forms of government to be lawful and eligible, and does order whom, and who, and how people shall direct governors. And so, he confers royal graces, and endowments, and gifts for government on them, as on Joshua and Saul: so they become the Lord's anointed, placed and set on the throne of the Lord, 1 Chron. xxix. 23. and honoured with majesty, as his deputes and vicegerants, having their crown let on by God, Psal. xxi. 3. But in regard now he doth not by any special revelation determine, who shall be the governors in this or that place; therefore he makes this constitution by meditation of men, giving them rules how they shall proceed in setting them up. And seeing, by the law of nature, he hath enjoined government to be, but hath ordered no particular in it with application to singulars he hath committed it to the positive transaction of men, to be disposed according to certain general rules of justice. And it must needs be so; for first, without this constitution, either all or none would be magistrates: if he hath ordained civil power to be, and taken no order in whom it shall be, or how it shall be conveyed, any might pretend to it; and yet none would have it, more than another. If then he hath affixed it to a peculiar having and holding, by virtue whereof this man is enstated and entitled to the office, and not that man, there must be a law for constituting him in authority, which will discover in whom it is. 2. If it were not so, then resisting of a particular magistrate would not be a resisting of the ordinance of God, if a particular magistrate were not constitute of God, as well as magistracy is institute of God: for still it would be undetermined, who were the owner; and so it would be left as free and lawful for the resister to take the place, as for the resisted to hold it; the institution would be satisfied if any possessed it: therefore there must be constitution to determine it. 3. No common law of nature can put in practice, without particular constitution regulating it. That wives and children own their superior relations, is the law of nature; but there must be such a relation first fixed by human transaction, before they can own them; there must be marriage authorized of God, there must be children begotten, and then the divine ordination of these relative duties take place. So the judges of Israel for four hundred and fifty years were given of God, Acts xiii. 20. not all by an immediate express designation, but a mediate call from God by men, as Jephthah; Judg. xi. 6, 11. Inferior judges also are magistrates appointed by God, yet they have their deputation from men. Our Saviour speaks of all magistrates, when he applies that of the 82 psalm to them, I said ye are gods; and shews how they were gods, because unto them the word of God came, John x. 35. that is, by his word and warrant he authorized them, not by immediate designation in reference to the most of them, but the word of God comes to them, or his constitution is past upon them, who are advanced by men according to his word. When men therefore do act according to the divine rule, in the moulding and erecting of government and governors, there the constitution is of God, though it be not immediate. And where this is not observed, whatever power (so named or pretended) there may be, or whatsoever persons there be that take upon them to be the power, and are not thereto appointed or therein instated, and do exercise such a power as God hath not legitimated, they are not a power ordained of God. Hence, whatsoever power hath no constitution from God, either immediate or mediate, cannot be owned: but the authority of tyrants and usurpers, is a power that hath no constitution from God, either immediate or mediate; therefore it cannot be owned. The major is cleared above. The minor is also undeniable: for, either they must pretend to an immediate constitution by revelation, that James duke of York a vassal of antichrist, had, by all his plots and pranks, merited the crown of Britain, and therefore must be constitute king; and this I hope they will not pretend to, except the Pope hath gotten such a revelation from Pluto's oracle; or they must have recourse to the mediate constitution by men: and if so, then either this mediate constitution of God is left undetermined, indefinitely and absolutely giving way to any that will assume what power they please and can: and then, I confess tyrants may have a constitution; but this constitution cannot be of God; or else it is fixed by a rule, regulating the succession or constitution of the governors, and obliging the people to own the government so constituted, with exclusion and disallowance of any other. And so, if in that constitution there be a substantial deviation from the rule, as when incompetent or unallowed persons be the advancers of themselves, or others, into that place by illegal and sinistrous means, in as much as in that case there is the divine disapprobation, it may be said there is no ordinance of God, but a contradiction and contra-ordination to God's order. Gee's magist. origin. chap. 5. sect. 4. subject 3 page 135. This will shake off this of ours, and all other tyrants and usurpers, that come into the government, and hold it not according to God's rule. 4. It is clear also in the second place, that the authority which we can own out of conscience, must have constitution by the people. The special way by which men should be called into the place of sovereign power, may perhaps not be found so expresly defined in scripture, as mens call to the other ordinance of the ministry is; yet in this two things are essentially necessary to the constitution of a magistrate, the peoples consent and compact either formal and virtual. And without these we can own conscientious subjection and allegiance to no man living. That the first is necessary will be evident, from the law of nature and nations, and from scripture. First, The light and law of nature dictates, that the right and interest of constituting magistrates is in the elective vote or suffrage of the people. This will appear, 1. If we consider the original of government among men, especially after they were so multiplied, that there was a necessity of a reduction into diverse communities; which, whatever was before the flood, yet after it, behoved to be by a coalition with consent under an elective government. The scripture makes it more than probable, that the partition of commonwealths was in Peleg's days, in whole time the earth was divided, Gen. x. 2. occasioned by the confusion of "languages at Babel, which did dissolve their union, and scatter them abroad upon the face of all the earth," Gen. xi. 9. Then was it that we may conceive, as Buchanan says, de jure regni apud Scot. 'The time was when men dwelt in cottages and caves, and as strangers did wander to and fro without laws, and such as could converse together of the same language, assembled together as their humours did lead them or as some common utility did allure them, a certain instinct of nature did oblige them to desire converse and society.' But this confusion of languages, and communion of language, in several divided parcels, could not incorporate these several parties into communities; that behoved to be the effect of some other cause: and what should that be, but the joint will, consent and agreement of the severally languaged? It could not be by consanguinity; for there is no direction from nature for a confinement of that into such and such degrees, to make out the bonds of a common-wealth, or possibility of knowing all within such degrees; besides all within these degrees might not be of the same language. Now, the scripture says, they "were divided every one after his tongue, after their families, in their nations," Gen. x. 5. Next, it could not be by cohabitation: for how that must go to be the boundaries of a common-wealth, inclusively, or exclusively, is not defined by nature, nor can it be otherwise determined, than by human choice. Then, it could not be by mens belonging to such a sovereign: for, after that division and confusion, they could not all be under one sovereign, nor under the same that they were subject to before; and a sovereign cannot be before the aggregation of the subjects whereof he is head, they must first be a commonwealth before they can belong to it. Again, it cannot be founded upon the right of fatherhood: for, in that scattering, such a right could not be uninterruptedly preserved: and then Noah should also have been the universal magistrate, which he could not be in these multiplied secessions. And further, if it be refounded on the right of fatherhood, either every company had one common father over all, or every father made a commonwealth of his own children: the latter cannot be said, for that would multiply commonwealths in infinitum: neither can the first be said; for, if they had one common father, either this behoved to be the natural father of all the company, which none can think was so happily ordered by Babel's confusion: or else the eldest in age, and so he might be incapable for government, and the law of nature does not direct that the government should alway be astricted to the eldest of the community: or else, finally, he behoved to be their political father, by consent. For, before this consent, they were unengaged as to common order of government; none of the community having any legal claim to sovereignty more than the rest. When therefore they were forced to conclude upon association, for their mutual preservation, they must be thought to act rationally, and not to make their condition worse, but rather better by that conclusion; and if they found it worse, to resume their radical right which they had conferred upon men subject to law, not to tyrannize over them: and in this case, certainly they had the power of choosing what kind of government suited most to their advantage, and would best preserve their liberties, and how far this should be extended, and who should be affirmed into this combination; still with a reservation of the privilege to their own safety, if their associates should not do their duty: and so they might also reserve to themselves a liberty to alter the form, when they found it productive of more prejudice than advantage, and never to leave their condition remediless; and to pitch upon this way of succession, and not another, the way of free election of every successor, or of definite election limited to one line, or to the nearest in line; and _e contra_, with a reserve still of their primeve privileges, to secure themselves from the inconveniences of that determination, or to change it; and to make choices of such a family and line, and not another, and whether the eldest always of that family, or the fittest is to be chosen; and however it be, yet still by the peoples consent: and in all this to have respect to some good, great and necessary ends, which, if they should be disappointed of, and find these means useless or destructive to, they were to be loosed from their obligation to use or to own them. See Jus populi vindicat. chap. 5. p. 80, &c. 2. If we consider how nature determines the peoples interest in the constitution of governors: whence comes it that this man, and not that man, this race and family, and not that, is invested with that title? It will be found there is no title on earth now to the crowns, to families, to persons, but the peoples suffrage: for the institution of magistracy in general does not make James Stewart a king, no more than John Chamberlain: neither do qualifications make one, otherwise there might be many better than is this day extant; for there are many men better qualified: and there is no prophetical or immediate callings to kingdoms now: and as for conquest without consent, and having no more for a title, it is no better than royal Latrociny. It is certain, God would not command us to obey kings, and leave us in the dark, that we should not know him that hath a real call to it. And if he have not the peoples call, where shall we find another? It remains therefore they must have it from the people, who have it to give radically and virtually, having a power to preserve themselves, and to put it in the hands of one or more rulers, that they may preserve themselves by them. All men are born alike as to civil power (no man being born with a crown on his head) and yet men united in society may give it to this man, and not to that man; therefore they must have it virtually, for they cannot give what they have not. And as cities have power to choose their magistrates, so many cities have power to create an universal ruler over them all. The people also have power to limit the magistrates power with conditions; so that the present ruler shall not have so much prerogative as his predecessor, as royalists cannot deny, therefore they must have given that power which they can limit. See Lex Rex, quest. 4. p. 10. &c. 2dly, The scripture also gives light in this particular. 1. In giving directions and rules about their orderly calling their governors, impowering them to "take wise men, and understanding, and known among their tribes, to be made rulers," Deut. i. 13. "To make judges and officers in all their gates," Deut. xvi. 18. "To set one among their brethren king over them, and not a stranger," Deut. xvii. 15. To what purpose are these rules given them, if they had no interest to choose their magistrates? Would God command them to set a king over them, if they had not power to do it? And to set such a man over them, and not such an one, if they had no influence in making one at all? And accordingly that wise statist says very well, 2 Sam. xvi. 18. Hushai to Absalom, nay, but whom the Lord and this people, and all the men of Israel choose, his will I be, and with him will I abide. Which will also hold in the negative, whom the Lord and the people, and all the men of the kingdom do not choose, his we will not be, nor with him will we abide. 2. The scripture expressly attributeth the making of kings to the people. All the people of Judah took Azariah, and made him king, instead of his father Amaziah, whom they had executed, 2 Kings xiv. 21. They came with a perfect heart to make David king in Hebron, 1 Chron. xii. 38. So they made Joash king, 2 Chron. xxiii. 11. 3. Even these that were particularly designed of God, and chosen to be rulers, yet were not formally invested with power, before the people conferred it upon them. Gideon was called of God to it, but was not judge, till the people said, Rule thou over us, both thou and thy son, giving him an hereditary right for his children, Judg. viii. 12. Saul was appointed to be king, and therefore Samuel honoured him, because he was marked out of God to be king, 1 Sam. ix. 24. and anointed him with oil, 1 Sam. x. 1. after which he was gifted and qualified for government. God gave him another heart, vers. 9. yet all this did not make him king, till the people met for his inauguration, vers. 17. &c. and crowned him, and made him king in Gilgal, 1 Sam. xi. last verse. David was anointed by Samuel, and yet was a persecuted fugitive for several years, and never acknowledged formally king, till the men of Judah came and anointed him, 2 Sam. ii. 4. for if he had been king before, then there were two kings in Israel at one time, and David failed of his royal duty, in not punishing the murderer Saul; whereas himself says, he would not touch the Lord's anointed. Therefore the people made all kings, and that by choice and consent, without which they were no kings. Hence I argue, if the consent and choice of the people be so essentially necessary to the making of kings, then they who set up themselves against the consent of the body of the land, and without the choice of any, must be usurpers, not to be acknowledged for lawful kings; but the former is true, as is proven above: therefore.----Now plain it is, that this duke set up himself against the consent of the body, being excluded from the government by the representatives of England, and generally hated of all; who disdaining to wait upon the formal choice of any, but after he had paved his passage to the throne upon his brother's blood, did usurp the title without all law. 5. The second thing necessary for the legal constitution of a king by the people, is their compact with him: which must either be express or tacit, explicit or implicit. Two things are here to be proven, that will furnish an argument for disowning both the brothers. First, that there must be a conditional reciprocally obliging covenant between the sovereign and the subjects, without which there is no relation to be owned. Secondly, that when this compact is broken in all or its chiefest conditions by the sovereign, the peoples obligation ceases. The first I shall set down, in the words of a famous author, our renowned countryman Buchanan, in his dialogue 'de jure regni apud scotos. There is then (or there ought to be) a mutual compact between the king and his subjects', &c. That this is indispensibly necessary and essential to make up the relation of sovereign and subjects, may be proved both from the light of nature and revelation. First, It may appear from the light of natural reason. 1. From the rise of government, and the interest people have in erecting it by consent and choice (as is shewed above) if a king cannot be without the peoples making, then, all the power he hath must either be by compact or gift: if by compact, then we have what we proposed: and if by gift: then if abused, they may recal it; or if they cannot recover it, yet they may and ought to hold their hand, and give him no more that they may retain, that is, no more honour or respect, which is in the honourer before the honoured get it. Can it be imagined, that a people acting rationally, would give a power absolutely, without restrictions, to destroy all their own rights? Could they suppose this boundless and lawless creature, left at liberty to tyrannize, would be a fit mean to procure the ends of government? for this were to set up a rampant tyrant to rule as he listeth, which would make their condition a great deal worse than if they had no ruler at all, for then they might have more liberty to see to their safety. See jus populi, chap. 9. pag. 96, 97. 2. This will be clear from the nature of that authority, which only a sovereign can have over his subjects; which, whatever be the nature of it, it cannot be absolute, that is against scripture, nature, and common sense, as shall be proven at more length. That is to set up a tyrant, one who is free from all conditions, a roaring lion and a ranging bear to destroy all if he pleases. It must be granted by all, that the sovereign authority is only fiduciary, entrusted by God and the people with a great charge: a great pledge is impawned and committed to the care and custody of the magistrate, which he must take special care of, and not abuse, or waste, or alienate, or sell: (for in that case, royalists themselves grant he may be deposed.) He is by office a patron of the subjects liberties, and keeper of the law both of God and man, the keeper of both tables. Sure, he hath no power over the laws of God, but a ministerial power, he may not stop and disable them as he pleases; of the same nature is it, over all other parts of his charge. He is rather a tutor, than an inheritor and proprietor of the commonwealth, and may not do what his pupil's interest, what he pleases. In a word, the nature and whole significancy of his power lies in this, that he is the nation's public servant, both objectively in that he is only for the good of the people, and representatively in that the people hath impawned in his hand all their power to do royal service. The scripture teaches this, in giving him the titles of service, as watchmen, &c. allowing him royal wages for his royal work, Rom. xiii. he is God's minister attending continually on this thing. There is his work, for this cause pay you tribute also. There is his wages and maintainance. He is called so in that transaction with Rehoboam; the old men advised him to be a servant unto the people, then they should be his servants, 1 Kings xii. 7. There was a conditional bargain proposed: as to be a servant, or tutor, or guardian upon trust, always implies conditions and accountableness to them that entrust them. 3. It must needs be so, otherwise great absurdities would follow. Here would be a voluntary contracted relation, obliging us to relative duties, to a man that owed none correlative to us, and yet one whom we set over us. It were strange, if there were no condition here; and no other voluntarily suscepted relations can be without this, as between man and wife, master and servant, &c. This would give him the disposal of us and ours, as if both we and what we have were his own, as a man's goods are, against which he does not sin whatever he doth with them. So this would make a king that could not sin against us; being no ways obliged to us, for he can no otherwise be obliged to us, but upon covenant conditions; he may be obliged and bound in duty to God otherwise, but he cannot be bound to us otherwise: and if he be not bound, then he may do what he will, he can do no wrong to us to whom he is noways bound. This also is point blank against the law of God, which is the second way to prove it, by the light of revelation or scripture. 1. In the very directions about making and setting up of kings, the Lord shews what conditions shall be required of them, Deut. xvii. 15. &c. and in all directions for obeying them, the qualifications they should have are rehearsed, as Rom. xii. 3, 4. Therefore none are to be set up but on these conditions, and none are to be obeyed but such as have these qualifications. 2. In his promises of the succession of kings, he secures their continuation only conditionally, to establish the kingdom, if they be constant to do his commandments and judgments, 1 Chron. xxviii. 7. There shall not fail a man to sit upon the throne, yet so that they take heed to their way to walk in God's law, as David did, 2 Chron. vi. 16. Now he was not otherwise to perform these promises, but by the action and suffrage of the people setting him up, (which he had appointed to be the way of calling kings to thrones,) if therefore the Lord's promise be conditional, the people's actions also behoved to be suspended upon the same conditions. 3. We have many express covenants between rulers and subjects in scripture. Jephthah was fetched from the land of Tob, and made the head of the Gileadites by an explicit mutual stipulation, wherein the Lord was invocated as a witness, Judg. xi. 6, 8, 9, 10, 11. So all the elders of Israel came to make David king; and king David made a league with them in Hebron before the Lord, and then they anointed him over Israel, 2 Sam. v. 3. he made there a covenant with them before the Lord, 1 Chron. xi. 3. He was no king before this covenant, and so it was a pactional oath between him and the kingdom, upon terms according to the law, Deut. xvii. He was only a king in fieri; one who was to be king, but now actually inaugurate a covenanted king upon terms that sanctified them. It is true, they came to recognosce Rehoboam's rights, and came to Shechem to make him king, 1 Kings xii. 1. and yet when he would not enter in covenant-terms with them, to satisfy their just demands, the people answered the king, saying, what portion have we in David, neither have we inheritance in the son of Jesse, to your tents, O Israel, vers. 16. They refused to acknowledge such an usurper, and we find no prophets ever condemning them for it. So when Jehoash or Joash was crowned, Jehoiada made a covenant between the Lord and the king and the people, between the king also and the people, 2 Kings xi. 17. 2 Chron. xxiii. 11, 16. From all these reasons and scriptures, it is clear, there must be a mutual compact between the subjects and every sovereign they own subjection to, which if he refuse, and usurp the sword, they are under an anterior obligation to subtract their allegiance, and to make use of their sword, if they be in capacity to pull it out of his hands, and use it against him. And of this we are put in mind by the motto of our old coronation pieces, which have these words about the sword, 'for me, but, if I deserve, against me:' and surely to him that hath it now in his hands, it may be said, thou hast deserved, and as yet deserves. We see then, the allegiance that this usurper alledges is his due, wants a bottom, to wit, a compact with the people. Whence I argue, if there must of necessity be a compact between the king and the people, when he is advanced to the government: then he that advances himself, without and against this compact, is an usurper not to be owned; but the former is true: therefore he that advances himself without and against this compact, is an usurper not to be owned. And who more notoriously deserving such a signature, than James VII. and II. who hath made horns of his own strength, or the Pope's bulls, to push his brother out and himself into the throne, upon no terms at all, or any security for religion and liberty. One objection is to be removed here: can the customs of the Jews be binding to all nations? The kings of Judah made such covenants, shall therefore all kings do so? _Answ._ Why not this custom, as well as crowning, which they used likewise? These rules are not typical or ceremonial, nor only so judicial as to be peculiarly judicial, but are matters of moral equity, bearing a standing reason founded upon that law, Deut. xvii. 15. &c. limiting the prince to stand to conditions. If we cast at divine laws for rules of government where will we find better laws? It is recorded of the first of the British kings who was Christian, that writing to Eleutherius bishop of Rome, (before Antichrist took that seat) for the Roman laws, he received this answer: 'By divine clemency ye have received the law and faith of Christ, you have the Old and New Testaments, out of them in God's name by counsel of your states take laws, and govern your kingdom.' And of another, that he began his laws thus. God spake all these words, &c. And so repeated the laws of God. The second thing I undertook to prove, is that assertion of Buchanan ubi supra, de Jure Regni. 'There being a paction between the king and subjects, he who first recedes from what is covenanted, and doth counteract what he hath covenanted, he looses the contract; and the bond being loosed which did hold fast the king with the people, whatever right did belong to him by virtue of that compact, he looses it, and the people are as free as before the stipulation.' Which is also asserted by the author of Jus populi, chap. 6. pag. 112. 'It is no less clear, that when the sovereign doth not perform the principal, main, and most necessary conditions, condescended and agreed upon, by right he falleth from his sovereignty: and pag. 117. when the prince doth violate his compact, as to all its conditions, or as to its chief, main, and most necessary condition, the subjects are by right free from subjection to him, and at liberty to make choice of another.' This is so clear that it needs no labour to prove it, that, upon this head, we were loosed from all allegiance to the former tyrant, who was admitted upon terms of an explicit covenant, the conditions whereof he did as explicitly break. There are two cases wherein subjects are loosed from covenanted allegiance to their princes. 1. When the prince remits the obligation of the subjects, and refuses allegiance upon that basis; then he can no more demand it by virtue of that compact. He that remits, and will not have that allegiance, that the subjects covenanted upon such and such conditions to him, these subjects should not give it that they so covenanted, for they should not prostitute it to a refuser and remitter: but Charles the II. remitted and would not have that allegiance, which we covenanted upon such and such conditions, viz. upon the terms of the covenant, which he cassed and annulled and made criminal to own: therefore to him we should not have given it, which we so covenanted. 2. When the prince doth enter into a mutual covenant with the people upon mutual conditions, and does not only cease to perform the conditions, but simply denies all obligation to do it, and makes it a quarrel to insinuate so much, yea persecutes all who dare assert the obligation of that covenant; and yet demands allegiance, not upon the obligation of that covenant which he hath remitted, but absolutely upon the grounds of his prerogative: in this case it will be evident also, the subjects are not bound either to own their formerly covenanted allegiance to him, or that which he demands on other grounds. Grotius de Jure belli, is clear as to this, lib. 1. cap. 4. num. 12. 'If there be such a clause or condition in the very devolution of the government upon a prince, as if he do so and so, the subjects shall be loosed from all bonds of obedience, then, when he does so, he becomes a mere private person.' Grotius there supposes the power is transferred upon a resolutive condition; that is, if he transgress the condition, the power shall be resolved into its first fountain: much more if it be transferred expresly also upon a suspensive condition, that he shall continue to maintain the ends of the covenant, defend religion and the liberties of the subjects, in the defence whereof we shall own allegiance to him, otherwise not. In that case, if he do not maintain these ends, plain it is, our obligation ceases; for how can it stand upon a conditional obligation, when his performance of the condition sists? But whatever be the conditions mutual, it flows natively from the nature of a mutual compact, 'That he who doth not perform the conditions agreed upon, hath no right to the benefit granted upon condition of performance of these conditions; especially if he perform not, or violate these conditions upon supposition whereof he would not have gotten the benefit: it were very absurd to say in a mutual conditional compact, one party shall still be found to perform his conditions, though the other perform none, but break all. Were it the act of rational creatures to set up a sovereign, upon conditions he shall not play the tyrant, and yet be bound to him though he tyrannize never so much? We have the name of mutual compacts in the spies covenant with Rahab, Josh. ii. 20. "If thou utter this our business, then we will be quit of thine oath, which thou hast made us to swear:" if she should break, condition, then the obligation on their part should cease. But next, all the stress will ly in proving that the covenant, on such and such conditions between a prince and subjects, doth equally and mutually oblige both to each other: for if it equally oblige both, then both are equally disengaged from other by the breach on either side, and either of them may have a just claim in law against the other for breach of the conditions. But royalists and court slaves alledge, that such a covenant obliges the king to God, but not to the people at all: so that he is no more accountable to them, than if he had none at all. But the contrary is evident: for, (1.) If the compact be mutual, and if it be infringed on one side, it must be so in the other also; for in contracts, the parties are considered as equals, whatever inequality there may be betwixt them otherwise: I speak of contracts among men. (2.) If it be not so, there is no covenant made with the people at all: and so David did no more covenant with Israel, than with the Chaldeans: for to all with whom the covenant is made it obliges them to it. Otherwise it must be said, he only made the covenant with God, contrary to the text: for he made it only before the Lord as a witness, not with him as a party. Joash's covenant with the Lord is expresly distinguished from that with the people. (3.) If it be not so, it were altogether nonsense to say, there were any covenant made with the king on the other hand: for he is supposed to be made king on such and such terms: and yet, by this, after he is made king he is no more obliged unto them, than if there had been no compact with him at all. (4.) If he be bound as king, and not only as a man or Christian, then he is bound with respect to the people; for with respect to them he is only king: but he is bound as king, and not only as a man or Christian, because it is only with him as king that the people covenant, and he must transact with them under the same consideration. Next, that which he is obliged to, is the specifical act of a king, to defend religion and liberty, and rule in righteousness; and therefore his covenant binds him as a king. Again, if he be not bound as king, then as a king he is under no obligation of law or oath, which is to make him a lawless tyrant; yea, none of God's subjects. It would also suppose that the king as king could not sin against the people at all, but only against God: for as king he could be under no obligation of duty to the people, and where there is no obligation, there is no sin; by this he would be set above all obligations to love his neighbour as himself, for he is above all his neighbours, and all mankind, and only less than God; and so by this doctrine, he is loosed from all duties of the second table, or at least he is not so much obliged to them as others. But against this it is objected: both prince and people are obliged to perform their part to each other, and both are obliged to God, but both are not accountable to each other; there is not mutual power in the parties to compel one another to perform the promised duty; the king hath it indeed over the people, but not the people over the king, and there is no indifferent judge superior to both, to compel both, but God. Ans. 1. What if all this should be granted? Yet it doth not infringe the proposition: what if the people have not power to compel him? Yet, if by law, he may fall from his sovereignty, though, indeed, he is not deposed: he loses his right to our part, when he breaks his part. 2. There is no need of a superior arbiter: for as in contracting they are considered as equal, so the party keeping the contract is superior to the other breaking it. 3. There may be mutual co-active power, where there is no mutual relation of superiority and inferiority: yea, in some cases, inferiors may have a co-active power by law, to compel their superiors failing in their duty to them; as a son wronged by his father, may compel him to reparation by law; and independent kingdoms, nothing inferior to each other, being in covenant together, the wronged may have a co-active power to force the other to duty, without any superior arbiter. 4. The bond of suretiship brings a man under the obligation to be accountable to the creditor, though the surety were never so high, and the creditor never so low: Solomon says, in general, without exception of kings; yea, including them because he was a king that spake it, Prov. vi. 1, 2. "My son, if thou be surety for thy friend,----thou art snared with the words of thy mouth." Now a king's power is but fiduciary; and therefore he cannot be unaccountable for the power concredited to him. And if this generation had minded this, our stewards should have been called to an account for their stewardship ere now. Hence I argue, if a covenanted prince, breaking all the conditions of his compact, doth forfeit his right to the subjects allegiance, then they are no more to own him as their sovereign; but the former is proved, that a covenanted prince, breaking all the conditions of his compact, doth forfeit his right to the subjects allegiance: Therefore----And consequently when Charles II. expresly bound by covenant to defend and promote the covenanted reformation and liberties of the kingdom, to whom only we were bound in the terms of his defending and promoting the same, did violently and villainously violate and vilify these conditions, we were no more bound to them. Somewhat possibly may be objected here, 1. If this be the sense of the covenant, then it would seem that we were not bound to own the king, but only when and while he were actually promoting and carrying on the ends of the covenant. _Ans._ It does not follow, but that we are obliged to preserve his person and authority in these necessary intervals, when he is called to see to himself as a man; for we must preserve him as a mean, because of his aptitude and designation for such an end, albeit not always formally prosecuting it: we do not say, that we are never to own him, but when actually exercised in prosecuting these ends: but we say, we are never to own him, when he is tyrannically and treacherously abusing his authority for destroying and overturning these ends, and violating all the conditions of his compact. It may be. Object. 2. Saul was a tyrant, and a breaker of his royal covenant, and persecutor of the godly, and murderer of the priests of the Lord, usurper upon the priest's office, and many other ways guilty of breaking all conditions: and yet David and all Israel owned him as the anointed of the Lord. _Ans._ 1. Saul was indeed a tyrant, rejected of God, and to be ejected out of his kingdom in his own time and way, which David, a prophet knowing, would not anticipate. But he was far short, and a mere bungler in acts of tyranny in comparison of our grassators: he broke his royal covenant in very gross particular acts, but did not cass and rescind the whole of it, did not burn it, did not make it criminal to own its obligation, nor did he so much as profess a breach of it, nor arrogate an absolute prerogative, nor attempt arbitrary government, nor to evert the fundamental laws, and overturn the religion of Israel, and bring in idolatry as ours have done: he was a persecutor of David upon some private quarrels, not of all the godly upon the account of their covenanted religion: he murdered 85 priests of the Lord, in a transport of fury, because of their kindness to David; but he did not make laws adjudging all the ministers of the Lord to death, who should be found most faithful in their duty to God and his church, as ours have done against all field preachers: he usurped upon the priest's office, in one elicit act of sacrificing: but he did not usurp a supremacy over them, and annex it as an inherent right of his crown. 2. He was indeed such a tyrant, as deserved to have been dethroned and brought to condign punishment, upon the same accounts that Amaziah and Uzziah were deposed for afterwards: and in this the people failed in their duty, and for it they were plagued remarkably. Shall their omission be an argument to us? 3. As the question was never put to the people, whether they owned his authority as lawful, or not? So we do not read, either of their universal owning him, or their positive disowning him: however, that is no good argument, which is drawn from a not doing to a doing; because they did it not, therefore it must not be done. 4. They owned him; but how? As the minister of God, not to be resisted or revolted from under pain of damnation? (as all lawful magistrates ought to be owned, Rom. xiii. 2, 4.) This I deny: for David and his six hundred men resisted him resolutely; and though the body of the nation did long lazily ly and couch as asses under his burden, yet, at length, weary of his tyranny, many revolted from under him, and adjoined themselves to David at Ziklag, "while he kept himself close, because of Saul the son of Kish," 1 Chron. xii. 1. who are commended by the Spirit of God for their valour, verse. 2. &c. "and many out of Manasseh fell to him, when he came with the Philistines against Saul, to battle," verse 19. This was a practical disowning of the tyrant, before the Lord deposed him. 5. David did indeed pay him and his character some deference, as having been the anointed of the Lord; yet perhaps his honouring him with that title, the Lord's anointed, 1 Sam. xxiv. 1 Sam. xxvi. and calling him so often his Lord the King, cannot be altogether justified, no more than his using that same language to Achish king of Gath, 1 Sam. xxix. 8. I shewed before how titles might be allowed; but this so circumstantiate, does not seem so consistent with his imprecatory prayer, for the Lord's avenging him on him, 1 Sam. xxiv 12. and many other imprecations against him in his Psalms. In some of which he calls the same man, whom here he called, Psal. lix. 63, 14. and the evil, violent and wicked man, Psal. cxl. 1, 4. and the vilest of men, Psal. xii. ult. However it be, there can be no argument from hence, to own the authority of tyrants and usurpers. 6. Though this necessary conditional compact, which must always be in the constitution of lawful rulers, be not always express and explicit, so that a written authentic copy of it cannot be always produced; yet it is always to be understood, implicitly at least, transacted in the ruler's admission to the government, wherein the law of God must regulate both parties; and when he is made ruler, it must be understood that it is upon terms to be a father, feeder, and protector, and not a tyrant, murderer and destroyer. All princes are so far pactional, that they are obliged by the high and absolute Sovereign from whom they derive their authority, to reign for the peace and profit of the people. This is fixed unalterably by the laws of the supreme legislator, and solemnly engaged unto at the coronation: and whosoever declines or destroys this fundamental condition, he degrades and deposes himself. It is also not only the universal practice, but necessary for the constitution and conservation of all commonwealths, to have fundamental laws and provisions about government, both for the upholding, and transmitting and transferring it, as occasion calls, and preventing and punishing violations thereof, that there be no invasion or intrusion upon the government; and if there be any entrance upon it not according to the constitution, that it be illegitimated, and the nation's liberties always secured. This doth infer and regulate a conditional compact with all that are advanced to the government, albeit it should not be expressed. For it is undeniable that in the erection of all governors, the grand interests of the community must be seen to, by legal securities for religion and liberty, which is the end and use of fundamental laws. Now, how these have been unhinged and infringed, by the introduction and present establishment by law of that monster of the prerogative, enacted in Parliament _anno_ 1661, the apologetic relation doth abundantly demonstrate, lect. 10. Concerning the King's civil supremacy, enhancing all the absoluteness that ever the Great Turk could arrogate, and yet far short of what hath been usurped since, and impudently proclaimed to the world; especially by him who now domineers, in his challenges of sovereign authority, prerogative royal, and absolute power, which all are to obey without reserve; whereby the whole basis of our constitution, and bulwark of our religion, laws and liberty, is enervated, and we have security of no law but the king's lust. Hence I argue, those princes that, contrary to their virtual compact (at least) at their coming to the crown, overturned all fundamental laws: Ergo they cannot be owned. The major is plain; for they that overturn fundamental laws are no magistrates; thereby all the ends of government being subverted, and the subverter cannot be owned as a father or friend, but an open enemy to the commonwealth, nor looked upon as magistrates doing their duty, but as tyrants, seeking themselves with the destruction of the commonwealth. And in this case, the compact, the ground of the constitution, being violated, they fall from their right, and the people are liberated from their obligation; and they being no magistrates, the people are no subjects; for the relation is mutual, and so is the obligation, Jus populi, chap. 9. page 183. The minor is manifest, both from the matter of fact, and the mischiefs framed into laws, by the sovereign authority, prerogative royal, and absolute power foresaid: whereby what remains of our fundamental constitutions, either in religious or civil settlements, unsubverted as yet, may be subverted when this absolute monarch pleases. Which absolute authority we cannot in conscience own, for these reasons, taken both from reason and scripture. First, It is against reason, 1. A power contrary in nature cannot be owned; absolute power is such: for that which takes away, and makes the people to give away their natural power of preserving their lives and liberties, and sets a man above all rule and law, is contrary to nature: such is absolute power, making people resign that which is not in their power to resign, an absolute power to destroy and tyrannize. 2. A power contrary to the first rise of its constitution cannot be owned; absolute power is such: for the first rise of the constitution is a people's setting a sovereign over them, giving him authority to administer justice over them: but it were against this, to set one over them with a power to rage at random, and rule as he lists. It is proven before, a king hath no power but what the people gave him; but they never gave, never could give an absolute power to destroy themselves. 3. That power which is against the ends of government cannot be owned; absolute power is such: for that which will make a people's condition worse than before the constitution, and that mean which they intended for a blessing to turn a plague and scourge to them, and all the subjects to be formal slaves at the prince's devotion, must needs be contrary to the ends of government; but absolute power is such: for against the exorbitance thereof, no means would be left to prevent it obstructing all the fountains of justice, and commanding laws and lawyers to speak; not justice, righteousness, and reason; but the lust and pleasure of one man, turning all into anarchy and confusion: certainly it could never be the intention either of the work or workers, at the constitution of government, to set up a power to enslave the people, to be a curse to them, but their ends were to get comfort, safety and liberty, under the shadow of government. 4. That power which invalidates, and is inconsistent with the king's compact with the people, cannot be owned; absolute power is such: for the tenor of that is always to secure laws and liberties, to rule according to law; but to be absolute invalidates, and is inconsistent with that: that which were an engagement into contradictories cannot consist with that compact; but to engage to be absolute, and yet to rule by law, is an engagement into contradictories, which no people could admit for a security. It is inconsistent with this compact, to give the king absolute power to overturn religion and liberty; and to assume that which was never given, were to invalidate this compact, and to make himself no king; but to restore unto the people the power they conferred upon him for the defence of religion and liberty. 5. That power which is not from God, nor of God, cannot be owned; but absolute power is not of God; because it is a power to tyrannize and sin, which, if it were of God, he should be the author of sin; for if the moral power be of God, so must the acts be; but the acts of absolute power being lawless, cannot be from God: Ergo, neither the moral power to commit these acts. 6. That ruler who cannot be God's minister for the people's good, cannot be owned; (for that is the formal reason of our conscientious subjection to rulers, Rom. xiii. 4, 5.) But absolute sovereigns are such as cannot be God's ministers for the people's good; for if they be God's ministers for good, they must administer justice, preserve peace, rule by law, take directions from their master; and if so, they cannot be absolute. 7. A tyrant in the signal act and exercise cannot be owned; but an absolute prince is such; being a power that may play the tyrant if he pleases, and by law as king; and so if kings be by action tyrants, then people are by action slaves; and so royal power cannot be a blessing to them; yea, a lawless breaker of all bonds, promises, and oaths, cannot be owned as lawful power; but absolute power is such: for, it cannot be limited by these obligations, at least people cannot have any security by them. 8. A lawless power is not to be owned; an absolute power is a lawless power: ergo, not to be owned. The major is plain. Cicero says, lib. 2. 'The reason of making laws was the same, as of the creation of kings.' And Buchanan, de Jure Regni, very excellently, when 'the lust of kings was instead of laws, and being vested with an infinite and immoderate power, they did not contain themselves within bounds.----The insolency of kings made laws to be desired; for this cause laws were made by the people, and kings constrained to make use, not of their licentious wills in judgment, but of that right and privilege which the people had conferred upon them, being taught by many experiences, that it was better that their liberty should be concredited to laws, than to kings; better to have the law, which is a dumb king, than a king, who is not a speaking law.' If then laws be necessary for the making of kings, and more necessary than kings, and the same cause requires both, then a king without laws is not to be owned. A king must be a speaking and living law, reducing the law to practice. So much then as a king hath of law, so much he hath of a king; and he who hath nothing of the law, hath nothing of a king. Magna charta of England saith, 'The king can do nothing but by law, and no obedience is due to him but by law.' Buchanan rehearses the words of the most famous emperors, Theodosius and Valentinianus, to this effect, 'It is,' say they, 'a word worthy of the majesty of a king, to confess he is a tied prince to the laws; and indeed it is more to submit a principality to the laws, than to enjoy an empire.' But now that an absolute power must be a lawless power, is also evident; for that is a lawless power that makes all laws void, needless and useless; but such is absolute power: for it cannot be confined to the observance of laws. 9. That power which is destructive to the people's liberties cannot be owned; absolute power is such: for such a licentious freedom as is absolute cannot consist with the people's liberties; for these may infringe when he pleases. Now these, in their own nature, and in all respects, being preferable to the king's prerogative, and it being no prerogative which is not consistent with, yea in its own nature adapted to, the precious interests of religion and liberty: when the king's absolute authority is stated in contradictory terms to these, we cannot own that authority; for now he hath another authority than could be given him for the preservation of these interests; in the preservation whereof he can only have an authority to be owned, seeing he claims a power to destroy them, if he please. 10. If we should own absolute authority, then we should own a royal prerogative in the king to make and dispense with laws: now that cannot be owned; for, it would infer that the king had a masterly dominion over his subjects, to make laws, and inflict penalties without their consent. And plain it is, they that make kings must have a co-ordinate power to make laws also; but the people, in their representatives, make kings, as is proven. Next, a prerogative to dispense with laws, except such laws as are in their own nature dispensable, without prejudice to any law of God or liberties of men, cannot be owned: for any power to dispense with reason and law, not grounded on any other reason but mere will and absolute pleasure, is a brutish power. It cannot be a right annexed to the crown, to do so; for a king, as a king, can do nothing but what he may do by law. Nay, this is not only a brutish power, but a blasphemous power, making him a kind of god on earth, illimited, that can do what he pleases: and to dispute it further, were to dispute whether God hath made all under him slaves by their own consent? or, whether he may encroach on the prerogative of God or not? By this prerogative, he arrogates a power to dispense with the laws of God also, in pardoning murderers, &c. which no man hath power to do; the law of God being so peremptorily indispensible. Gen. ix. 6. "Whoso sheddeth man's blood, by man shall his blood be shed." Numb. xxxv. 30, 31. "Whoso killeth any person, the murderer shall be put to death----Moreover, ye shall take no satisfaction for the life of a murderer, but he shall be surely put to death." These pardons are acts of blood to the community. If the judgment be God's, as it is, Deut. i. 17. and not for man, but for the Lord, 2 Chron. xix. 6. then no king can arrogate a power to dispense with it, no more than an inferior judge can dispense with the king's laws; for the king is but a minister, bearing the sword, not in vain, but as a revenger, to execute wrath upon them that do evil, Rom. xiii. 4. They are but bastard kings who give out sentences out of their own mouth, contrary to God's mind. And if he may do acts of grace by prerogative above law, then may he also do acts of justice (so pretended) by the same prerogative; and so may murder innocents, as well as pardon murderers; he may condemn the just, as well as justify the wicked; both which are alike abomination to the Lord, Prov. xvii. 15. This power cannot be owned in any man. 11. To own absolute power, were to recognosce the king as the proper and sole interpreter of the law. This Buchanan shews to be very absurd, 'When you grant the interpretation of laws to a king, you give him such a license, that the law should not speak what the lawgiver meaneth, but what is for the interpreter's interest; so that he may turn it to all actions, as a Lesbian rule, for his own advantage; and so what he pleases the law shall speak, and what he will not, it shall not speak.' Now the king's absolute pleasure can no more be the sense of the law, than it can be the law itself: he is king by law, but he is not king of law; no mortal can make a sense to a law, contrary to the law; for it involves a contradiction: the true meaning is only the law. This also would take away the use of all laws; for they could not declare what were just and unjust, but as the king pleased: their genuine sense could not be the rule. 12. If we own the law to be above the king, then we cannot own the king to be absolute; but the former is true; for he must be under it several ways: (1.) Under its directive power; that will not be denied. (2.) Under its constitutive power; he is not a king by nature, but by constitution and law: therefore the law is above the king; because it is only from the law that there is a king, and that such a man and not another is king, and that the king must be so and so qualified, and they that made him a king, may also unmake him by the same law. (3.) Under its limiting and restrictive power, as a man he cannot be absolute, nor as a king by law. (4.) Under its co-active power. A lawmaker, said king James the VI. should not be a law-breaker: but if he turn an overturner of the fundamental laws, that law or covenant that made him king, doth oblige to unmake him. Whatever power he hath, it is only borrowed fiduciary power, as the nation's public servant: and that which was lent him in pledge or pawn may be reclaimed, when abused by him. Especially if he turn parricide, kill his brother, murder his nobles, burn cities, then he may and ought to be punished by law. Otherwise God should have provided better for the safety of the part than of the whole, though that part be but a mean for the safety of the whole: for if he turn a tyrant in his absoluteness, the people must be destroyed, if they may not repress him: thus he is secured, and the whole exposed to ruin. Yea, if he be a man, as well as a king, he must be under rule of law; and when he transgresses, either his transgressions are punishable by men, or they are not transgessions with men. See many arguments to this purpose in Lex Rex, quest. 14, 19, 22, 23, 24, 26, 27. But secondly, I prove it by scripture, 1. Even as a king he is regulated by law, not to multiply horses, nor wives, nor money, but to keep the words of the law, and not lift up himself above his brethren, Deut. xvii. 16, 17, 19, 20. he must observe to do according to the law, and not turn from it to the right hand or to the left, Josh. i. 7. therefore he must not be absolute. 2. He is certainly under that law, Matth. vii. 12. Whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, do you even so to them: which is the universal fundamental law. If then he would have us keeping in our line of subordination to him, he must keep his line, and so cannot be absolute. 3. What is God's due and peculiar prerogative, can be owned in no mortal; but absolute power is God's due and peculiar prerogative. He alone does whatsoever pleases him, Psal. cxv. 3. He alone worketh all, things after the counsel of his own will, Eph. i. 11. Acts or commands founded upon the sole pleasure of the agent, are proper to God. It is God's will and not the creature's that can make things good or just. It is blasphemy therefore to ascribe absolute power to any creature. 4. That which the Spirit of God condemned as a point of tyranny in Nebuchadnezzar, that is no prerogative to be owned; but the Spirit of God condemned this in him, proceeding from absolute power, that whom he would he slew, and whom he would he kept alive, whom he would he set up, and whom he would he put down. And his heart was lifted up, Dan. v. 19, 20. 5. That which God condemns and threatens in tyrants in the word in general, cannot be owned; but absolute power God condemns and threatens in the word in general; that they "turned judgment into gall," and said, "Have we not taken to us horns by our own strength?" Amos vi. 12, 13. 6. The word of God speaks nothing of the king's absolute prerogative, to make laws as he will. It is plain the king of Judah had it not: but the Sanhedrim had a great part of the legislative power, and of the punitive power in a special manner: the princes and people had it by Jeremiah's acknowledgement, Jer. xxvi. 14. And Zedekiah confesses to them, The king is not he that can do any thing against you, Jer. xxxviii. 5. 7. We find the king in scripture had not an absolute power, to expone or execute the law as he would; Saul made a law, 1 Sam. xiv. 24. Cursed be the man that eats any food until the evening. But exponing it, and thinking to execute it after a tyrannical manner, he was justly resisted by the people, who would not let him kill innocent Jonathan. 8. Nor had he the sole power of interpreting it; for inferior judges were interpreters, who are no less essential judges than the king who are set to judge for the Lord, and not for the king, 2 Chron xix. 6. and therefore they were to expone it according to their own conscience, and not the king's. They were to speak righteousness and judge uprightly, Psal. lviii. 1. hence called gods as well as kings, Psal. lxxxii. 1. There was no essential difference between a king of God's approving, and a judge; there being but one law to both, Deut. xvii. 9. He was subject to judgment as well as others: for being but a brother, even while on the throne, who was not to lift up his heart above his brethren, Deut. xvii. ult. When this cause was to be judged, his person, though never so great, was not to be respected: nor were they to be afraid of the face of man, for the judgment was God's, Deut. i. 17. therefore the judges were to give out sentence in judgment, as if the Lord were to give it out: there was no exception of kings there. Yea we find, according to common law, they judged and punished offending kings, as shall be made appear: 10. If they were under church censures, then they were not absolute; but we find kings were under church censures; not only rebuked sharply to their face, of which we have many instances; but also subjected to church discipline, as Uzziah shut up for his leprosy. And certainly at all times this must be extended to all: for the king is either a brother, or not: if not, then he should not be king, according to the scripture, Deut. xvii. 15. then also he is not a Christian, nor can he say the Lord's prayer: if he be, then if a brother offend, he is subject to the church, Matth. xviii. there is no exceptions of kings there. The objection from Eccles. viii. 3, 4.--he doth whatsoever pleaseth him, where the word of a king is, there is power, and who may say unto him, What dost thou? is of no significancy here. For, 1. This argument will enforce absolute obedience, if the power be to be taken absolutely; for it is obedience that is there commanded: and so we must not only own the absolute authority, but obey it without reserve, which never any yet had the impudence to plead for, until James the unjust claimed it in a Scots proclamation: but we answer, It is better to obey God than man. 2. If he may do whatsoever pleases him, then he may turn priest, then he may kill whom he pleases, and take possession; and yet for Saul's usurpation Samuel could say more than what dost thou? even to tell him, he had done foolishly, and his kingdom should not continue, 1 Sam. xiii. 13, 14. And for Ahab's tyranny, Elijah could tell him, the dogs shall lick thy blood, even thine, 1 Kings xxi. 19, And Ezekiel, thou profane wicked prince of Israel, Ezek. xxi. 25. 3. The meaning is then only this; that a righteous king's just power may not only be controlled: he is armed with power that may not be resisted, for he beareth not the sword in vain, and therefore we must not stand in an evil matter against them. I conclude then this argument, with the word of an ingenious author, upon this same subject, both in thesi and hypothesi: 'Whosoever shall offer to rule arbitrarily, does immediately cease to be king by right, seeing by the fundamental, common and statute laws of the realm, we know none for supreme magistrate and governor but a limited prince, and one who stands circumscribed and bounded in his power and prerogative. Ill effects of animosities,' page 17. 7. From what is said, this is the result, that it is essentially necessary to a moral power and authority, to have a right and title, without which we can own none, but as a tyrant without a title. For what is authority, but a right to rule? if then it have not a right, it is not authority. This will be undeniable, if we consider, that as private dominion, or property, consists in a right to enjoy; so public dominion, in a right to rule. Some things indeed are exposed to the common and arbitrary use of every man, and also at the beginning, by reason of the fewness of mankind, dominion was not reduced to distinct property; yet now, upon the multiplication of occupants, of necessity it must be stated by peculiar appropriation, from the law of nature, and by the grant of the supreme king, who hath given the earth to the children of men, Psal. cxv. 16. not to be catched up as the food of beasts, which the stronger seize, and the weaker get only what the other leave them, but divided by right as an inheritance, by him who separated the sons of Adam, and set the bounds of the people, Deut. xxxii. 8. Especially public dominion cannot be without a foundation, for its relation to the subjected, and must be so tied up, that it may be said, this man is to command, and these are to obey. I shew, that authority is from God, both by institution and constitution; so that the subjects are given to understand, such an one is singled out by God to sustain this authority, by prescribing a rule for men's entry into the authoritative relation, whereby he communicates that power to them which is not in others, and which otherwise would not be in them. Hence it is, that orderly admittance that must give the right, and upon men's having or not having such an entrance to it, depends the reality or nullity of the power they challenge. Where therefore there is no lawful investiture, there is no moral power to be owned; otherwise John of Leyden's authority might have been owned: the unlawfulness of such a power consists in the very tenor itself; and if we take away the use or holding of it, we take away the very being of it: it is not then the abuse of a power lawfully to be used, but the very use of it is unlawful. But in the usurpation of this man, or monster rather, that is now mounted the throne, there is no lawful investiture in the way God hath appointed as is shewed above; therefore there is no moral power to be owned. To clear this a little further, it will be necessary to remove the ordinary pretences, pleaded for a title to warrant the owning of such as are in power, which are three chiefly, to wit, possession, conquest, and hereditary succession. The first must be touched more particularly, because it hath been the originate error, and spring of all the stupid mistakes about government, and is the pitiful plea of many, even mal contents, why this man's authority is to be owned, asserting, that a person attaining and occupying the place of power (by whatsoever means) is to be owned as the magistrate. But this can give no right: for, 1. If providence cannot signify God's approbative ordination, it can give no right; for without that there can be no right; but providence cannot signify his approbative ordination, because that, without the warrant of his word, cannot signify either allowance or disallowance, it is so various, being often the same to courses directly contrary, and oftentimes contrary to the same course; sometimes savouring it, sometimes crossing it, whether it be good or bad, and the same common providence may proceed from far different purposes, to one in mercy, to another in judgment; and most frequently very disproportionable to men's ways. Providence places sometimes "wickedness in the place of judgment, and iniquity in the place of righteousness," Eccl. iii. 16. that is, not by allowance. By providence it happens to the just according to the work of the wicked, and to the wicked according to the work of the righteous, Eccl. viii. 14. No man knoweth either love or hatred by all that is before them. All things come alike to all, there is one event to the righteous and to the wicked, Eccl. ix. 1, 2. It were a great debasing of the Lord's anointed, to give him no other warrant than sin hath in the world, or the falling of a sparrow. 2. Either every providential possession, in every case, gives a title; or, God hath declared it as a law, that it shall be so in this particular matter of authority only. The first cannot be said: for that would justify all robbery: nor the second, for where is that law found? Nay, it were impious to alledge it; for it would say, there is no unjust possessor or disorderly occupant, but if he were once in the possession, he were right enough, and then usurpation would be no sin. 3. If none of the causes of magistracy be required to the producing of this possessory power, then it cannot give or have any right; for without the true causes it cannot be the true effect, and so can have no true right to be owned: but none of the causes of magistracy are required to the production of this; neither the institution of God, for this might have been, if magistracy had never been instituted; nor the constitution of men, for this may usurp without that. 4. That which must follow upon the right, and be legitimated by it, cannot be owned as the right, nor can it give the title: but the possession of the power, or the exercise thereof, must follow upon its right, and be legitimated by it: therefore.----A man must first be in the relation of a ruler, before he can rule; and men must first be in the relation of subjects, before they obey. The commands of public justice, to whom are they given but to magistrates? They must then be magistrates, before they can be owned as the ministers of justice: he must be a magistrate, before he can have the power of the sword: he cannot, by the power of the sword, make himself magistrate. 5. That which would make every one in the possession of the magistracy a tyrant, cannot be owned: but a possessory occupation giving right, would make every one in possession a tyrant; for, that which enervates, and takes away that necessary distinction between the king's personal capacity and his legal capacity, his natural and his moral power, will make every king a tyrant (seeing it makes every thing that he can do as a man, to be legally done as a king) but a possessory occupation giving right, would enervate and take away that distinction: for how can these be distinguished in a mere possessory power? The man's possession is all his legal power; and if possession give a right, his power will give legality. 6. What sort or size of possession can be owned to give a right? Either it must be partial or plenary possession: not partial, for then others may be equally entitled to the government, in competition with that partial possessor, having also a part of it: not plenary, for then every interruption or usurpation on a part, would make a dissolution of the government. 7. Hence would follow infinite absurdities; this would give equal warrant, in case of vacancy, to all men to step to, and stickle for the throne, and expose the commonwealth as a booty to all aspiring spirits: for they needed no more to make them sovereigns, and lay a tie of subjection upon the consciences of people, but to get into possession: and in case of competition, it would leave people still in suspense and uncertainties whom to own; for they behoved to be subject only to the uppermost, which could not be known until the controversy be decided: it would cassate and make void all pre-obligations, cautions, and restrictions from God about the government: it would cancel and make vain all other titles of any, or constitutions, or provisions, or oaths of allegiance: yea, to what purpose were laws or pactions made about ordering the government, if possession gave right, and laid an obligation on all to own it? Yea, then it were sinful to make any such provisions, to fence in and limit the determination of providence, if providential possession may authorize every intrusive acquisition to be owned: then also in case of competition of two equal pretenders to the government, there would be no place left for arbitrations. If this were true, that he has the power that is in possession, the difference were at an end; no man could plead for his own right then; in this also it is inconsistent with itself, condemning all resistance against the present occupant, yet justifying every resistance that is but successful to give possession. 8. That which would oblige us to own the devil and the pope, cannot be a ground to own any man; but if this were true, that possession gave right, it would oblige us to own the devil and the pope. Satan we find claiming to himself the possession of the world's kingdoms, Luke iv. 6. which as to many of them is in some respect true, for he is called the god of this world, and the prince of this world, John xiv. 30. 2 Cor. iv. 4. Are men therefore obliged to own his authority? or shall they deny his, and acknowledge his lieutenant, who bears his name, and by whom all his orders are execute, I mean the man that tyrannizes over the people of God? For he is the devil that casts some into prison, Rev. ii. 10. Again, the pope, his captain-general, lays claim to a temporal power and ecclesiastic both, over all the nations, and possesses it over many; and again, under the conduct of his vassal the duke of York, is attempting to recover the possession of Britain: shall he therefore be owned. This cursed principle disposes men for popery, and contributes to strengthen popery and tyranny both on the stage, to the vacating of all the promises of their dispossession. 9. That which would justify a damnable sin, and make it a ground of a duty, cannot be owned; but this fancy of owning a very power in possession would justify a damnable sin and make it the ground of a duty; for, resistance to the powers ordained of God is a damnable sin, Rom. xiii. 2. But the resisters having success in providence, may come to the possession of the power, by expelling the just occupant; and, by this opinion, that possession would be ground for the duty of subjection for conscience sake. 10. If a self-created dignity be null and not to be owned, than a mere possessory is not to be owned; but the former is true: as Christ saith, John viii. 54. If I honour myself my honour is nothing. 11. That which God hath disallowed possession without right, Ezek. xxi. 27. I will overturn, overturn, overturn it, until he come whose right it is, Hos. viii. 4. They have set up kings and not by me, Matth. xxvi. 52. All they that take the sword shall perish with the sword; by this the usurper of the sword is differenced from the true owner. 12. Many scripture examples confute this; shewing that the possession may be in one, and the power with right in another. David was the magistrate, and yet Absalom possessed the place, 2 Sam. xv. xvi. xvii. xviii. xix. chap. Sheba also made a revolt and usurped the possession in a great part, and yet David was king, 2 Sam. xx. 2. Adonijah got the start in respect of possession, exalting himself saying, I will be king: yet the kingdom was Solomon's from the Lord, 1 Kings 1. The house of Ahaziah had not power to keep still the kingdom, 2 Chron. xxii. 9. and Athaliah took the possession of it, yet the people set up Joash, xxiii. 3. Next we have many examples of such who have invaded the possessor, witness Jehoram and Jehoshaphat's expedition against Mesha, king of Moab, Elisha being in the expedition, 2 Kings, iii. 4, 5. Hence we see the first pretence removed. The second is no better; which Augustine calls Magnum Latrocinium, a great robbery; I mean conquest, or a power of the sword gotten by the sword; which, that it can give no right to be owned, I prove That which can give no signification of God's approving will, cannot give a title to be owned: but mere conquest can give no signification of God's approving will, as is just now proven about possession: for then the Lord should have approven all the unjust conquests that have been in the world. 2. Either conquest as conquest must be owned, as a just title to the crown, and so the Ammonites, Moabites, Philistines, &c. prevailing over God's people for a time, must have reigned by right, or as a just conquest. In this case, conquest is only a mean to the conquerors seizing and holding that power, which the state of the war entitled him unto; and this ingress into authority over the conquered, is not grounded on conquest but on justice, and not at all privative, but inclusive of the consent of the people; and then it may be owned; but without a compact, upon conditions of securing religion and liberty, and posterity, cannot be subjected without their content; for whatever just quarrel the conqueror had with the present generation, he could have none with the posterity, the father can have no power to resign the liberty of the children. 3. A king as king, and by virtue of his royal office, must be owned to be a father, tutor, protector, shepherd, and patron of the people; but a mere conqueror, without consent cannot be owned as such. Can he be a father and a patron to us against our will, by the sole power of the sword? A father to these that are unwilling to be sons? An head over such as will not be members? And a defender thro' violence? 4. A king, as such, is a special gift of God, and blessing, not a judgment: but a conqueror, as such, is not a blessing, but a judgment, his native end being not peace, but fire and sword. 5. That which hath nothing of a king in it, cannot be owned to make a king; but conquest hath nothing of a king in it: for it hath nothing but violence and force, nothing but what the bloodiest villain that was never a king may have, nothing of God's approving and regulating will, nothing of institution or constition; and a plain repugnancy to the ordination of God, for God hath said, Thou shalt not kill; conquest says, I will kill, and prosper, and reign. 6. A lawful call to a lawful office may not be resisted; but a call to conquest, which is nothing but ambition or revenge, ought to be resisted; because not of God's preceptive will, otherwise he should be the author of sin. 7. That power which we must own to be the ordinance of God, must not be resisted, Rom. xiii. 2. But conquest may be resisted in defence of our king and country: therefore it must not be owned to be the ordinance of God. 8. That which God condemns in his word, cannot be owned; but dominion by the sword God condemns in his word, Ezek. xxxii. 26. "Ye stand upon the sword,----and shall possess the land," Amos vi. 13. "Ye rejoice in a thing of naught, which say, Have we not taken to us horns by our own strength?" Habbak. ii. 5, 6.----"Wo to him that encreaseth that which is not his, how long," &c. 9. We have many examples of invading conquerors; as Abraham, for the rescue of Lot, pursued the conquering kings unto Dan, Gen. iv. 4. "Jonathan smote a garrison of the conquering Philistines," 1 Sam. xiii. 3. The Lord owning and authorising them so to do. The people did often shake off the yoke of their conquerors in the history of the judges: but this they might not do to their lawful rulers. What is objected from the Lord's people conquering Canaan, &c. is no argument for conquest: for he, to whom belongs the earth and its fulness, disponed to Israel the land of Canaan for their inheritance, and ordained that they should get the possession thereof by conquest; it followeth not therefore, that kings now, wanting any word of promise, or divine grant to any lands, may ascend to the thrones of other kingdoms than their own, by no better title than the bloody sword. See Lex Rex, quest. 12. The third pretence of hereditary succession remains to be removed; which may be thus disproven, 1. This classes with the former, though commonly asserted by royalists. For either conquest gives a right, or it does not; if it does, then it looses all allegiance to the heirs of the crown dispossessed thereby: if it does not give a right, then no hereditary succession founded upon conquest can have any right, being founded upon that which hath no right: and this will shake the most part of hereditary successions that are now in the world. 2. If hereditary succession have no right but the people's consent; then of itself it can give none to a man that hath not that consent; but the former is true. For, it is demanded, how doth the son or brother succeed? By what right? It must either be by divine promise; or by the father's will, or it must come by propagation from the first ruler, by a right of the primogeniture; but none of these can be. For the first, we have no immediate divine constitution tying the crown to such a race, as in David's covenant: it will easily be granted, they fetched not their charter from heaven immediately, as David had it, a man of many peculiar prerogatives, to whose line the promise was astricted of the coming of the Messias, and Jacob's prophecy that the sceptre should not depart from Judah until his coming, Gen. xlix. 10. was restricted to his family afterwards: wherefore he could say, The Lord God of Israel chose me before all the house of my father, to be king over Israel for ever; for he hath chosen Judah to be the ruler; and of the house of Judah, the house of my father; and among the sons of my father, he liked me to make me king over Israel; and of all my sons he hath chosen Solomon, 1 Chron. xxviii. 4, 5. All kings cannot say this; neither could Saul say it, tho' immediately called of God as well as David: yet this same promise to David was conditional, if his children should keep the Lord's ways, 2 Chron. vi. 16. Next, it cannot be said this comes from the will of the father; for according to the scripture, no king can make a king, though a king may appoint and design his son for his successor, as David did Solomon, but the people make him. The father is some way a cause why his son succeedeth, but he is not the cause of the royalty conferred upon him by line: for the question will recur, who made him a king, and his father, and grandfather, till we come up to the first father? Then, who made him a king? Not himself; therefore it must be resounded upon the people's choice and constitution: and who appointed the lineal succession, and tied the crown to the line, but they? It is then, at the best, the patrimony of the people, by the fundamental law of the kingdom, conferred upon the successor by consent. And generally it is granted, even where the succession is lineal, he that comes to inherit, he does not succeed by heritage, but by the force of law; the son then hath not his kingdom from his father, but by law, which the people made and stand to, as long as it may consist with the reasons of public advantage, upon which they condescended to establish such a family over them. Neither can it be said, it is by a right of primogeniture, propagated from the first ruler; for this must either be Adam the first of the world or Fergus for example, the first of this kingdom. It could not come from Adam as a monarch and father of all: for that behoved to be, either by order of nature, or his voluntary assignment: it could not be transferred by order of nature; for besides the difficulty to find out Adam's successor in the universal monarchy, and the absurdity of fixing it on Cain, (who was a cursed vagabond, afraid of every man and could not be an universal monarch, yet Adam's first born.) It will be asked, how this passed from him unto others? Whether it went by fatherhood to all the sons, fathers to their posterity? Which would multiply as many commonwealths, as there have been fathers since: or if it went, by primogeniture, only to the first-born, that he alone could claim the power which would infer the necessity of an universal monarchy, without multiplication of commonwealths. If it was by his voluntary assignment, to whom, and in what proportion, he pleased; then the universal monarchy died with himself, and so could not be conveyed at all: for, either he behoved to give each son a share, to be conveyed downwards to their children in that proportion; or whole and solid to one: so also the former dilemma recurs, for if the first be said, it will make as many little kingdoms as there have been sons of Adam; if the second, the world should be but still one kingdom. But however it be, this could never be the way that God appointed, either for raising a magistratical power where it is wanting, or deriving a right to any in being; considering the multiplication, division, confusion, and extinction of families that have been. If it be from Fergus the first of his line; then either it comes from him as a king, or as a father: not the first, for the reason above hinted: nor as a father; for a father may defraud his son of the heritage, a king cannot divide the kingdom among his sons; it must then be length refounded on the peoples consent. 3. If even where lineal succession is constituted by law, for eviting the inconveniencies of frequent elections, people are not tied to admit every first born of that line; then that birth-right, where there is no more, cannot make a king; but the former is true; for they are tied only conditionally, so he be qualified, and have a head to sit at the helm, and not a fool or monster; neither are they free to admit murderers or idolaters by the laws of God, and of the land: it is not birth then, but their admission being so qualified, that makes kings. Hence, 4. That which takes away the peoples birth-right, given them of God to provide for their liberties in the fittest government, and that is not to be owned; but to make birth alone a title to the crown, takes away the peoples birth-right given them of God of providing for their liberties in the fittest government, fetters their choice to one destructive to these. Certainly where God hath not bound the conscience, men may not bind themselves nor their posterity; but God hath never fettered men to a choice of a government or governing line; which, contrary to the intention of the oath, may prove destructive to the ends thereof. Nor can the fathers leave in legacy, by oath, any chains to fetter the after wits of posterity to a choice destructive to religion and liberty. Israel was bound, by covenant, not to destroy the Gibeonites; but if they had risen to cut off Israel, Who can doubt but they were loosed from that obligation? For to preserve cut-throats was contrary to the intention of the oath: so when either monarchy, or the succeeding monarch, proves destructive to the ends of government, the choice, law, or oath of our fathers, cannot bind us. 5. If we are tied to the hereditary succession, not for the right the successor hath by birth, but for our covenanted allegiance to them whose successor he is; then cannot his birth-right be the ground of our allegiance, and consequently hereditary succession cannot make a king; but the former is true; for in hereditary crowns, the first family being chosen by the suffrages of the people, for that cause the hereditary successor hath no privilege or prerogative, but from him who was chosen king: therefore the obligation to the son, being no greater than the obligation to the father, which is the ground of that, if the father then was owned only because he was chosen, and qualified for government, the son cannot be owned for any other cause, but as chosen in him, and also qualified and admitted with consent. We cannot choose the father as qualified, and tie ourselves to the successors, be what they will. 6. If a king be not born heir of a kingdom, then is he not king by birth; but he is not born heir of a kingdom; for, a mean cannot be born to inherit the end, the king is but a mean for the kingdom's preservation. If the kingdom be his, by birth, as an inheritance, why may he not upon necessary occasions sell his inheritance? But if he sell it, then all confess he is no more king. 7. If that which makes a king cannot be transmitted from father to son; then succession, by birth, cannot make a king; but the former is true. The royal faculty of governing cannot be transmitted: Solomon asked it from God, he had it not from his father: nor can he be born to the honour of a king, because not born with either the gift or honour to be a judge. God maketh high and low, not birth. Nor can the call and constitution of a king, according to the will of God, be transferred from father to son, for that cannot be in God's way without the intervening consent of the people, that cannot make him a born king. 8. If no dominion can come by nature, as is proven before, then can no man be a born king: nature and birth cannot give them a sceptre in their hand, nor kingly majesty, they must have that alone from God and the people, and may only expect honour from their own good government: kings (as Plutarch says) must be like dogs that are best hunters, not these who are born of best dogs. 9. The peculiar prerogative of Jesus Christ must not be ascribed to any other; but this is his peculiar prerogative, to be born a king, of whom it might be truly said, Where is he that is born king of the Jews? And for this end was he born, who came out of the womb with a crown on his head, which no creature can bear. 10. In scripture we find that a king was to be so and so qualified, not a stranger, but a reader of God's word, &c. Deut. xvii. 15, &c. he was not qualified by naked birth. Hence, if all the qualifications requisite in an heir cannot make a king qualified according to the institution of God, then his being heir cannot make him king: but the first is true, an heir may be an heir without these qualifications. 11. We find in the scripture, the people were to make the kings by that law, Deut. xvii. 15. Thou shalt choose him whom the Lord chooseth: yea, neither Saul nor David were kings, till the people met to make them: therefore birth never made them kings, even though the kingdom was tied to David's line. That was only a typical designment by special promise, because Christ was to come of that line; it was therefore established in David's family for typical reasons, that cannot be now alledged. 12. We find in the disposal of government among brethren, this birth order was not seldom inverted; as when Jacob was preferred before Esau, Judah before all the elder sons of Jacob, Ephraim before Manasseh, Solomon before Adonijah. Hence if this gentleman, now regnant, have no better pretences than these now confuted, we cannot recognize his right to reign; yea, though this last were valid, yet he cannot plead it, it being expresly provided in our laws against the succession of a papist. But there is one grand objection against all this. The Jews and other nations are commanded to bring their necks under the yoke of the king of Babylon, and to serve him, and yet he had no other right to these kingdoms; than the Lord's providential disposal, because the Lord had "given all these lands into his hand," Jer. xxvii. 6, 7, 12. Ans. 1. He was indeed an unjust usurper, and had no right but the Lord's providential gift; which sometimes makes "the tabernacles of robbers prosper, into whose hand God bringeth abundantly, Job xii. 6. And gives Jacob sometimes for a spoil, and Israel to the robbers, Isa. xlii. 24. And giveth power to the beast to continue forty and two months, and to have power over all kindreds, and tongues, and nations," Rev. xiii. 5, 7. His tyranny also was very great extensively, in respect of his oppressions and usurpations by conquest; but it was not so great intensively, as our robbers and spoilers may be charged with; he was never such a perverter of all the ends of government, nor a treacherous overturner of all conditions, he was never a persecutor of the Jewish religion, he never oppressed them upon that account, nor endeavoured its extirpation, he never enacted such mischiefs by law. The Lord only made use of him to bring about the holy ends of the glory of his justice and wisdom, in which respect alone he is called his servant, as elsewhere his rod and hammer, having given him a charge against an hypocritical nation, to trample them down in his holy providence; and accordingly there was no resistance could prevail, they must be trampled upon, no help for it; but no subjection was required, acknowledging his magistratical right by divine ordinance, but only a submissive stooping to the holy disposal of divine providence; no owning was exacted either of the equity of that power, or of fealty to the administrator. 2. This behoved to be a particular command, by positive revelation given at that time, not binding to others in the like condition; which I refer to the judgment of the objectors: put the case, and make it run parallel, if the king of England were in league with the king of France, and breaking that league, should provoke that aspiring prince, growing potent by many conquests to discover his designs, make preparations and give out threatnings for the conquest of England and all Britain; were the people of England bound to surrender themselves as servants and tributaries to him for 70 years, or for ever, under pain of destruction, if they should not? This were one of the most ridiculous inferences that ever was pleaded; nay, it would make all refusal of subjection to invaders unlawful. 3. I will draw an argument from this to confirm my plea: for these commands of subjection to Babylon, were not delivered, until after the king of Judah had surrendered to Nebuchadnezzar, and entred into covenant with him to be subject to him, 2 Kings xxiv. chap. in keeping which covenant the kingdom might have stood, and after he had rebelled against him, and broken that covenant, "when lo, he had given his hand," after which he could "not prosper, or escape, or be delivered," Ezek. xviii. 14, 15, 18, 2 Chron. xxxvi. 13. Then the commandment came, that they should disown their own king Zedekiah, now forfeiting his right by breach of covenant, and be subject to Nebuchadnezzar, whence I argue, if people are commanded to disown their covenant-breaking rulers, and subject themselves to conquerors, then I have all I plead for; but the former is true, by the truth of this objection: therefore also the latter. There is a 2d Objection from Rom xiii. 1. "Let every soul be subject to the higher powers, the powers that be are ordained of God;" yet the Roman emperor, to which they were to be subject, was an usurper. Ans. It cannot be proven, that the apostle intendeth here the Roman emperor as the higher power: there were at this time several competitions for the empire, about which Christians might have their own scruples whom to own; the apostle does not determine their litigations, nor interest himself in parties but gives the general standard of God's ordinance they had to go by. And the best expositors of the place do alledge, the question and doubt of Christians then was not so much in whom the supremacy was, as whether Christians were at all bound to obey civil power, especially Pagan? Which the apostle resolves, in giving general directions, to obey the ordinance of magistracy, conform to its original, and as it respects the end for which he had and would set it up: but no respect is there had to tyrants. 2. It cannot be proven, that the supreme power then in being was usurped, there being then a supreme Senate, which was a lawful power; nor that Nero was then an usurper, who came in by choice and consent, and with the good liking of the people. 3. The text means of lawful powers, not unlawful force, that are ordained of God by his preceptive will, not merely by his providential disposal, and of conscientious subjection to magistracy, not to tyranny, describing and characterizing the powers there, by such qualifications as tyrants and usurpers are not capable of. But I mind to improve this text more fully hereafter, to prove the quite contrary to what is here objected. 8. From the right of magistracy, flows the magistratical relation, which is necessary to have a bottom, before we can build the relative duties thereon. This brings it under the fifth commandment, which is the rule of all relative duties between inferiors and superiors, requiring honour to be given to fathers, masters, husbands, &c. and to rightful magistrates, who are under such political relations, as do infer the same duties; and prohibiting not only the omission of these duties, but also the committing of contrary sins; which may be done, not only by contrary acts, as dishonouring and rebelling against fathers, magistrates, &c. but also by performing them to contrary objects, as by giving the father's due to the father's opposite, and the magistrates due to tyrants who are their opposites. Certainly this command, prescribing honour, does regulate to whom it should be given; and must be understood in a consistency with that duty and character of one that hath a mind to be an inhabitant of the Lord's "holy hill," Psal. xv. 4. "In whose eyes a vile person is contemned, but he honoureth them that fear the Lord." So that we sin against the fifth command, when we honour them that we are obliged to contemn by another command. Hence I argue, if owning or honouring of tyrants be a breach of the fifth command, then we cannot own their authority: but the former is true: therefore the latter. I prove the assumption: a honouring the vile, to whom no honour is due, and who stand under no relation of fathers as fathers, is a breach of the fifth command; but the owning of tyrants authority is a honouring the vile, to whom no honour is due, and who stand under no relation of fathers, and is yet a honouring them as fathers: therefore the owning of tyrants authority is a breach of the fifth command. The major is clear: for if the honouring of these to whom no honour is due, were not a breach of the fifth command, that precept could neither be kept at all or broken at all. It could not be kept at all; for, either it must oblige us to honour all indefinitely, as fathers, and other relations, which cannot be; or else it must leave us still in suspense and ignorance, who shall be the object of our honour; and then it can never be kept: or finally, it must astrict our honouring to such definite relations, to whom it is due; and then our transgression of that restriction shall be a breach of it. Next, if it were not so, it could not be broken at all: for if prostituting and abusing honour be not a sin, we cannot sin in the matter of honour at all; for if the abuse of honour be not a sin, then dishonour also is not a sin: for that is but an abuse of the duty, which is a sin as well as the omission of it. And what should make the taking away of honour from the proper object to be sin, and the giving it to a wrong object to be no sin? Moreover, if this command do not restrict honour to the proper object, we shall never know who is the object. How shall we know who is our father, or what we owe to him, if we may give another his due? The minor also is manifest: for if tyrants be vile, then no honour is due to them, according to that, Psal. xv. 4. and yet it is a honouring them as fathers; if they be owned as magistrates; for magistrates are in a politic sense fathers; but certain it is, that tyrants are vile, as the epithets and characters they get in scripture prove. But because, in contradiction to this, it may be said, though fathers be never so wicked, yet they are to be honoured, because they are still fathers; and though matters be never so vile and froward, yet they are to be subjected unto, 1 Pet. ii. 18-20. and so of other relations, to whom honour is due by this command; therefore though tyrants be never so vile, they are to be owned under these relations, because they are the higher powers in place of eminency, to whom the apostle Paul commands to yield subjection, Rom. xiii. and Peter to give submission and honour, 1 Pet. ii. 13, 17. Therefore it must be considered, that as the relative duty of honouring the relations to whom it is due, must not interfere with the moral duty of contemning the vile, who are not under these relations; so this general moral of contemning the vile, must not cassate the obligation of relative duties, but must be understood with a consistency therewith, without any prejudice to the duty itself. We must contemn all the vile, that are not under a relation to be honoured, and these also that are in that relation, in so far as they are vile. But now tyrants do not come under these relations at all, that are to be honoured by this command. As for the higher powers that Paul speaks of, Rom. xiii. they are not those which are higher in force, but higher in power, not in authority, but in power, not in a celsitude of prevalency, but in a pre-excellency of dignity; not in the pomp and pride of their posterity, and possession of the place, but by the virtue and value of their office, being ordained of God not to be resisted, the ministers of God for good, terrors to evil doers, to whom honour is due; those are not tyrants but magistrates. Hence it is a word of the same root which is rendered authority, or an authorized power, 1 Tim. ii. 2. and from the same word also comes that supreme, to whom Peter commands subjection and honour, 1 Pet. ii. 13. Now these he speaks of have the legal constitution of the people, being the ordinance of man, to be subjected to for the Lord's sake, and who sends other inferior magistrates for the punishment of evil doers, and for the praise of them that do well, who are to be honoured as kings or lawful magistrates; this cannot be said of tyrants. But more particularly, to evince that tyrants and usurpers are not to be honoured according to this command, and that it is a breach of it so to do; let us go through all these relations of superiority, that come under the obligation of this command, and we shall find tyrants and usurpers excluded out of all. First, They cannot come under the parental relation: we are indeed to esteem kings as fathers, though not properly, but by way of some analogy, because it is their office to care for the people, and to be their counsellors, and to defend them, as fathers do for children: but roaring lions and ranging bears, as wicked rulers are, Prov. xxviii. 15. cannot be fathers. But kings cannot properly be owned under this relation, far less tyrants (with whom the analogy of fathers cannot consist) there being so many notable disparities betwixt kings and fathers. 1. A father may be a father to one child; but a king cannot be a king or politic father to one only, but his correlate must be a community; a tyrant can be a father to none at all in a politic sense. 2. A father is a father by generation to all coming out of his loins; a king not so, he doth not beget them, nor doth their relation flow from that; a tyrant is a destroyer, not a pro-creator of people. 3. A father is the cause of the natural being of his children, a king only of the politic well being of his subjects; but tyrants are the cause of the ill being of both. 4. A father, once a father, as long as his children live, retains still the relation, though he turn mad and never so wicked; a king turning mad may be served as Nebuchadnezzar was, at least all will grant in some cases the subjects may shake off the king; and if in any case, it is when he turns tyrant. 5. A father's relation never ceases, whithersoever his children go; but subjects may change their relation to a king, by coming under another king in another kingdom; a tyrant will force all lovers of freedom to leave the kingdom where he domineers. 6. A father's relation never changes, he can neither change his children, nor they change their father; but a king may naturalize new subjects, and subjects may also change their sovereign. Royalists will grant a state or commonwealth may make a king, and there is great reason sometimes that a monarchy be turned into a commonwealth; but a tyrant changes those that are under him, expels the natives, brings in foreigners, and all good patriots do pant for a change of him every day. 7. A father hath no power of life and death over his children; a king hath it over his subjects according to law; a tyrant usurps it over the innocent against law. 8. A father is not a father by consent of his children; as a king is by consent of his subjects; a tyrant is neither a father with it nor without it. 9. A father is not made by the children, as a king is by his subjects, as was shewed: a tyrant is neither a natural, nor by compact, but a self created power. 10. A father is not chosen conditionally upon compact, as a king is by the free suffrages of the community; a tyrant in this differs from a king that he is not chosen, and in tyranny from a father. 11. Children wanting a father cannot choose whom they will to be their father; as subjects wanting a king may choose whom they will, and what form they please; but though they can, yet if they be rational, they will never choose a tyrant, nor a tyrannical form of government. 12. Children cannot restrict their father's power to what degrees they please; as subjects may limit their kings, at their first erection; but a tyrant, though he ought, yet he will not be limited, and if he might, he should be restrained. 13. Children cannot set bounds how long they will have their fathers to continue; subjects may condescend upon the time, in making laws how long such an one shall be their sovereign, during life, or while faultless, according as the fundamental law is made at first; tyrants ought every day to be repressed that they should not continue at all. Yet giving and not granting, that a king were to be owned under the relation of a father; though every man be bound to own and maintain his father's parental authority, yet let the case be put, that the father turns a robber, murderer, an avowed enemy to God and the country, is his person and authority in that case to be owned, to the dishonour of God, and hurt and hazard of the country? or ought he not rather to be delivered up even by the son to justice? Much more then will it follow, that a king who turns the more dangerous, because the more powerful robber, and legal murderer, and enemy to God and the country, cannot be owned seeing the relation between father and son is stronger and stricter as having another original, than can be betwixt king and subjects, and stands unremoved as long as he is father, though turning such, they ought to contribute, (in moral duty, to which their relative duty must cede) that he should no more be a father, nor no more a living man, when dead by law. Secondly, They cannot come under the herile or masterly relation, though analogically also sometimes they are stiled so, and subjects are called servants, by reason of their subjection, and because it is the office of kings to command, and subjects to obey, in this there is some analogy. But kings cannot properly be owned under this relation, as masters over either persons or goods of subjects, far less tyrants, yea kings assuming a masterly power turn tyrants. Now that the magistratical relation is not that of a master, is clear from many disparities and absurdities, whether we consider the state of hired servants or slaves. For hired servants, the difference is vast betwixt them and subjects. 1. The hired servant gets reward for his service, by compact; the subjects none, but rather gives the royal reward of tribute to the king for his service; the tyrant exacts it to maintain his tyranny. 2. The hired servant is maintained by his master; the subjects maintain the king; the tyrant robs it from them by force. 3. The hired servant bargains only for a time, and then may leave him; the subject cannot give up his covenanted allegiance, at that rate and for these reasons as the servant may his service; a tyrant will make nor keep no such bargain. 4. The hired servant must have his master's profit mainly before his eyes, and his own secondarily; but the magistrates power is primarily ordinated to the public good of the community and only consequentially to the good of himself. 5. The master hath a greater power over the hired servant, to make and give out laws to him, which if they be lawful he must obey; than the king hath over the nation, to which he is the sole lawgiver, as is shewed. 6. The hired servant's subjection is mercenary and servile; but the subject's subjection is civil, free, voluntary, liberal, and loving to a lawful king. Again for slaves, the difference between them and subjects is great. 1. Slavery, being against nature, rational people would never choose that life, if they could help it; but they gladly choose government and governors. 2. Slavery would make their condition worse than when they had no government, for liberty is always preferable; neither could people have acted rationally in setting up government, if to be free of oppression of others they had given themselves up to slavery, under a master who may do what he pleases with them. 3. All slaves are either taken in war, or bought with money, or born in the house where their parents were slaves, as Abraham and Solomon had of that sort; but subjects are neither captives, nor bought, nor born slaves.--4. Slavery is not natural, but a penal fruit of sin, and would never have been if sin had not been; but government is not so, but natural and necessary. 5. Slaves are not their master's brethren, subjects are the king's brethren, "over whom he must not lift up himself," Deut. xvii. 20. 6. Masters might purchase and sell their slaves, Abimelech took sheep and men servants and gave them unto Abraham, Gen. xx. 14. Jacob had maid-servants, and men-servants, and asses, Gen. xxx. 43. no otherwise than other goods, Solomon got to himself servants and maidens, and servants born in his house, Eccles. ii. 7. a king cannot do so with his subjects. 7. Princes have not this power to make the people slaves, neither from God, nor from the people: from God they have none, but to feed and to lead them, 2 Sam. v. 2. to rule them so as to feed them, 1 Chron. xi. 2. Psal. lxxviii, 71, 72. From the people they have no power to make slaves, they can give none such. 8. Slavery is a curse: it was Canaan's curse to be a servant of servants, Gen. ix. 25. but to have magistrates is a promised blessing, Jer. xvii. 25. 9. To be free of slavery is a blessing, as the redemption from Egypt's bondage is every where called, and the year of redemption was a jubilee of joy, so the freedom of release every seven years a great privilege, Jer. xxxiv. 9. but to be free of government is a judgment, Isa. iii. 4, 5. 'tis threatened, "Israel shall abide without a king and without a prince;" Hos. iii. 4. In the next place, they cannot be owned as masters or proprietors over the goods of the subjects; though in the case of necessity, the king may make use of all goods in common, for the good of the kingdom; for, 1. The introduction of kings cannot overturn nature's foundation; by the law of nature property was given to man, kings cannot rescind that. 2. A man had goods ere ever there was a king; a king was made only to preserve property, therefore he cannot take it away. 3. It cannot be supposed that rational people would choose a king at all, if he had power to turn a great robber to preserve them from lesser robberies and oppressions; would rational men give up themselves for a prey to one, that they might be safe from becoming a prey to others? 4. Then their case should be worse, by erecting of government, if the prince were proprietor of their goods, for they had the property themselves before. 5. Then government should not be a blessing, but a curse, and the magistrate could not be a minister for good. 6. Kingdoms then should be among the goods of fortune, which the king might sell and dispone as he pleased. 7. His place then should not be a function, but a possession. 8. People could not then, by their removes, or otherwise, change their sovereigns. 9. Then no man might dispose of his own goods without the king's consent, by buying or selling, or giving alms; nay, nor pay tribute, for they cannot do these things except they have of their own. 10. This is the very character of a tyrant, as described, 1 Sam. viii. 11. "He will take your sons," Zeph. iii. 3. "Her princes are roaring lions, her judges are evening wolves." 11. All the threatnings and rebukes of oppression condemn this, Isa. iii. 14, 15, Ezek. xlv. 9. Mic. iii. 2, 3. Ahab condemned for taking Naboth's vineyard. 12. Pharaoh had not all the land of Egypt, till he bought it, Gen. xlii. 20. So the land became Pharaoh's not otherwise. Yet giving, and not granting that he were really a master in all these respects; notwithstanding if he turn to pursue me for my life, because of my fidelity to my master and his both, and will withdraw me from the service of the supreme universal master, I may lawfully withdraw myself from his, and disown him for one, when I cannot serve two masters. Sure he cannot be master of the conscience. Thirdly, they cannot come under the conjugal relation, though there may be some proportion between that and subjection to a lawful ruler, because of the mutual covenant transacted betwixt them; but the tyrant and usurper cannot pretend to this, who refuse all covenants. Yet hence it cannot be inferred, that because the wife may not put away her husband, or renounce him, as he may do her in the case of adultery; therefore the people cannot disown the king in the case of the violation of the royal covenant. For the king's power is not at all properly a husband's power, 1. The wife, by nature, is the weaker vessel, but the kingdom is not weaker than the king. 2. The wife is given as an help to the man; but here the man is given as an help to the common-wealth. 3. The wife cannot limit the husband's power; as subjects may limit their sovereigns. 4. The wife cannot prescribe the time of her continuing under him; as subjects may do with their sovereigns. 5. The wife cannot change her husband; as a kingdom can do their government. 6. The husband hath not power of life and death; but the sovereign hath it over malefactors. Yet giving, and not granting, his power were properly marital: if the case be put, that the man do habitually break the marriage-covenant, or take another wife, and turn also cruel and intolerable in compelling his own wife to wickedness; and put the case also, that she should not get a legal divorce procured, who can doubt but she can disown him, and leave him? For this case is excepted out of that command, 1 Cor. vii. 10. Let not the wife depart from her husband, meaning for mere difference in religion, or other lesser causes; but adultery doth annul the marriage relation. See Pool's Synopsis critic, in locum. So when a prince breaks the royal covenant and turns tyrant, or without any covenant commits a rape upon the common-wealth, that pretended relation may and must be disowned. Hence, we see, there is no relation can bring a king or ruler under the object of the duty of the fifth command, except it be that of a fiduciary patron, or trustee, and public servant: for we cannot own him properly either to be a father, or a master, or a husband. Therefore what can remain, but that he must be a fiduciary servant? Wherefore if he shall either treacherously break his trust, or presumptuously refuse to be entrusted, upon terms and conditions to secure and be accountable for, (before God and man) religion and liberty, we cannot own his usurped authority. That metaphor which the learned Buchanan uses, de jure regni, of a public and politic physician, is not a relation different from this of a fiduciary servant; when he elegantly represents him as entrusted with the preservation and restoration of the health of the politic body, and endowed with skill and experience of the laws of his craft. If then he be orderly called unto this charge, and qualified for it, and discharges his duty faithfully, he deserves, and we are obliged to give him the deference of an honoured physician; but if he abuse his calling, and not observe the rules thereof, and instead of curing, go about wilfully to kill the body he is entrusted with, he is no more to be owned for a physician: but for a murderer. 9. If we enquire further into the nature of this relation between a king, (whose authority is to be owned) and his subjects; we can own it only as it is reciprocal in respect of superiority and inferiority; that is, whereby in some respects the king is superior to the people, and in some respects the people is inferior to him. The king is superior and supreme as he is called, 1 Pet. ii. 13. In respect of formal sovereignty, and executive authority, and majestic royal dignity, resulting from the peoples devolving upon him that power, and constituting him in that relation over themselves, whereby he is higher in place and power than they, and in respect of his charge and conduct is worth ten thousands of the people, 2 Sam. xviii. 3. and there is no formally regal tribunal higher than his; and though he be lesser than the whole community, yet he is greater than any one, or all the people distributively taken; and though he be a royal vassal of the kingdom, and princely servant of the people; yet he is not their deputy, because he is really their sovereign, to whom they have made over their power of governing and protecting themselves irrevocably, except in the case of tyranny; and in acts of justice, he is not accountable to any, and does not depend on the people as a deputy. But, on the other hand, the people is superior to the king, in respect of their fountain power of sovereignty, that remains radically and virtually in them, in that they make him their royal servant, and him rather than another, and limit him to the laws for their own good and advantage, and though they give to him a politic power for their own safety; yet they keep a natural power which they cannot retract, the power of justice to govern righteously, yet it is not so irrevocably given away to him, but that when he abuseth his power to the destruction of his subjects, they may wrest a sword out of a mad man's hand, though it be his own sword, and he hath a just power to use it for good, but all fiduciary power abused may be repealed. They have not indeed sovereignty, or power of life and death formally; yet, in respect, they may constitute a magistrate with laws, which if they violate they must be in hazard of their lives, they have this power eminently and virtually. Hence, in respect, that the king's power is, and can be only fiducial, by way of trust reposed upon him, he is not so superior to the people, but he may and ought to be accountable to them in case of tyranny; which is evident from what is said, and now I intend to make it further appear. But, first, I form the argument thus; we can own no king that is not accountable to the people: ergo, we cannot own this king. To clear the connexion of the antecedent and consequent, I add; either he is accountable to the people, or he is not: if he be accountable to all, then he is renouncible by a part, when the community is defective as to their part, it is the interest of a part, that would, but cannot, do their duty, to give no account to such as they can get no account from for his maleversations. This is all we crave: if he be not accountable, then we cannot own him, because all kings are accountable: for these reasons, 1. The inferior is accountable to the superior; the king is inferior, the people superior: ergo, the king is accountable to the people. The proposition is plain; if the king's superiority make the people accountable to him in case of transgressing the laws; then, why should not the peoples superiority make the king accountable to them, in case of transgressing the laws? Especially, seeing the king is inferior to the laws: because the law restrains him, and from the law he hath that whereby he is king; the law is inferior to the people, because they are as it were its parent, and may make or unmake it upon occasion: and seeing the law is more powerful than the king, and the people more powerful than the law, we may see before which we may call the king to answer in judgment, Buchan. jure regni apud Scot. That the king is inferior to the people is clear on many accounts: for these things which are institute for others sake, are inferior to those for whose sake they are required or sought; a horse is inferior to them that use him for victory; a king is only a mean for the peoples good; a captain is less than the army, a king is put a captain over the Lord's inheritance, 1 Sam. x. 1. He is but the minister of God for their good, Rom. xiii. 4. Those who are before the king, and may be a people without him: let the king be considered either materially as a mortal man, he is then but a part inferior to the whole; or formally under the reduplication as a king, he is no more but a royal servant, obliged to spend his life for the people, to save them out of the hand of their enemies, 2 Sam. xix. 9: A part is inferior to the whole, the king is but a part of the kingdom: a gift is inferior to them to whom it is given, a king is but a gift given of God for the peoples good: that which is mortal, and but accidental, is inferior to that which is eternal, and cannot perish politically; a king is but mortal, and it is accidental to government that there be a succession of kings; but the people is eternal, one generation passeth away, and another generation cometh, Eccl. i. 4. especially the people of God, the portion of the Lord's inheritance, is superior to any king, and their ruin of greater moment than all the kings of the world; for, if the Lord for their sake smite great kings, and slay famous kings, as Sihon and Og, Psal. cxxxvi. 17,--20. if he give kings and famous kingdoms for their ransom, Isa. xliii. 3, 4. then his people must be so much superior than kings, by how much his justice is active to destroy the one, and his mercy to save the other. All this proves the people to be superior in dignity; and therefore, even in that respect, it is frivolous to say, the king cannot be accountable to them, because so much superior in glory and pomp; for they are superior every way in excellency; and though it were not so, yet judges may be inferior in rank considered as men, but they are superior in law over the greatest as they are judges, to whom far greater than they are accountable. The low and mean condition of them to whom belongs the power of judgment, does not diminish its dignity; when the king then is judged by the people, the judgment is of as great dignity as if it were done by a superior king; for the judgment is the sentence of the law. 2. They are superior in power: because every constituent cause is superior to the effect, the people is the constituent cause, the king is the effect, and hath all its royalty from them, by the conveyance God hath appointed; so that they need not fetch it from heaven, God gives it by the people, by whom also his power is limited, and, if need be, diminished from what they gave his ancestors: hence, if the people constitute and limit the power they give the king, then they may call him to an account, and judge him for the abuse of it; but the first is true, as is proven above: ergo.----The major is undeniable, for sure they may judge their own creature, and call him to an account for the power they gave him, when he abuses it, though there be no tribunal formally regal above him, yet, in the case of tyranny, and violating his trust, there is a tribunal virtual eminently above him, in them that made him, and reposed that trust upon him, as is said. 3. The fountain power is superior to the power derived: the people, though they constitute a king above them, yet retain the fountain power, he only hath the derived power: certainly the people must retain more power eminently, than they could give to the king, for they gave it, and he receives it with limitations; if he turn mad or incapable, they may put curators or tutors over him; if he be taken captive, they may appoint another to exercise the power; if he die, then they may constitute another, with more or less power; so then if they give away all their power, as a slave selleth his liberty, and retain no fountain power or radical right, they could not make use of it to produce any of these acts: they set a king above them only with an executive power for their good, but the radical power remains in the people, as in an immortal spring, which they communicate by succession to this or that mortal man, in the manner and measure they think expedient; for otherwise, if they gave all their power away, what shall they reserve to make a new king, if this man die? What if the royal line surcease, there be no prophets now sent to make kings; and if they have power in these cases, why not in the case of tyranny? 4. If the king be accountable by law, for any act of tyranny done against one man, then much more is he accountable for many against the whole state: but the former is true; a private man may go to law before the ordinary judges, for wronging his inheritance, and the king is made accountable for the wrong done by him. Now, shall the laws be like spiders webs, which hold flies, but let bigger beasts pass through? Shall sentence be past for petty wrongs against a man, and none for tyrannizing over religion, laws, and liberties of the kingdom? Shall none be past against parricide or fratricide, for killing his brother, murdering the nobles, and burning cities? Shall petty thieves be hanged for stealing a sheep; and does the laws of God or man give impunity for robbing a whole country of the nearest and dearest interests they have, to crowned heads, for the fancied character of royalty, which thereby is forfeited? 5. If there be judges appointed of God independently, to give out and execute the judgment of the Lord on all offenders, without exception of the highest; then the king also must be subject to that judgment; but there are judges appointed of God independently, to give out and execute the judgment of the Lord on all offenders, without exception of the highest. Two things must be here proved; first, that in giving judgment they do not depend on the king, but are the immediate vicars of God. Secondly, that the king is not excepted from, but subject to their judgment, in case he be criminal. First, They cannot depend upon the king, because they are more necessary than the king; and it is not left to the king's pleasure whether there be judges or not. There may be judges without a king, but there can be no king without judges, nor no justice, but confusion; no man can bear the people's burden alone, Numb. xi. 14, 17. If they depended on the king, their power would die with the king; the streams must dry up the fountain; but that cannot be, for they are not the ministers of the king, but of the kingdom, whose honour and promotion, though by the king's external call, yet comes from God, as all honour and promotion does, Psal. lxxv. 7. The king cannot make judges whom he will, by his absolute power, he must be tied to that law, Deut. i. 13. To take wise men and understanding, and known: neither can he make them during pleasure; for if these qualifications remain, there is no allowance given for their removal. They are gods, and the children of the most high, appointed to defend the poor and fatherless, as well as he, Psal. lxxxii. 3, 6. They are ordained of God for the punishment of evil doers, in which they must not be resisted, as well as he, Rom. xiii. 1, 2. By me (saith the Lord) rule--all the judges of the earth, Prov. viii. 16. To them we must be subject for conscience sake, as being the ministers of God for good; they must be obeyed for the Lord's sake, as well as the king; though they are sent of him, yet they judge not for man, but for the Lord, 2 Chron. xix. 6. hence they sit in his room, and are to act as if he were on the bench; the king cannot say, the judgment is mine, because it is the Lord's; neither can he limit their sentence (as he might, if they were nothing but his deputies) because the judgment is not his: nor are their consciences subordinate to him, but to the Lord immediately; otherwise if they were his deputies, depending on him, then they could neither be admonished, nor condemned for unjust judgment, because their sentence should neither be righteous nor unrighteous, but as the king makes it; and all directions to them were capable of this exception, do not so or so, except the king command you; crush not the poor, oppress not the fatherless, except the king command you; yea, then they could not execute any judgment, but with the king's licence, and so could not be rebuked for their not executing judgment. Now all this is contrary to scripture, which makes the sentence of the judges undeclinable, when just, Deut. xvii. 11. The Lord's indignation is kindled, when he "looks for judgment, and behold oppression, for righteousness, and behold a cry," Isa. v. 7. Neither will it excuse the judges to say, the king would have it so; for even they that are subservient to "write grievousness, to turn aside the needy from judgment," &c. are under the wo, as well as they that prescribe it, Isa. x. 1, 2. The Lord is displeased when "judgment is turned away backward, and judgment stands afar off,"----and when there is no judgment, whatever be the cause of it, Isa. lix. 14, 15. The Lord threatens he will be "avenged on the nation," when a man is "not found to execute judgment," Jer. v. 1, 9. And promises, if they "will execute judgment and righteousness, and deliver the spoiled out of the hand of the oppressor," he will give them righteous magistrates, Jer. xxii. 3, 4. but if they do not, he will send desolation, ibid. He rebukes those that "turn judgment to wormwood, and leave off righteousness in the earth," Amos v. 7. He resents it, when "the law is slacked, and judgment doth not go forth" freely, without overawing or over-ruling restraint, Hab. i. 4. Can these scriptures consist with the judges dependence on the king's pleasure, in the exercise and execution of their power? therefore, if they would avoid the Lord's displeasure, they are to give judgment, though the king should countermand it. Secondly, That the king is not excepted from their judgment, is also evident from the general commands, Gen. ix. 6. "Whoso sheddeth man's blood, by man shall his blood be shed:" there is no exception of kings or dukes here: and we must not distinguish where the law distinguisheth not, Numb. xxxv. 30, 31. Whoso killeth any person, the murderer shall be put to death by the mouth of witnesses,--ye shall take no satisfaction for the life of a murderer which is guilty of death, but he shall be surely put to death. What should hinder then justice to be awarded upon a murdering king? Shall it be for want of witnesses? It will be easy to adduce thousands. Or, shall this be satisfaction for his life, that he is a crowned king? The law saith, there shall be no satisfaction taken. The Lord speaketh to under judges, Levit. xix. 5. Ye shall do no unrighteousness in judgment, thou shalt not respect the person of the poor, nor honour the person of the mighty. If kings be not among the mighty, how shall they be classed? Deut. i. 17. Ye shall not respect persons in judgment, but you shall hear the small as well as the great; you shall not be afraid of the face of man, for the judgment is God's. If then no man's face can outdare the law and judgment of God, then the king's majestic face must not do it; but as to the demerit of blood, he must be subject as well as another. It is no argument to say, the Sanhedrim did not punish David for his murder and adultery; therefore it is not lawful to punish a king for the same; a reason from not doing is not relevant. David did not punish Joab for his murder, but authorized it, as also he did Bathsheba's adultery; will that prove, that murders connived at, or commanded by the king, shall not be punished? Or that whores of state are not to be called to an account? Neither will it prove, that a murdering king should not be punished; that David was not punished, because he got both the sin pardoned, and his life granted from the Lord, saying to him by the mouth of the prophet Nathan, Thou shalt not die. But as for the demerit of that fact, he himself pronounced the sentence out of his own mouth, 2 Sam. xii. 15. "As the Lord liveth, the man that hath done this thing shall surely die." 'So every king condemned by the law, is condemned by his own mouth: for the law is the voice of the king. Why then do we so much weary ourselves concerning a judge, seeing we have the king's own confession, that is, the law?' Buchanan de jure regni. And there needs be no other difficulty to find a tribunal for a murdering king, than to find one for a murderer; for a judgment must acknowledge but one name, viz. of the crime. If a king then be guilty of murder, he hath no more the name of a king, but of a murderer, when brought to judgment; for he is not judged for kingship, but for his murder; as when a gentleman is judged for robbery, he is not hanged, neither is he spared, because he is a gentleman, but because he is a robber. See Buchanan above. 6. If the people's representatives be superior to the king in judgment, and may execute judgment without him, and against his will, then they may also seek account of him; for if he hath no power but from them, and no power without them to act as king, (no more than the eye or hand hath power to act without the body) then his power must be inferior, fiduciary, and accountable to them; but the former is true, the peoples representatives are superior to the king in judgment, and may execute judgment without him, and against his will. In scripture we find the power of the elders and heads of the people was very great, and in many cases superior to the king; which the learned Dr. Owen demonstrates in his preliminary exercitations on the epistle to the Hebrews, and proves out of the Rabbins, that the kings of the Jews might have been called to an account, and punished for transgressing of the law. But in the scripture we find, (1.) They had a power of judgment with the supreme magistrate in matters of religion, justice and government. Hamor and Shechem would not make a covenant with Jacob's sons, without the consent of the men of the city, Gen. xxxiv. 20. David behoved to consult with the captains of thousands, and every leader, if it seemeth good to bring again the ark of God, 1 Chron. xiii. 1, 2, 3. So also Solomon could not do it without them, 1 Kings viii. 1. Ahab could not make peace with Benhadad against the consent of the people, 1 Kings xx. 8. The men of Ephraim complain that Jephthah, the supreme magistrate, had gone to war against the children of Ammon without them, and threatned to burn his house with fire, which he only excuses by the law of necessity, Judges xii. 1, 2, 3. The seventy elders are appointed of God, not to be the advisers only and helpers of Moses, but to bear a part of the burden of ruling and governing the people, that Moses might be eased, Numb. xi. 14, 17. Moses upon his sole pleasure, had not power to restrain them in the exercise of judgment given of God. They were not the magistrate's depending deputies, but in the act of judging, they were independent, and their consciences as immediately subjected to God as the superior magistrate, who was to add his approbative suffrage to their actings, but not his directive nor imperative suffrage of absolute pleasure, but only according to the law; he might command them to do their duty, but he could do nothing without them. (2.) They had power, not derived from the prince at all, even a power of life and death. The rebellious son was to be brought to the elders of the city, who had power to stone him, Deut. xxi. 18, 24. They had power to punish adultery with death, Deut. xxii. 21. They had power to cognosce whom to admit into, and whom to seclude from the cities of refuge: so that if the king had commanded to take the life of an innocent man, they were not to deliver him, Josh. xx. throughout. But besides the elders of cities, there were the elders and heads of the people, who had judicial power to cognosce on all criminal matters, even when Joshua was judge in Israel we find they assumed this power, to judge of that matter of the two tribes and the half, Josh. xxii. 30. And they had power to make kings, as Saul and David, as was shewed: and it must needs follow, they had power to unmake them in case of tyranny. (3.) They had power to conveen, even without the indiction of the ruler, as in that, Josh. xxii. They conveen without him; and without advice or knowledge of Samuel, the ruler, they conveen to ask a king, 1 Sam. viii. And without any head or superior, they conveen and make David king, notwithstanding of Ishbosheth's hereditary right. Without and against tyrannous Athaliah's consent, they conveen and make Joash king, and cared not for her Treason, treason, 2 Kings xi. But now the king alone challenges the prerogative power of calling and dissolving parliaments as he pleases, and condemns all meetings of estates without his warrant, which is purely tyrannical; for, in cases of necessity, by the very law of nature, they may and must conveen. The power is given to the king only by a positive law, for order's sake; but otherwise, they have an intrinsical power to assemble themselves. All the forecited commands, admonitions, and certifications, to execute judgment, must necessarily involve and imply a power to conveen, without which they could not be in a capacity for it: not only unjust judgment, but no judgment, in a time when truth is fallen in the streets, and equity cannot enter, is charged as the sin of the state; therefore they must conveen to prevent this sin, and the wrath of God for it: God hath committed the keeping of the commonwealth, not to the king's only, but also to the people's representatives and heads. And if the king have power to break up all conventions of this nature, then he hath power to hinder judgement to proceed, which the Lord commands: and this would be an excuse, when God threatens vengeance for it. We would not execute judgment, because the king forbade us. Yet many of these forementioned reproofs, threatnings, and certifications were given, in the time of tyrannous and idolatrous kings, who, no doubt, would inhibit and discharge the doing of their duty; yet we see that was no excuse, but the Lord denounces wrath for the omission. (4.) They had power to execute judgment against the will of the prince. Samuel killed Agag against Saul's will, but according to the command of God, 1 Sam. xv. 32. Against Ahab's will and mind Elijah caused kill the priests of Baal, according to God's express law, 1 Kings xviii. 40. It is true it was extraordinary, but no otherwise than it is this day; when there is no magistrate that will execute the judgment of the Lord, then they who have power to make the magistrate, may and ought to execute it, when wicked men make the law of God of none effect. So the princes of Judah had power, against the king's will, to put Jeremiah to death, which the king supposes, when he directs him what to say to them, Jer. xxxviii. 25. They had really such a power, though in Jeremiah's case it would have been wickedly perverted. See Lex Rex, q. 19, 20. (5.) They had a power to execute judgment upon the king himself, as in the case of Amaziah and Uzziah, as shall be cleared afterwards. I conclude with repeating the argument: if the king be accountable, whensover this account shall be taken, we are confident our disowning him for the present will be justified, and all will be obliged to imitate it: if he be not, then we cannot own his authority, that so presumptuously exalts himself above the people. 10. If we will further consider the nature of magistracy, it will appear what authority can conscientiously be owned, to wit, that which is power, not authorised power, not might or force; moral power, not merely natural. There is a great difference betwixt these two: natural power is common to brutes, moral power is peculiar to men; natural power is more in the subjects, because they have more strength and force; moral power is in the magistrate, they can never meet adequately in the same subject; natural power can, moral only may warrantably exercise rule; natural power is opposed to impotency and weakness, moral to illicitness or unlawfulness; natural power consists in strength, moral in righteousness; natural power may be in a rout of rogues making an uproar, moral only in the rulers; they cannot be distinguished by their acts, but by the principle from which the acts proceed; in the one from mere force, in the other from authority. The principle of natural power is its own might and will, and the end only self; moral hath its rise from positive constitution, and its end is public safety. The strength of natural power lies in the sword, whereby its might gives law; the strength of moral power is in its word, whereby reason gives law, unto which the sword is added for punishment of contraveeners: natural power takes the sword, Matth. xxvi. 52. Moral bears the sword, Rom. xiii. 4. In natural power the sword is the cause; in moral it is only the consequent of authority; in natural power the sword legitimates the sceptre; in moral the sceptre legitimates the sword: the sword of the natural is only backed with metal, the sword of the moral power is backed with God's warrant: natural power involves men in passive subjection, as a traveller is made to yield to a robber; moral power reduces to conscientious subordination. Hence the power that is only natural, not moral authority, not power, cannot be owned; but the power of a tyrant's and usurper's is only natural, not moral, authority, not power: Ergo it cannot be owned. The major cannot be denied; for it is only the moral power that is ordained of God, unto which we must be subject for conscience sake. The minor also; for the power of tyrants is not moral, because not authorized, nor warranted, or ordained of God by his preceptive ordinance, and therefore no lawful magistratical power. For the clearer understanding of this, let it be observed, there are four things required to the making of a moral or lawful power; the matter of it must be lawful, the person lawful, the title lawful, and the use lawful. 1. The matter of it, about which it is exerted, or the work to be done by it, must be lawful and warranted by God: and if it be unlawful it destroys its moral being. As the pope's power, in dispensing with divine laws, is null and no moral power; and so also the king's power, in dispensing with both divine and human laws is null. Hence that power, which is, in regard of matter unlawful, and never warranted by God, cannot be owned; but absolute power, which is the power of tyrants and usurpers, (and particularly of this of ours) is in regard of matter unlawful, and never warranted by God: Ergo--2. The person holding the power must be such as not only is capable of, but competent to the tenure of it, and to whom the holding of it is allowed; and if it be prohibited, it evacuates the morality of the power. Korah and his company arrogated to themselves the office of the priesthood, this power was prohibited to them, their power then was a nullity. As therefore a person that should not be a minister, when he usurps that office is no minister; so a person that should not be a magistrate, when he usurps that office, is no magistrate. Hence, a person that is incapable and incompetent for government cannot be owned for a governor; but the duke of York is such a person, not only not qualified as the word of God requires a magistrate to be, but by the laws of the land declared incapable of rule, because he is a papist, a murderer, an adulterer, &c. 5. There must be a moral power, a lawful title and investiture, as is shewed above; which, if it be wanting, the power is null, and the person but a scenical king, like John of Leyden. This is essentially necessary to the being of a magistrate; which only properly distinguishes him from a private man; for when a person becomes a magistrate, what is the change that is wrought in him? what new habit or endowment is produced in him? he hath no more natural power than he had before, only now he hath the moral power, right and authority to rule, legally impowering him to govern. Let it be considered, what makes a subordinate magistrate, whom we own as such; it must be only his commission from a superior power, otherwise we reject him; if one come to us of his own head, taking upon him the stile and office of a bailiff, sheriff or judge, and command our persons, demand our purses, or exact our oaths; we think we may deny him, not taking ourselves to owe him any subjection, not owning any bond of conscience to him; why? because he hath no lawful commission. Now, if we require this qualification in the subordinate, why not in the supreme? Hence, that magistrate, that cannot produce his legal investiture, cannot be owned; but the duke of York cannot produce his legal investiture, his admission to the crown upon oath and compact, and with the consent of the subjects, according to the laws of the land, as is shewed above: therefore----4. There must also be the lawful use of the power; which must be not only legal for its composure, but right for its practice; its course and process in government must be just, governing according to law, otherwise it is mere tyranny: for what is government, but the subjecting of the community to the rule of governors, for peace and order's sake, and the security of all their precious interests? and for what end was it ordained, and continued among men, but that the stronger may not domineer over the weaker? and what is anarchy, but the playing the rex of the natural power over the moral? Hence, that power which is contrary to law, evil and tyrannical, can tie none to subjection; but the power of the king, abused to the destruction of laws, religion and liberties, giving his power and strength unto the beast, and making war with the Lamb, Rev. xvii. 13, 14. is a power contrary to law, evil and tyrannical: therefore it can tie none to subjection: wickedness by no imaginable reason can oblige any man. It is objected by some, from Rom. xiii. 1. There is no power but of God; the usurping power is a power: therefore it is of God, and consequently we owe subjection to it. Ans. 1. The original reading is not universal, but this: for there is no power if not from God: which confirms what I plead for, that we are not to own any authority, if it be not authorized by God. The words are only relative to higher powers, in a restricted sense and at most are but indefinite, to be determined according to the matter; not all power simply, but all lawful power. 2. It is a fallacy from what is said according to a certain thing, there is no power but of God, that is no moral power, as universal negatives use to be understood, Heb. v. 4. No man taketh his honour unto himself, but he that is called of God; which is clear, must not be understood for the negation of the fact, as if no man at all doth or ever did take unto himself that honour, for Korah did it, &c. but, no man taketh it warrantably, with a moral right and God's allowance without God's call: so also the universal imperative, in that same text, must not be taken absolutely without restriction; for if every soul without exception were to be subject, there could be none left to be the higher powers; but it is understood with restriction to the relation of a subject. So here, no power but of God, to be understood with restriction to the relation of a lawful magistrate. It is also to be understood indiscriminately, in reference to the divers species, sorts and degrees of lawful power, supreme and subordinate, whether to the king as supreme, or to governors, &c. as Peter expresses it: or whether they be Christian or pagan; it cannot be meant of all universally, that may pretend to power, and may attain to prevailing potency; for then by this text, we must subject ourselves to the papacy now intended to be introduced; and indeed if we subject ourselves to this papist, the next thing he will require will be that. 3. To the minor proposition, I answer, the usurping power is a power; it is power, I grant, that it is power, or authority, I deny. Therefore it is of God by his providence, I concede; by his ordinance, I deny. Consequently we owe subjection to it, I deny. We may be subject passively, I grant. Actively, out of conscience, I deny. But some will object, 2. Though the power be usurped, and so not morally lawful in all these respects; yet it may do good, its laws and administrations may be good. Answ. I grant all is good that ends well, and hath a good beginning. This cannot be good which hath a bad principle, good from the entire cause. Some government for constitution good, may, in some acts, be bad; but a government for constitution bad cannot, for the acts it puts forth, be good. These good acts may be good for matters but formally they are not good, as done by the usurper: they may be comparatively good, that is better so than worse; but they cannot be absolutely, and in a moral sense good: for to make a politic action good, not only the matter must be warrantable, but the call also. It may indeed induce subjects to bear and improve to the best, what cannot be remedied; but cannot oblige to own a magistratical relation. II. The nature of the power thus discovered, let us see the nature of that relative duty, which we owe and must own as due to magistrates, and what sort of owning we must give them; which, to inquire a little into, will give light to the question. All the duty and deference the Lord requires of us, towards them whom we must own as magistrates, is comprehended in these two expressions, honour required in the fifth command, and subjection required in Rom. xiii. 1. &c. 1 Pet. ii. 13. &c. Whomsoever then we own as magistrates, we must own honour and subjection as due to them: and if so be, we cannot, upon a conscientious ground, give them honour and subjection, we cannot own them as magistrates. The least deference we can pay to magistrates is subjection, as it is required in these words; Let every soul be subject to the higher powers, and, submit yourselves to every ordinance of man for the Lord's sake. But this cannot be given to tyrants and usurpers; therefore no deference can be paid to them at all: and consequently they cannot be owned. That this subjection, which is required to the higher powers, cannot be owned to tyrants, will be apparent, if we consider, 1. The subjection required is orderly subjection to an orderly power, that we be regularly under him that is regularly above; but usurpation and tyranny is not an orderly power, orderly placed above us; therefore we cannot be orderly under it. This is gathered from the original language, where the powers to be subjected to, are ordained of God and the ordinance of God, and he that resisteth the power is counter-ordered, or contrary to his orderly duty; so the duty is to be subject. They are all words coming from one root, which signifies to order; so that subjection is to be placed in order under another relative to an orderly superiority; but, to occupy the seat of dignity unauthorized, is an ataxy, a breaking of order, and bringing the commonwealth quite out of order. Whereby it may appear, that, in relation to an arbitrary government, there can be properly no orderly subjection. 2. The thing itself must import that relative duty which the fifth command requires; not only a passive stooping endurance, or a feigned counterfeit submission, but a real active duty including obedience to lawful commands; and not only so, but support and maintenance; and that both to the acts of his administration, and to his standing and keeping his station, assisting him with all our abilities, both human and Christian; and not only as to the external acts of duties, but the inward motions of the heart, as consent, love, reverence, and honour, and all sincere fealty and allegiance. But can a subjection of this extent be paid to a tyrant or usurper? Can we support those we are bound to suppress? Shall we love the ungodly, and help those that hate the Lord? Can we consent, that we and our posterity should be slaves? Can we honour them who are vile, and the vilest of men; how high soever they be exalted? 3. The ground of this subjection is for conscience sake, not for wrath, that is, so far and so long as one is constrained by fear, and, to avoid a greater evil, to stoop to him, but out of conscience of duty, both that of piety to God who ordained magistracy, and that of equity to him who is his minister for good, and under pain of damnation if we break this orderly subjection, Rom. xiii. 2, 5. But can it be imagined, that all this is due to a tyrant and usurper? Can it be out of conscience, because he is the Lord's minister for good? The contrary is clear, that he is the devil's drudge serving his interest: Is resistance to tyrants a damnable sin? I hope to prove it to be a duty. 4. If subjection to tyrants and usurpers will inveigle us in their snares, and involve us in their sin and judgment, then it is not to be owned to them; but the former is true; therefore the latter. In the foregoing head I drew an argument, for withdrawing from and disowning the prelatic ministers, from the hazard of partaking in their sin, and of being obnoxious to their judgment, because people are often punished for their pastor's sins; Aaron and his sons polluting themselves, would have brought wrath upon all the people, Lev. x. 6. because the teachers had transgressed against the Lord, therefore was Jacob given to the curse, and Israel to reproaches, Isa. xliii. 27, 28. and all these miseries lamented by the church, were inflicted for the sins of her prophets, and the iniquities of her priests, Lam. iv. 13. the reason was, because they owned then, followed them, countenanced them, complied with them, or connived at them, or did not hinder, or else disown them. The same argument will evince the necessity of withdrawing our subjection from, and disowning, usurping, and tyrannical rulers, when we cannot hinder their wickedness, nor give any other testimony against them, to avert the wrath of the Lord. If the defections of ministers will bring on the whole nation desolacing judgments; then much more have we reason to fear it, when both magistrates and ministers are involved in, and jointly carrying on, and caressing and encouraging each other in promoting a woful apostasy from God: when the heads of the house of Jacob and princes of the house of Israel, abhor judgment, and pervert all equity. The heads judge for reward, and the priests teach for hire, and the prophets divine for money, and yet lean upon the Lord, and say, is not the Lord among us: none evil can come upon us. Then we can expect nothing, but that Zion for their sake shall be plowed as a field, and Jerusalem become heaps, and the mountain of the house as the high places of the forest, Mic. iii. 9, 11, 12. Certain it is, that subjects have smarted sore for the sins of their rulers: for Saul's sin, in breaking covenant with the Gibeonites, the land suffered three years famine, 2 Sam. xxi. 1. and the wrath of the Lord could not be appeased, till seven of his sons were hanged up unto the Lord. What then shall appease the wrath of God, for the unparalleled breach of covenant with God in our days? For David's sin of numbering the people, 70,000 men died by the pestilence, 2 Sam. xxiv. 5. For Jeroboam's sin of idolatry, who made Israel to sin, the Lord threatens to give Israel up, because of the sins of Jeroboam, I Kings xiv. 16. only they escaped this judgment, who withdrew themselves and fell into Judah. For Ahab's sin of letting go a man whom the Lord had appointed to utter destruction, the Lord threatens him, thy life shall go for his life, and thy people for his people, 1 Kings xx. 42. Because Manasseh, king of Judah, did many abominations, therefore the Lord threatened to bring such evil upon Jerusalem and Judah, that whosoever heard it, his ears should tingle, &c. 2 Kings xxi. 11, 12. and notwithstanding of his repentance and the reformation in the days of Josiah, notwithstanding the Lord turned not from the fierceness of his great wrath, wherewith his anger was kindled against Judah, because of all the provocations that Manasseh had provoked him withal, 2 Kings xxiii. 26. which was accomplished by the hands of the Chaldeans, in Jehoiakim's time. Surely, at the commandment of the Lord, came this upon Judah, to remove them out of his sight, for the sins of Manasseh according to all that he did, and also for the innocent blood which he shed,----which the Lord would not pardon, 2 Kings xxiv. 3, 4. And Jeremiah further threatens, that they should be removed into all kingdoms of the earth, because of Manasseh for that which he did in Jerusalem, Jer. xv. 4. Certainly passages were recorded for our learning, Rom. xv. 4. and for our examples, to the intent we should not do as they did, 1 Cor. x. 6. and for our admonition, ver. 11. Whence we may be admonished, that it is not enough to keep ourselves free of public sins of rulers; many of those then punished, were free of all actual accession to them; but they became accessory to, and involved in the guilt of them, when they did not endeavour to hinder them, and bring them to condign punishment for them, according to the law of God, which respecteth not persons; or, at least, because they did not revolt from them, as Libnah did: there might be other provocations on the peoples part, no doubt, which the Lord did also punish by these judgments; but when the Lord specifies the sin of rulers as the particular procuring cause of the judgment; it were presumption to make it the occasion only of the Lord's punishing them: for plain it is, if these sins of rulers had not been committed, which was the ground of the threatening and execution, the judgment would have been prevented; and if the people had bestirred themselves as became them, in repressing and restraining such wickedness, they had not so smarted; and when that sin, so threatened and punished, was removed, then the judgment itself was removed or deterred. It is just and necessary, that the subjects, being jointly included with their rulers in the same bond of fidelity to God, be liable to be punished for their rebellion and apostacy, when they continue under the bond of subjection to them. But how deplorable were our condition, if we should stand obnoxious to divine judgments, for the atheism, idolatry, murders, and adulteries of our rulers, and yet be neither authorized nor capacitated to hinder it, nor permitted to withdraw ourselves from subjection to them? But it is not so; for, the Lord's making us responsible for their debt, is an impowering us either to repress their wickedness when he gives us capacity, or at least to save ourselves harmless from their crimes, by disowning them; that being the only way of standing no longer accountable for their souls. 12. It remains to consider the ends for which government was institute by God, and constitute by men; from whence I argue, that government, that destroys the ends of government, is not to be owned; but tyranny, and especially this under which we howl, destroys all the ends of government; therefore it is not to be owned. The minor I prove thus, That government, that destroys all religion and safety, destroys all the ends of government; but this popish and arbitrary absolute power, destroys religion and safety; therefore--it is evident, both from the laws of nature and revelation, that the ends of government are the glory of God, and the good of mankind. The first is the glory of God, the ultimate end of all ordinances; to which whatever is opposite, is not to be owned by them that fear him: whatever power then is destructive to religion, and is applied and employed against the glory of the universal King, and for withdrawing us from our fealty and obedience to him, is nothing but rebellion against the supreme Lord and Lawgiver, and a traiterous conspiracy against the Almighty, and therefore not to be owned: and they are enemies to religion, or strangers to it, who are not sensible this hath been the design of the present government, at least these twenty-seven years, to overturn the reformed covenanted religion, and to introduce popery. Hence, seeing a king at his best and highest elevation, is only a mean for preserving religion, and for this end only chosen of the people to be keeper of both tables of the law, he is not to be regarded, but wholly laid aside, when he not only moves without his sphere, but his motion infers the ruin of the ends of his erection, and when he employs all his power for the destruction of the cause of Christ, and advancement of antichrist, giving his power to the beast; he is so far from deserving the deference of the power ordained of God, that he is to be looked upon, and treated as a traitor to God, and stated enemy to religion and all righteousness. The second end of government is the good of the people, which is the supreme and cardinal law; the safety of the people is the supreme law. Which cannot be denied, if it be considered, 1. For this only the magistrate is appointed of God to be his minister for the people's good, Rom. xiii. 4. and they have no goodness but as they conduce to this end: for all the power they have of God is with this proviso, to promote his people's prosperity. (It were blasphemy to say, they are his authorised ministers for their destruction) to which if their conduct degenerate, they degrade themselves, and so must be disowned. He is therefore, in his institution, no more than a mean for this end; and himself cannot be either the whole or half of the end; for then he should be both the end and the mean of government; and it is contrary to God's mould to have this for his end, to multiply to himself silver and gold, or lift up himself above his brethren, Deut. xvii. 17, 20. If therefore he hath any other end than the good of the people, he cannot be owned as one of God's moulding, 2. This only is the highest pitch of good princes ambition, to postpone their own safety to the peoples safety. Moses desired, rather than the people should be destroyed, that his name should be razed out of the book of life. And David would rather the Lord's hand be on him and his father's house, than on the people, that they should be plagued, 1 Chron. xxi. 17. But he that would seek his own ambitious ends, with the destruction of the people, hath the spirit of the devil, and is to be carried towards as one possessed with that malignant spirit. 3. Originally their power is from the people, from whom all their dignity is derived, with reserve of their safety, which is not the donative of kings, nor held by concession from them, nor can it be resigned or surrendered to the disposal of kings; since God hath provided, in his universal laws, that no authority make any disposal, but for the good of the people. This cannot be forfeited by the usurpation of monarchs, but being always fixed in the essential laws of government, they may reclaim and recover it when they please. Since then we cannot alienate our safety, we cannot own that authority which is inconsistent with it. 4. The attaining this end was the main ground and motive of peoples deliberating to constitute a government, and to choose such a form, because they thought it most conducible for their good; and to admit such persons as fittest instuments for compassing this end; and to establish such a conveyance, as they thought most contributive for this end. When therefore princes cease to be what they could be constitute for, they cease to have an authority to be owned; but ceasing to answer these ends of government, they cease to be what they could be constitute for. 5. For no other end were magistrates limited with conditions, but to bound them, that they might do nothing against the peoples good and safety. Whosoever then breaking through all legal limitations, shall become injurious to the community, lists himself in the number of enemies, and is only to be looked upon as such. 6. For this end all laws are ratified or rescinded, as they conduce to this end, which is the soul and reason of the law: then it is but reason, that the law establishing such a king, which proves an enemy to this, should be rescinded also. 7. Contrary to this end no law can be of force; if then, either law or king be prejudicial to the realm, they are to be abolished. 8. For this end, in cases of necessity, kings are allowed sometimes to neglect the letter of the laws, or private interests, for the safety of the community: but if they neglect the public safety, and make laws for their own interests, they are no more trustees but traitors. 9. If it were not for this end, it were more eligible to live in desarts, than to enter into societies. When therefore a ruler, in direct opposition to the ends of government, seeks the ruin, not only of religion, but also of the peoples safety, he must certainly forfeit his right to reign. And what a vast, as well as innocent number, have, for religion, and their adherence to their fundamental rights, been ruined, rooted out of their families possessions, oppressed, persecuted, murdered, and destroyed by this and the deceased tyrant, all Scotland can tell, and all Europe hath heard. If ever the ends of government were perverted and subverted in any place. Britain is the stage where this tragedy has been acted. 13. I may argue from the covenant, that to own this authority is contrary to all the articles thereof. 1. That authority which overturns the reformation of religion in doctrine, worship, discipline and government, which we are sworn to preserve against the common enemies thereof, in the first article, cannot be owned; but the present pretended authority overturned (and continues more to overturn) the reformation of religion, &c. therefore it cannot be owned. For against what common enemy must we preserve it, if not against him that is the chief enemy thereof? And how can we own that authority, that is wholly employed and applied for the destruction of religion? 2. If we are obliged to extirpate popery, without respect of persons, lest we partake in other mens sins; then we are obliged to extirpate papists without respect of persons; and consequently the head of them. (For how otherwise can popery be extirpated? Or how otherwise can we cleanse the land of their sins?) But in the 2d article we are obliged to extirpate popery without respect of persons, lest we partake in others mens sins: therefore we are obliged to extirpate papists without respect of persons, and consequently the crowned Jesuit, and therefore cannot own him: for how can we own him, whom we are bound to exstirpate? 3. If we be engaged to preserve the rights and liberties of parliaments, and the liberties of the kingdoms, and the king's authority only in the preservation and defence of the true religion and liberties of the kingdoms, then we cannot own his authority, when it is inconsistent with, opposite to, and destructive of all these precious interests, as now it is with a witness. But in the 3d article we are engaged to preserve the rights and privileges of parliaments, and the liberties of the kingdoms, and the king's authority only in the preservation and defence of the true religion and liberties of the kingdoms: therefore all allegiance that we can own to any man, must stand perpetually thus qualified, in defence of religion and liberty; that is, so far as it is not contrary to religion and liberty, and no further; for if it be destructive of these, it is null. If we should then own this man, with this restricted allegiance, and apply into his own authority (as we must apply it to all authority that we can own) it were to mock God and the world, and own contradictions: for can we maintain the destroyer of religion, in defence of religion, and the destroyer of all our rights and liberties, and all our legal securities for them, in the preservation of these rights and liberties? That were pure nonsense. 4. If we be obliged to endeavour, that all incendiaries and malignants, &c. be brought to condign punishment, then we cannot own the authority of the head of these incendiaries and malignant enemies; but in the fourth article, we are obliged to endeavour, that all incendiaries and malignants, &c. be brought to condign punishment: therefore----The connexion of the major cannot well be doubted, for is it imaginable, that the head of that unhallowed party, the great malignant enemy, who is the spring, and gives life unto all these abominations shall be exempted from punishment, or owned for a sacred majesty? shall we be obliged to discover, and bring to justice the little petty malignants, and this implacably stated enemy to Christ escape with a crown on his head? Nay, we are by this obliged, if ever we be in case, to bring these stated enemies to God and the country to condign punishment, from the highest to the lowest: and this we are to do, as we would have the anger of the Lord turned away from us, which cannot be, without hanging up their heads before the Lord against the sun, as was done in the matter of Peor, Numb. xxv. 4. For hath not he and his accomplices made the kingdom a curse? and we, with our own consent, have made ourselves obnoxious to it, if we do not procure, each in our capacities, and pursue these traitors and rebels, that the judgment of the Lord be executed upon the accursed. 5. No wilful opposer of peace and union between the kingdoms is to be owned; but, according to the 5th article, we are obliged to endeavour, that justice be done upon him: but this man and his brother have been wilful opposers of peace and union between the kingdoms, all true peace and union, except an union in confederacy against the Lord; for they have taken peace from both the kingdoms, and destroyed and annulled that which was the bond of their union, to wit, the solemn league and covenant. 6. If we are obliged to assist and defend all those that enter into this league and covenant, in the maintaining and pursuing thereof, and never to suffer ourselves to be divided, to make defection to the contrary part, &c. According to the 6th article then, we must not owt the butcher of our covenanted brethren, who hath imbrued his hands in their blood, in maintaining and pursuing thereof, and would have us withdrawn into so detestable a defection; for we cannot both own him as he requires to be owned, and as God requires every magistrate to be owned (so as not to resist him under pain of damnation, Rom. xiii. 2.) and assist our brethren too in refilling his murders: and our owning of him were a dividing of ourselves from our brethren that oppose him, into a defection to the contrary part, whereof he is head and patron. Lastly, In the conclusion, we are obliged to be humbled for the sins of these kingdoms, and to amend in a real reformation; whereof this is one to be mourned for, that after the Lord had delivered us from the yoke of this tyrannical family, we again joined in amity with the people of these abominations, and took these serpents into our bosom again, which hath bit us so sore, and wherewith the Lord hath scourged us severely. And if it was our sin to engage with them at first, then it is our sin to continue under their subjection; and is not consistent with that repentance, that the Lord's contendings call for, to continue owning that power which was our sin to own at first. III. In the third place, I promised to confirm my thesis from more express scripture arguments. Therefore I shall endeavour to gather them as briefly as may be. 1. From scripture inferences, nearly and natively consequential. 2. From scripture assertions. 3. From scripture precepts. 4. From scripture practices. 5. From scripture promises. 6. From scripture threatnings. 7. From scripture prayers. First, I shall offer some arguments deduced by way of immediate inference, from the grounds laid before us in scripture about government: wherein I shall confine my self to these particulars. 1. Let us consider the characters of a magistrate, laid down in scripture; and we may infer, if tyrants and usurpers are not capable of these characters, then they cannot be owned for magistrates. For if they be not magistrates, they cannot be owned as magistrates; but if they be not capable of the characters of magistrates, they are not magistrates: Ergo, if they be not capable of the characters of magistrates, they cannot be owned as magistrates. To find out the characters of magistrates, we need seek no further than that full place, Rom. xiii. Which usually is made a magazine of objections against this truth; but I trust to find store of arguments for it from thence, not repeating many that have been already deduced therefrom. We find, in this place, many characters of a magistrate, that are all incompatible with a tyrant or usurper. 1. He is the higher power, verse 1. Authorities supereminent, signifying such a pre-excellency as draweth towards it a recognition of honour; but this is not competent to tyrants and usurpers; for they are the vilest of men, let them be never so high exalted, Psal. xii. last verse, and if they be vile then they are to be contemned, Psal. xv. 4. and no more to be regarded than Herod was by Christ, when he called him a fox, Luke xiii. 32. But more particularly, let us consider what is the highness, or dignity of magistrates, set forth in scripture. They are stiled gods, not to be reviled, Exod. xxii. 28. among whom God judgeth, Psal. lxxxii. 1. so called, because the word of God came unto them, John x. 35. But tyrants are rather devils, as one of them is called Lucifer, Isa. xiv. 12. and they that persecute and imprison the people of God, because actuated by the devil, and acting for him, do bear his name, Rev. ii. 10. They are devils that cast the Lord's witnesses into prison. The magistrate's judgment is God's judgment, Deut. i. 17. because it is not for man, but for the Lord, 2 Chron. xix. 6. and therefore Solomon is said to have sat on the throne of the Lord, 1 Chron. xxix. 23. But it were blasphemy to say, That tyrants judgment, usurping the place without his warrant, and giving forth judgment against his laws, and cause, and people, is the Lord's judgment, or for him, or that they sit on the throne of the Lord. A throne of iniquity is not the throne of the Lord, for he hath no fellowship with it; the tyrant's throne is a throne of iniquity, Psal. xciv. 20. Magistrates are truly to be subjected to and obeyed, as principalities and powers, Tit. iii. 1. it is a sin to speak evil of them, verse 2. for it is presumption to despise dominion, and speak evil of dignities, 2 Pet. ii. 10. Jude 8. But tyrants are very catechrestically and abusively principalities and powers, no otherwise then the devils are so termed, Eph. vi. 12. and there is no argument to own or obey the one more than the other: for if all principalities and powers are to be subjected to and owned, then also the devil must, who gets the same title. To speak truth of tyrants indignities, cannot be a speaking evil of dignities; for truth is no evil, nor is tyranny a dignity. Hence they that are not capable of the dignity of rulers, as these places prove: Ergo----Against this it is objected. That Paul did apply this character to the tyrannical high priest Ananias, whom, after he had objurated for manifest injustice, he honours with that apology, that he wist not that he was the high priest, for it is written, thou shalt not speak evil of the ruler of thy people, Acts xxiii. 5. Ans. Though all should be granted that is in this objection, yet our argument would not be enervated: for grant we should not speak evil of tyrants, that does not evince that we should hold them us rulers; for we should bless our persecutors, Rom. x. 14. and speak evil of no man, Tit. iii. 2. that does not say, We should hold every man, or our persecutors, to be rulers. The meaning must be, he knew not that he was the high-priest; that is, he did not acknowledge him to be either high priest or ruler, he could acknowledge or observe nothing like one of that character in him: for as the high-priest's office was now null and ceased, so this Ananias was only an usurper of the office, in place of Ismael and Joseph, who had purchased it by money: and Paul had learned from his master Gamaliel, Tit. Talmud. of the Sanhedrim. That a judge who hath given money for purchasing this honour, is neither a judge, nor to be honoured as such, but to be held in place of an ass. And it was common among the Jews to say, If such be gods, they are silver gods, not to be honoured, as is quoted by Pool's synopsis criticorum, &c. on the same place. And that this must be the sense of it is plain; for he could not be ignorant that he was there in place of a judge, being called before him, and smitten by him authoritatively, whom therefore he did threaten with the judgment of God; it were wicked to think, that he would retract that threatning which he pronounced by the Spirit of God. And therefore this place confirms my thesis: if a tyrannical judge, acting contrary to law, is not to be known or acknowledged to be a ruler, but upbraided as a whited wall; then a tyrant is not to be known or acknowledged as such; but the former is true, from this place: therefore also the latter. Paul knew well enough he was a judge, and knew well enough what was his duty to a judge, that he should not be reviled; but he would not acknowledge this priest to be a judge, or retract his threatning against him. 2. He is of God, and ordained of God; I proved before, tyrants are not capable of this; yea, it were blasphemy to say, They are authorized, or ordained of God, by his preceptive will. Hence, take only this argument. All rulers that we must own are ordained of God, do reign, and are set up by God, Prov. viii, 15. (for that and this place are parallel) but tyrants do not reign, nor are set up by God, Hos. viii. 4. They are set up (saith the Lord) but not by me: Ergo, we cannot own them to be ordained of God. 3. Whosoever resisteth this power ordained of God, resisteth the ordinance of God, and they that resist, shall receive to themselves damnation, verse 2. This cannot be owned of a tyrant, that it is a damnable sin to resist him, for it is duty to resist, and also repress him, as is proven already, and shall be afterwards. Hence, whatsoever authority we own subjection to, we must not resist it; but we cannot own that we must not resist this authority: therefore we cannot own it at all. Again, That cannot be the power not to be resisted, which is acquired and improved by resisting the ordinance or God; but the power of usurpers and tyrants is acquired and improved by resisting the ordinance of God: Ergo, their power cannot be the power not to be resisted. The major is manifest; for when the apostle says, The resisting of the power brings damnation to the resister, certainly that resistance cannot purchase dominion instead of damnation: and if he that resists in a lesser degree, be under the doom of damnation; then certainly he that does it in a greater degree, so as to complete it, in putting himself in place of that power which he resisted, cannot be free. The minor is also undeniable; for, if usurpers acquire their power without resistance forcible and sensible, it is because they that defend the power invaded, are wanting in their duty; but however morally the tyrant or usurper is always, or in contrary order to a lawful power. 4. Rulers are not a terror to good works, but to the evil, and they that do that which is good, shall have praise of the same, verse 3. This is the character and duty of righteous magistrates, though it be not always their administration; but an usurper and tyrant is not capable or susceptible of this character; but, on the contrary, is, and must be a terror to good works, and a praise to the evil: for he must be a terror to them that would secure their rights and liberties in opposition to his encroachments, which is a good work; and he must be a tutor, patron, and protector of such, as encourage and maintain him in his usurpation and tyranny, which is an evil work: and if he were a terror to the evil, then he would be a terror to himself and all his accomplices, which he cannot be. Therefore, that power which is not capable of the duties of magistrates, cannot be owned; but the power of tyrants and usurpers is such: Ergo--We find in scripture the best commentary on this character, where the duties of a magistrate are described; they must justify the righteous, and condemn the wicked, Deut. xxvii. 1. They must, as Job did, deliver the poor that cry, and put on righteousness as a clothing,----and be eyes to the blind, and feet to the lame, and a father to the poor----and break the jaws of the wicked, Job xxix. 12, 17. Their throne must be established by righteousness, Prov. xvi. 12. A king sitting on the throne of judgment must scatter away all evil with his eyes----then mercy and truth will preserve him, and his throne is upholden by mercy, Prov. xx. 8, 28. But tyrants have a quite contrary character; the throne of iniquity frames mischief by a law, and condemns the innocent blood, Psal. xciv. 20, 21. They judge not the fatherless, neither doth the cause of the widow come unto them, Isa. i. 23. They build their house by unrighteousness, and their chambers by wrong, and use their neighbours service without wages, Jer. xxii. 13. They oppress the poor, and crush the needy, Amos iv. 1. They turn judgment to gall, and the fruit of righteousness to hemlock, and say, have we not taken horns to us by our own strength, Amos vi. 12, 13. These contrary characters cannot consist together. 5. He is the minister of God for good, verse 4. not by providential commission, as Nebuchadnezzar was, and tyrants may be eventually, by the Lord making all things turn about for the good of the church; but he hath a moral commission from God, and is entrusted by the people, to procure their public and political good at least. Now, then tyranny and usurpation, are together inconsistible; for if tyrants and usurpers were ministers for good, then they would restore the public and personal rights, and rectify all wrongs done by them; but then they must surrender their authority, and resign it, or else all rights cannot be restored, nor wrongs rectified. Hence, these that cannot be owned as magistrates of God for good, cannot be owned as magistrates; but tyrants and usurpers, (and in particular this man) are such as cannot be owned as ministers of God for good: Ergo----Again, if magistracy be always a blessing, and tyranny and usurpation always a curse, then they cannot be owned to be the same thing, and the one cannot be owned to be the other; but magistracy, or the rightful magistrate, is always a blessing; tyranny and usurpation, or the tyrant and usurper, always a curse: Ergo----That the former is true, these scriptures prove it. God provides him for the benefit of his people, 1 Sam. xvi. 1. A just ruler is compared to the light of the morning, when the sun riseth, even a morning without clouds, 2 Sam. xxiii. 4. So the Lord exalted David's kingdom, for his people Israel's sake, 2 Sam. v. 12. Because the Lord loved Israel for ever, therefore made he Solomon king, to do judgment and justice, 1 Kings x. 9. When the righteous are in authority the people rejoice----The king by judgment stablished the land,----Prov. xxix. 2, 4. The Lord promises magistrates as a special blessing, Isa. i. 26. Jer. xvii. 25. And therefore their continuance is to be prayed for, that we may lead a quiet and peaceable life, in all godliness and honesty, 1 Tim. ii. 2. And they must needs be a blessing, because to have no ruler is a misery: for when Israel had no king, every man did that which was right in his own eyes, Judges xvii. 6. And the Lord threatens it as a curse to take away the stay and the staff----the mighty man, and the man of war, the judge and the prophet, &c. Isa. iii. 1, 2. &c. And that the children of Israel shall abide many days without a king, and without a prince, Hos. ii. 4. But on the other hand, tyrants and usurpers are always a curse, and given as such: it is threatened among the curses of the covenant, that the stranger shall get up above Israel very high----and that they shall serve their enemies, which the Lord shall send against them----and he shall put a yoke of iron upon their neck, until he hath destroyed them, Deut. xxviii. 43, 48. As a roaring lion and a ranging bear, so is a wicked ruler over the poor people, Prov. xxviii. 15. and therefore, when the wicked beareth rule the people mourn, Prov. xxix. 2. The Lord threatens it as a curse, that he will give children to be their princes, and babes shall rule over them, Isa. iii. 4. And if unqualified rulers be a curse, much more tyrants. They are the rod of his anger, and the staff in their hand is his indignation, his axe, and sawe, and rod, Isa. x. 5, 15. It is one thing to call a man God's instrument, his rod, axe, sword, or hammer; another thing to call him God's minister; there is a wide difference betwixt the instruments of God's providence, and the ministers of his ordinance; those fulfil his promises only, these do his precepts. Such kings are given in the Lord's anger, Hos. xiii. 11. therefore they cannot be owned to be ministers of God for good. 6. He beareth not the sword in vain, for he is the minister of God, a revenger to execute wrath upon him that doth evil, verse 4. The apostle doth not say, He that beareth the sword is the ruler, but he is the ruler that beareth the sword. This is not every sword, for there is the sword of an enemy, the sword of a robber, the sword of a common traveller; but this as a faculty of political rule, and authoritative judgment. It is not said, He takes the sword (as the Lord expresses the usurpation of that power, Matth. xxvi. 52.) but he beareth the sword, hath it delivered him into his hand by God, by God's warrant and allowance, not in vain; to no end or without reason, or without a commission, as Paræus upon the place expounds it. He is a revenger to execute wrath, not by private revenge, for that is condemned by Paul before, Rom. xi. 19. not by providential recompense, for when a private person so revengeth, it is the providential repayment of God; but as God's minister, by him authorized, commissionated, and warranted to this work. Now this cannot agree with a tyrant or usurper, whose sword only legitimates his sceptre, and not his sceptre his sword, who takes the sword rather than bears, and uses it without reason or warrant from God, in the execution of his lustful rage upon him that doth well, and hath no right to it from God. Hence, he that beareth the sword no other way but as it may be said of a murderer, cannot be a magistrate bearing the sword; but a tyrant and usurper beareth the sword no other way but as it may be said of a murderer: Ergo.----So much for the characters of a magistrate, which are every way inapplicable to tyrants and usurpers, and as inapplicable to this of ours as to any in the world. 2. If we consider the scripture resemblances, importing the duty of magistrates, and the contrary comparisons, holding forth the sin, vileness, and villainy of tyrants and usurpers; we may infer, that we cannot own the last to be the first. First, From the benefit they bring to the commonwealth, magistrates are stiled, 1. Saviours, as Othniel the son of Kenaz is called, Judges iii. 9. and Jehoahaz in his younger years, 2 Kings xiii. 5. and all good judges and magistrates, Neh. ix. 27. But tyrants and usurpers cannot be such, for they are destroyers, whom the Lord promises to make go forth from his people, Isa. xlix. 17. The Chaldean tyrant is called the destroyer of the Gentiles, Jer. iv. 7. and the destroyer of the Lord's heritage, Jer. l. 11. where they can no more be owned to be magistrates, than Abaddon or Apollyon can be owned to be a saviour. 2. From their paternal love to the people, they are stiled fathers, and therefore to be honoured according to the fifth command. So Deborah was raised up a mother in Israel, Judges v. 7. Kings are nursing fathers by office, Isa. xlix. 23. But that tyrants cannot be such, I have proved already; for they can no more be accounted fathers, than he that abuseth or forceth our mother. 3. From the protection and shelter that people find under their conduct, they are called shields, Psal. xlvii. ult. The princes of the people, the shields of the earth, belong unto God. But tyrants cannot be such, because they are the subverters of the earth. 4. From the comfort that attends them, they are resembled to the morning light, and fruitful showers of rain, 2 Sam. xxiii. 4. They waited for me, as for the rain, saith Job xxix. 23. But tyrants cannot be resembled to these, but rather to darkness, and to the blast of the terrible ones, Isa. xxv. 4. as a storm against the wall. If darkness cannot be owned to be light, then cannot tyrants be owned to be magistrates. 5. From their pastoral care and conduct and duty, they are feeders. The judges of Israel are commanded to feed the Lord's people, 1 Chron. xvii. 6. David was brought to feed Jacob his people, and Israel his inheritance, Psal. lxxvii. 71. But tyrants are wolves, not shepherds. 6. By office they are physicians, or healers, Isa. iii. 7. That tyrants cannot be such, is proven above. Secondly, On the other hand, the vileness, villainy, and violence of tyrants and usurpers, are held forth by fit resemblances, being compared to these unclean creatures. 1. Tyrants are wicked dogs, as they who compass about Christ, Psal. xxii. 16, 20. Saul is called Dog there, and in that golden psalm, Psal. lix. 6. Saul and his accomplices watching the house to kill David, make a noise like a dog, and go round about the city. 2. They are pushing bulls, Psal. xxii. 12. and crushing kine of Bashan, that oppress the poor, Amos iv. 1. They have need then to have their horns cut short. 3. They are roaring lions, that are wicked rulers over the poor people, Prov. xxviii. 15. Zeph. iii. 3. So Paul calls Nero the lion, out of whose mouth he was delivered, 2 Tim. iv. 17. 4. They are ranging bears, Prov. xxvii. 15. So the Persian monarch is emblemized Dan. vii. 5. 5. They are leviathan, the piercing serpent and dragon, Isa. xxvii. 1. and have great affinity in name and nature with the apocalyptick dragon. So also, Isaiah li. 9. the Egyptian tyrant is called dragon and Nebuchadnezzar swallowed up the church like a dragon, Jer. li. 34. See also Ezek. xxix. 3. 6. They are wolves, ravening for the prey, Ezek. xxii. 27. Evening wolves, that gnaw not the bones till the morrow, Zeph. iii. 3. 7. They are leopards; so the Grecian tyrants are called, Dan. vii. 6. and antichrist, Rev. xiii. 2. 8. They are foxes; so Christ calls Herod, Luke xiii. 32. 9. They are devils, who cast the Lord's people into prison, Rev. ii. 10, 13. Now, can we own all these abominable creatures to be magistrates? Can these be the fathers we are bound to honour in the fifth commandment? They must be esteemed sons of dogs and devils that believe so, and own themselves sons of such fathers. If we further take notice, how the Spirit of God describes tyranny, as altogether contradistinct and opposite unto the magistracy he will have owned; we may infer hence, tyrants and usurpers are not to be owned. What the government instituted by God among his people was, the scripture doth both relate in matter of fact, and describes what it ought to be by right, viz. That according to the institution of God, magistrates should be established by the constitution of the people, who were to make them judges and officers in all their gates, that they might judge the people with just judgment, Deut. xvi. 18. But foreseeing that people would affect a change of that first form of government, and, in imitation of their neighbouring nations, would desire a king, and say, I will set a king over me, like all the nations that are about me, Deut. xvii. 14. The Lord, intending high and holy ends by it, chiefly the procreation of the Messias from a kingly race, did permit the change, and gave directions how he should be moulded and bounded, that was to be owned as the magistrate under a monarchical form; to wit, that he should be chosen of God, and set up by their suffrages, that he should be a brother, and not a stranger; that he should not multiply horses, nor wives, nor money, (which are cautions all calculated for the people's good, and the security of their religion and liberty, and for precluding and preventing his degeneration into tyranny) and that he should write a copy of the law in a book, according to that which he should govern, verse 15. to the end of the chapter, yet the Lord did not approve the change of the form, which that luxuriant people was long affecting, and at length obtained: for, long before Saul was made king, they proffered an hereditary monarchy to Gideon, without the boundaries God's law required: which that brave captain knowing how derogatory it was to the authority of God's institution, not to be altered in form or frame without his order, generally refused, saying, I will not rule over you, neither shall my son rule over you; the Lord shall rule over you, Judges viii. 23. But his bastard, the first monarch and tyrant in Israel, Abimelech, by sinistrous means being advanced to be king by the traiterous Sechemites, Jotham, and other of the godly, disowned him; which, by the Spirit of God, Jotham describes parabolically significantly holding out the nature of that tyrannical usurpation, under the apologue of the trees itching after a king, and the offer being repudiate by the more generous sort, embraced by the bramble: signifying, that men of worth and virtue would never have taken upon them such an arrogant domination, and that such a tyrannical government, in its nature and tendency, was nothing but an useless, worthless, sapless, aspiring, scratching, and vexing shadow of a government, under subjection to which there could be no peace nor safety. But this was rather a tumultuary interruption than a change of the government; not being universally either desired or owned; therefore, after that the Lord restored the pristine form, which continued until, being much perverted by Samuel's sons, the people unanimously and peremptorily desired the change thereof, and, whether it were reason or not, would have a king; as we were fondly set upon one, after we had been delivered from his father's yoke: and the Lord gave them a king with a curse, and took him away with a vengeance, Hos. xiii. 11. as he did our Charles II. Yet he permitted it, but with a protestation against and conviction of the sin, that thereby they had "rejected the Lord," 1 Sam. viii. 7. and with a demonstration from heaven, which extorted their own confession, that they "had added unto all their sins this evil to ask a king," 1 Sam. xii. 17, 18, 19. And to deter and dissuade from such a conclusion, he appoints the prophet to shew them the "manner of the king" that should reign over them, 1 Sam. viii. 9. to declare before hand, what sort of a ruler he would prove, when they got him; to wit, a mere tyrant, who would take their sons and appoint them for himself, for his chariots, and for horsemen, and to run before his chariots, and make them his soldiers, and labourers of the ground, and instrument makers, and household servants, and he would take their fields and vineyards--the best of them, and give unto his servants. In a word, to make all slaves; and that in the end, when this should come to pass, they should cry out because of their king, but the Lord would not hear them, ver. 11-18. All which, as it is palpable in itself, so we have sensibly felt in our experience to be the natural description of tyranny, but more tolerable than any account of ours would amount to. It is both foolishly and falsely alledged by royalists or tyrannists, that here is a grant of uncontroulable absoluteness to kings to tyrannize over the people without resistance, and that this manner of the king is in the original Mishphat, which signifies right or law; so that here was a permissive law given to kings to tyrannize, and to oblige people to passive obedience, without any remedy but tears; and therefore it was registered, and laid up before the Lord in a book, 1 Sam. x. 25. But I answer, 1. If any thing be here granted to kings, it is either by God's approbation, directing and instructing how they should govern; or it is only by permission and providential commission to them, to be a plague to the people for their sin of choosing them, to make them drink as they have brewed, as sometimes he gave a charge to the Assyrian rod to trample them down as the mire of the streets: if the first be said, then a king that does not govern after that manner, and so does not make people cry out for their oppression, would come short of his duty, and also behoved to tyrannize and make the people cry out; then a king may take what he will from his subjects, and be approved of God: this were blasphemy absurd, for God cannot approve of the sin of oppression. If the second be said, then it cannot be an universal grant, or otherwise all kings must be ordained for plagues; and if so, it were better we wanted such nursing fathers. 2. Though Mishphat signifies right or law, yet it signifies also, and perhaps no less frequently, manner, course, or custom: and here it cannot signify the law of God, for all these acts of tyranny are contrary to the law of God; for to make servants of subjects is contrary to the law of God, Deut. xvii. 20. Forbidding to lift up himself so far above his brethren; but this was to deal with them as a proud Pharaoh; to take so many for chariots and horsemen, is also contrary to the law, Deut. xvii. 15. "He shall not multiply horses;" to take their fields and vineyards is mere robbery, contrary to the moral and judicial law, whereof he was to have always a copy, ver. 18. And contrary to Ezek. xlvi. 18. "The prince shall not take of the peoples inheritance," &c. This would justify Ahab's taking Naboth's vineyard, which yet the Lord accounted robbery, and for which tyrants are called "companions of thieves," Isa. i. 23. and "robbers," Isa. xlii. 24. into whose hands the Lord sometimes may give his people for a spoil in judicial providence; but never with his approbation and grant of right: to make them cry out, is oppression, which the Lord abhors, Isa. v. 7, 8. And if this be all the remedy, it is none; for it is such a cry, as the Lord threatens he will not hear. 3. It is false, that this manner of the Lord was registred in that book mentioned, 1 Sam. x. 25. for that was the law of the kingdom, accordingly the copy of which the king was to have for his instruction containing the fundamental laws, point blank contrary to this which was the manner of the king; there is a great difference between the manner of the kingdom, which ought to be observed as law, and the manner of the king, what he would have as lust. Would Samuel write in a book the rules of tyranny, to teach to oppress, contrary to the law of God? He says himself, he would only teach both king and people "the good and the right way," 1 Sam. xii. 23, 25. 4. Nothing can be more plain, than that this was a mere dissuasive against seeking; for he protests against this course, and then lays before them what sort of a king he should be, in a description of many acts of tyranny; and yet in the end it is said, 1 Sam. vii. 19. "Nevertheless the people refused to obey the voice of Samuel, and said, Nay, but we will have a king." Now, what else was the voice of Samuel, than a dissuasion? I am not here levelling this argument against monarchy in the abstract, that does not ly in my road; but I infer from thence, 1. If God was displeased with this people for asking and owning a king, who was only to become a tyrant and dissuades from the choice, by a description of his future tyranny; then certainly he was displeased with them, when they continued owning, when he was a tyrant indeed, according to that description; but the former is true, therefore also the latter. The consequence is clear: for continuing in sin is sin; but continuing in owning that tyrant, which was their sin at first, was a continuing in sin; therefore----The minor is confirmed thus: continuing is counteracting the motives of God's dissuasion, especially when they are sensibly visible, is a continuing in sin; but their continuing in owning Saul after he became a tyrant, was a continuing in counteracting the motives of God's dissuasion, when they were sensibly visible. I do not say, because it was their sin to ask Saul, therefore it was not lawful to own him, while he ruled as a magistrate: and so if Charles II. had ruled righteously, it would not have been sin to own him; but after the Lord uses dissuasives from a choice of such an one, and these are signally verified, if it was to make the choice, then it must be sin to keep it. 2. If it was their sin to seek and set up such an one before he was tyrant, who yet was admitted upon covenant terms, and the manner of it registred; then much more is it a sin to seek and set up one, after he declared himself a tyrant, and to admit him without any terms at all, or for any to consent or give their suffrage to such a deed; but the former is true, therefore the latter: and consequently, to give our consent to the erection of the duke of York, by owning his authority, was our sin. 3. If it be a sin to own the manner of the king there described, then it is a sin to own the pretended authority, which is the exact transumpt of it; but it is a sin to own the manner of the king there described, or else it would never have been used as a dissuasive from seeking such a king. 4. To bring ourselves under such a burden, which the Lord will not remove, and involve ourselves under such a misery, wherein the Lord will not hear us, is certainly a sin, ver. 18. But to own or choose such a king, whose manner is there described, would bring ourselves under such a burden and misery, wherein the Lord would not hear us: therefore it were our sin. 4. We may add the necessary qualifications of magistrates, which the Lord requires to be in all, both superior and inferior: and thence it may be inferred, that such pretended rulers, who neither have nor can have these qualifications, and are not to be owned as ministers, who have no qualifications for such a function. We find their essentially necessary qualifications particularly described. Jethro's counsel was God's counsel and command; that rulers must be able men such as fear God, men of truth, hating covetousness, Exod. xviii. 21. Tyrants and usurpers have none, nor can have any of these qualifications, except that they may have ability of force, which is not here meant: but that they be morally able for the discharge of their duty: surely they cannot fear God, nor be men of truth; for then they would not be tyrants. It is God's direction, that the man to be advanced and assumed to rule, must be a man in whom is the spirit, Numb. xxvii. 18. as is said of Joshua; what spirit this was, Deut. xxxiv. 9. explains, he was full of the spirit of wisdom, that is, the spirit of government; not the spirit of infernal Jesuitical policy, which tyrants may have, but they cannot have the true regal spirit, but such a spirit as Saul had when he turned tyrant, an evil spirit from the Lord. Moses saith, They must be wise men, and understanding, and known among the tribes, Deut. i. 13. for if they be children or fools, they are plagues and punishments, Isa. iii. 2, 3, 4. &c. not magistrates, who are always blessings. And they must be known men of integrity, not known to be knaves or fools, as all tyrants are always. The law of the king is, Deut. xvii. 15. he must be one of the Lord's chusing. Can tyrants and usurpers be such? No, they are set up, but not by him, Hos. viii. 4. He must be a brother, and not a stranger, that is, of the same nation, and of the same religion: for though infidelity does not make void a magistrate's authority; yet both by the law of God and man, he ought not to be chosen, who is an enemy to religion and liberty. Now it were almost treason, to call the tyrant a brother; and I am sure it is no reason, for he disdains it, being absolute above all. That good king's testament confirms this, the God of Israel said, the rock of Israel spake, he that ruleth over men must be just, ruling in the fear of God, 2 Sam. xxiii. 3. But tyrants and usurpers cannot be just: for if they should render every one their right, they would keep none to themselves, but behoved to resign their robberies in the first place, and then also they must give the law its course, and that against themselves. These scriptures indeed do not prove, that all magistrates are in all their administrations so qualified, nor that none ought to be owned, but such as are so qualified in all respects. But as they demonstrate what they ought to be, so they prove, that they cannot be magistrates of God's ordaining, who have none of these qualifications: but tyrants and usurpers have none of these qualifications. Much more do they prove, that they cannot be owned to be magistrates who are not capable of any of these qualifications: but usurpers are not capable of any or these qualifications. At least they conclude, in so far as they are not so qualified, they ought not to be owned, but disowned; but tyrants and usurpers are not so qualified in any thing: therefore in any thing they are not be owned, but disowned. For in nothing are they so qualified as the Lord prescribes. Secondly, I shall offer some reasons from scripture assertions. 1. It is strongly asserted in Elihu's speech to Job, that he that hateth right should not govern, where he is charging Job with blasphemy, in accusing God of injustice; of which he vindicates the almighty, in asserting his sovereignty and absolute dominion, which is inconsistent with injustice, and shews both that if he be sovereign, he cannot be unjust: and if he be unjust, he could not be sovereign: which were horrid blasphemy to deny. And in the demonstration of this, he gives one maxim in a question, which is equivalent to an universal negative, Job xxxiv. 17, 18. Shall even he that hateth right govern? And wilt thou condemn him that is most just? Is it fit to say to a king, thou art wicked; and to princes ye are ungodly? In which words, the scope makes it clear, that if Job made God a hater of right, he should then deny his government; and if he took upon him to condemn him of injustice, he should blasphemously deny him to be king of the world. For it is not fit to say to any king, that he is wicked, or so ungodly, as to be a hater of right; for that were treason, lese majesty, and in effect a denying him to be king; much less is it fit to say to him that is King of kings. Here then it is affirmed, and supposed to hold good of all governors, that he that hateth right should not govern, or bind, as it is in the margin; for Habash signifies both to bind and to govern, but all to one sense; for governors only can bind subjects authoratively, with the bonds of laws and punishments. I know the following words are alledged to favour the uncontroulableness and absoluteness of princes, that it is not fit to say to them, they are wicked. But plain it is, the words do import treason against lawful kings, whom to call haters of right were to call their kingship in question; as the scope shews, in that these words are adduced to justify the sovereignty of God by his justice, and to confute any indirect charging him with injustice, because that would derogate from his kingly glory, it being impossible he could be king, and unjust too. So in some analogy, though every and of injustice do not unking a prince; yet to call him wicked, that is habitually unjust, and a hater of justice, were as much as to say, he is no king, which were intolerable treason against lawful kings. But this is no treason against tyrants; for truth and law can be no treason: now this is the language of truth and law, that wicked kings are wicked; and they that are wicked and ungodly ought to be called so, as Samuel called Saul, and Elijah, Ahab, &c. However it will hold to be a true maxim, whether we express it by way of negation or interrogation. Shall even he that hateth right govern? But are not tyrants and usurpers haters of right? Shall therefore they govern? I think it must be answered, they should not govern. If then they should not govern, I infer, they should not be owned as governors. For if it be their sin to govern (right or wrong, it is all one case, for they should not govern at all) then it is our sin to own them in their government: for it is always a sin to own a man in his sinning. The royal prophet, or whoever was the penman of that appeal for justice against tyranny, Psal. xciv. 20. does tacitly assert the same truth, in that expostulation, shall the throne of iniquity have fellowship with thee, that frameth mischief by a law? Which is as much as if he had said, the throne of iniquity shall not, no, cannot have fellowship with God; that is, it cannot be the throne of God that he hath any interest in, or concern with, by way of approbation: he hath nothing to do with it, except it be to suffer it a while, till he take vengeance on it in the end. And shall we have fellowship with that throne, that God hath no fellowship with, and that is not his throne, but the devil's, as it must be, if God doth not own it? Much may be argued from hence; but in a word, a throne which is not of God, nor ordained of God, but rather of the devil, cannot be owned (for that is the reason of our subjection to any power, because it is of God, and ordained of God, Rom. xiii. 1. And that is the great dignity of magistracy, that its throne, is the throne of God, 1 Chron. xxix. 23.) But a throne of tyranny and usurpation, is a throne which is not of God, nor ordained of God, but rather of the devil: Ergo----. The minor is proved: a throne of iniquity, &c. is a throne which is not of God, nor ordained of God, but rather of the devil; but a throne of tyranny and usurpation is a throne of iniquity: Ergo, it is not of God, and so not to be owned. 3. The Lord charges it upon Israel as a transgression of his covenant, and trespass against his law, that they had set up kings, and not by him, and had made princes and he knew it not, Hos. viii. 4. and then taxes them with idolatry, which ordinarily is the consequent of it, as we have reason to fear will be in our case. He shews there the apostasy of that people, in changing both the ordinances of the magistracy and of the ministry, both of the kingdom and of the priesthood, in which two the safety of that people was founded: so they overturned all the order of God, and openly declared they would not be governed by the hand of God, as Calvin upon the place expounds it. Whereas, the Lord had commanded, if they would set up kings, they should set none up but whom he choosed, Deut. xvii. 15. yet they had no regard to this, nor consulted him in their admission of kings, but set them up, and never let him to wit of it, without his knowledge; that is, without consulting him, and without his approbation, for it can have no other sense. I know, it is alledged by several interpreters, that here is meant the tribes secession from the house of David, and their setting up Jeroboam. I shall confess that the ten tribes did sin in that erection of Jeroboam, without respect to the counsel or command of God, without waiting on the vocation of God, as to the times and manner, and without covenanting with him for security for their religion and liberty; but that their secession from David's line, which by no precept or promise of God they were astricted to, but only conditionally, if his children should walk in the ways of God, or that their erecting of Jeroboam was materially their sin, I must deny; and assert, that if Jeroboam had not turned tyrant and apostate from God (for which they should have rejected him afterwards, and returned to the good kings of David's line) he would have been as lawful a king as any in Judah, for he got the kingdom from the Lord the same way, and upon the same terms that David did, as may be seen expressly in 1 Kings xi. 38. It must be therefore meant, either generally of all tyrants whom they would set up without the Lord's mind, as at first they would have kings on any terms though they should prove tyrants, as we have seen in Saul's case. Or particularly Omri whom they set up, but not by the Lord; 1 Kings xvi. 16. And Ahab his son, and Shallum, Menaham, Pekah, &c. who were all set up by blood and treachery, the same way that our popish duke is now set up, but not by the Lord, that is by his approbation. Hence I argue, those kings that are not owned of God, nor set up by him, must not be owned by us (for we can own none for kings but those that reign by him, Prov. viii. 15. and are ordained of him, Rom. xiii. 1.) But tyrants and usurpers are not owned of God as kings, nor are set up by him: Ergo----Again, if it be a sin to set up kings, and not by God, then it is a sin to own them when set up: for, that is a partaking of, and continuing in the sin of that erection, and hath as much affinity with it, as resetting hath with theft; for if they be the thieves, they are the resetters who receive them and own them. 4. The prophet Habakkuk, in his complaint to God of the Chaldean tyranny, asserts that God hath made righteous, as the fishes of the sea, as the creeping things, that have no ruler over them, Habak. i. 14. Now how were they said to be without a ruler, when the Chaldean actually commanded, and absolutely ruled over them? yea, how can the fishes and reptiles have no ruler over them? If domineering be ruling, they want not that; when the weaker are over-mastered by the stronger, and by them made either to be subject, or to become their prey. But the meaning is, these creatures have no ruler over them by order of nature: and the Jews had then no ruler over them by order of law, or ordination from God, or any that was properly their magistrate by divine institution, or human orderly constitution. We see then it is one thing for a people to have an arbitrary or enthralling tyranny; another to have true magistracy or authority to be owned over them; without which kingdoms are but as mountains of prey, and seas of confusion. Hence I argue, if the Jews having the Chaldean monarch tyrannizing over them, had really no ruler over them, then is a tyrant and usurper not to be owned for a ruler: but the former is true: therefore also the latter. 5. Our Saviour Christ delivers this as a commonly received, and a true maxim, John viii. 54. "He that honoureth himself, his honour is nothing." The Jews had objected that he had only made himself Messias, ver. 53. To whom he answers, by way of concession, if it were so indeed, then his claims were void, if I honour my self, my honour is nothing: and then claims an undubitable title to his dignity, It is my father that honoureth me. Here is a twofold honour distinguished, the one real, the other suppositious and null, the one renounced, the other owned by Christ, self-honour, and honour which is from God. Hence I argue, a selfcreated dignity is not to be owned; the authority of tyrants and usurpers is a self created dignity: Ergo----. This was confirmed above. Thirdly, I shall offer some other considerations confirming this truth, from those scriptures which I class among precepts. And these I find of divers sorts touching this subject. 1. I shew before that the greatest of men, even kings, are not exempted from punishment, if guilty of capital crimes; for where the law distinguisheth not, we ought not to distinguish. There is one special and very peremptory law, given before the law for regulating kings, which, by that posterior law, was neither abrogated nor limited even as to kings, Deut. xiii. 6-9. If thy brother (and a king must be a brother, Deut. xvii. 15.)--entice thee secretly, saying, let us go and serve other gods--Thou shalt not consent unto him, nor hearken unto him, neither shall thine eye pity him. How famous Mr. Knox improved this argument, is shewed in the third period. That which I take notice of here is only, that kings are not excepted from this law; but if they be open enticers to idolatry, by force or fraud, persecution or toleration, as this idolater now reigning is palpably doing, they are obnoxious to a legal animadversion. As it cannot be supposed, that secret enticers should be liable to punishment, and not open avouchers of a desire and design to pervert all the nation to idolatry: that a private perverter of one man, though never so nearly and dearly related, should be pursued and brought to condign punishment, and a public subverter of whole nations, and introducer of a false and blasphemous idolatrous religion, should escape scot free. Let the punishment inflicted be in a judicial way, and of what measures it pleases the judge to determine, I shall not controvert here; only I plead, that idolatrous tyrants are not excepted from this law: and infer, that if they ought to be punished, they ought to be deposed; and if they ought to be deposed, they cannot be owned, when undeniably guilty of this capital crime, as was urged above. To this I may add that part of that prophetical king's testament; who, being about to leave the world, under some challenges of maladministration in his own government, (for which he took himself to the well ordered everlasting covenant, for pardon and encouragement,) after he had shewn what rulers should be, he threatens, by antithesis, tyrannical pretenders, in these severe words, which do also imply a precept, and a direction how to deal with them, 2 Sam. xxiii. 6, 7. "But they of Belial shall be all of them as thorns thrust away, because they cannot be taken with hands, but the man that shall touch them must be fenced with iron, and the staff of a spear, and they shall be utterly burnt with fire in the same place." Let these words be understood as a threatning against all the wicked in general, who are to be quenched as the fire of thorns; or particularly of the promoters of antichrist's kingdom, in opposition to Christ's, as some interpreters judge; it will not weaken, but confirm my argument, if kings who are ringleaders of that gang be not excepted. I know some do understand this of rebels against righteous rulers: which though indeed it be a truth, that they that are such should be so served, and roughly handled with iron, and the staff of a spear; yet it is not so consonant to the scope and connexion of this place, shewing the characters of righteous rulers, and of usurping tyrants, making an opposition between rulers that are just, ruling in the fear of God, and those that are rulers of Belial, promising blessing upon the government of the one, and contempt and rejection to the other, and shewing how both should be carried towards: neither does it agree with the words themselves, where the supplement in our translation is redundant; for it is not in the Hebrew. The sons of Belial, only they of Belial, clearly relative to the rulers of whom he was speaking before. And indeed the word Belial, in its etymology is not more applicable to any than to tyrants; for it comes from beli not, and Hhall above, because they will have none above them, or from beli not, and Hhol a yoke, because they cannot suffer a yoke, but cast away the yoke of laws and the yoke of Christ, saying, Let us burst his bands, &c. Nor is it always agreeable to truth, to understand it only of rebels against righteous rulers, that they can never be taken with hands: For as very rarely righteous rulers have any rebels to be the objects of their rigour and rage; so when there are any, discreet and wise rulers will find many ways to take and touch them, and quath or quiet them. But it is always true of tyrants, for they can never be taken with hands, neither in a friendly manner, taken by the hand and transacted within any bargain as other men, for they that would do so, will find them like pricking and jagging briers, which a man cannot handle without hurt to himself: nor can they be any other way repressed or restrained, or touched, but by hands fenced with iron, that is, with the sword of necessity, or axe of justice. And this is insinuated as duty, so to endeavour to extirpate and eradicate such thorns, as pester the commonwealth; but if it cannot be done, it must be duty and wisdom both not to meddle with them, nor own them, no more than Jotham, who would not subject himself, nor come under the shadow of the bastard bramble. I confess it is commonly taken as a threatning of the Lord's judgment against these sons of Belial: And so it is. But it teacheth also what men are called to, when they have to do with such, to wit, to take the same course with them as they would to clear the ground of thorns and briers. And that it is restricted to the Lord's immediate way of taking them off, is not credible: for, it can have no tolerable sense to say, they shall be thrust away, because they cannot be taken with the Lord's hands: neither is there need, that he should be fenced with iron, &c. And let iron, &c. be taken tropically for the Lord's sword of vengeance; yet how can it be understood, that he must be fenced therewith? or that he will thrust them away, as a man must be fenced against thorns? What defence needs the Lord against tyrants! It is only then intelligible, that the Lord, in his righteous judgment, will make use of men and legal means, and of those who cannot take them with hands, in his judicial procedure against them. Hence I argue, if tyrants are to be dealt with as thorns, that cannot be taken with hands, but to be thrust away by violence, then, when we are not in case to thrust them away, we must let them alone, and not meddle nor make with them, and so must not own them, for we cannot own them without meddling, and without being pricked to our hurt; but the former is true: therefore,--Of this same nature, another threatning confuting the pretence of the prince's impunity, may be subjoined out of Psal. lxxxii. 6, 7. "I have said, ye are gods, and all of you are children of the most high, but ye shall die like men, and fall as one of the princes." From which words the learned author of the history of the Douglasses, Mr. David Hume of Godscraft, in his discourse upon Mr. Craig's sermon, upon the words, doth strongly prove, that the scope is to beat off all kings, princes and rulers, from the conceit of impunity for their tyrannical dominations; that they must not think to domineer and do what they list, and overturn the foundations or fundamental laws of kingdoms, because they are gods; as if they were thereby uncontroulable, and above all law and punishment: no, they must know, that if they be guilty of the same transgressions of the law, as other capital offenders, they shall die like other men, and fall as princes, who have been formerly punished. It is not to be restricted to a threatning of mortality; for that is unavoidable, whether they judge justly or unjustly, and the fear thereof usually hath little efficacy to deter men from crimes punishable by law: neither can it be understood only of the Lord's immediate hand taking them away, exclusive of men's legal punishment; for expressly they are threatned to die like common men, and to be liable to the like punishment with them: now, common men are not only liable to the Lord's immediate judgment, but also to men's punishment. Hence, if tyrants and overturners of the foundations of the earth must be punished as other men, then when they are such, they cannot be looked upon as righteous rulers, for righteous rulers must not be punished; but the former is true: therefore,--According to these scriptures, which either express or imply a precept to have no respect to princes in judgment, when turning criminals, we find examples of the people's punishing Amaziah, &c. which is recorded without a challenge, and likewise Athaliah. 2. There is a precept given to a humbled people, that have groaned long under the yoke of tyranny and oppression, enjoining them, as a proof of their sincerity in humiliation, to bestir themselves in shaking off those evils they had procured by their sin, Isa. lviii. 6. "Is not this the fast that I have chosen, to loose the bands of wickedness, to undo the heavy burdens, and to let the oppressed go free, and that ye break every yoke?" which are all good works of justice and mercy, and more acceptable to God, than high flown pretences of humiliation, under a stupid submission, and hanging down the head as a bulrush. We see it then a duty to relieve the oppressed, and to repress tyranny, and break its yoke. If it be objected, (1.) That these are spiritual bonds and yokes, that are here commanded to be loosed and broken; or if any external be meant, they are only the yokes, of their exactions and usuries. For Answ. I grant, that it is the great duty of a people humbling themselves before the Lord, "to break off their sins by righteousness, and their iniquity, by shewing mercy to the poor," Dan. iv. 27. but that this is the genuine and only sense of this place, cannot be proved, or approved by the scope; which is, to press them to those duties they omitted, whereby the poor oppressed people of God might be freed from the yokes of them that made them to howl, and to bring them to the conviction of those sins for which the Lord was contending with them, whereof this was one, that they exacted all their labours, or things wherewith others were grieved (as the margin reads) or suffered the poor to be oppressed. (2.) If it be alledged, that this is the duty proper to rulers to relieve the oppressed, &c. I answer, it is so; but not peculiar to them: yet most commonly they are the oppressors themselves, and cast out the poor, which others must take into their houses. But the duty here is pressed upon all the people, whose sins are here cried out against (ver. 1.) upon all who professed the service of God, and asked the ordinances of justice (ver. 2.) upon all who were fasting and humbling themselves, and complained they had no success (ver 3.) the reasons whereof the Lord discovers (ver. 4, 5.) whereof this was one, that they did not loose those bands, nor break these yokes, nor relieved the oppressed; and those works of justice (ver. 6) are pressed upon the same grounds, that the works of mercy are pressed upon (ver. 7.) sure these are not all, nor only rulers. Hence I argue, if it be a duty to break every yoke of oppression and tyranny, then it is a duty to come out from under their subjection; but the former is true: therefore also the latter. 3. In answer to that grand objection of the Jews subjection to Nebuchadnezzar, I shewed what little weight or force there is in it. And here I shall take an argument from that same passage. The Lord commands his people there, to desert and disown Zedekiah, who was the possessor of the government at present, and says, it was the way of life to fall to the Chaldeans, Jer. xxi. 8, 9. which was a falling away from the present king. Either this commanded subjection to the Chaldeans is an universal precept; or it is only particular at that time. If it be universal, obliging people to subject themselves to every conqueror, then it is also universal, obliging people to renounce and disown every covenant-breaking tyrant, as here they were to fall away from Zedekiah: if it be only particular, then the owners of tyranny have no advantage from this passage. And I have advantage, so far as the ground of the precept is as moral, as the reason of that punishment of Zedekiah, which was his perfidy and perjury. Hence, if the Lord hath commanded to disown a king breaking covenant, then at least it is not insolent or unprecedented to do so; but here the Lord hath commanded to disown a king: therefore,-- Fourthly, We may have many confirmations of this truth from scripture practices approven. 1. I was but hinting before, how that after the death of that brave captain and judge Gideon, when Abimelech, the son of his whore, did first aspire into a monarchy, which he persuaded the silly Shechemites to consent to, by the same argument, which royalists make so much of, for asserting the necessity of an hereditary monarchy, (whether it is better for you, either that all the sons of Jerubbaal----reign over you, or that one reign over you?) and by bloody cruelty did usurp a monarchical or rather tyrannical throne of domination, founded upon the blood of his seventy brethren, (as we know, whose throne is founded upon the blood of all the brethren he had,) Jotham, who escaped, scorned to put his trust under the shadow of such a bramble, and they that did submit, found his parable verified, a mutual fire reciprocally consuming both the usurping king and his traiterous subjects; neither did all the godly in Israel submit to him. See Pool's Synopsis Critic. on the place, Jud. ix. Here is one express example of disowning a tyrant and usurper. 2. I shewed before, how, after the period of that theocracy, which the Lord had maintained and managed for some time in great mercy and majesty in and over his people, they itching after novelties, and affecting to be neighbour-like, rejected the Lord in desiring a king; and the Lord permitting it, gave them a king in wrath, (the true original and only sanction of tyrannical monarchy,) when the characters of his tyranny, presaged by Samuel, were verified in his aspiring into a great deal of absoluteness especially in his cruel persecuting of David, not only the 600 men that were David's followers stood out in opposition to him, but, in the end, being weary of his government, many brave and valiant men, whom the Spirit of God commends and describes very honourably, fell off from Saul, even when he was actually tyrannizing, before he was dead, 1 Chron. xii. 1. &c. They came to David to Ziklag, while he yet kept himself close, because of Saul the son of Kish, (N.B. now he is not honoured with the name of king,) they were armed with bows, and could use both the right hand and the left. And of the Gadites, there separated themselves unto David men of might, fit for the battle, that could handle shield and buckler, whose faces were as the faces of lions, ver. 8. And the Spirit came upon Amasai chief of the captains, saying, thine are we David, and on thy side, thou son of Jesse. Here was a formed revolt from Saul unto David before he was king; for after this he was made king in Hebron, and there could not be two kings at once. Hence I argue, if people may separate themselves from, and take part with the resister, against a tyrant; then they may disown him, (for if they own him still to be the minister of God, they must not resist him, Rom. xiii. 2.) But here is an example that many people did separate themselves from Saul, and took part with the resister David: therefore----Here two of the first monarchs of Israel were disowned, Abimelech and Saul. 3. The first hereditary successor was likewise disowned, as was hinted above likewise. The ten tribes offer to covenant with Rehoboam, in terms securing their rights and liberties. They desired nothing on the matter, but that he would engage to rule over them according to the law of God; to which, when he answered most tyrannically, and avowed he would tyrannize over them, and oppress them more than any of his predecessors, they fell away from, and erected themselves into a new commonwealth, 1. Kings xii. 16. So when Israel saw that the king hearkened not unto them, they answered, what portion have we in David? Neither have we inheritance in the son of Jesse; to your tents, O Israel; now see to thine own house David, 2 Chron. x. 16. Now, however the event of this declared revolt proved sorrowful, when they and their new king made defection unto idolatry, yet if they had stated and managed it right, the cause was good, justifiable, and commendable. For, (1.) We find nothing in all the text condemning this. (2.) On the contrary, it is expressly said, the cause was from the Lord, that he might perform his saying, which he spake by Ahijah, 1 Kings xii. 15. 2 Chron. x. 15. And (3.) When Rehoboam was preparing to pursue his pretended right, he was reproved and discharged by Shemaiah, ye shall not go up, nor fight against your brethren, for this thing is from me, 1 Kings xii. 24. 2 Chron. xi. 4. (4.) Whereas it is alledged by some, that this was of God only by his providence, and not by his ordinance; the contrary will appear, if we consider how formally and covenant-wise the Lord gave ten tribes to Jeroboam, 1. Kings xi. 35, 37, 38. "I will take the kingdom out of his son's hand, and I will give it unto thee, even ten tribes; and I will take thee, and thou shalt reign according to all that thy soul desireth, and shalt be king over Israel; and it shall be, if thou wilt hearken unto all that I command thee, and wilt walk in my ways, and do that which is right in my sight, to keep my statutes and commandments, as David my servant did, that I will be with thee, and build thee a sure house, as I built for David, and will give Israel unto thee." Where we see the kingdom was given unto him on the same terms and conditions, that it was given to David. He may indeed give kingdoms to whom he will, by providential grant, as unto Nebuchadnezzar, and others; but he never gave them a kingdom upon these conditions, and, by way of covenant, that does always imply and import his word, warrant, and ordinance. (5.) If we consider the cause of the revolt, we will find it very just: for after the decease of the former king, they enter upon terms of a compact with the successor, upon a suspensive condition, to engage into fealty and allegiance to him as subjects, if he would give them security for their liberties and privileges. A very lawful, laudable and necessary transaction, founded upon moral equity, and upon the fundamental constitutions of that government, and suitable to the constant practice of their predecessors, in their covenanting with Saul and David. As for that word, 1 Kings xii. 19. So Israel rebelled against the house of David: it is no more than in the margin, they fell away or revolted; and no more to be condemned than Hezekiah's rebellion, 2 Kings xviii. 7. The Lord was with him, and he rebelled against the king of Assyria. That was a good rebellion. Hence if it be lawful for a part of the people to shake off the king, refuse subjection to him, and set up a new king of their own, when he resolveth to play the tyrant, and rule them after his own absolute power; then it is a duty, when he actually plays the tyrant, and by his absolute power overturns laws and religion, and claims by law such a prerogative; but the former is true: Ergo----See Jus populi vindic. chap. 3. page 52. 4. This same Jeroboam, when he turned tyrant and idolater, was revolted from and deserted by the priests and the levites, and after them out of all the tribes of Israel, by all such as set their heart to seek the Lord God of Israel; because that king, degenerating into tyranny and idolatry, had put them from the exercise of their office and religion (as our Charles did,) and ordained him priests for the devils, and for the calves: so they returned to Rehoboam, being induced by his administration of the government, which for a time was better than he promised, for three years he walked in the ways of David and Solomon, 2 Chron. xi. 13,--17. Hence I argue, if idolatrous tyrants may be deserted, then they may be disowned abroad, it is the same duty at home, though may be not the same policy or prudence. 5. Another example of the like nature we have in the reign of Baasha, who succeeded to Nadab, Jeroboam's son, whom he slew, and reigned in his stead, (the same way that the duke came to the throne) for he could not keep his subjects within his kingdom, but behoved to build Ramah, that he might not suffer any to go out or come in to Asa, king of Judah, a good prince, 1 Kings xv. 17. yet that could not hinder them, but many strangers out of Ephraim, and Manasseh, and Simeon, fell to him in abundance, when they saw that the Lord his God was with him, 2 Chron. xv. 9. Hence, if people may choose another king, when they see the Lord is with him, then they may disown their country king, when they see the devil is with him. 9. When Jeroboam, the son of Ahab, reigned over Israel, we have an express example of Elisha's disowning him, 2 Kings iii. 14, 15. And Elisha said unto the king of Israel, what have I to do with thee?----As the Lord of hosts liveth, before whom I stand, surely were it not that I regard the presence of Jehoshaphat the king of Judah, I would not look towards thee, nor see thee. Here he declares so much contempt of him, and so little regard, that he disdains him a look. And if he would not regard him, nor give him honour, then he did not own him as king; for all kings are to be honoured, that are owned to be kings really. It may be alledged by some, that Elisha was an extraordinary man, and this was an extraordinary action, and therefore not imitable. I shall grant it so far extraordinary, that it is not usual to carry so to persons of that figure, and that indeed there are few Elishas now, not only for his prophetic spirit which now is ceased, but even in respect of his gracious spirit of zeal, which in a great measure is now extinguished: he was indeed an extraordinary man, and this action did demonstrate much of the spirit of Elias to have been abiding with him. But that this was was inimitable, these reasons induce me to deny, (1.) Prophets were subjects to kings, as well as others, as Nathan was to David (1 Kings i 32, 33.) every soul must be subject to the higher powers that are of God. (2.) All the actions of prophets were not extraordinary, nor did they every thing by extraordinary inspiration; that was peculiar to Christ, that he could prophesy, and do extraordinary acts when he pleased, because he received the spirit not by measure, and it rested upon him. (3.) This particular action and carriage was before he called for the minstrel, and before the hand of the Lord came upon him, ver. 15. Ergo, this was not by inspiration. (4.) The ground of this was moral and ordinary, for hereby he only shewed himself to be a person fit to abide in the Lord's tabernacle, and an upright walker, in whose eyes a vile person is contemned, Psal. xv. 4. And a just man, to whom the unjust is an abomination, Prov. xxix. 29. What further can be alledged against this instance, I see not. And I need draw no argument by consequence, it is so plain. 7. This same Jehoram, after many signal demonstrations of the power of God exerted in the ministry of his servant Elisha, which sometimes did extort his acknowledgement, and made him call the prophet his father, 2 Kings vi. 21. yet, when in the strait siege of Samaria, he was plagued with famine for his idolatry, insomuch that the pitiful mothers were made to eat their own tender children; became so insolent a tyrant, that being incensed into a madness of outragious malice against the prophet Elisha, that he sware, God do so to him, and more also, if the head of Elisha, the son of Shaphat, should stand on him that day, accordingly he sent a messenger to execute it. But the prophet, from a principle of nature, and reason, and law, as well as grace, and by the spirit of a man as well as of a prophet, stood upon his defence and encouraged those that were with him to keep out the house against him, saying, see ye how this son of a murderer (a proper stile for such a monster of a king) hath sent to take away mine head--2 Kings vi. 32. This is a strong argument for self defence; but I improve it thus; if tyrants may be opposed as sons of murderers, and murderers themselves, and no otherwise to be accounted than under such a vile character, then can they not be owned as kings; but here is an example for the first: Ergo.-- 8. This man's brother in law, of the same name, Jehoram the son of Jehoshaphat, who had the daughter of Ahab to wife, and therefore walked in the way of the house of Ahab, gives us another instance. He turned apostate and tyrant, and Abimelech-like (or if you will, York-like) slew his brethren, and divers also of the princes of Israel; moreover he made high places in the mountains of Judah and caused the inhabitants of Jerusalem to commit fornication, and compelled Judah thereto: for which cause of his intolerable insolency in wickedness, Libnah one of the cities of priests in Judah, revolted from him, 2 Kings viii. 22. because he had forsaken the Lord God of his fathers, 2 Chron. xxi. 10. which was the motive and impulsive cause of their disowning him, and is not to be detorted to that restricted cavil of royalists, understanding it only as the meritorious or procuring cause of his punishment, and loss sustained thereby; for it is not said of the Edomites, who revolted at the same time, as it is mentioned in another paragraph; neither of the Philistines and Arabians, and Ethiopians, whose spirit the Lord stirred up against him; these were also a punishment to him: nor would it sound very suitably to be said, that they opposed him, because he had forsaken the Lord God of his fathers: for that would insinuate some influence that his apostasy had on them, as certainly it could not but have on the Lord's priests that dwelt in Libnah, who understood by the law of God, what was their duty to do with enticers, or drawers or drivers to idolatry: and when they were not in capacity to execute the judgment of the Lord, this was the least they could, to revolt. Here then is an example of a peoples revolt from a prince, and disowning allegiance to him, because of apostasy and tyranny. 9. In this kingdom of Judah, after long experience of a succession of hereditary tyranny in many wicked kings, the people, after they had long smarted for their lazy loyalty, in their stupid abandoning, forgetting and foregoing this privilege of disowning tyrants, and keeping them in order, began at length to bestir themselves in their endeavours to recover their lost liberties, and repress tyrants insolencies on several occasions; wherein, though sometimes were extravagancies, when circumstances did mar the justice of the action, and some did go beyond their sphere in tumultuary precipitations; yet, upon the matter, it was justice, and in conformity to a moral command. One impregnable witness of this we have, in the pious plot of Jehoiada the priest, who being but a subject, as all priests were (as the deposition of Abiathar by king Solomon, 1 Kings ii. 27. proveth) entered into an association with the inferior rulers, to choose and make a new king: and notwithstanding that the idolatress and the tyrant Athaliah, who had the possession of the government, cried treason, treason at the fact, they had her forth without the ranges, and slew her, 2 Kings xi. 14, 16. This was according to the law, Deut. xiii. and approven by all interpreters, even Mr. Pool in his Synopsis Critic. though otherwise superlatively loyal, yet approves of this, and says, she was an incurable idolatress, and therefore deserved to be deposed by the nobles of the kingdom, and quotes Grotius in loc. saying (she reigned by mere force; for the Hebrews were to have brethren for their kings, but not sisters, Deut. xvii. 15.) Hence if tyrants may be forcibly repressed, then may they peaceably be disowned; but this example confirms that: therefore---- 10. The sacred history proceeds in the relation, how this same Joash the son of Ahaziah, after he degenerated into murdering tyranny, was slain by Jozachar and Jehozabad, 2 Kings xii. 20, 21. but that was by his own servants in private assassination: therefore they are called murderers by Amaziah his son, 2 Kings xiv. 5, 6. but upon the matter it was the justice of God, which he deserved (if it had been duly execute) for the blood of the son of Jehoiada the priest, 2 Chron. xxiv. 25. So Amon the son of Manesseh, for his walking in the way of his father in idolatry and tyranny, and forsaking the Lord God of his fathers, was slain in his own house by his servants, who conspired against him; but though this was justice also upon the matter and consonant to the command for punishing idolaters and murderers, yet because defective in the manner, and done by them that took too much upon them in a perfidious way of private assassination and conspiracy, therefore the people of the land punished them for it, 2 Kings xxi. 23, 24. But the repressing and punishing of Amaziah is a more unexceptionable instance. The people made a conspiracy against him in Jerusalem, and he fled to Lachish; but they sent after him to Lachish, and slew him there, 2 Kings xiv. 19. after the time that he turned away from following the Lord, 2 Chron. xxv. 27. which was according to the command, Deut. xiii. which hath no exception of kings in it. This action was not questioned either by the people or his successor, as the forementioned conspiracies were. His son Uzziah succeeding, who did right, and consulted the Lord (2. Chron. xxvi. 4, 5.) did not resent nor revenge his father's death; which certainly he would have done, by advice of Zechariah, who had understanding in the visions of God, if it had been a transgression. The famous and faithful Mr. Knox doth clear this passage beyond contradiction in his conference with Lethington. Hence I take an argument a fortiori, if people may conspire and concur in executing judgment upon their king turning idolater and tyrant, then much more may they revolt from him; but this example clears the antecedent: therefore. 11. The fame power and privilege of people's punishing their princes, was exemplified in the successor of him last mentioned, to wit, in Uzziah the son of Amaziah, called Azariah, 2 Kings xv. when he degenerated into the ambition of arrogating a supremacy in causes ecclesiastic and sacred, as well as civil, his heart was lifted up to his destruction, for he transgressed against the Lord his God, and went into the temple of the Lord to burn incense. In which usurpation he was resisted by Azariah the priest, and with him fourscore priests of the Lord, that were valiant men, who withstood him, and told him, it did not appertain to him to take upon him so much, and bade him go out of the sanctuary, or else it should not be for his honour. Which indeed he stomached at as an affront, to be controuled and resisted; but in thinking to resent it, he was plagued of the Lord with leprosy; which the priests looking upon, they thrust him out from thence: and thereafter sequestred him from all supremacy, both that which he had before in things civil, and that which he was affecting in matters sacred; for he was made to dwell in a several house, being a leper, (the law including, and here execute upon, the king as well as the beggar) and to resign the government into his son Jotham's hands, 2 Chron. xxvi. 16,--21. where it appears, he was not only excommunicated by a ceremonial punishment, but also deposed judicially. Whether he voluntarily demitted or not, it is to no purpose to contend; 'tis evident, that by the law of God, the actual exercise of his power was removed, whether with his will or against it, it is all one; and that he was punished both by God and by men is undeniable. Yea, in this, his punishment was very gentle, and far short of the severity of the law: for by the law he should have been put to death, for intermeddling with these holy things, interdicted to all but to the priests, under pain of death, Numb. iii. 10. Numb. xviii. 7. The stranger that cometh nigh shall be put to death. All were strangers that were not priests. Whence I argue, if a prince, for his usurpation beyond his line in things sacred, may by the priests be excommunicated, and by the people deposed; then may a prince, not only usurping a supremacy (as Charles did) but an absolute power of overturning all things, sacred and civil (as James doth) and oppressing his subjects in all their liberties, be disowned, a fortiori, for that is less than deposing or dethroning; but this example clears the antecedent; therefore----. See Knox's discourse to Lethington. Lex Rex, quest. 44. sect. 15, p. 461. Jus popul. chap. 3. p. 56. 12. What if I should adduce the example of a king's rebellion against, and revolt from a superior king, to whom he and his fathers both acknowledged themselves subject? Surely our royalists and loyalists would not condemn this; and yet in justifying it, they should condemn their beloved principle of uncontrouled subjection to uncontroulable sovereigns possessing the government. Ahaz became servant to the Assyrian monarch, 2 Kings xvi. 7. yet Hezekiah his son, when the Lord was with him, and he prospered--rebelled against the king of Assyria, and he served him not, 2 Kings xviii. 7. Hezekiah was indeed a king; but he was not Sennacherib's king; he acknowledges himself his vassal, and that he offended in disowning him, ver. 14. which certainly was his sin against the Lord, to make such an acknowledgment: for if his father's transaction with the Assyrian was sin, then it was duty to break the yoke; if the Lord was with him in that rebellion, then it was sin to acknowledge it to be his offence: and to make good this acknowledgment, it was certainly his sin to commit sacrilege, in robbing the house of God, to satisfy that tyrant. By way supplement, I shall add that instance of repressing a mad and furious tyrant, which all will acknowledge to be lawful. Nebuchadnezzar was both stricken of God with madness, and for that was depelled from the kingdom, according to the heavenly oracle, The kingdom is departed from thee, and they shall drive thee from men, Dan. iv. 31, 33. Calvin says upon the place, he was ejected, as usually is done to tyrants, by the combination of the nobles and people, Pool's synopsis critic. in locum. Thus he was unkinged for a time, both by the just judgment of God, and by the intermediation of the just judgment of men; and could not be owned to be king at that time, when his nails were as birds claws, and he could not tell his own fingers: they could not own him to be the governor then of so many kingdoms, when he could not govern himself. Hence, though this is an instance of heathens, yet, because they acted upon a rational ground, it may be argued, If kings, because natural madness, when they cannot govern themselves, may not be owned; then also, because of moral madness, when they will not govern but to the destruction of kingdoms, may not be owned, but the former is true: therefore also the latter. The same reason against the government of asses, will also militate against the government of tygers, the first is more eligible than the last. Fifthly, This may be confirmed from several promises in scripture. 1. There are many gracious and precious promises of reformation of the magistracy, and restitution of good rulers, as a great blessing from God to mankind, and to the church, Isa. i. 26. 'I will restore thy judges as at the first, and thy counsellors as at the beginning, afterward thou shalt be called the city of righteousness.' If judges must first be restored before the city can be a city of righteousness, then they must be restored before we can own the government thereof: for that government, under which it cannot be a city of righteousness, cannot be owned, since it is no government, but a rebellion and combination of thieves, see ver. 33. I do not here restrict the promise, as it is a prophecy, to its exact fulfilment, as if no government were to be owned but what answers this promise, of the restitution of the primitive order of magistrates; but I plead, that when the princes are rebellious, and companions of thieves, the government is not to be owned, till judges be so far restored, as to reduce righteousness in some measure, which cannot be under tyranny. And in the general I may plead, that none is to be owned as a magistrate, but who some way is found in a promise; for there is no ordinance of God, no duty, no blessing, no good thing, either to be done or enjoyed, but what is in a promise; but tyranny, or owning of tyrants, or subjection to usurpers, is not, nor cannot be in a promise. We have many other promises about magistrates, as, that the Lord will be for a spirit of judgment to him that sitteth in judgment, Isa. xxviii. 6. A tyrant cannot be capable of this happiness, nor we under tyranny, nor any while they own them. Kings shall be the church's nursing fathers, and their queens her nursing mothers, Isa. xlix. 23. Kings are not always so, but all kings to be owned are such as can be so, at least they are never to be owned when they turn destroyers of what they should nourish; but tyrants can never be nourishers. It is promised to the Lord's people, if they will hearken diligently unto the Lord, and keep the sabbath, then shall there enter into their gates kings and princes, Jer. xxiii. 3, 4. But it is never promised, neither doth it come to pass in providence, that these duties procured tyrants. There are many other promises to the same purpose: from whence may be concluded, the Lord will not always leave his people to howl under uneluctable tyranny, but will accomplish their deliverance in his own time and way, though we are not to look to miracles. Whence I argue, 1. Since all the ordinances of God, and rulers in a special manner, are appointed and promised as blessings, these cannot be owned for his ordinance, which are not blessings, but curses. 2. That which would vacate and evacuate all the promises of magistracy, cannot be a doctrine of God; but this that obliges to own tyrants and usurpers, as long as they are up, would vacate and evacuate all the promises of magistracy: for except the Lord work miracles, (which are not in the promise) and do all without means, they cannot be accomplished. For if any means be used, they must be such as will infer disowning of tyrants; for magistrates cannot be restored, except tyrants be removed; and whatever way they be removed without miracles, by others or their own subjects, they must still be disowned, and that before they be removed: for if they be to be owned before their removal, if they exist, cannot make them to be disowned: dispossession cannot take away their right, if they have it before. 2. There are many promises of breaking the yoke of tyrants, Isa. x. 27. "His burden shall be taken away from off thy shoulder, and his yoke from off thy neck." And in that promise of the church's deliverance and enlargement, wherein they are prophetically urged and stirred up to some activity in co-operating with the providence, Isa. lii. 1, 2. "They are called to awake, and put on strength and their beautiful garments--and to shake themselves from the dust--and to rise and to loose themselves from the bands of their neck," that were captives. Here is not only a promise of deliverance or a ground of encouragement what the church may expect, but a promise of, and direction for their being active in delivering themselves, as men, from the encroachments that were made on their human liberties, that they should loose themselves from these bands. Whose bands? from their bands that ruled over them, and made them to howl, and the Lord's name to be blasphemed, (ver. 5) Here is a promise of breaking the bands of rulers, by them who howled under their subjection. And it also includes a precept, that people should not stay any longer under these yokes, than they can shake them off, or slip from under them. Hence we see we are not to ly stupidly sleeping, or sinking in the ditch, expecting the accomplishment of the promise of deliverance; but are to endeavour actively, in dependence upon the Lord's assistance, to deliver ourselves. Hence we may argue, 1. A promise by way of command, that a people under bands of oppressing rulers shall rouse themselves up to loose themselves from them, implies and infers a promise and a duty of disowning those rulers (for otherwise they cannot be loosed from their subjection.) But here is a promise by way of command, that a people under bands of oppressing rulers shall rouse themselves up to loose themselves from them: Ergo----2. If the removal of tyranny and usurpation be promised as a blessing, then those can never be owned to be the ordinance of God; for the removal of that can never be a blessing; but in these promises we see the removal of those is promised as a blessing: therefore they can never be owned. Sixthly, To the same purpose we may cite some threatnings, that will confirm the same truth. 1. There are many threatnings against tyrants themselves. There are two mentioned, Jer. xxii. that seem partly to quadrate, and near of a piece with our misrulers; both because of the demerit of the threatning, and the likeness of the judgment threatned. The ground of it was "building their house by unrighteousness, and their chambers by wrong," ver. 13. And severally threatned: "Jehoiakim with the burial of an ass unlamented," ver. 18, 19. Coniah with a life without prosperity, and a death without issue to succeed, ver. 30. The first of these is verified in the elder of our royal brothers, the last is like to be of both. But that which I take notice of is, first, the demerit, building their house by unrighteousness, on which Whitehall is built with a witness: and particularly it is noted of Jehoiakim, as his crimson sin (to which his son Jehoiachin or Coniah served himself heir) that he burnt Jeremiah's roll, or causes of wrath; so did our dominators burn the causes of wrath (a book written by the commission of the general assembly) and the covenants. Then I note these words, ver. 15. "Shalt thou reign because thou closest thyself in cedar, &c." It is certainly not fit for us to say, He shall reign, of whom the Lord says, He shall not reign; but when we own the authority of those whom the Lord threatens they shall not reign, we say, they shall reign; for we say, they have a right to reign, and own ourselves obliged to do all that is required in our capacity to perpetuate their reign. There is a terrible threatning against Zedekiah, Ezek xx. 25,--27. "Thou profane," or as some translate it, "thou worthy to be killed," (Pool. synops. crit. in locum.) "wicked prince of Israel--Thus saith the Lord God, remove the diadem, take off the crown, this shall not be the same, exalt him that is low, and abase him that is high; I will overturn, overturn, overturn it, and it shall be no more until he come whose right it is, and I will give it him." Than which nothing can be more applicable to our princes, who are profane, and the patterns and patrons of it, whose diadem the Lord will remove; and if he threaten it, wo to them that contribute to hold it on. We see here a profane and wicked prince threatned to be overturned must not be owned, because he hath no right; but our excommunicate tyrant is a profane and wicked prince, threatned to be overturned: Ergo--There is another dreadful threatning against tyrants, Amos iv. 1, 2. "Hear this word ye kine of Bashan, which oppress the poor, which crush the needy--The Lord God hath sworn by his holiness, that lo the days shall come upon you, that he will take you away with hooks, and your posterity with fishhooks." Shall we own these, against whom the Lord hath engaged his holiness by oath so solemnly, that he will fish them with hooks? we may fear if there be such a tie as allegiance between them and us, that that same hook which fishes them may also catch us; as it is said of Pharaoh and his subjects, when he is hooked, then his fish stick unto his scales, and he and they are left in the wilderness, Ezek. xxix. 4, 5. that is, as Grotius expounds it, whoever are of his community shall be consorts in his calamity, Pool. Critic. in locum. If we then own them, we must be of their community, and so partake of their judgments. 2. There are many threatnings against illimited loyalty, and those who had more of that than religion: for this Ephraim was broken in judgment, because he walked willingly after the commandment, Hos. v. 11. And because the statutes of Omri were kept, and the works of the house of Ahab, therefore the Lord threatens to make them a desolation, Mic. vi. ult. And among other threatnings against the men of such universal loyalty, that is notable, Hos. x. 3. "Now ye shall say, we have no king, because we feared not the Lord, what then should a king do to us?" It is the just punishment of wicked loyalty, that prefers the fear and favour of kings to the fear and favour of God, that at length they are brought to that pass, that either they have no kings at all to look to, or else they have such of whom it may be said, they are no kings in effect; for they cannot act the part of kings to them that trust in them. Hence, 1. If to have really no kings be a punishment. 2. If those that have the name of kings, that can do no good, be no kings; then tyrants that can do no good, but a great deal of hurt, must be reckoned no kings also; but here it is threatned, people that had kings, that had the name, but could do no good, should reckon they had no kings: therefore much more may tyrants be reckoned to be no kings, who can do no good, but a great deal of hurt. Seventhly, This truth is confirmed from scripture-prayers; whereof there are many against tyrants, none for them. Hence we argue, If we are not to pray for tyrants, then we are not to own them; for we are to pray for all that are in authority, 1 Tim. ii. 2. But we are not to pray for tyrants; Ergo, we are not to own them. The minor now must be proved. And this leads me to another subordinate question, which hath also been a head of suffering to some serious seekers of God in our land of late. The profane emissaries of this and the late tyrant, sent out with bloody commissions to hunt after the Lord's hidden ones, in order to murder all whom they might meet with, that made conscience of adhering to every part of the present testimony; among other trapping questions to discover their prey, they used to put this to them as a discriminating Shibboleth, and tessera of owning the present tyranny, will you say, God save the king? and for refusing this, many have been cruelly murdered in the fields; and many before their bloody judicatories, have for this been arraigned and condemned, and executed to the death. Wherefore to this somewhat must be said, 1. By way of concession. 2. By way of vindication, of scrupling it, and suffering upon it. First, In the general, it will be necessary to premit by way of concession, 1. It is duty to pray, supplicate and interceed for all men, 1 Tim. ii. 1. not collectively considered nor distributively for every one universally without exception, but indefinitely and indiscriminately, for the kinds of every individual, for all sorts and sexes, of whatsoever nation or religion, Jew or Gentile, Christian or infidel, not excluding any for these distinctions: and not only so, but for every individual of the kinds, also conditionally, if they be among those all whom the Lord will have to be saved, verse 4. If they be among those all for whom the mediator gave himself a ransom to be testified in due time, verse 5, 9. If they have not sinned the sin unto death, for which we are not bidden pray, 1 John v. 19. Which, because we know not particularly who are guilty of it, charity will oblige us to take into our prayers many that may never be the better of them; yet it is necessary that we pray in faith, for what, or whomsoever we pray, at least, if I may so call it, we must have a negative faith, a belief that they have not sinned that sin unto death; which we cannot have at all, there being some whose demonstrations of desperate displays of affronted wickedness, and hatred of holiness may give ground to doubt of it, as Christians had of Julian the apostate. 2. We are obliged to love our enemies, to bless them that curse us, to do good to them that hate us, to pray for them that despitefully use and persecute us, Mat. v. 44. Accordingly our master, who commanded this, did give us a pattern to imitate, when he prayed, Father forgive them for they know not what they do, Luke xxiii. 34. And his faithful martyr Stephen, prayed for his murderers, Lord lay not this sin to their charge, Acts vii. the last verse. We are to pity them, and not to seek vengeance against them, for any injuries they can do to us. Yet, as this doth not interfere with a holy and zealous appeal to God for righting, and resenting, and requiting, the wrongs done to us, that he may vindicate us and our cause, and make them repent of their injuries done to us, to the glory of God, and conviction of onlookers, and confusion of themselves, which may well consist with mercy to their souls; so all we can pray for them in their opposition to us, is in order to their repentance, but never for their prosperity in that course. And we may well imitate, even against our enemies, that prayer of Zechariah's, "The Lord look upon it, and require it," 2 Chron. xxiv. 22. But we are never to pray for Christ's stated enemies, as to the bulk of them; and under that formality as his enemies: for we must not "love them that hate the Lord," 2 Chron. xix. 2. but hate them, and hate them with a perfect hatred, Psal. cxxxix. 21, 22. We are to pray for the elect among them, but only to the end they may escape the vengeance, which we are obliged to pray for against them. 3. We are not to execrate our enemies, or use imprecations against any, out of blind zeal, or the passionate or revengeful motions of our own hearts: our Lord rebuked his disciples for such preposterous zeal, Luke ix. 55. "Ye know not what manner of spirit ye are of;" but against the stated and declared enemies of Christ, as such and while such, we may well take a pattern from the imprecatory prayers of saints recorded in scripture; such as do not peremptorily determine about the eternal state of particular persons: which determinations, except we be extraordinarily acted by the same spirit, whose dictates these are, are not to be imitated by us. We find several sorts of imprecations in the Psalms and other scriptures: some are imitable, some not; some are prophetical, having the force of a prophecy, as David's Psal. xxxv. 4. "Let them be confounded--that seek after my soul.--Let destruction come upon him," Psal. lv. 15. "Let them go down quick to hell." And Jeremiah, chap. xvii. 18. "Let them be confounded that persecute me,--destroy them with double destruction." Without this prophetical spirit, determining the application of these threatnings to particular persons, we may not imitate this peremptoriness. Some are typical of Christ's mediatory devoting his enemies to destruction; who as he interceeds for his friends, so, by virtue of the same merits (by them trampled upon) he pleads for vengeance against his enemies; which mediatory vengeance is the most dreadful of all vengeances, (Heb. x. 29.) So also, Psal. xl. He whose ears were opened, and who said, "lo I come,"--verse 6, 7. (that is Christ) does imprecate shame, and confusion, and desolation, ver. 14, 15. As also Psal. cix. the Psalmist personates Christ, complaining of, and imprecating against his enemies; particularly Judas the traitor, verse 8. It must be dreadful to be under the dint of the Mediator's imprecations; and also dreadful to clash with him in his intercessions, that is, to apprecate for them against whom he intercedes. But some imprecations against the enemies of God are imitable; such as proceed from pure zeal for God, and the spirit of prayer, as that, Psal. cix. last verse, "Put them in fear, O Lord, that the nations, may know themselves to be but men." Psal. lxxxiii. 16.----"fill their faces with shame that they may seek thy name." This is to be imitated in general against all the enemies of God, Psal. cxxix. 5. "Let them all be confounded that hate Zion;" without condescending on particular persons, except obviously and notoriously desperate and presumptively Christ's implacable enemies. 4. Touching magistrates it is a great duty to pray, that God would give us magistrates, as he hath promised for the comfort of his church, Isa. i. 26. Isa. xlix. 2. Jer. xxx. 21. Promises should be motives and foments of prayer. We ought to pray against anarchy as a plague, and with all earnestness beg of God, that the mercy of magistracy may again be known in Britain, of which it hath been long deprived. 5. And when we have them, it is a necessary duty to pray for them; "For kings and for all that are in authority, that we may lead a quiet and peaceable life in all godliness and honesty," 1 Tim. ii. 2. Where it is specified, what sort we should pray for, and to what end. As we are not to pray for all men absolutely; for some, as they are declared to be out of the precincts of Christ's mediation, so they must be out of our prayers: so there may be some in actual rule, that may be excepted out of the verge of the Christian prayers, as was said of Julian the apostate. But he that is a magistrate indeed, and in authority, the subjects are to pray and to give thanks for him, not as a man merely, but as a magistrate. Yea, though they be heathen magistrates, Ezra vi. 10. We may pray for all in authority, two ways; as men, and as kings. As men, we may pray for their salvation, or conversion, or taking them out of the way, if they be enemies to Christ's kingdom, according as they are stated; and upon condition, if it be possible, and if they belong to the election of grace. Though for such as are opposites to the coming of Christ's kingdom, as it is a contradiction to the second petition of the Lord's prayer, (thy kingdom come.) So, in the experience of the most eminent wrestlers, they have found less faith, and less encouragement, in praying for them, than for any other sort of men. It is rare that ever any could find their hands in praying for the conversion of the rulers. And though we pray that the Lord would convince them; yea, and confound them, in mercy to their souls; yet this must never be wanting in our prayers for tyrants, as men, that God would bring them down, and cause justice overtake them, that God may be glorified, and the nation eased of such a burden. But if we pray for them as kings, then they must be such by God's approbation, and not mere possessory occupants, to whom we owe no such respect nor duty. For whatever the Hobbists, and the time serving Casuists of our day, and even many good men (though wofully lax in this point) homologating both doctrinally and practically their heathenish notions, say to the contrary; I hope it be in some measure made out, that tyrants are no more the ordinance of God, nor to be owned as his ministers and vicegerents, than the devil the prince of this world for the Lord's anointed, or Baal's priests for true ministers. If we pray for them as kings, we must pray for their peace, prosperity, and preservation, that their government may be blessed with success, their designs not frustrated, nor their desires disappointed. This we cannot pray for tyrants. 6. Albeit, we may pray for the peace of the nation, and for the government thereof, so far as it may conduce to our own and the church's tranquillity, that we may live a peaceable and godly life under it; yet this cannot be extended to the peace of tyrants, for whom the best prayer that we can bestow is, that the Lord would bridle and restrain them, that they may not mar the church's peace. That command, Jer. xxix. 7. "Seek the peace of the city, whithersoever I have caused you to be carried captives, and pray unto the Lord for it, for in the peace thereof shall you have peace," is apparent to have been but of a temporary nature, upon occasion of their captivity there, until the 70 years should be expired, having it also declared by God, that their own peace was bound up in that of Babylon's: for after that time they are taught the contrary carriage towards that city, to depart, and pray against it, and exult and rejoice in its ruin: "O daughter of Babylon, happy shall he be that rewardeth thee as thou hast served us, that dasheth thy little ones against the stones," Psal. cxxxvii. 8, 9. "The voice of them that flee out of the land of Babylon, to declare in Zion the vengeance of the Lord, the vengeance of his temple," Jer. l. 28. And Jer. li. 35. "The violence done to me, and to my flesh, be upon Babylon, shall the inhabitant of Zion say, and my blood be upon Chaldea, shall Jerusalem say." Certainly this is not the season to seek the peace of mystical Babylon, but to pray for the destruction thereof, and all its supporters: which we cannot do, if we pray for them that improve, employ, and apply all their power to support it, lest we pray contradictions; as many do, who pray against Babel's brats, and yet pray for the king; but the comfort is this, that nonsensical prayers will do little good, little hurt, but to themselves that pray them. Secondly, To vindicate the scruplers and refusers of such compelled and extorted devotions in praying for tyrants, I shall offer these considerations, 1. The imposed form of it (which as it is found in the original from whence it is taken, is only paraphrastically expounded, God save the king; and catechrestically applied to tyrants, being in the native sense of the words of this signification. Let the king live; which is a very improper wish for men of death, of whom God says they shall die, and the law says, they should die for their murders and capital crimes) must be taken either as an adulatory compliment; or a congratulatory honour; or a precatory benediction. The first as it is extorted most illegally, so it can be tendered neither civilly, nor sincerely, nor christianly; but all ingenious men would think it a base imposition, to be forced not only to subject themselves to their tyrannical oppressors, but to flatter them as if they were not such. Whatever they may force the mouth to speak dissemblingly, they can never compel the heart to think such wishes are due to them; and so they can never be cordial, nor confident with candor: and to interpose the holy and dreadful name of God, in a dissembling compliment, to flatter base men, is a horrid mocking of God, and a heinous taking his name in vain, contrary to the third command. If it be a congratulation (as always it is used in scripture, and in cases formerly; being never imposed on men, by way of compulsion, before this set of tyrants started up, that know they can get no deference of honest men, but by extortion) it is the more abominable; not only for the hypocrisy that is in it, but the blasphemy, in giving thanks for the promoter of the devil's interest, and the destroyer of Christ's, and the liberties of mankind. What have we to congratulate him for, but for overturning our laws and liberties, and oppressing us in most grievous tyranny? Besides, to give the vilest of men, when exalted, any congratulatory honour, is contrary to the fifth command, as is shewed above. "And it were a forsaking of the law, thus to praise the wicked, since they that keep the law, will contend with them," Prov. xxviii. 4. If it be a benediction, we cannot bestow it upon one whom our father curses, our mother curses, and all our brethren. It is no less preposterous to bless whom the Lord declaredly curses, than to curse whom he blesses. "The curse of the Lord is in the house of the wicked," Prov. iii. 33. we cannot then bless that house. Nor can we bless them that our mother curses, and cries for vengeance against, as she did against Nebuchadnezzar, Jer. li. 34, 35. Nor them against whom the blood of our dead brethren hath a moral cry, "How long, O Lord, holy and true, dost thou not judge and avenge our blood," Rev. vi. 10. And the vexed spirits of our brethren, yet howling under the same yoke, are putting up before the throne of grace, the same continued cry, with incessant importunity; "How long, how long shall the wicked triumph? How long shall they break in pieces thy people? O God, to whom vengeance belongeth," Psal. xciv. 1-4. Yea God hath said it, and we must not contradict it in our practice, against all tyrants that wrest judgment, and say unto the wicked, "Thou art righteous, him shall the people curse, nations shall abhor him," Prov. xxiv. 24. And this must stand registred, as the everlasting clause of all Zion's haters, to which all her lovers must say, Amen, that they shall be as the grass upon the house tops, and never have the benefit of the church's benediction, Psal. cxxix. 8. "Neither do they which go by say, The blessing of the Lord be upon you; we bless you in the name of the Lord." This one word may be a sufficient supersede as from blessing any of the enemies of God; or of the church, while acting in a declared opposition to God for the destruction of his people and interest. 2. Either this----Save the king, as they mouth it, and demand the repetition of it, is a prayer, or it is not. If not, it must be a dreadful profanation of the name of God, to be commanded to speak to him, and yet not to pray. If it be a prayer, we would expect another way of dealing with us, if they really desired the benefit of our prayers, than a threatning us with death, if we did it not. And if they did desire it, as Darius did, "that we might offer sacrifices of sweet savour unto the God of heaven, and pray for the life of the king and of his sons," Ezra vi. 10. we could not refuse to pray for him, so far as might consist with that prayer of the same Darius, in that same decree, ver. 12. "That God may destroy all kings and people, that shall put to their hand to alter and destroy the house of God." We can pray no prayer inconsistent with this; and to pray that God would save this king, and yet destroy all kings that put to their hand against his house, were to pray contradictions. But they know they deserve no prayers, and must force them, if they get them. And all the world knows, that compelled prayers are no devotion; and if they be no devotion, they must be sin; imposed prayers are not the prayers that God will hear and accept: and if we have not the faith of acceptance in them, they must be sin; for whatever is not of faith is sin, Rom. xiv. last ver. All prayers which God will hear, must proceed from the heart voluntarily and fervently, in spirit and in truth, with the whole heart; but imposed and compelled prayers cannot be such, especially when they are not only by them imposed, but prescribed as to the form of them: which sets and forms prescribed by men, and such men as usurp a supremacy over the church, cannot be subjected to, according to the word of God, and principles of our reformation. 3. That infallible proposition of the apostle, whatsoever is not of faith is sin, must be urged yet a little further: and that with a reference, both to the person required to be prayed for, and to the matter of the duty more generally. First, if we cannot pray for this man, neither as a Christian, nor as a king, then we cannot satisfy this imposed demand; for it will not satisfy for him as a heathen: but we cannot in faith pray for him, either as a Christian, or as a king. Not as a Christian, for besides that he is an excommunicate apostate (by a sentence, which we believe stands yet ratified in heaven, pronounced by a faithful servant of Christ) and a papist, which, as such, can no more be prayed for, than the pope as pope; for whom, and all the limbs of antichrist, the only prayer that protestants can pray, is, that the Lord would consume him with the spirit of his mouth, and destroy with the brightness of his coming, 2 Thess. ii. 8. (we cannot reconcile the prayers of some, that pray against the pope and his supporters, and upholders of his tottering kingdom, and yet for this his antichristian vassal) his rage and resolution in prosecuting a war against Christ and his followers, is such, that if we may make comparisons, our faith will have little more ground to pray for James, than Christians of old could find for Julian the apostate. Nor as a king, for that we cannot do, because he is none with God's approbation, and may not do, for a very heathen could teach us to pray, that God would destroy all kings that put to their hand to alter and destroy the house of God, Ezra vi. 12. And besides, in the second place, with respect to the matter of the duty in general; that cannot be, in faith, which wants a warrant in the word, either by precept, promise, or practice; but to pray for wicked tyrants and enemies of God, wants a warrant in the word, either by precept, promise, or practice: there is no precept for it, either general or particular, neither express, nor any to which this is reducible: and who dare add without a precept in the worship of God, either for matter, manner, or end, what he hath not commanded? For such presumption Nadab and Abihu were destroyed, Levit. x. 1, 2. because they did that which the Lord had not commanded. What command can there be for praying for that, which is against the preceptive will of God? But it is against the preceptive will of God that there should be tyrants: therefore to pray that these may be preserved in the world, cannot fall under a command of God. There is no promise for it, which is the foment and foundation of prayer: we can pray for nothing that we have not a promise for, either general or particular; but we have none, nor can have any, for the preservation of a plague to us, as tyrants are. There is no practice for it in scripture, to pray for kings that put to their hand to destroy the house of God. Samuel did indeed mourn for Saul, but the Lord reproved him for it, how long wilt thou mourn for Saul, seeing I have rejected him from being king over Israel? 1 Sam. xvi. i. belike this reproof was for his praying for Saul's preservation as king, for otherwise we may mourn for wicked wretches, for their sin and misery both. But hence, if the Lord reprove his servant, for mourning for a king whom he disowned, then we may not pray for such a king whom the Lord disowns, as he disowns all tyrants, for they are set up and not by him; but the antecedent is true in that example of Samuel; therefore also the consequent, that we may not pray for them as kings, whom the Lord disowns. 4. Moreover, to confirm this yet further; that prayer is not of faith, and so sin, which is contrary to the precepts of God, and his promises, and the practices of the saints; but praying for wicked kings, their preservation, is contrary to these precepts, promises, and practices, &c. Ergo----. It is contrary to some divine precepts, both affirmative and negative. There is an affirmative precept, prescribing what prayer should be used under the domination of tyrants, that they should weep and say, Spare thy people, O Lord, give not thine heritage to reproach, that the heathen should rule over them, wherefore should they say among the people, where is their God? Joel ii. 17. If it be a reproach to be under heathen rulers, and if we should pray that they may not rule, but that our God may shew himself where he is, and who he is, in delivering his people from their domination; then it is contrary to this, to pray for the preservation of tyrants, that do rule over them to their destruction and reproach; for it is contradictory to pray, that they may not rule, and that they may be preserved in ruling. There is a negative precept, prohibiting the salutation of heretics and enemies of the gospel, which will condemn this salutation of heretical kings: for, in the original, God save the king, is no more than a solemn salutation, or apprecatory wish that he may prosper. 2 Epist. John ver. 10, 11. "If there come any----, and bring not this doctrine,----neither bid him God speed, for he that biddeth him God speed, is partaker of his evil deeds." God speed, in the Greek, is the same with God save, in the Hebrew. If then we must not say, God save a heretic; neither must we say, God save an heretical king, or a popish tyrant, a sworn enemy to the gospel of Christ, and the coming of his kingdom. This is also inconsistent with that rule and directory of our prayers, commonly called the Lord's prayer, not only because it cannot be reduced to any of its petitions, (which are comprehensive of all that we are warranted to pray for,) but because it is contradictory to the second, which is, thy kingdom come. The coming of Christ's kingdom in our land cannot consist with the preservation of the tyrant's reign, which is Satan's rule, for antichrist's and satan's kingdom, and Christ's, cannot be promoted both at once. It may be also demonstrated, that it is inconsistent with all the petitions of that perfect form of prayer. With the first, hallowed be thy name; for when they who rule over his people make them to howl, then his name continually is blasphemed, Isa. lii. 5. Yea much profaned in the frequent repeating that imposition. With the second, thy kingdom come; for when he takes unto him his great power and reins, then is the time he will destroy them that destroy the earth, Rev. xi. 17, 18. It is against the third, thy will be done--for it is against his preceptive will that there should be a throne of iniquity, it shall not have fellowship with him; as it would have, if according to his will. And therefore Habbakkuk pleads from the Lord's holiness and righteousness against tyrants, Habbak. i. 13, 14. It is against the fourth, give us this day our daily bread, to pray for them that rob us of it, whom the Lord hath set over us for a plague, to domineer over our bodies, and all the means of life, Neh. ix. 37. The saints there make a complaint of kings, and pray to remove them, not to save them: the church also prays against base rulers on this account, because under them they get their bread with the peril of their lives, Lam. v. 8, 9. It is against the fifth, forgive us our debts or sins; for if we pray for taking away the guilt of sin, we must also pray for removing the punishment; whereof this is one, to be under tyrants: and if it be sin which brings on judgment, then it is sin to pray for the keeping of it on, and continuing thereof; and though we should forgive their sin against us, yet we ought to complain against their sins against God, and the church, in defiling it, and shedding the blood of the saints, Psal. lxxix. 1-7. It is against the sixth, Lead us not into temptation, and deliver us from evil: for their government is a continued tract of temptation, they being a snare on Mizpah, and a net spread upon Tabor, Hos. v. 1. And if we pray to be delivered from all evil, then we must pray to be delivered from tyranny, which is a great evil. It is against the conclusion also, For thine is the kingdom,----and glory: tyrants being stated in opposition to the glory of God. Again, in the next place, it is against many promises of giving good rulers, and of breaking the yoke of tyrants, (as I cited several above;) neither of which can consist with the preservation of tyrants, if such a prayer should be answered according to the idol of the heart of the supplicants: for if God should save this man as long as we may pray for him as a king, then all the promises of a change and revolution are precluded. Lastly, It is contrary to the constant tenor of the saints prayers against the enemies of God. Deborah prayed upon the destruction of a tyrant, so let all thine enemies perish, O Lord, Judg. v. ult. Jotham prayed against the bastard king, Let fire come out from Abimelech and devour the men of Shechem, and--let fire come out from the men of Shechem and devour Abimelech, Judg. ix. 20. David prays against Saul, whom he calls Cush the Benjamite in the title of Psal. vii. alluding to Kish his father, or because he was no better than an Ethiopian, a Cushite, Amos ix. 7. and could no more change his manners than an Ethiopian can change his skin, Jer. xiii. 23. See Pool's synops. critic. in locum. Where it is proven, that this was Saul; against him he prays, that the Lord would awake to judgment, Psal. vii. 6. and that he would break the arm of the wicked and the evil man, Psal. x. 15. that he would not slay them, (to wit, suddenly, or in a common way) lest the people forget, but scatter, and bring them down, and consume them in wrath, that they may not be, that it may be known God ruleth in Jacob to the ends of the earth, Psal. lix. 11, 13. This is a psalm against dogs, ver. 9. what dogs?--Saul and his men watching David. See the title. As also it is against Saul that he prays, that the Lord would not grant his desires, nor further his devices, and as for the head of them that compassed him about, (which was Saul.) Let the mischief of their own lips cover them, Psal. cxl. 8, 9. There is also a prayer, that the saints may execute vengeance, and the judgment written upon tyrants, and bind them with chains, Psal. cxlix. 6, 8, 9. The church is brought in praying for vengeance against the Babylonian tyrant, Nebuchadnezzar the king of Babylon hath devoured me,--the violence done to me and my flesh be upon Babylon shall the inhabitants of Zion say, Jer. li. 34, 35. Paul imprecates any man that does not love the Lord Jesus, let him be Anathema Maranatha, 1 Cor. xvi. 22. and sure no tyrant, persecutor, subverter of Christ's kingdom, can be a lover of Christ. The martyrs, under the fifth seal slain for the word of God, and the testimony which they held, are brought in crying against the tyrants that murdered them, How long! O Lord, holy and true, dost thou not judge and avenge our blood, Revel. vi. 9, 10. Which though it be to be understood of a moral cry of blood, as Abel's blood cried against Cain: yet ought to be a pattern of our prayers against such bloody enemies, imbruing their hands in the blood of our brethren, for which we ought to pray that the Lord would haste to make inquisition. Durham observes from this place, that God's people, in a holy way, may pray for vengeance upon persecutors. 5. Let us consider the person and matter, for whom and for what this prayer is extorted. Either it is for the personal salvation of James the papist, or the royal preservation of James the tyrant. It will not satisfy to pray, that if it be possible, and if it were the Lord's will, he might be taken to heaven, that so we might be quit of him. Neither were it lawful to pray, that, except we prayed first, that he might repent of this his wickedness, if perhaps it might be forgiven him, as Peter directed Simon Magus to pray for himself, Acts viii. 22. for it is unlawful to pray for the salvation of a papist, except upon supposition of his repentance and relinquishing popery. We must pray nothing but according to the will of God; and it is not the will of God, that they that have and keep, and will not part with the mark of the beast, should be saved, for he is adjudged of God to drink of the wine of his wrath, Revel. xiv. 9, 10. So we cannot pray for him as a Christian, which he is not; nor as a papist, except that he may get repentance. Nor can we pray for him as a king, which he is not; nor as a tyrant, except that he may repent of and relinquish his tyranny and usurpation: for tyrants as such cannot be saved, no more than papists as such; for Tophet is ordained of old, yea for the king it is prepared,----Isa. xxx. 33. We cannot then pray for his salvation, except we pray for his repentance, and relinquishing all his sins, and so we must pray for him relinquishing his kingship, and that he may cease to be king; for that is his sin, that he hath made himself king without God, and against the laws of the land. And now, while he continues such, we must complain in prayer, not for his misgovernment only, but for that he governs, and desire to be delivered from him. See Gee's magistrates original, pag. 258. But now considering what a man, and what a king he hath been, guilty of murder, adultery, idolatry, under sentence of the law both of God and man; we can pray no otherwise for him, than for a murderer, adulterer, or an idolater. We cannot pray for him as cloathed with authority, or that the Lord may bless his government, for that is his sin and our misery, that he is a governor: and his throne is a throne of iniquity, which we dare not pray may have fellowship with God. Can we pray that God would bless him on a throne of iniquity? Could we pray, that the Lord would bless a drunkard in his drunkenness, abusing his enjoyments? Or a thief in his stealing, though he used his purchase never so soberly? What if prevailing robbers by land, or pirates by sea, preying upon all passengers, should require this as the sign of subjection to them, and only condition whereupon such, as they apprehend and overcame, should be suffered to live, that they should pray for preservation and prosperity to them? Would not this be wickedness thus to pray for thieves and robbers? And are not tyrants the greatest of thieves, that rob and destroy twenty for one of private robberies? And do they not require this as such a sign on such a condition? 6. Lastly, Then the plea will be reduced to this, that it is exacted as a badge of loyalty, and sign, Tessera, Shibboleth of owning the authority. Which I have at this length endeavoured to prove, cannot be conscientiously owned by us, in these circumstances. And even by this argument: that authority which we cannot pray for we cannot own; but we cannot pray for this tyrannical authority: therefore.--The minor I trust is in some measure made manifest, by what is said above. And so I conclude this head, with that form of prayer, that I use for the king. O Lord God, to whom vengeance belongeth, shew thy self; lift up thyself, thou judge of the earth, render a reward to the proud. Lord, how long shall the wicked? how long shall the wicked triumph? Shall the throne of iniquity have fellowship with thee, that frameth mischief by a law? The mighty and terrible God destroy all kings and people, that put to their hand to alter and destroy the house of God. Overturn, overturn, overturn this throne of tyranny, and let it be no more, until he come whose right it is. HEAD III. _The refusing to swear and subscribe the many unlawful imposed oaths, for which many have suffered great cruelties; chiefly that of_ Abjuration _which was the cause of several their suffering to death_, vindicated. Another great head of grievous sufferings, in this fatal period, hath been, this stated war between Christ and his enemies in Scotland, he hath not wanted witnesses, who in their wrestlings for the word of God and the testimony which they held, thought it their duty to refuse all illegally imposed and wickedly required transactions with his declared enemies, and tampering any manner of way with them, in taking or subscribing any of their conscience couzening impositions of deceitful and destructive bonds and oaths, obtruded by men who have cast off all sense of a Deity, or regard to humanity, upon the consciences of poor people, to debauch them and cast them down from the only excellency or integrity that was left them: whereby (though they have missed of their design as to some, who through grace have escaped the snares of these fowlers, and in resisting have overcome through the blood of the Lamb) they have prevailed to inveigle the generality, even of the professors of this generation, into such a degree of defection and wretched compliance with all their snares, that as it prognosticates universal desolation ineluctable, (if it be not prevented as universal as the compliance hath been,) so it proclaims the infamy of the compliers perjury as indelible as their perfidy with whom they have complied. The consideration of which woful apostasy, in its various steps by which it hath been propagated and promoted, ought to deter and demur all the fearers of God, that would not partake of its threatned punishment, from venturing any more to come near the brink, or border of such precipices, and paths of the destroyer, when so many have stumbled, and fallen, and been hooked, and taken; yea not so much as to look near them, lest they be left to follow their look, but to stand aloof from every appearance of transacting with these man catchers, yea conscience-catchers, who are so cunning to ensnare and destroy; as their predecessors, to whose sins and judgments also they serve themselves heirs, are described by the Holy Ghost, Jer. v. 26-29. They lay wait as he that setteth snares, they set a trap, they catch men,----their houses are full of deceit, therefore they are become great and waxen rich.----Shall I not visit for these things saith the Lord? Many and manifold have been the snares, traps and gins, laid in the way of the professors of this generation and nation, by these mischief hatchers, these keen and cunning persecutors, the party now regnant or rather raging, in madness and malice against Christ and all that are loyal and zealous for his interest against their encroachings thereon, whereby they have caught and cozened many out of their consciences, and have broken the neck of some, the peace of others, and the hearts of not a few. Yea no nation can be instanced, wherein so many oaths and bonds have been imposed on peoples consciences, so nauseating for naughtiness and number, as well as noxious in their nature, in an age, as have been in Scotland within these 27 years past; on design to waste all remainder of conscience, or sense of religion among people, that so having worn out the awful impression of it, they may introduce what they would, upon a people involved in the same apostasy with themselves and either to incorporate all with themselves in the same combination against the Lord, or to extirpate all dissenters, who should discover any tenderness of conscience, in not going along with them in the same excess of riot. And to the end they might have the greater concurrence and countenance, with the help of hell's policy, they contrived them in such terms as might engage many to take them, and load the recusants with odious obloquies, either as silly scruplers, or seditious schismaticks, or rebels. For this hath been all along their grand project, to level their designs against religion, not directly and formally under that notion, but obliquely to the destruction of the lovers and professors of it under the nickname of fanatical enemies to government. Of these ensnaring engines levelled to these ends, some have been more patent and open, others more latent and hidden; both have made a pray of people, the last chiefly. For a snare the more latent and hidden it be and the more varnished over with the vermillion of pretended honesty and innocence, it is the more dangerous; and will be so accounted by all the circumspect and cautious, as in its design more destructive, and in its effects, when discovered, more dolorous, than that which is more open and manifest. A hook, the braver that it is busked, and the better that it is baited, the surer and more successful it is to catch the simple fish; if it want its busking, they will not so readily bite at it. In vain is a net spread in the sight of any bird; yet though this is a truth, such silly birds have the bulk of us been, such silly doves without a heart, and so senselessly stupefied, as to suffer ourselves to be blindfolded and hood-winked into snares, of such a manifest baseness, as none could be readily supposed might fall into, who did not brutishly abandon all common sense of reason, besides religion; as a test, and oaths of arbitrary allegiance, bonds of conformity, and irregular regulation, &c. Some again, and these, alas! too many, have been ensnared with snares of a more smooth, and subtile complexion, and poisoned with gilded arrows, coloured over with the specious pretexts of the enemies relenting condescendency and tenderness, stooping now to universal and general terms, obviously thought capable of a very good construction, and daubed over with the untempered mortar of the frequency of the most universally unscrupled supscription of very good and conscientious men and the rarity of recusants lying under the reproach of some few, wild, fantastical fools. These well busked hooks have caught many; of which sort have been many banded indemnities, and easily swallowed oaths thereunto appended. Though the present indeed is contrived without gins of this sort, and now all these snares of oaths and bands are as illegally taken away as they were before imposed; upon the same design, to catch silly fish by other methods; not with hooks, as before, but with a large spread net, to hale the whole school to antichrist's shore; and to put to proof and practice the vastness of that leviathan prerogative of absolute power, to dispense with all oaths; especially because, in all of them, even the most monstrous, people might think there was some tye obliging them to maintain the protestant religion, therefore to obliterate that, and bury it in oblivion, all now are taken away; but the guilt of them still remains upon the land, and the grievous cry of suffering for refusing them still continues; and therefore the iniquity of them must be looked unto and lamented, and that with an eye to the account and reckoning must be rendered for them, to a greater judgment than that of creatures. But among all these destructive and diabolical devices, there have been none more charming and cheating, than that cunningly contrived oath of abjuration, as it is called, enjoined to be taken by all within the kingdom, by a proclamation about it, representing a late declaration emmitted by that party, whose sufferings I am vindicating (as a manifesto of their enemies) under the most odious character, that the malice of men helped with hell's hatred could devise; and requiring all to abjure it in the most peremptory manner, and under the severest penalty that ever was heard. This oath, I say, was contrived with such cunning, and followed with such keenness, that it hath involved more under its obligation, and engaged more to subscribe it, than any other that went before it: because it hath been painted over with such pretexts, as never any before was capable of. The pressing of it hath been so impartial, upon travelling to the country, &c. And their acceptance of the pass annexed to it thought so necessary, as without it no business could be gone about. Its subscription so universally unscrupled, even by the generality of great professors and ministers too; the thing abjured represented so odious, as no honest man could refuse to renounce; and the matter renounced, under its best aspect and construction, esteemed only a paper declaration of a party very despicable, wherein the principles, profession, or confession of the church seems no way concerned; and if any way concerned, yet the concern appearing so finall, as few or none durst state their sufferings upon that head. Yet I believe, if either such as have taken it, or others that may have the tentation of the like hereafter, will impartially ponder it; so much iniquity may be discovered in it, as may oblige the one to mourn in the sense of its fulness, and the other to beware of its danger. And so much rather would I offer this to consideration, that I know one who was wofully wheedled into it, that found the bitter effects of this poisoned pill in his wounded conscience, after reflections on the deed, in such a measure that he despaired of ever recovering peace. And this man had as much, and more to say, to justify his deed, than any that ever took it; having it with all the advantages that ever it could be tendered with: for, being urged thereunto before the justiciary, he expresly refused to disown that declaration, and the principles whereupon it was founded, and told them that it was misrepresented in the proclamation: and when they yielded to an abstract disowning of it in so far as the proclamation represents it, or, if so be, it might be so represented, he gave in a sense in writ, wherein he would take it; shewing that, upon supposition, the declaration did assert such things as was represented, he would disown it: and after the sense was accepted as satisfactory, he refused to swear after the ordinary manner, following the clerks, blind manuduction, but behoved to have it written down: and when it was written, with express specification of that apologetical declaration, he refused to swear it, till it was altered and corrected, and the word pretended put in the stead of it: which done, before he subscribed it, he protested it might be constructed in no other sense, than the genuine meaning of the words he delivered in, and that it might not be reckoned a compliance for fear of his life: yet, notwithstanding of all this, he lost the jewel of inward peace, and knew the terror of the Lord for many days. Therefore I shall chiefly insist on discovering the iniquities of this last oath, called the abjuration oath, both because it is the smoothest, and more generally taken than any other, and approven by many that condemn the rest, and refusing it hath been punished by death, and most illegally pressed upon all, under the penalty thereof, as none of the rest was; and because as all other oaths successively imposed, were so contrived that the last did always imply and involve the substance of the former, so it will appear that the iniquity of none of the preceeding oaths was altogether wanting in this. But to the end, both the complication of the iniquities of this oath may be evinced, and the continued strain of all the oaths (which have also been heads of suffering, though not to this degree) may be discovered; I shall touch somewhat of all the sorts of them, and shew that their iniquity cleaves to this last oath: and then come to canvass this oath itself, after I have premitted some general concessions. First, In a few words some general concessory propositions may be premitted, 1. That oaths both assertory and promissory are lawful, will not be denied but by Quakers, &c. It is clear, swearing is a moral duty, and so material, that oftentimes it is used for the whole worship of God, Deut. vi. 13. "Thou shalt fear the Lord thy God, and shalt serve him, and swear by his name," Deut. x. 20.----"To him shalt thou cleave and swear by his name." The reason is, because by whomsoever we swear, him we profess to be our God, and invocate him as witness of our heart's uprightness, and honest meaning in the thing sworn, according as it is understood by both parties, and as avenger if we prove false. Hence, every oath, which doth not bind us faster to serve and cleave to him, is but a breach of the third command. Again, it is not only commanded as a duty, but qualified how it should be performed, Jer. iv. 1, 2. Where it is required of a people returning to the Lord, to swear in truth, in judgment, and in righteousness. Hence, every oath which is not so qualified, and does not consist with a penitent frame, is sin. It is likewise promised in the covenant, that believers shall speak the language of Canaan, and swear to the Lord, Isa. xix. 18. every oath then that is not in the language of Canaan, is unsuitable to believers, that is to say, consentaneous to the word of God, and confession of our faith. Again, he that sweareth in the earth shall swear by the God of truth, Isa. lxv. 16. and therefore that oath which is not according to truth, is dishonourable to the God of truth. If all the oaths imposed upon Scotland these many years, were examined by these touch-stones, they would be found all naught. So giving bands for security, which for obligation are equivalent to promissory oaths, are also lawful materially; but with the same qualifications, otherwise they are sinful. 2. This duty when suitably discharged, truly, judiciously, righteously, in the fear of God, according to his will, is in many cases very necessary. Not only in vows, in which God is the party, in matters morally necessary, to keep the righteous judgments of God, Psal. cxix. 106. Nor only in national covenants for reformation, and promoting the interest of Christ, whereof we find many instances in scripture, in Moses, Joshua, Asa, Hezekiah, Josiah, Ezrah, Nehemiah, their making and renewing such covenants by oath, coming under the dreadful curse of it if they should break it. And this may make our hearts meditate terror, for the universal unparalelled breach of solemn covenants with God, that exposes the nation to the curse of it; but also in human transactions, whereunto God is invocated as a witness, as in national transactions, at choosing and inaugurating their magistrates, for security of religion and liberties, as we have many examples in scripture. Seldom indeed do such bonds hold tyrants, but it is this generation's indelible brand and bane, that without this they have come under the yoke of ineluctable slavery, and have entailed it upon posterity. As likewise in contracts and mutual compacts of friendship, or stricter association, when edification, or other satisfaction, or security calls for it, as Jacob sware to Laban, David to Jonathan, &c. In which the matter must be clear, and mutually understood, and honestly meant, without equivocation and mental reservation, and all ambiguity, as also possible, and likely to continue so: for otherwise, it were but a mocking of God and man, to swear a thing we either cannot, or will not perform, according to the meaning of him in whose favours the oath is given. But withal we ought to be sparing in such things except where the matter of the oath or bond is weighty and necessary, and not multiply them needlesly upon formality or custom; for if there were suitable confidence in one another, there would not be need for so many of these securities. And specially in relative stipulations betwixt man and wife, &c. Where an indissolvable relation is entered into. And, in a particular manner, even in things civil, when we are called thereunto by a lawful magistrate, for deciding of controversies, or our own vindication, or to confirm our obligation to some duty, an oath for confirmation is an end of all strife, Heb. vi. 16. But always in this the matter must be lawful, according to the will of God, and true, and certainly known, and also necessary, weighty, useful, worthy of such confirmation, for the glory of God, and the good of our neighbour, that his holy name be not taken in vain; for otherwise if the matter be false, God is made witness of a lie; if uncertain, conscience condemns us that we know not, nor care not, what we call God witness to; if unlawful, then God is called to approve what he hath condemned, and so to contradict himself, which is horrid blasphemy. With all which cases, and hell devised impositions on consciences in these days, obtruded to debauch and ensnare them, not one of them, levelling all at one design, how smoothly soever conceived, can be taken without a wound and wramp to the conscience. 3. Of all these cases, only two are applicable to our imposed transactions with our wicked rulers, viz. in the matter of friendly contracts, or in the matter of judicial appearances before them, and swearing and banding before, and to them. In both which, there must be a sort of confederation, with them. In contracts with them it will not be doubted; and in judicial submitting to their authoritative impositions of such securities, it is evident, there must be also a confederation with them, not only in acknowledging their authority, but in coming under mutual exacted stipulations; wherein, by taking these oaths and bands, we give them security of orderly subjection, as members of the community whereof they are judges, and get their security of acquittance, and that we shall not be molested nor prosecuted among the recusants. Now concerning this confederation, I shall concede in two cases, it may be owned, and consequentially oaths and bonds may be given to men of their stamp, 1. A confederation which is more discretive, or discriminative may be allowed to them; that is, such bargains wherein they and we are kept still divided as two parties, and not under one incorporation, as in contracts of co-habitation, living under them as tenants, buying and selling, and the like. But we cannot enter into a confederation unitive with them, which may make us one body or party. 2. A confederation which is necessary and unavoidable; when either an unavoidable strife or contention doth arise between them and us, whereupon we are compelled to answer in law, and can no otherwise be decided but by our oath of confirmation, which is an end of all strife; or when we are falsely accused of some odious and heinous crime, as of murder or adultery: it is then lawful and necessary to vindicate ourselves, by giving all these legal confirmations that we are free of these things; for otherwise to ly under the imputation of such enormities, were shamefully scandalous to religion. But we cannot allow any transactions of this sort, which are elective and voluntary, to make or pursue either peace or pleas with them, when our own interest or benefit draweth us thereunto; but ere we go to law, or give oaths and bonds to, and before the unjust and perfidious, and such also as we cannot own as magistrates, we would rather take wrong, and suffer ourselves to be defrauded as the apostle adviseth, 1 Cor. vi. 1, 7. It was not unlawful, as expositors shew from that place, for the Corinthians to answer in law for their own vindication, being pursued by a heathen; but it was utterly a fault to go voluntarily one with another. And if to pursue a brother was a fault, then much more to go to law with an apostate, with whom there should be less meddling. And if to go before the unjust magistrates, as these heathen judges were at Corinth, who yet were magistrates, was utterly a fault, then much more to go before such as have neither rightful nor righteous authority at all: which yet must be acknowledged, if we take oaths and bands before them: for none can exact these but acknowledged magistrates. Hence it is apparent, it would be an elective confederation with these wicked usurping judges, when brought before them to take their tendered oaths and bonds, not as parties pursued before them, but as transacting with them, with whom, as well as before whom, we must give these confirming securities: and so not only must we acknowledge them to be gods, among whom the Lord sitteth, whose holy name is interposed in such solemn transactions; but also we must swear and enter in bonds to them as they require. This indeed is necessary when called before them against our will, and accused of horrid crimes, as was always in the imposition of the oath of abjuration audaciously imputed to the refusers, that they asserted murdering principles, and owned it lawful to kill all that served the king; in such a case, to declare with the most solemn asseverations, for vindication of truth, that we disown not only all such assertions, but all such thoughts as that it is lawful to kill all that serve the king, or any that serve him because they serve him, or because they have injured us any manner of way, and to declare our abhorrence of all murder and assassinations. But to swear such things to them, when we are altogether innocent, would be a granting that we were legally suspected, by offering a legal purgation. And so all the subjects of Scotland should take upon them to purge themselves from a suspicion of murder, which were odious. And to abjure a declaration, as asserting such things, when it asserts no such thing, is a swearing to a lie. 4. All solemn securities of oaths or bonds, that are sacred promises, are by strictness of law, of most strict and indispensible obligation, as Mr. Durham on the third command, shews in many cases: No man's loss, or private prejudice, can make it void, (though we swear to our own hurt, we must not change, Psal. xv. 4) nor indifferency in the matter, if once engaged in, for then our souls are bound, Numb. xxx. 2. nor deceit of others, if the deceit be circumstantial only, as in the Gibeonites case; nor the extortion of it by fear or violence, if the matter be lawful; nor rashness and sin in the manner, if lawful in the matter, as with the Gibeonites; nor another meaning afterwards devised, not according to the imposer's mind, nor our own at first who took it, (that is but a swearing deceitfully, Psal. xxiv. 4.) nor any good meaning or design in reversing the oath (Saul was punished for breaking his oath with the Gibeonites, out of zeal, 2 Sam. xxi. 2.) nor though the oath be conceived by creatures, (as by the altar or temple, &c. Mat. xxxiii. 20,--22.) nor when the thing becomes impossible, if that possibility could have been foreseen or prevented; nor any other sacred meaning, by equivocation or mental reservation, which are abominable; nor any dispensation from pope or king; nor any other posterior oath. None of these things can make an oath void; but if we have bound ourselves, God will require it: "For whoso despises an oath, by breaking the covenant, when lo he hath given his hand, he shall not escape, God shall recompense it," Ezek. xvii. 18, 19. They are null indeed and of no force, when they become bonds of iniquity, tying to things unlawful or impossible; or when the thing sworn is not in our own power, Numb. xxx. 5. Or when there is deceit in it, not in circumstantials only, but in essentials; or when it hinders a greater good, when the case materially altereth; or when the party sworn to relaxeth us. All these do condemn the horrid breach of the sacred and solemn league and covenant, and confutes the perverting and wresting the words of it in the third article, as if it did oblige to allegiance of tyrants; for, in that case, the obligation is unlawful, and there is a case in essentials, and the case materially altereth, (for in the covenant we are bound to the king, not to a tyrant) and the party sworn to have relaxed us long ago, by annulling the covenant; yet all these things prove, that the covenant is still in force, and that all the oaths and bonds contradictory to it, are sinful: and yet though it be sinful to take them, and sinful to keep them, it is nevertheless perjury to break them, especially to them whose erroneous conscience is bound by them, under a notion of their lawfulness. And in a special manner it is here conspicuous, how deceitful a juggle that sinful shift of many hath been, that they could subscribe an unlawful bond under a penalty: as for example, to answer to their courts, or to go to church, or separate from the persecuted meetings of the Lord's people, under such a penalty, which they thought to pay the penalty would clear them off, as if it were only an alternative bond. The iniquity of this juggle will appear, if we consider, such bonds cannot be alternative: for alternatives are always disjunctive, binding equally either to this or that; and the one alternative is no more determinately enjoined by the imposer, than the other. And so, if these bonds were alternative, it should be in the binder's choice, whether to answer the court, go to church, to separate meetings, or pay so much money. But it is not so, for the stipulation and promise is determinate to the obligation, for which the bond is required, and the penalty is annexed, as a punishment of the breach of that obligation. And that fancy of eluding the bond by paying the penalty, would quite enervate all security among men, in their mutual compacts of that nature; and under that pretence, they might give a satisfactory compliance to the most wicked imposed obligation imaginable, to subscribe the Turk's Alcoran, with a reserved attention only to pay the imposed penalty. Which reservation is so far from being suitable to that christian simplicity the gospel requires, that it does not answer that moral honesty that our concern, in the good of human society, calls for. It is incumbent on all that expect to dwell on God's holy hill, to have this requisite qualification for one, though they swear to their own hurt they will not change it, and they must be far from swearing deceitfully; and consequently, if they bind themselves by a promise, which a Christian should be no less tender of than his oath, they must keep it. And besides, to condescend that that penalty or fine should be paid, by ourselves, or friends in our behalf, were to condescend that these enemies should be enriched by our own or the spoil of our friends, upon the account of the forfeiture of our promise; which seems such a dishonest and dishonourable thing, that an honest heart would disdain it. And though this should be flouted as foolish preciseness, to chuse rather to ly still and suffer in such a case; yet it may be considered that Christ's cross, even with reproaches, is always a better choice than the world's ease, purchased at any price which is a hire for Christ's enemies. 5. All divines and casuists do grant, that an oath must be taken in his sense and meaning who tenders it, and in whose favours it is conceived: because oaths and bonds are for security, and therefore whosoever would deal honestly and christianly in taking an oath, must take it in the sense that it is understood by such as impose it; otherwise the holy name of God should be taken in vain, and the swearers and promisers shall deal deceitfully, in frustrating the end of the oath or bond, and the design of the tenderers thereof. And therefore, as reason and religion requires, that all oaths or bonds be so conceived and enunciated, that all concerned may understand them, and if there be any doubt how far they bind, the imposers should explain the same, as Abraham did to his servant: So conscience requires, that they be always taken in the imposer's sense, and as they discover their sense and sentiments of them, and not according to the meaning that we may think the words capable of; nor yet according to the wheedling explications, that they may give or allow, which are as deceitful and ensnaring as the things themselves. Nor is it to be looked upon as a favour to get a liberty to put a sense upon them, contrary to their known meaning; for that is but a liberty to mock God, to mock others, and ourselves too, and nothing but a snare to the conscience. And to put a gloss upon printed oaths or bonds, which in strict construction they will not bear, and then to subscribe them in the terms as offered, is not only an intangling ourselves into the bond of sinful oaths and bands, but to stumble the godly, and harden the wicked in the present, and to mock posterity in future ages; who shall see the oaths in the terms subscribed, but not the sense they were taken in. See Apolog. Relat. Sect. 14. It is known by manifold experiences that it is dangerous to hearken to their overtures who study to ensnare us, but far more hurtful and hateful to propound overtures to them. For they interpret it a ceding and giving ground, and when they see a man beginning to yield, then they will seem to be very condescending, even to accept of little at first, that they may draw him on to more: like cunning anglers sometimes recoiling and drawing back the well baited and busked hook, to invite the poor unwary fish to pursue, and sometimes letting it run away with the hook when it bites kindly: So when they find a man offering and ready to accept of accommodations, they will be very yielding and easy, but with a design to hook him. But conscience can find no safety at present, nor satisfaction afterwards in accommodations with them. For it is plain to all that are not blinded with ignorance, or partiality, or a judicial stroke, that our imposers are such sons of Belial as cannot be taken with hands, or by the hand; and if we reflect upon the matters upon which these accommodations are to be offered or accepted, they are not things upon which we may come and go, upon our discretion, as we do with our own particulars, or with problems to be disputed, or ambiguous propositions capable of different senses; but matters so and so circumstantiate, as do require the positive determinate judgment of the conscience, concerns of truth and falsehood, duty and sin, which cannot admit of accommodation, or dispensation, or reservation, or any other sense than the imposers and they that state their inquisition about such things do own, and are observedly known to have and maintain about them. Otherwise, all other forged accommodations are but tampering tricks, juggling with jugglers, deceiving the deceivers, in such a way as does not well consist with the simplicity of the gospel, or the doves innocency; for what is that but a swearing or promising deceitfully! Psal. xxiv. 4. "a conceiving and uttering from the heart words of falsehood," Isa. lix. 13. "a false oath," Zech. viii. 17. "which are hateful to God who will be a swift witness against false swearers," Mal. iii. 5. Neither will they be so easily deceived, for they will readily yield to accommodations, or any tolerable sense that we can put upon their snares; for they reckon that a yielding in part, and are glad to find us so far justifying their acts and impositions, as by our offer practically to declare they bear a good sense, and they will come many ways to our hand to get us hooked so. Secondly, These things being premitted, I shall offer reasons why it was necessary, in point of conscience, to refuse all the oaths hitherto tendered; and consequently conscientious sufferers upon this account will be vindicated. And first, some general reasons against all of them together, and then a word to each sort of them. 1. There is one general argument, that will condemn coming in any terms of oaths or bonds with that party, that have broken the covenant, overturned the reformation, and destroyed the people of the Lord: because such transactions with them (as hinted above) are a sort of confederacy with the known enemies of truth and godliness, importing a voluntary subjection to them, compliance and incorporation with them, as members of the same community, whereof they are acknowledged to be the head. Now all such sort of confederacy with such malignant enemies of God and of the church, is unlawful, as Mr. Gillespie demonstrates in his useful case of conscience, concerning associations and confederacies with idolaters, or any known enemies of truth and godliness. Though civil compacts for common commerce may be allowed, as Abraham was confederate with Aner, Eshcol, and Mamre, Gen. xiv. 13. Jacob covenanted with Laban by way of lawborrows, Gen xxxi. 14. But sacred confederations of this sort are unlawful from these arguments, 1. The law of God condemns them, Exod. xxiii. 32. "Thou shalt make no covenant with them, nor with their gods, they shall not dwell in thy land, lest they make thee sin against me,"----Where not only religious covenants are discharged in a toleration of the idolatry, but familiar conversation also, they shall not dwell in thy land. If then we must not suffer them, if in capacity, sure we must far less be imposed upon by them; if we are not to be familiar with heathens, far less with apostates, that call themselves Christians; for the apostle lays much more restraint from communion with them, than with Pagans, 1 Cor. v. 10, 11. The reason of the law, lest they make thee sin: as long therefore as there is that hazard of sinning, the law obliges to that caution. So Exod. xxxiv. 12,--16. "Take heed to thyself, lest thou make a covenant with the inhabitants of the land--lest it be a snare--but ye shall destroy their altars--lest thou make a covenant with them--and they go a whoring after their gods, and thou take of their daughters unto thy sons"--Here again all sacred transactions are discharged, upon a moral and perpetually binding ground, and all toleration is prohibited, and conjugal affinity. Such compliance brought on the first desolating judgment, the flood on the old world (Gen. vi. 1, 2, 3.) when the godly conformed and incorporated themselves, and joined in affinity with that ungodly crew, from whom they should have separated themselves. Likewise Deut. vii. 2, 3, 4, 5.--"Thou shalt make no covenant with them, nor shew mercy unto them, neither shalt thou make marriages with them--for they will turn away thy son from following me--so shall the anger of the Lord be kindled against you--but thus shall ye deal with them, ye shall destroy their altars." Where all transactions with a people devoted to destruction are discharged, even that of toleration of malignant enemies, according to which precept, "David resolved to destroy early all the wicked of the land, and cut off all wicked doers, from the city of the Lord," Psal. ci. 8. Mark this, all, of what degree or quality soever, without respect of persons. And lest it should be thought this is meant only of these seven nations there enumerate, the law is interpreted by the spirit of God or many other nations; where Solomon is condemned for joining in affinity with other wicked people, besides these, 1 Kings, xi. 1, 2. So that it is to be understood generally, against confederacies with all, to whom the moral ground is applicable, and the danger of insnaring the people of God. It is clear likewise, we must have nothing to do with the wicked, but to treat them and with them as enemies, Psal. cxxxix. 21, 22. with whom, as such, there can be no confederation; for that supposes always the enmity is laid aside, but that can never be between the professors of religion and the professed enemies thereof: but that must always be the language of their practice, "Depart from me ye workers of iniquity, for the Lord hath heard me," Psal. vi. 8. The command is peremptory and perpetual, "Forsake the foolish," Prov ix. 6. "Make no friendship with them," Prov. xxii. 24. "Say not a confederacy to them." Isa. viii. 12. where it is clear from the opposition in that text, betwixt confederating with the wicked and the fear of God, that the one is not consistent with the other. There is an express discharge to yoke or have any fellowship with them, 2 Cor. vi. 14. to the end--"for what fellowship hath righteousness with unrighteousness?--what concord hath Christ with Belial?--wherefore come out from among them, and be separate."--2. Many sad and sharp reproofs for such transactions and confederations do conclude the same thing, Judg. ii. 1, 2, 3--"I said,--ye shall make no league with the inhabitants of this land, you shall throw down their altars: but you have not obeyed my voice, Why have you done this? Wherefore--I will not drive them out from before you--." It cannot be expected, the Lord will drive out these enemies, if we swear subjection and allegiance, and come under confederations with them; for thereby we contribute actively to their settlement and establishment, and bring ourselves not only under the misery, but the guilt of strengthening the hands of evil doers. So Jer. ii. the people of God are reproved, for making themselves home-born slaves. How? by outlandish confederacies, verse 18. "Now what hast thou to do in the way of Assyria?--The Chaldee paraphrase hath it, What have you to do to associate with Pharaoh king of Egypt? and what have you to do to make a covenant with the Assyrian?" So may we say, what have we to do to take their oaths and bonds, that are as great enemies as they were? Ephraim is reproved for mixing himself among the people, Hos. vii. 8. by making confederacies with them. What follows? He is a cake not turned, hot in the nether side, zealous for earthly things, but cold and raw in the upper side, remiss in the things of Christ. And this we have seen in our experience to be the fruit of such bargains, or bonds, or oaths, that they that were engaged in them, have always in some measure fallen from their former fervour for Christ. Nay we shall find, that such transactions are seldom or never recorded in the book of God without a reproof, or some greater marks of God's displeasure put upon them? which doubtless is set purposely as beacons, that we may beware of them. And therefore, 3. We may take notice of many disallowed and condemned examples, on which the Lord set marks of wrath, as Ahab's covenant with Benhadad, 1 Kings xx. 32. to the end. Asa's covenant with Benhadad, which the prophet calls a foolish deed, 2 Chron. xvi. from beginning to verse 10. proceeding from an evil heart of unbelief, as all such transactions are overawed compliances. Jehoshaphat's with Ahab hath the same censure, though he kept himself free of Ahab's idolatry, and Ahab seemed to have been penitent before he joined with him, and his relation to him was very near, the enemy of both was an infidel, the cause was good, to recover a city of refuge, the manner of his proceeding was pious, consulting the prophets, and his end good; yet all this did not justify that wickedness, related 2 Chron. xviii. and reproved 2 Chron. xix. 2. Jehu the prophet is sent to him, "Shouldst thou love them that hate the Lord? therefore is wrath upon thee from before the Lord." After this, when he joined himself with Ahaziah, who did very wickedly, the Lord brake his works, 2 Chron. xx. 35. to the end: which made him afterwards mend his fault, for he would not again join with him, when he sought the like association, 1 Kings xxii. 49. So Amaziah's bargain with the Israelites, when the Lord was not with them, is condemned by the prophet, admonishing him to disjoin himself from them, 2 Chron. xxv. 7,--20. and Ahaz's bargain with Tilgath Pilneser the Assyrian, 2 Chron. xviii. 16 &c. is plainly disallowed. 4. The complaints, confessions, and lamentations of the Lord's people, mourning over this sin, demonstrate the evil of it, Ezra ix. 14. "Should we again break thy commandments, and join in affinity with the people of these abominations? Wouldst not thou be angry with us, till thou hadst consumed us, so that there shouldst be no remnant nor escaping?" Psal. cvi. 35. "They were mingled among the heathen, and learned their works." All these commands, reproofs, examples and complaints, are written for our learning; and being seriously laid to heart, will sufficiently sear all the fearers of God to join, but stand aloof from all compliances, conjurations, or confederacies with the enemies of God, directly or indirectly, formally or interpretatively, for fear of partaking of their sins, and receiving of their plagues. I insist the more largely on this argument, both because it will conclude that for which those proofs are adduced, to condemn all bonding or bargaining with malignant enemies; and because it will vindicate the aversion of this poor persecuted remnant, from associating in expeditions of war, with promiscuous subverters and perverters of the cause, on which it were not proper to my purpose to dilate any discourse in a distinct head, while I must confine myself only to the heads of sufferings; only because it may be objected, and it will be profitable to consider it, that these scriptures disprove only voluntary and elective confederations with the wicked, but cannot condemn necessitated subscriptions of lawful obligations, when the matter is not sinful; nor come they home to the case of prisoners, who are constrained to transact and treat, and have do with the men in power, otherwise, if all bonds were unlawful, then prisoners might not procure liberty for longer or shorter time, upon bond and bail, to answer again when called; which yet is generally approven, and practised without scruple, and see us not want a precedent in scripture, in that Jason gave such security, Acts xvii. 9. I shall therefore subjoin here some considerations, by way of answer to this. 1. These scriptures disprove all covenants, Exod. xxiii. 32. All confederacies, Isa. viii. 12. All concord or agreement with the men of Belial, 1 Cor. vi. 15. and, without distinction of voluntary or overawed transactions, all unitive agreements of whatsoever sort are discharged, and can no more be restricted to the particulars there specified, as if any other covenant, confederacy, or concord might be lawful, that there was not a joining in marriage, an associating in war, or communion in communion in worship with them, than the moral grounds of these prohibitions can be so restricted: for the hazard of sins and snares, the hurt of faithless fears from whence they flow, and the hatefulness of such unequal conjunctions, which are the grounds and reasons of these laws, as may be seen in these forecited places, cannot be restricted to the particulars specified. But now all the tendered oaths and bonds of our adversaries, when subscribed as they require; yea, even those transactions of prisoners for procuring their liberty, on terms of engaging to re-enter themselves according to agreement with their persecutors, are unitive covenants, or conditional agreements, giving solemn securities for their respective obligations, upon terms wherein both parties accord; for these bonds are given to them, and not only before them, as was said. They are confederacies of the subjected, seeking the peace and favours of their superiors, which when overawed are sinful to be made with wicked enemies of religion, as well as when unconstrained, for Ahaz's transaction with the Assyrian, was forced out of fear, and yet it is called a sinful confederacy, not to be homologated by any of the fearers of the Lord, Isa. viii. 12. They are concords and agreements with the unrighteous sons of Belial, and not about common matters, but matters wherein religion and righteousness are nearly concerned: can any think that these commands are given with exception of prisoners? and that if any Israelite was prisoner to these nations, he might make a covenant with them for his liberty, upon an engagement to render himself prisoner to them again? Then he might give bond to God's devoted enemies, to bind up his hands from prosecuting the war with them, which all Israel was obliged to do: for if they might covenant subjection to them, then it would have been their sin to rebel, as it was Zedekiah's sin to rebel against Nebuchadnezzar, because it was breach of covenant: and so there might be a case, wherein the Israelites, notwithstanding of all these prohibitions, would be obliged not to destroy, nor break down their altars, to wit, if they made such a bargain with them for their liberty, to surrender themselves as their subjects. Now we read, many times they were brought under subjection, and that as a punishment of their leaguing with them: and yet they broke the yoke, when they cried unto the Lord, and never submitted any longer than they were able to deliver themselves. Whence it is plain, that they never bound themselves to such subjection by oath, bond, or promise, for that would have been no mercy which was purchased by treachery. 2. It is a voluntary compact with the men in power to procure liberty upon bond to answer again, and cannot be called necessitated; or if it be, it is but a necessitated sin. It must be voluntary, because it is an act of the will, and the will cannot be forced; it is the consent of the will, and the consent cannot but be voluntary, in so far as it is a consent; and by this, whereas, before their so procured liberty, they were prisoners by constraint, now when they must return to prison, they are prisoners by consent: It is the prisoner's choice, whether he will come out upon these terms, or not; and every choice, in so far as it is a choice, is elective and voluntary: it is put to the man's choice, whether he will continue under the cross, and continue his testimony for the cause, or surcease from it for a time, the latter in the case is chosen. It is the prisoner's desire and petition, to transact with them in these terms for liberty, without which no benefit of any such bond can be procured, and every desire is voluntary. Yea, it is a formal compact and capitulation with them, binding and obliging these bonders by their own word and writ, at least to be at their call and command, not by compulsion and force now, but by the moral obligation of their own compact: now, every such compact is voluntary. And therefore, if all voluntary covenants, confederacies, and agreements, be discharged in scripture, then this bond of compearance also must be discharged. The judgment of the famous Mr. Rutherford, or a draught of a petition to have been presented to the committee of estates, by those ministers who were prisoners in the castle of Edinburgh, will confirm what is said: we find it in the third part of his letters, Numb. 93. where are these words, 'I am straitned as another suffering man, but dare not petition this committee, 1. Because it draws us to capitulate with such as have the advantage of the mount, the Lord so disposing for the present, and to bring the matters of Christ to yea and no (you being prisoners, and they the powers) is a hazard.' 3. This agreement with the enemies for liberty upon these terms, is sinful. For it is not only an acknowledgement of a wicked power, in owning and transacting with them as judges, who can free them and bind them as prisoners by law, which is disproved above; but it is a binding themselves over to a packed, perverse, and law-perverting judicatory, not as prisoners by forcible constraint, but a willing consent, acknowledging the legality of their imprisonment, and obliging themselves to observe it when demanded: yea, it is a covenanted and bonded obedience to a wicked law; for it is a wicked law, to exact from a sufferer for truth his re-entry to prison, for no crime but his duty. As also it is a justifying of a wicked sentence; for it is a wicked sentence, that an innocent man shall return to prison when they please; which is justified when they bind themselves to obey it. This is no ways like a man's going to the gibbet on his own feet; for the man does not bind himself to do that, neither is it exacted of him as an obedience to a law, nor is it given forth as a part of his sentence, only he chooseth it for his own ease: but if all these did concur, it were unlawful for a martyr for righteousness to obey such a law, or voluntarily to submit to such a wicked sentence. Neither is it of any pertinency to urge, that it is lawful for a man to submit so far to a robber, as to bind himself to return to him against such a day with another purse to him: for this is a necessitated bargain, to give what a man hath, and promise more to save his life, and is like a man's casting his goods out at sea to save the ship; the other is not so, but elective: this is only a choice of the least of two evils of suffering, but the other is a choice of one of two evils, which is sin, which cannot come under a Christian's election at all; this is a compact with the robber, which is still discretive, and no ways unitive of the robber and him, in any bargain of concord, or confederacy, or acknowledged subjection, only a passive surrender to his greater force as an enemy; but the other is unitive, as between rulers and ruled: this is not any obedience to a law, nor is the man's purse required to be given, or promised under that notion, as the other is. I shall here also subjoin some more of that foresaid letter of Mr. Rutherford's, in the second place, says he, 'A speaking to them in writ, and passing in silence the sworn covenant, and the cause of God, which is the very present controversy, is contrary to the practice of Christ and the apostles, who being accused, or not accused, avouched Christ to be the Son of God, and the Messias, and that the dead must rise again, even when the adversary initiated the question.' Now plain it is, that neither in the bonds nor petitions, is there any word of the cause or testimony suffered for. 4. As it is sinful, so it is very scandalous in several respects; in that at least it hath the appearance of evil, which Christians should abstain from, 1 Thes. v. 22. and seems to be a voluntary subjecting themselves to their impositions (at least of that to return to prison again) a willing acknowledgment of their unjust usurpations; a spontaneous consenting to their mischiefs framed into a law, and exacted under the notion of a law; a gratifying of the enemies of religion, and pleasing them more than any thing a prisoner can do, except he should wholly deny the cause: and therefore chiefly always this overture is most acceptable from those that durst give any testimony, because they look upon it as some indication of their fainting or falling from it, or of their wearying of the cross of Christ, of which they are very glad; and an offending and making sad the hearts, and condemning the practice, of some truly tender and zealous confessors of Christ, who have had strong tentations to make such transactions, and durst not yield so far for a world; yea it is certainly an argument of faithless fear, and impatient wearying of the cross, because of the fury of the oppressor, which the Lord taxeth, when the captive hastneth that he may be loosed, and that he should not die in the pit, nor that his bread should fail; which is a dishonour to him who hath promised to bear their charges, and hath given them many encouragements to trust, that he will open a door in his own time and way. See Isa. li. 13, 14. Of this Rutherford addeth in that forecited letter: 'Silence of the cause of God which adversaries persecute, seems a tacit deserting of the cause, when the state of the question is known to beholders, and I know the brethren intend not to leave the cause. And a little after, says he, the draught of that petition which you sent me, speaks not one word of the covenant of God, for the adhering to which you now suffer, and which is the object of men's hatred, and the destruction whereof is the great work of the times; and your silence, in this nick of time, appears to be a not confessing of Christ before men, and you want nothing to beget an uncleanly deliverance, but the profession of silence:' which is professed by all that petition for such a bond, when their address and transaction speaks no more in favours of the cause, than if they denied it. It is plainly a coming out of prison without a testimony, which cannot consist with faithful and zealous suffering for Christ, and is far from the choice of Christ's witnesses, who overcame by the blood of the Lamb, and the word of their testimony, recorded, Heb. xi. 35.----Who were tortured, not accepting deliverance, that they might obtain a better resurrection. 5. As it is a scandalous, so it is very inconvenient and unsuitable for the confessors of Christ. In that not only they may be ignorant, and much troubled to know what underhand dealings their friends may use sometimes to procure that liberty, without acquainting them, and how odiously their act of deliverance may be worded and registred to the prejudice of the cause, which they dare not testify against afterwards when they do know it, for fear of many inconveniences. But also it cannot be vindicated from being a dishonourable shifting, and putting off, or casting off the call of a testimony; and confessing either an inconstancy, or impatience, or unreadiness, or want of resolution, to confess or profess the testimony for Christ, without some respite to gather new defences for it: whereas Christ's witnesses should be ready always to give an answer to every man that asketh them a reason of the hope that is in them, 1 Pet. iii. 15. And besides, they involve themselves into the incumbrances of a doubtful suspence about the event, whereas if they keep their first resolution and condition with cheerfulness, aloof from such bargains, they know the utmost they have to fear or hope from men. But now, as it is hard for them to come off without some sinful engagement, and to continue any measure of faithfulness when they are out, for fear of being soon called again; so they bring themselves into many sad difficulties how to behave, and cast themselves into many tentations unavoidably. However, except of late, a precedent of this practice can hardly be instanced among the sufferers of Christ in former times, but, on the contrary, many have refused such offers. I shall only name one; in the persecution of queen Mary of England, Dr. Sands, prisoner at London, had the offer of liberty, upon the term of such a bond, finding bail to appear when he should be called, but refused it absolutely; and when a gentleman, without his knowledge, having procured it by giving 1000 l. bond for him, brought him forth and required his consent and observance of the obligation, he would not consent to give any security, and denied his resolution to observe it in the least; whereupon the gentleman very courteously told him, he would stand to his hazard. This was far more like the innocency of the dove, but this new prudence resembles more wisdom of the serpent. Finally, as for Jason's business, which is so much harped upon by these bonders. (1.) These were rulers that he had to deal withal, and not raging tyrants. (2.) They were indifferent arbiters between Jason and the lewd fellows that troubled him, and not both judge and party; he gave no security to his persecutors, as these bonders do, but to the true judges of the cause, who impartially took cognizance of it, from whom Jason might and did expect right. (3.) This was before he was prisoner, being as free as his accusers, and having the law as free for him as it was for them; whereby he could vindicate himself and abide the law, and be absolved by it: which does not answer the case of prisoners actually engaged in and called to a testimony for Christ, when there is no law but what is established in opposition to Christ. (4.) In the original it is, when they got satisfaction from him; that is, when he so cleared himself, that they could not fasten any transgression upon him, then they absolved him. 2. All these oaths and solemn securities that have been imposed in these times, are dreadful and heinous breaches of the third command, by taking his name in vain in the worst sort, whereby the takers cannot be holden guiltless. For it is impossible such oaths and bonds, however they be constructed, can ever be taken with these requisite qualifications necessary to be observed in all oaths (and consequently in all solemn promises or bonds) that are mentioned once for all, Jer. iv. 2. where one that sweareth, must do it in truth, in judgment, and in righteousness. 1. They cannot be taken in truth, which is a necessary qualification in all oaths, according to the definition of a true oath, which is a solemn invocation of God, for confirmation of some true, lawful, grave, and weighty, useful and worthy business, wherein he is attested and appealed unto, that he, as the only searcher of hearts, may give his testimony to the truth of the thing, and punish the swearers, if he swear not in truth. And this swearing in truth does import and require both sincerity of the heart, filled with reverence and the awful apprehension of a present God; and simplicity of the mind, well informed of the genuine meaning of the oath, that we have clear uptaking of it, and take it not implicitly, but with our own understanding; and also singleness and honesty of the intention, that it be not to deceive, by putting any other sense than the imposer hath, or will allow when he understands it: so the meaning must be clear, and such as may be obviously gathered from the words, and according as they are supposed to be understood by others, especially them that exact the oath; for if they mean one thing and we another, God's name is profaned, and the end of the oath frustrated, and so all equivocations and mental reservations are condemned; as all divines treating on oaths teach, and worthy Mr. Durham particularly on the third command, who asserts, 'that though we could devise some other meaning, that might seem to make for us; yet if that was not meant at first tendering, but otherwise understood by him that did take it, it will not absolve from the guilt of perjury; for an oath of strict law, and will not admit, on any respect or account, of interpretations prejudicial to the native truth of it, lest it should be found to be' (according to Psal. xxiv. 4.) 'a swearing deceitfully.' And he afterwards says, 'much less will it exempt a man from guilt, that in swearing he had a meaning of the words, contrary to what in common sense they bear, and in the construction of all indifferent persons, without oath, or beyond it; but it should be plain, single, and clear.' And Paræus saith, in Catech. Urs. part 2. quest. 102. An oath hath the divine sanction, that it might be a bond of verity among men, and a testimony that God is the author and defender of truth. Now, none of these oaths and bonds can be taken in truth; for if they may be safely taken in any sense, it must be such as the oath in the design of the imposers cannot bear, and which the imposers never intended, nor would they ever have allowed, if they had understood it; which industriously the takers have a care they should not understand, and so they must take it in that sense with a mind to deceive, which cannot be in truth, but most derogatory both to the truth and simplicity of the gospel. And they are all unclear and ambiguous which cannot be taken in truth, because they have no truth in them, as Dr. Sanderson saith, de jure. promiss. oblig. præl. 6. Sect. 10. 'A proposition of an ambiguous and indefinite sense, before the matter be distinguished, is not a true proposition; yea, nor a proposition at all: for a proposition, as its definition cleareth, should signify either a truth or a falsehood, without any ambiguity; and therefore, says he; such oaths should be suspected that there is some deceit lurking, and every pious and prudent man should refuse them offered under such terms,' cited by apol. relat. sect. 10. pag. 118. and sect. 15. pag. 267. In fine, none of them can be taken in truth, since they are all a denying the truth, as will be evident by the induction of all of them: which, how it can consist with the fear of God, or sincerity of the heart, cannot be imagined; and if conscience be called into judgment, it will condemn the taking them. 2. They cannot be taken in judgment, is that, with knowledge and deliberation, minding and understanding what it is we swear or subscribe, as Mr. Durham explains it in the place above cited. For, first, they cannot be taken in judgment, because they are all ambiguous, the terms of them being capable of divers senses, not explained by the imposers. And if they were explained in their sense, then they could not be taken in righteousness; and so at best they are uncertain: and that is dreadful to invoke the majesty of God to be a witness to uncertainties; for that is to swear with an evil conscience and contempt of God to dare to call him in as a witness of that which is in suspense, whether it be truth or a lie; and such a swearer must make it a matter indifferent, whether he make God a witness of a truth or of a lie in the case. Vide Paræum. loc. sup. cit. pag. 754. sect. 4. Dr. Sanderson as before, gives these reasons further against all ambiguous oaths. 'Because of him who tendereth the oath. For the proper end of an oath is, that he in whose favours it is taken should have some certainty of that whereof he doubted before; but there can be no certainty out of the words which have no certain sense. Next, because of him who sweareth, who, if he take such an oath in these terms, either stumbleth his neighbour, or spreadeth a net for his own feet; for to what else should such collusion tend, but either that by our example others may be induced to take it, whereby they are stumbled; or, that afterwards, by virtue of that oath, something may be required of us, which is either unlawful or hurtful, and this is to lay a snare for ourselves! Therefore let every prudent man beware of suffering himself to be deceived by these wiles, and of thinking so much either of the favour of the ill will of any other, as to swallow the bait under which he is sure there is a hook: it is expedient, that, in the matter of oaths, all things be done aright, and that the sense be clear to all, and that is, to swear with a clear conscience,' apol. relat. pag. 267. But next, they cannot be taken in judgment; because they are all imposed and extorted under a severe penalty, and some of them of death, and so must be taken out of fear. Such oaths are by many famous divines judged unlawful, especially public oaths imposed by authority, and under colour of law; these are worse than a man's private oath given to a robber, for fear of death, if the matter be unlawful: for, without the matter be lawful or unlawful, such oaths coacted, exacted, and imposed by law, cannot be taken in judgment; for if they be taken out of respect to the law; then it is the person's suffrage to the equity of that law, and an approbation of the imposition; which, in the present case, cannot be done, by any man of conscience; for, whether the oaths be lawful or not, the authority imposing them is nought, and the law wicked, and can never be approven; and if they be extorted out of fear, then they cannot be taken with deliberation, or voluntary and unviolented choice, unconstrained light or liberty, which are all the ingredients of judgment. 3. They cannot be taken in righteousness, that is, according to the law of equity as well as piety, neither wronging God nor others by our oaths. Lawful oaths should be in themselves ties of equity, as well as truth. And Paræus faith, in the place before cited, lawful oaths are only these which are engaged into about things true, certainly known, lawful, possible, weighty, necessary, useful and worthy. And if that be true, then are all the oaths and bonds taken these many years but fetterings into bonds of iniquity; which, when the consciences of the takers will reflect on them, will become galls of bitterness, and found to have none of these qualifications; but on the contrary, to be about matters false, uncertain, unlawful, impossible, frivolous, fruitless, useless, and unworthy, to the worst degree of baseness; and, which is worst of all, dreadfully sinful, and horrid to be thought on to interpose the name of God upon, making him the approver of what his soul hates, and a witness of that which he will be an avenger of, as will appear by the particular consideration of all of them. 2. Let it be considered, that though (as the pleaders for these transactions do impertinently) alledge the same words in other cases might be subscribed in a more abstract sense, as being capable of a good construction; yet complexly considered in the form and frame of all the oaths and bonds we have been troubled with, they cannot be subscribed in any sense; and if in any, that must be the imposer's sense, which in them all is always pernicious. 1. They cannot be taken in any sense though never so good, if we consider the absolute illegality of their arbitrary imposition. It will be confessed that oaths should be very tenderly imposed upon consciences, not only lest the name of God be prostitute to profanation, in matters light and trivial, or dubious and uncertain; but lest a tyrannical jurisdiction be exercised over the souls of men, which are not subject to any power that mortals can claim: so it cannot be denied, but that the constitution of our government requires, and reason as well as religion says it is necessary, that no ruler hath right to enjoin an oath which is not first enacted into a law; and it was always accounted a good plea for refusing oaths, when there was no law for them; and some have been charged with treason, for exacting oaths without a statute ordaining them: which might be brought in as a charge against all the imposers of our oaths, the most part of which have been enacted and extorted without any colour of law; some of them being never ordained by any act of parliament, and others of them before they could obtain such a mischief framed into an act for them, and all of them neither ever legally administred nor righteously enacted, by such who had power to make acts; for as for the packed parliaments that made them, no conscientious man could ever own such a company of perjured traitors, to be their parliamentary representatives. Yet abstracting from that, I say, the oaths that have been imposed without and against law could never be taken in any sense, without consenting to their treasonable breach of law, for which they have forfeited their lives to justice, whenever there shall be a judicatory to revise their administrations: and these that have been imposed by a pretended law, could never be taken without justifying of that law that ordained them, which hath been nothing but a mischief framed into a law by a throne of iniquity. 2. They cannot be taken in a good sense, with a safe conscience, considering either what is plain in them, or what is more ambiguous. What is plain and capable but of one sense, that is always either restraining to a clear sin, to renounce some part of the covenanted reformation, in profession or practice; or constraining from a clear duty, that we should not do that which we may or ought to do. There is nothing in all of them plain but what obliges to one of these two. Again, what is ambiguous in them, as it ought to be refused for its ambiguity; so, when it is explained according to the imposer's mind and meaning, the sense will be found always pernicious, though the words may be plausible. As when they require an obligation to allegiance, or loyalty, or peaceableness, or orderliness, and other smooth words, signifying excellent things in an abstract notion, these will be found to carry quite another sense, if we enquire into the imposer's meaning, in which only oaths and bonds must be taken. The only way to find out their meaning, is to consider either their acts or actings, or their designs and intentions, as they are discoverable by any man of prudence or consideration. If we consult their acts or actings practically, and not only legally explaining them for a commentary, then by allegiance, we can understand nothing else but an owning of their absolute tyranny: by loyalty, nothing but an absolute and implicit obedience of their absolute commands, without reserve (as the late proclamation for the toleration expounds it) by peaceableness, nothing but a stupid subjection to them, letting them do what they please without resistance or controul; and by orderliness nothing but a disorderly compliance and conformity with them, in going along with the corruptions and defections of the time; for their acts and actings expound them so. If we consider their designs and intentions, according to which they are all uniformly calculate and equally levelled; he is blind who hath not seen they have been driving all this time at these designs (to which all these oaths and bonds have been adapted and successfully subservient, and by which they have been promoted to the present pass) to overturn gradually all the degrees of our covenanted reformation, to establish tyranny, and advance it unto greater degrees of absoluteness, and to introduce popery and slavery: so that by allegiance and loyalty can be meant nothing else but an obligation to own and obey, and never to oppose the design of advancing tyranny; and by peaceableness and orderliness, nothing else can be intended, than an obligation never to oppose either the present settlement, or future establishment of popery and arbitrary power, upon the ruins of the reformation, and our civil and religious rights and liberties. Whence, they that can take these oaths and bonds in any other sense, and plead for the inoffensiveness of the terms, in a more abstract notion, and sense alledged more legal, without regard to that of the imposers, practically explained by their administrations, and so looking more to the briberies of their blinded reason and worldly interest, than to the dictates of conscience, please themselves with such notions and quibbling evasions, do but mock God, deceive the world, elude the enemies, and delude themselves. And all these debatings for accommodations and expositions in another sense, are but foul fairdings of conscience-beguiling compoundings in, and pitiful priggings for, a base compliance. But it is usual for a guilty son of Adam to sew fig-leaves. 4. Let it be considered, that all these oaths and bonds that the land hath been debauched with these 27 years, are all condemned by, and contradictory to anterior binding orders, the acts of the general assemblies requiring no oaths in the common cause to be taken, without the church's consent, as was cleared in the historical part, upon the fifth period, page 97. And that especially they are condemned as being contradictory to, and violatory of prior oaths, of continuing indispensible obligation; being designed, pressed, and imposed, on purpose to delete the same out of the minds and memories of the present generation; I mean the national and solemn league and covenants, and other former nationally binding public engagements. Which, because they are not only broken and burnt, but declared criminal to be owned, and because the owning of their obligation is ordinarily inserted in the indictments of our martyrs, I must touch upon them more particularly. It was cleared above, Head I. arg. 11. from the form, the object, and from the ends of the covenant, which are all moral, and of indispensible obligation, that it is of perpetual and unalterably binding force, obliging the present and all future generations, as well as that which did first come under the bond of it. And to confirm this, I shall add more particularly these many considertions. 1. The national engagements are national promises, plighting and pledging the nation's public faith, for the preservation and propagation of religion and liberty, to succeeding posterity; which if succeeding generations may reverse, then the faith of men, and the faith of nations, can be of no force above a century of years; nay nor after the decease of them that personally made the promise: and so every new ruler, every new parliament, yea every person coming up to succeed the father in any capacity, might be free not to stand to it, which were very absurd. Certainly that promise of the jewish nobles and rulers, not to exact usury of their brethren, but to restore, and not require it of them, did not only oblige themselves but would bring their posterity under the curse, if they should exact the same debt there remitted, Neh. v. 12, 13. And does not a national promise of preserving the reformation, bind as much to the curse of the breach of it? 2. They are national vows, avowing and avouching, and devoting themselves and their posterity to be the Lord's people, and to keep his statutes, and promote his interests, which do bind the posterity. Jacob's vow at Bethel, that the Lord should be his God, Gen. xxviii. 21. did oblige all that his posterity, virtually comprehended in him; he found him in Bethel, and there he spake with us, saith the prophet many hundred years after, Hos. xii. 4. The Israelites vow to destroy the Canaanites, did oblige all their posterity, Numb. xxi. 2. Not only by virtue of the Lord's command, but by virtue of their vow; as we are obliged to preserve the reformation, not only by virtue of the Lord's command, but by virtue of our covenants. Vows are bonds to the soul, which must stand, Numb. xx. 2, 4. And whereas it is said, that as a woman's father or husband might disannul her vow, and so the magistrate might abrogate the covenant: besides the impertinency of this comparison, as might be easy to demonstrate, it may be, by giving and not granting that he might do so; yet if the father and husband shall hold their peace, then all her vows shall stand, and her bonds wherewith she bound her soul shall stand, ver. iv. 7. but so it was, that the supreme magistrate did give his consent to the national covenant, and the successor did swear the solemn league and covenant, and received the crown on the terms thereof, to preserve and promote religion and liberty; and therefore his vows must stand, they cannot be made void afterwards; for, it is a snare to devour that which is holy, and after vows to make enquiry, Prov. xx. 25. So we find the Rechabites were obliged to observe the vow of their forefathers Jonadab, Jer. xxxv. 6. 14. And if the father's vow obliges the children, shall not the nation's vow oblige the posterity? 3. They are national oaths which do oblige posterity: Esau's oath to Jacob, resigning his birth-right, did oblige his posterity never to recover it, Gen. xxv. 33. Joseph took an oath of the children of Israel to carry up his bones into Canaan, Gen. 1. xxv. which the posterity, going forth of Egypt in after ages, found themselves straitly sworn to observe, Exod. xii. 19. and accordingly buried them in Shechem, Josh. xxiv. 32. The spies swore to preserve Rahab alive and her house, Josh. ii. 12, &c. which was without the consent of the magistrate, and yet Joshua found himself obliged to observe it, Josh. vi. 22. Moses swore unto Caleb to ensure him an inheritance, Josh. xiv. 9. and upon this ground he demands it as his right, ver. 12. which he could not do, if successors might reverse their predecessors lawful oaths. The Lord will in a special manner, resent and revenge the posterities breach of the oath of their father's covenant, Ezek. xvi. 59. "Thus saith the Lord God, I will even deal with thee, as thou hast done, which hast despised the oath, in breaking the covenant," which was the covenant of their fathers. 4. They are national covenants, wherein king, parliament, and people do covenant with each other, for the performance of the respective duties of their several stations, either as to the work of reformation, or as to the preservation of each others mutual rights and privileges: so that they are national covenants made by men with men; and these we find do oblige the posterity. Israel's covenant with the Gibeonites did oblige the posterity, Josh. ix. 15, 19. and for the breach of it many ages after, the posterity was plagued, 2 Sam. xxi. 1. Zedekiah was bound by his predecessor's covenant, though it was such as made the kingdom base, yet in keeping it, it was only to stand. "Shall he break the covenant, and be delivered? Thus saith the Lord, as I live, surely mine oath that he hath despised and my covenant that he hath broken, even it will I recompense upon his own head," Ezek. xvii. 12, 14, 15, 19. The apostle says even of human covenants, "Though it be but a man's covenant, yet if it be confirmed, no man disannulleth or addeth thereunto," Gal. iii. 15. that is, cannot do so lawfully much less can one man disannul a nation's covenant. 5. They are national attestations of God as a witness, for the perpetuity, as well as fidelity of these sacred engagements. All such covenants, wherein the holy name of God is invocated as witness, are owned of God as his (hence the covenant betwixt David and Jonathan, is called the covenant of the Lord, 1 Sam. xx. 8.) and Zedekiah's fault was the breach of the Lord's covenant, Ezek. xvii. forecited. So likewise that covenant mentioned Jer. xxxiv. 8, 9, 10. wherein the princes and people did swear to let their Hebrew servants go free, is called God's covenant, verse 18. and upon this account sorer judgments are threatened, verse 19, 20. "And I will give the men that have transgressed my covenant, which have not performed the words of the covenant which they had made before me----into the hands of their enemies." Certainly this did oblige the posterity, at least not to recal these servants, and, it was always morally obliging. So our national covenant, sworn with hands lifted up to the most high God, being materially also binding, cannot be abrogated by the posterity except the Lord renounce his interest in them; as long as the witness liveth then, who claims them as his, they cannot be made void; especially considering. 6. They are national covenants made with God, as the other party contracting, in the matters of God, which none can dispense with, or grant remissions in; and therefore they must perpetually bind, until he loose them. And if even the posterity break them, the Lord will make them that hate them to reign over them, and he will bring a sword upon them to avenge the quarrel of his covenant, Levit. xxvi. 15, 17, 25. Such were all the national covenants of the Lord's people, renewed by Joshua, Asa, Jehoshaphat, Hezekiah, Josiah, Ezra, Nehemiah, for the breaches of which the Lord plagued the posterity. It was for breach of their fathers covenant with God, that the ten tribes were carried away captive, 2 Kings xvii. 15, &c. We have already experienced the threatned judgments for covenant breaking, and may look for more. 7. They are for their matter national covenants, about things moral objectively, obliging to join ourselves to the Lord in a perpetual covenant that shall not be forgotten, Jer. l. 5. I might easily demonstrate all the articles of the covenant to be morally binding, but they are demonstrated sufficiently above, Head 1. Arg. 11. therefore they are perpetually binding. 8. They are for their ends national covenants, inviolably obliging. Which cannot be made void, though they should be broken, because the ends of them are always to be pursued, as is proved above, Head 1. therefore they are perpetual. 9. They are for their formality national covenants, most solemnly sworn, and subscribed by all ranks, with uplifted hands, with bended knees, with solemn invocating the name of God, with solemn preaching, prayer and praise, rendering themselves and the posterity obnoxious to the curse, if they should break it. Now the solemnities of the oath do aggravate the heinousness of the breach of it, as is clear from Jer. xxxiv. 19. Ezek. xvii. 18. quoted above: the reason is, because of their greater deliberation in the action, and because of the greater scandal accompanying the violation thereof. Hence as they are national oaths and covenants so solemnized, they are national adjurations, under the pain of a national curse, not to break them nationally, which do make the posterity obnoxious to it; as Joshua adjured Israel, saying, "Cursed be the man that raiseth up, and buildeth this city Jericho," Josh. vi. 26. which was fulfilled many generations after, in the days of Ahab, upon Hiel the Bethelite, 1 Kings xvi. last verse. So the curse of introducing abjured prelacy and popery, if it be let in, will be impendent on the nation. All national covenants have a curse annexed, in case of a breach, whenever it shall be: so in Nehemiah's covenant, 'They clave to their brethren, and entered into a curse, and into an oath, to walk in God's law, which was given by Moses the servant of God, and to observe and to do all the commandments of the Lord our Lord, and his judgments and statutes;' particularly not to enter into affinity with their malignant enemies, Neh. x. 29, 30. which certainly did oblige the posterity, because the thing was moral; so in our covenants we are bound to the same things, and nothing but these: and therefore the posterity is liable to the curse of perjury, for the breach thereof. 10. They are for their legality national laws, being solemnly ratified by the parliament and by the king, and made the foundation of their compact with him at his inauguration, whereby they became the fundamental laws of the government, and among the very laws and rules of governing, which, though they be rescinded by a wicked law, yet make the rescinders chargeable not only of perjury, in breaking a covenant, but of treason and tyranny, in breaking and altering the constitution of the government, and render them liable to the curse thereof: for they cannot rescind that, nor escape its vengeance: whereof we have a speaking pledge already, in that the rescinder of these covenants was so terribly rescinded, and cut off by the hands of unnatural violence; God thereby fulfilling that threatned judgment of covenant breakers, that he hath broken his covenant shall be brought to destruction, and bloody and deceitful men shall not live out half their days; Psal. lv. 20. last verse. So Charles II. got not leave to live out half the days that he projected to himself. 11. They are national engagements of an hereditary nature, like that of Israel, Deut. xxix. 14, 15. which did oblige not only the present, but the absent, 'not only them that stood there that day before the Lord their God, but them that were not there that day.' Grotius de jur. bel. lib. 2. cap. 6. gives these marks of hereditary covenants, (1.) When the subject is of a permanent nature, and as long as the same body remains: therefore as long as Scotland is Scotland, whose people in their personal capacity, whose parliaments in their parliamentary capacity, whose king in his princely capacity, did all solemnly and sacredly engage in the covenant, it must be real and perpetually obliging. (2.) When there is such a clause in the covenant, as that it should be perpetual, there are many clauses in the solemn league to this purpose. In Art. 1. are these words, 'That we, and our posterity after us, may, as brethren, live in faith and love, and the Lord may delight to dwell in the midst of us.' In the 5th Art. 'We shall each one of us, according to our place and interest, endeavour that the kingdoms may remain conjoined in a firm peace and union to all posterity.' (3.) When it is such as is made for the good of the kingdom, the covenant expresses its end, for the perpetual good of the kingdom, 'having before our eyes the glory of God, the advancement of the kingdom of----Christ, the honour and happiness of the king and his posterity, and the true public liberty, safety, and peace of the kingdoms; wherein every one's private condition is included.' And again it is added, 'for preservation of ourselves and our religion from utter ruin and destruction.' All this is a public national good. (4.) The matter is moral, about materially binding duties, and therefore it must be hereditary, and of perpetual obligation. 12. Lastly, They are national obligations, taking on public duties, by way of virtual representation of the posterity. And they that think it irrational, that the father should represent and involve the family, must resolve us how the religious and civil covenants of Israel and Judah, made in Moses', Joshua's, David's, Asa's, Joash's, Hezekiah's, Josiah's and Nehemiah's days, did comprehend and bind as well the absent as the present, and their posterity, yet unborn; as also, how the laws and contracts continually passed by some do take in others, not personally consenting; yea, how comes it to pass, that every succeeding generation is bound to the laws, and must be obedient to the kings, that they did not make themselves, no reason can be given, but because they are virtually represented by, and included in their fathers. Now, if these arguments prove our national covenants to be perpetually binding, and cannot be dispensed with, then must these posterior oaths that are made in a diametrical opposition to the covenants, and are condemned by the covenants, be false and unlawful oaths; but the first is proved: therefore these oaths so opposite to, and condemned by the covenants, are false and unlawful. That they are opposite to the covenant, will appear in the induction of all of them. And that, whatever they be imposed by this party, they are condemned by the covenants, wherein we are obliged to make no such transactions with them, will appear if we consider these and the like expressions, 'That we shall neither directly, nor indirectly, suffer ourselves to be divided by whatsoever suggestion, allurement, or terror, from this blessed conjunction, nor shall cast in any let or impediment that may stop or hinder any such resolution, as shall be found to conduce for so good ends.' Which are the words of the national covenant, clearly condemning oaths and bonds given to malignants, which are divisive of them that adhere to, and unitive with them that oppose the covenant, and impeditive of resolutions to prosecute the ends thereof. So, in the solemn league and covenant, Art. 4. 'We are obliged to oppose all such as make any faction or parties amongst the people contrary to this league and covenant; but by these oaths and bonds, such factions are made,' &c. And by Art. 6. 'We are obliged to assist and defend all those that enter into this covenant (contradicted by all the latter oaths and bonds) and not to suffer ourselves directly, or indirectly, by whatsoever combination,----to be divided----from this blessed union,----whether to make defection to the contrary part, or to give ourselves to a detestable indifferency,' &c. Which we do, when we divide ourselves from these that refuse these oaths, and make defection unto the party that impose them. And in the solemn acknowledgment of sins, and engagement to duties, 'We are sworn, sect. 6. to be so far from conniving at, complying with, or countenancing of malignancy, injustice, &c. that we shall not only avoid and discountenance these things, &c. but take an effectual course to punish and suppress these evils.' All which we counteract and contradict, when we take any of these oaths or bonds. In the second place, by a particular induction of the several kinds of these oaths and bonds, the iniquity of each of them will appear; and the complex iniquity of the smoothest of them, the oath of abjuration compared with every one of them, will be manifest. And consequently the honesty and innocency of sufferers for refusing them will be discovered. 1. The first in order, which was a copy to all the rest, was the declaration, ordained to be subscribed by all in public charge, office, or trust, within the kingdom: 'Wherein they do affirm and declare, they judge it unlawful to subjects, upon pretence of reformation, or any other pretence whatsoever, to enter into leagues and covenants, or take up arms against the king,----and that all these gatherings,----petitions, protestations----that were used----for carrying on of the late troubles, were unlawful and seditious; and particularly that these oaths,----the national covenant,----and the solemn league and covenant, were and are in themselves unlawful oaths.' Here is a confederacy required against the Lord, at which the heavens might stand astonished; an unparalelled breach of the third command. Which could no more be taken in truth and righteousness, than an oath renouncing the bible; but it hath this advantage of the rest; that it is somewhat plain, and the iniquity legible on its front. 1. That it is a renouncing of solemn and sacred covenants, perpetually binding to moral and indispensible duties, the wickedness whereof is evident from what is said above. 2. It makes perjury of the deepest dye, the absolute necessary qualification of all in public office, who cannot be presumed capable of administrating justice, when they have avowed themselves perjured and perfidious, and not to be admitted among heathens, let be Christians, nor trusted in a matter of ten shillings money, according to the laws of Scotland. 3. It renounces the whole work of reformation, and the way of carrying it on, as a pretence and trouble unlawful and seditious, which if it be a trouble, then the peace they have taken in renouncing it, must be such a peace as is the plague of God upon the heart, filling it with senselesness and stupidity in his last judgment, because of the palpable breach of covenant; or such a peace, as is very confident with the curse and vengeance of God, pursuing the quarrel of a broken covenant. 4. It condemns the taking up arms against the king, which shall be proven to be duty. Head 5. Besides, that hereby the most innocent means of seeking the redress of grievances, that religion, risings, law, and practice of all nations allows, is condemned. Yet, in effect, for as monstrous as this oath is, the complex of its iniquity is touched in the oath of abjuration; in which many of these methods of combinations, risings and declarations of war against the king, and protestations against his tyranny, which were used in the late troubles for carrying on the reformation, are abjured; in that a declaration is renounced, in so far as it declares war against the king, and asserts it lawful to kill them that serve him: which yet, in many cases in the covenanted reformation here renounced, were acknowledged and practised as lawful, besides that it hath many other breaches of covenant in it, as will be shewed. II. The next net they contrived to catch consciences, was the oath of allegiance and supremacy: 'Wherein they that took it for testification of their faithful obedience to their most gracious and redoubted sovereign, Charles king of Great Britain,----do affirm, testify, and declare,----That they acknowledge their said sovereign, only supreme governor of this kingdom, over all persons and in all causes; and that no foreign prince----hath any jurisdiction, power, or superiority over the same; and therefore do utterly renounce all foreign power,----and shall, at their utmost power, defend, assist, and maintain his majesty's jurisdiction foresaid,----and never decline his power----.' The iniquity of this oath is very vast and various, 1. It is a covenant of allegiance with a king, turned tyrant and enemy to religion, subverter of the reformation, and overturner of our laws and liberties: and therefore demonstrate to be sinful both from the first general argument against oaths, and from head 2d. 2. It cannot be taken in truth, righteousness, or judgment: because the words are general and very comprehensive, and ambiguous, capable of diverse senses; when he is affirmed to be supreme over all persons, and in all causes, and to be assisted, and maintained, in that jurisdiction. Who can be sure in swearing such an oath, but that he may thereby wrong others, wrong parliaments in their privileges, wrong the church in her liberties, and which is worse, wrong the Lord Jesus Christ, who is supreme alone in some causes? Can an oath be taken in truth and righteousness, to assist him in all encroachments, upon causes that are not subordinate to him? And in invading all those privileges of subjects, which are natural, civil, moral, and religious? For if he be supreme in all causes, then all these depend upon him, and be subordinate to him. And can it be taken in judgment, and with a clear mind, when it may be debated and doubted (as it may by some) whether the obligation of it is to be considered, as circumstantiate and specificate to the present object of it, supposing him a tyrant? Or in a more abstract notion, as it might be rendered in the sense of its first authors as it was taken in king James the VI's days, and as they plead for taking the English oath of allegiance, as it was excepted by the Puritans in queen Elizabeth's days? Whether it obliges to a king in idea, and in a more general consideration, as one who is said never to die? Or with reference to such an one as we have, a mortal man, and an immortal enemy to all those precious interests, for preservation of which he only received his kingship? Whether it must be taken in that of the imposers, practically explained by their administrations? Or in any other sense, alledged more legal? These would be clear, before it can be taken with the due qualifications of an oath. 3. As for the civil part of it, or ecclesiastical, no other examination needeth to be enquired after, than what they give forth on their acts on record: the act of supremacy (to be seen in the historical representation of the sixth and last period,) senses the ecclesiastical part of it: and the act for acknowledgment of his Majesty's prerogative does sufficiently sense, explain and expound the civil part; declaring, 'That it is inherent in the crown, and an undoubted part of his royal prerogative,----to have the sole choice and appointment of all officers of state,----the power of calling, holding, and dissolving parliaments and all conventions and meetings of estates,----the power of armies, making of peace and war, treaties and leagues with foreign princes or states, or at home by the subjects among themselves:----and that it is high treason in the subjects,----upon whatsoever ground to rise----in arms,----or make any treaties or leagues----among themselves: without his majesty's authority first interponed thereto; that it is unlawful to the subjects, of whatsoever quality or function to convocate----themselves, for holding of councils to treat, consult, or determine in any matters civil or ecclesiastic, (except in the ordinary judgments) or make leagues or bonds upon whatsoever colour or pretence, without his majesty's special consent,----that the league and covenant, and all treaties following thereupon, and acts or deeds that do or may relate thereunto, are not obligatory,----and that none----should presume, upon any pretext of any authority whatsoever, to require the renewing or swearing of the said league and covenant,' &c. Whereby it appears, that all this screwing up the prerogative to such a pitch is by the oath of allegiance to defend all this jurisdiction justified: and so, these palpable encroachments on the privileges of the Scots parliaments, that, by the fundamental constitutions of the government always had a share in making laws, and peace and war: these robberies of our natural privileges of defending ourselves by arms, in case of the king's tyranny and oppression, and of convocating for consultations about the best means thereof; and these invasions upon our ecclesiastical privileges, in keeping general assemblies for the affairs of religion for an affair newly happening, always strenuously contended for as a part of the testimony; yea, all these rescindings, repealings, and condemnings of the way and manner, methods and measures, of promoting the covenanted reformation, are by this oath explained, and by this act acknowledged to be parts of that supremacy and jurisdiction to be defended and maintained: as likewise, by many wicked acts since promulgated, which promote the supremacy to a vast degree of absoluteness, which all do interpret what that supremacy is which is sworn to be maintained, to wit, pure tyranny established by law. See the many grievous consequences of this laid out at large, in Apol. Relat. Sect. 10. 4. Here is absolute allegiance sworn to an absolute power, paramount to all law, engaging to faithful obedience to their sovereign, as supreme over all persons, and in all causes----and to defend, assist, and maintain his said jurisdiction, and never to decline his power: there is no restriction here on obedience, nor limitation on the power, nor definition of the causes, nor circumscription of the cases, in which that assistance, &c. is to be given, whether they be lawful or not. Now, absolute allegiance to an absolute power cannot be sworn by any man of conscience, nor owned by any man of reason, as is proven, Head 2. Arg. 6. It cannot be lawful in any sense, to swear such an oath to any mortal, nay, not to a David nor Hezekiah: because to swear unrestricted and unlimited allegiance to any man, were a manifest mancipating of mankind, not only to an ass-like subjection, but to a servile obligation to maintain and uphold the persons and government of mutual men, be what they will, turn to what they will; it is known the best of men may degenerate: and by this no remedy is left to redress ourselves, but our heads, hearts, and hands all tied up under an engagement to defend, assist, and maintain whosoever doth hold the government, manage it as he pleases. This reason will also conclude against the English oath of allegiance, though it be a great deal more smoothly worded, and seems only to require a rejection of the Pope, and legal subjection to the king; yet, that comprehensive clause makes it border upon absoluteness, I will bear faith and true allegiance to his majesty's heirs and successors, and him and them will defend to the uttermost of my power, against all conspiracies and attempts whatsoever. There are no conditions here at all, limiting the allegiance, or qualifying the object; but an arbitrary imposition of true allegiance and defence, in all cases, against all attempts, (even that of repressing their tyranny not excepted), not only of their persons, but of their dignities, if this be not an illimited allegiance to an absolute power, I know not what is. 5. Here is an acknowledgment of the ecclesiastical supremacy resident in the king: which is the most blasphemous usurpation on the prerogatives of Christ, and privileges of his church that ever the greatest monster among men durst arrogate: yea, the Roman beast never claimed more; and, in effect, it is nothing else but one of his name of blasphemy twisted out of the Pope's hands by king Henry the VIII. and handed down to queen Elizabeth, and wafted over to James the VI. for that was the original and conveyance of it. The iniquity whereof is discovered above, Head 1. Arg. 3. But further, may be aggravated in these particulars, (1.) It is only a change of the Pope, but not of the popedom; and nothing else but a shaking off the ecclesiastical pope, and submitting to a civil pope, by whom Christ's hardship is as much wronged as by the other: and hereby a door is opened for bringing in popery (as indeed by this stratagem it is brought now to our very doors) for by the act of supremacy he hath power to settle all things concerning doctrine, worship, discipline or government, by his clerks the bishops, having all the architectonic power of disposing, ordering, and ordaining these, as he in his royal wisdom thinks fit. (2.) By this church and state are confounded (whereof the distinction is demonstrate above) making the magistrate a proper and competent judge in church matters, not to be declined; whereby also he hath power to erect new courts, mongrel judicatories; half civil, half ecclesiastic, which have no warrant in the word. (3.) By this, many palpable and intolerable encroachments made upon the liberties and privileges of the church of Christ are yielded unto; as that there must be no church-judicatories or assemblies, without the magistrate's consent, but that the power of convocating and indicting assemblies do belong only to him, and the power of delegating and constituting the members thereof, that he may dissolve them when he pleases; that his presence, or his commissioners, is necessary unto each national assembly; that ministers have no proper decisive suffrage in synods, but only of advice; that the church judicatories be prelimited, and nothing must be treated there, which may be interpreted grating upon the prerogative, nor any thing whatsoever, but what he shall allow and approve, without which it can have no force nor validity; yea, by this a door should be opened unto the utter destruction and overthrow of all church-judicatories, seeing he is made the fountain of all church power. (4.) By this, the magistrate is made a church-member as he is a magistrate, and so all magistrates as such are church-members, even heathens. And yet, (5.) By this he is exempted from subjection to the ministry, because they are made accountable to him in their administrations, and in the discharge of their function are under him as supreme. Yea, (6.) By this the magistrate is made a church officer, having the disposal of the church's government. And not only so, but (7.) By this he is made a church officer of the highest degree, being supreme in all causes, to whom ministers in the discharge of their ministry are subordinate. And so, (8.) By this the church of the New Testament is made imperfect, so long as she wanted a Christian magistrate, wanting hereby a chief officer; yea, and the apostles did amiss in robbing the magistrate of his power. (9.) By this the magistrate might exercise all acts of jurisdiction, immediately by himself; seeing he can do it as supreme by his commissioners in ecclesiastic affairs. (10.) Finally, by this oath the king is made the head of the church, being supreme over all persons, and in all causes, unto whom all appeals and references must ultimately be reduced, even from church judicatories. Those things are only here touched they are more apodictically confirmed above, and may be seen made out at large in Apol. Relat. Sect. 12. But I proceed. 6. It is contrary unto the solemn League and Covenant; into whose place, after it was broken, burnt, buried, and rescinded, since they have remitted the subjects allegiance by annulling the bond of it, they substitute and surrogate this in its place: and therefore none can comply with the surrogation of the second, except he consent to the abrogation of the first oath. All the allegiance we can own according to the covenants, stands perpetually and expresly thus qualified, viz. in defence of religion and liberty, according to our first and second covenants, and in its own nature must be indispensibly thus restricted: therefore to renew the same, or take an oath of allegiance simply, purposely omitting the former restriction, when the powers are in manifest rebellion against the Lord, is, in effect, a disowning of that limitation, and of the sovereign prerogative of the great God, which is thereby reserved and as much as to say, 'Whatever authority command us to do, we shall not only stupidly endure it, but actively concur with, and assist in all this tyranny.' See Naph. first edition, Pag. 177, 178. Vindicated at length by Jus Populi. chap. 11. By all this the iniquity of the Scots oath of allegiance and supremacy may appear, and also that of the English oath of allegiance, even abstract from the supremacy, is in some measure discovered; though it is not my purpose particularly to speak to that: yet this I will say, That they that plead for its precision from the supremacy annexed seem not to consider the full import of its terms; for under the dignities, superiorities and authorities, there engaged to be upheld, the ecclesiastical supremacy must be included; for that is declared to be one of the dignities of the crown there, as well as here; and hither it was brought from thence. And therefore those Scots men that took that oath there, and pled, that though the oath of allegiance in Scotland be a sin, yet it is duty to take the oath in England, seem to me to be in a great deceit: for the object is the same, the subject is the same, the duty expected, required, and engaged into, is the same, and every thing equal in both. Yet all this iniquity, here couched, is some way comprehended in, and implied by the oath of abjuration: for the civil part is imported in abjuring a declaration, for its declaring war against the king, where it is clear, he is owned as king, and all part with them that declare war against him being renounced, it is evident the abjurers must take part with him in that war, and so assist and defend him; for being subjects, they must not be neutral, therefore if they be not against him, they must be for him, and so under the bond of allegiance to him: the ecclesiastical supremacy is inferred from that expression of it, where some are said to serve him in church, as well as in state, which implies an ecclesiastical subordination to him as supreme over the church. III. The tenor of some other bonds was more smooth and subtile, as that of the bond of peace; several times renewed and imposed, and under several forms; but always after one strain; engaging to live peaceably, whereby many were caught and cheated with the seeming fairness of these general terms; but others discerning their fallaciousness, refused and suffered for it. This in the general is capable of a good sense: for no Christian will refuse to live peaceably, but will endeavour, if it be possible, as much as lieth in them, to live peaceably with all men, Rom. xii. 18. that is, so far to follow peace with all men, as may consist with the pursuit of holiness, Heb. xii. 14. But if we more narrowly consider such bonds, we shall find them bonds of iniquity. For, 1. They are covenants of peace, or confederacies with God's enemies, whom we should count our enemies, and hate them because they hate him, Psal. cxxxix 21. It is more suitable to answer, as Jehu did to Joram, 2 Kings ix. 22.----What peace, so long as the whoredoms of thy mother Jezebel, and her witchcrafts are so many? than to engage to be at peace with those, who are carrying on Babylon's interest, the mother of harlots and witchcrafts. 2. This cannot be taken in truth, judgment, and righteousness, because of the fallacy and ambiguity of the terms: for there are diverse sorts of peace and peaceableness; some kind is duty, some never. It must then be rightly qualified, for we can profess and pursue no peace of confederacy with the enemies of God, not consistent with the fear of the Lord, otherwise we cannot expect to have the Lord for a sanctuary, but for a stone of stumbling, Isa. viii. 8, 12,----14.----No peace obstructing the gospel or testimony, or abstracting from the duty of the day: no peace tending to sinful security, Jer. viii. 11. No peace leading to slavish stupidity; no peace prompting to preposterous prudence, in palliating sin, or daubing defections with untempered morter; no peace inconsistent with truth; they must go together, Zech. i. 19. No peace that may not be followed with holiness, Heb. xii. 14. But it must be so qualified, that it be in the Lord, in truth, in duty, contributing for the good of the church, Psal. cxxii. 8, 9. and the fruit of that wisdom, which is first pure, and then peaceable, James iii. 17. Now, all that know the imposers of these bonds, will acknowledge that is not the peace they are seeking. 3. If we further enquire into their meaning of living peaceably, and seek a determinate sense of it from their acts and actings, it is plain they mean such a peaceable living, as gives obedience to their wicked laws, and is a compliance to their established courses: and it must be such a peaceable living, as is opposite to their sense of sedition, rebellion, schism, &c. Which they interpret every seasonable duty to be: and it must be such a peaceable living, as they were presumed not to have been observant of before; and whatever it be, must be opposite to that with which they were charged as turbulent, and so contrary to all the duties of our covenanted profession, as going to meetings, withdrawing from the curates, &c. Which they interpret not to be peaceable living. 4. This is contrary to our covenants, which oblige us to a constant contending with, and opposition to them. Yet all this is engaged into in the oath of abjuration, which abjures all war against the king, and all doing injury to them that serve him, and consequently to peace, and living peaceably with them. IV. Of affinity to this were many other bonds of regularity, frequently renewed and generally imposed, and that with unparalleled illegality and rigour; sometimes by hosts of savage Highlanders; sometimes by circuit courts, and by heritors upon their tenants, and with such unheard of involvments, that the master or heritor was obliged for himself, his wife, children, servants, tenants, and all under him, to live orderly; which in some was more bluntly expressed, in others more flatly explained, that they should keep the public ordinances, that is, hear the curates, and not go to any seditious conventicles, (so they called the persecuted meetings of the Lord's people for the worship of God) and in others yet more impudently exacted, that they should not harbour, entertain, or correspond with any that went to these meetings, but discover and assist to the apprehending of them. There were several forms of them from time to time, some longer, some shorter; but all of them, first and last, were to the same sense and scope. And the most favourably worded had much wickedness in them: for, 1. They are covenants of order, and coming under the same rule with themselves, which is nothing but their lusts and mischiefs framed into law, not according to the rule of the word of God, but the iniquitous laws of men. 2. They could not be taken in truth, judgment, and righteousness: for either they were ambiguous, or their plain sense obliged to manifest iniquities, to conform with all their enacted corruptions. 3. They are clear breaches of covenant, which obliges to another kind of orderliness, and to follow other rulers, and take none from them in the matters of God. 4. They are impossible, and absurd; obliging masters to bind for all under them, that could neither lie in their power, nor in their duty, to restrain their liberty in these lawful things, and to constrain and compel their consciences to sin. 5. They are unnatural and cruel, obliging the takers to partake with them in their persecution of the godly. 6. They were engagements to hear curates, which is proved to be sin, head 1. throughout. 7. They were engagements to withdraw from the meetings of the Lord's people, proved to be duty, head 4. Yet the oath of abjuration is some way equivalent to this, in that it obliges the abjurers to renounce disorderliness in their sense, and to do no harm to the time-serving orderly clergy or laity, serving and prosecuting their wicked orders. V. Some other bonds of that nature, and oaths frequently put to suffering people when taken prisoners, did require peaceableness and orderliness, in this stile, that they should either tacitly or expresly condemn some risings in arms, as at Pentland, Bothwel, &c. to be rebellion against the king, and a sin against God, and engage never to rise in arms against the king, or any commissionate by him, upon any pretence whatsoever. The iniquity whereof is manifest: For, 1. This is a covenant equivalent to a league offensive and defensive with them, obliging never to offend or oppose them, nor to defend nor rescue our brethren against and from their murdering violence. 2. This could not be taken in truth, judgment, and righteousness: for who can tell how far that may extend, upon any pretence whatsoever? This may oblige us to make a stupid surrender of our lives, when the king turns so tyrannical, as to send his cut-throats to demand them, or authorizes his bloody papists to massacre us, them we must not resist upon any pretence. 3. It is contrary to our covenants, that allow resistance in some cases, and oblige to assist and defend all that enter under the bond thereof. 4. This infers an owning of the present authority, as the irresistible ordinance of God, and an obligation of living peaceably in subjection under it; disproved above. To which I shall add a part of that forecited letter of Mr. Rutherford's, the 63d in number of the third part of his printed letters, which are a clear vindication of the principles and practice of our conscientious sufferers on this point: 'There is a promise and real purpose, (saith he) to live peaceably, under the king's authority; but (1.) You do not so answer candidly and ingeniously the mind of the rulers, who to your knowledge, mean a far other thing by authority than you do: for you mean his just authority, his authority in the Lord----in the maintainance of true religion, as in the covenant, and confession of faith----is expressed from the word of God; they mean his supreme authority, and absolute prerogative about laws, as their acts clear, and as their practice is; for they refused to such as were unwilling to subscribe their bond to add, authority in the Lord, or just and lawful authority, or authority as it is expressed in the covenant; but this draught of a petition yields the sense and meaning to them which they crave. (2.) That authority for which they contend, is exclusive of the sworn covenant; so that except ye had said, Ye shall be subject to the king's authority in the Lord, or according to the sworn covenant, you say nothing to the point in hand, and that sure is not your meaning. (3.) Whoever promises so much of peaceable living under his majesty's authority, leaving out the exposition of the fifth command,--may, upon the very same ground subscribe the bond refused by the godly, and so you pass from the covenant, and make all these bypast actings of this kirk and state these years bypast to be horrid rebellion, and how deep this guilt draws, consider.' 5. This would infer, though the king should send and kill us, we must not resist, nor defend our own lives: yet, being an oath against the sixth command, which enjoineth natural self-preservation, it should be intrinsically sinful; and 'tis all one to swear to non-preservation of self, as to swear to self-murder. 6. I hope to make it appear in the fifth head, that this is against the practice of nations, the law of nature, and the word of God. Yet all this complex iniquity is clearly comprehended in the oath of abjuration, in terms abjuring all war against the king. VI. There were some other oaths, frequently obtruded upon people, for refusing which they have suffered great cruelties, that can hardly be described by any name; nor can their imposition have a parallel in any age or place, for illegality, inhumanity, arbitrariness, and odiousness. These were the oaths of inquisition, or things beyond all enquiry: whereby people were pressed to answer the inquisitors, according to all their knowledge of things they were interrogate upon, and delate and discover intercommuned persons in their wanderings, or such whole names were in their Porteous rolls, &c. And power was given to single soldiers, to press these oaths upon whom they pleased. The iniquity of which is monstrous: For, 1. This was the worst kind of combination with these blood hounds, to abet and assist them in their pursuing after the Lord's people: which is worse than to be bare consenters to such wickedness, or to be onlookers to their affliction in the day of their calamity; but like that sin charged upon Edom, that they delivered up those of his that did remain in the day of distress, Obad. ver. 13, 14. for these that took oaths, obliged themselves to do all they could to deliver up the remnant that escaped; and if they did not, no thanks to them; if they could not, their sin was in their willingness: it they would not, and yet swore would contribute their help towards it, by telling of all they knew, that was horrid perjury and false swearing. 2. This could be no ways capable of the qualification of an oath; not only because the matter is wicked and unnatural, to discover, may be, the husband, or children, or nearest relations, to please men, or save their own life, which was a great tentation; and therefore in it there could be no deliberation in swearing: but also for the doubtful perplexity confounding the mind, that they either could not, nor durst not tell of all they knew, and yet swore to do it. 3. It is against the covenant, which obliges to discover malignant enemies, and assist our covenanting brethren, and not to discover them, and assist malignant enemies; which is a perfect inverting the fourth and sixth articles of the covenant. 4. It is contrary to clear precepts in scripture, to assist and defend our brethren, to make our shadow as the night in the midst of the noon-day, and hide the outcast, and bewray not him that wandereth, Isa. xvi. 3, 5. The illegality of this imposition makes it very absurd, that every pitiful officer or soldier should be empowered to impose and exact oaths, and impanel and examine witnesses, about alledged criminals. Yet the monstrousness of this oath serves to aggravate the oath of abjuration; in that the abjurers do renounce their part of, and disown the declarers of that abjured declaration, and so do as much as from them is required, to give them up for a prey to their hunters; yea they declare them murderers, in that they abjure their declaration as asserting murder; and consequently they must be obliged to discover them to their acknowledged judges. VII. The abominable test comes next: which needs no other refutation than to rehearse it; the substance whereof was a solemn swearing, 'That they owned and sincerely professed the true protestant religion, contained in the confession of faith, recorded in the first parliament of king James VI.----and that they would adhere thereunto all the days of their life,----and never consent to any change or alteration contrary thereto,----but renounce all doctrines, principles, practices, whether popish or fanatical, contrary thereto.----And they swear, that the king is the only supreme governor of this realm, over all persons, in all causes, as well ecclesiastical as civil,----and promises to bear faith and true allegiance to the king's majesty, his heirs and lawful successors, and to their power shall assist and defend all rights, jurisdictions, prerogatives,----belonging to them----and affirm----it----unlawful for subjects, upon pretence of reformation, or any other pretence whatsoever, to enter into covenants----or to convocate, conveen, or assemble----to treat, consult, or determine in any matter of state, civil or ecclesiastic, without his majesty's special command or to take up arms against the king, or these commissionate by him----and that there lies no obligation on them, from the national covenant, or solemn league and covenant----to endeavour any change or alteration in the government, either in church or state, as it is now established by the laws of the kingdom----and they shall never decline his majesty's power and jurisdiction----and finally, they swear, that this oath is given in the plain genuine sense and meaning of the words, without any equivocation, mental reservation, or any manner of evasion whatsoever.' This is the complement of a wicked conspiracy, couching in its capricious bosom the complication of all their mischiefs, comprehending all, and explaining all the former: which indeed cannot be taken with any equivocating evasion, that can escape either the stigma of nonsense and self contradiction, or the censure of atheism and irreligion, or the sentence of divine vengeance against such baffling the name of God. The best sense that can be put upon it, is that which a poor sot expressed, when it was tendered to him, prefacing thus before he took it, Lord have mercy upon my soul. For, 1. It is not consistent with itself, there being such contradictions between that confession of faith and the following part, that no man can reconcile, some whereof may be instanced as follows; (1.) In the 11th art. of that confession, intituled, of Christ's ascension, it is said, 'That Christ is the only head of the church, and just lawgiver, in which honours and offices, if men or angels presume to intrude themselves, we utterly detest and abhor them, as blasphemous to our sovereign and supreme governor Christ Jesus.' And a little before in that same article, it is said, 'This glory, honour and prerogative he alone among the brethren shall possess.' And in the 16th Art. of the kirk, 'Christ is the only head of the same kirk.' And yet in the test, the king is affirmed to be the only supreme in all causes ecclesiastical. (2.) In the 14th Art. among good works are reckoned these: 'To obey superior powers and their charges (not repugning to the commandment of God) to save the lives of innocents, to repress tyranny, to defend the oppressed.' And among evil works these are qualified, 'To resist any that God hath placed in authority (while they pass not over the bounds of their office.') And Art. 24th, it is confessed, 'That such as resist the supreme power, doing that which pertains to his charge, do resist God's ordinance,----while the princes and rulers vigilantly travel in the execution of their office.' And yet in the test, true allegiance is engaged into without any such limitations; and it is affirmed to be unlawful, upon any pretence whatsoever, to convocate, &c. or to take up arms against the king. (3.) In the 14th Art. 'Evil works are affirmed to be, not only those that expresly are done against God's commandment, but those also that, in matters of religion, and worshipping of God, have no other assurance but the invention and opinion of men.' And Art. 18th, among the notes of the true church, 'ecclesiastical discipline, uprightly ministred, as God's word prescribes, whereby vice is repressed, and virtue nourished, is one.' In Art. 20th. 'The voice of God and constitution of men are opposed.' And yet in the test, they swear never to endeavour any change or alteration in the government of the church----as it is now established; whereof many things must be altered, yea, the whole form and frame of it, if these propositions be true, as they are. (4.) In the test, they swear never to consent to any change or alteration, contrary to that confession, and that all principles and practices contrary thereto are popish and fanatical (for so they divide them into one of these disjunctively) then must all the following principles in their test be renounced as such, seeing they are contrary to that confession in some propositions or articles; and that the government established by that confession was presbyterian, and this established by the test is episcopal. 2. It comprehends all the former oaths and bonds, which are cleared above to be sinful. Yet for as wicked as it is, it must be some way homologated by the oath of abjuration, excepting the contradiction that is in it; seeing all these oppositions against the king, sworn against in the test, are abjured and renounced in that oath of abjuration, in renouncing all declarations of war against the king; for if any war can be undertaken against him, all these kinds of opposition must be allowed, that are in the test sworn against. VIII. In the last place, I shall come to consider more particularly the oath of abjuration itself; for refusing of which, the sufferings were more severe (being extended even to death or banishment) though the words be more smooth than in any of the former, which are these: 'I----do abjure, renounce, and disown a late pretended declaration, affixed on several market crosses, &c. in so far as it declares war against the king, and asserts it lawful to kill any that serve his majesty in church, state, army or country.' That the taking of this oath is a step of compliance, dishonourable to God, derogatory to the day's testimony, contradictory to the many reiterated confessions of Christ's worthy (though poor despised) witnesses, sealed by their blood, bonds and banishments, encouraging and gratifying to the enemies of God, hardening to backsliding brethren, offensive to the generation of the righteous; stumbling to all, leaving a stain and sting upon the conscience of the subscriber, I shall endeavour to make out by these considerations. 1. Considering the party who imposed it; it must be looked upon as a confederacy with them, being tendered upon all the subjects, as a test of their incorporating themselves with, and declaring themselves for their head, and siding with them and him, in this their contest and contention with a poor remnant of the Lord's people, persecuted and murdered by them for truth and conscience sake, who issued forth that declaration against them, here abjured. Therefore let the party be considered, imposing the oath with such rigour, and prosecuting the refusers with ravenous rage, murdering and torturing all who did not comply with them, declaring a war more formally and explicitely against Christ as king, and all that will dare to assert their allegiance to him; under an open displayed banner of defiance of him and his, than even mortals durst espouse and avouch: the head of that treacherous and truculent faction, both he who was first declared against in that declaration, and he who hath by bloody and treacherous usurpation succeeded to him, being such a monster for murder and mischief, tyranny, oppression and perfidy, that among all the Nimrods and Nero's that past ages can recount, we cannot find a parallel, by all law divine and human, incapable of government, or any trust, or so much as protection, or any privilege, but to be pursued by all, as a common enemy to mankind: and his underlings, agents and complices, devoted to his lust, and serving his wicked designs, in their respective offices and places of trust under him, which by his nomination and sole appointment they have been erected to, and established in, with the stain and indelible character of perjury, the only qualification of their being capable of any advancement, occupying by usurpation, intrusion and violence, the public places of judicatories, and carrying all so insolently and arbitrarily, and with an effrontery of wickedness and despight of all reason, religion or justice, that they cannot but be looked upon as the most pestilent and pestiferous plague that ever pestered a people: the taking then of this oath, by them projected as a pest to infect consciences, with, and pervert them to wicked, truth deserting and law perverting loyalty, and imposed as a test of compliance with them and coming off from that little flock whom they design to devour and destinate to destruction; must be in their own esteem, as well as of the generation of the righteous, to their satisfaction, and the others sorrow, a real incorporating with them, an owning of their usurped power as judges to administer oaths, giving them all obedience they required for the time to their authority, and all the security they demanded for the subscribers loyalty, an approving of all their proceedings in that matter, and transacting, tampering, and bargaining with these sons of Belial, out of fear, whereby a right is purchased to that common badge of their owned and professed friends, who (upon taking that oath) had from them a privilege and allowance to travel and traffic (where and how they will) through the country, denied to all other that wanted that badge; I mean the pass or testificate they got from them thereupon, which was the mark of that secular beast of tyranny, no less pernicious to the world than popery hath been to the church, and which was given to all the takers of the oath, as a mark or tessera, that they were no enemies to the government, as they call it. O base and unworthy livery! for the suffering sons of Zion to put on the signature of the society of her devourers. Hence, if covenants and confederacies, declaring we are on their side, cannot be made with the enemies of religion, then this oath could not be taken lawfully; but the former is proved above: therefore the latter follows. This will yet more appear, 2. If we consider the party that set forth that declaration, whom the proclamation against it represents so odiously and invidiously, whom the oath imposed obliges us to condemn; being so represented, as if they were maintainers of murdering principles, and perpetrators of assassinating villanies, inconsistent with peace or any good government, and therefore to be exterminated and destroyed out of the land, whom therefore they prosecute and persecute so cruelly to the effusion of their blood, under colour of law. 1. The takers of this oath must have formally, under their unhappy hand, disowned and renounced them, and all part or interest in them, or society or sympathy with them; who yet are known to be the suffering people of God, more earnestly contending, witnessing, wrestling for the faith and word of Christ's patience, and have suffered more for their adherence to the covenanted reformation of the church of Scotland, and for their opposition to all its deformations and defections, than any party within the land: yet them have they rejected as their companions, though with some of them sometimes they have had sweet company and communion to the house of God, by abjuring and condemning their deed which duty and necessity have drove them to. 2. Hereby they have presumptuously taken upon them, to pass a judgment upon the deed of their brethren, before their murdering enemies? and that not a private discretive judgment, but a public definitive sentence (in their capacity) by the most solemn way of declaring it, that can be, by oath and subscription under their hand; whereby they have condemned all the sufferings of their brethren, who sealed their testimony in opposition to this compliance with their blood, and finished it with honoured joy, as foolish and frivolous profusion of their own blood, nay, as just and legally inflicted and executed upon them, as being rebels, of murdering principles and practices: for this cannot be vindicated from a more than indirect justifying of all the murdering severity executed upon them. 3. And hereby they have unkindly and unchristianly lifted themselves on the other side against them, and take part rather with their enemies than with them; for thus they used to plead for it, when they pressed this oath upon them that scrupled it; when any war is declared against the king, 'any of his majesty's soldiers may question any man whom he is for, and if he be not for the king, he may act against him as an enemy, and if they will not declare for the king and disown the rebels, they are to be reputed by all as enemies.' Which, whatever weakness be in the arguing, plainly discovers, that they take the abjuring of that declaration, in that juncture, to be a man's declaring of what side he is for, and that he is not for the emmitters of that declaration, but for the king and his party: which, in the present state of affairs, is a most dreadful owning of Christ's enemy, and disowning of his friends. Hence, a disowning of the Lord's persecuted people, and condemning their practice, and an owning of their persecutors, and espousing their side of it, is a sinful confederacy; but the taking of this oath is such, as is evident by what is said; therefore it is a sinful confederacy. 3. Considering the nature, conditions, and qualifications of so solemn and serious a piece of God's worship, and way of invocating his holy name, as an oath is; it will appear, that the taking of this imposed oath of abjuration, was a dreadful and heinous breach of the third command, by taking his name in vain, in the worst sort, and so cannot be holden guilty. I prove it thus: An oath which cannot be taken in truth, judgment and righteousness, is a breach of the third command; but this is an oath which cannot be in truth, judgment and righteousness: which is evident; for, 1. It cannot be taken by any conscientious man in truth, in sincerity of the heart, simplicity of the mind, singleness and honesty in the intention, not putting any other sense than the imposer hath, and which is the clear sense of it without oath and beyond it. For if he take it according to the meaning, then he should swear it unlawful ever to declare war against the king, and consequently never to rise in arms against him upon any pretence whatsoever: for, if we may rise in arms for our own defence, we make and must declare a defensive war. And indeed, in themselves, as well as in their sense and meaning who imposed them, these two oaths never to rise in arms against the king, and this of abjuration, are one and the same. Then also should we swear it unlawful, at any time, upon any occasion, or for any cause, to kill any such as serve the king in church, state, army or country, either in peace or war: for that is their thought, and the sense of the oath itself, or what is beyond it: and in part, for their exemption and immunity from all condign punishment, this oath was contrived. But in fine, how can this oath be taken in truth; when it is not apparent, either that the declaring of a war against the king, or killing some for some causes (which shall afterwards be made appear to be lawful) that serve him, are to be abjured and disowned? or that the declaration does assert any such thing? And indeed it will be found to be a denying the truth, and a subscribing to a manifest falsehood, invoking God to be witness thereto. 2. This oath cannot be taken in judgment; that is, with knowledge and deliberation, &c. All the terms of it have much of obscure ambiguity, declaring a war, and killing any who serve the king, may be constructed in several senses, good and bad, but here they are indefinitely expressed, and universally condemned. Particularly that (in so far as) hath several faces, and can never be sworn in judgment; for if it denote a casuality, and signify as much as because or wherefore, then all declarations of war against any that have the name of king whatsoever, upon whatsoever grounds, and all killing of any serving him, though in our own defence, must be universally condemned, for the consequence is good as to every thing, if it import a restriction, excluding other things in the declaration, but obliging to abjure only that; then it implies also an affirmation, that these two things are contained in it, which will not appear to the judgment of them that will seriously ponder the declaration itself; if again it be a supposition or condition, and to be interpreted, for if so be, then all that the judgment can make of it is, that it is uncertain, and so the conscience dare not invoke God as a witness of that which is uncertain whether it be a truth or a lie. 3. This oath could not be taken in righteousness: for the matter is not true, certainly known, lawful, possible, weighty, necessary, useful, and worthy: it is not true, that the declaration imports so far as it is represented in the oath of abjuration; neither is it certainly known, but by collating these two together the contrary will appear; neither is it lawful (if it were true that such assertions were in it) to abjure all declarations of war against the king, and to swear it unlawful ever to kill any, if he be once in the king's service, in church, state, army, or country; nor is it possible to reduce this assertory oath into a promissory one lawfully, as most part of such oaths may and do necessarily imply; for when I swear such a thing unlawful, it implies my promise, by virtue of the same oath, never to practice it: But it is not possible (as the case stands) for a man to bind up himself in every case from all declared war against the king, or from killing some employed in his service; what if there be a necessary call to join in arms with the Lord's people, for the defence of their religion, lives and liberties, against him? what if he commands massacre? Shall not a man defend himself? nor endeavour to kill none of that murdering crew, because they are in his service? was ever a fool so fettered? nor is it of such weight, to be the occasion of involving the whole country in perjury or persecution, as by that oath was done; nor was it necessary, in this man's time, to make all abjure a declaration out of date, when the object of it Charles II. was dead, and no visible party actually in arms to prosecute it; nor was it ever of any use or worth, except it were implicitely to gratify their greedy lusting after the blood of innocents, or the blood of silly souls cheated by their snares, by involving them in the same sin of perjury and conscience debauching false swearing, whereof they themselves are so heinously guilty. But let them, and such as have taken that oath, and not fled to Christ for a sanctuary, lay to heart the doom of false swearers, 'the flying roll of the curse of God shall enter into their house,' Zech. v. 4. 'Love no false oath, for all these are things that I hate, saith the Lord,' Zech. viii. 17. 'The Lord will be a swift witness against false swearers,' Mal. iii. 5. And let them sift their conscience before the word, and set the word to the conscience, and these considerations will have some weight. 4. If we consider this particular oath itself, and the words of it more narrowly, we shall find a complication of iniquities in it, by examining the sense of them as the imposers expound them. 1. Not only that declaration, but all such in so far as they declare and assert such things, are here renounced; and hereby many and faithful declarations are disowned, that declare the same things. It is indeed pleaded by some, that profess to be presbyterians, as it was also pretended by some of the pressers of the oath themselves but in order to pervert and cheat the conscience; that here is not required a disowning of the apologetical declaration simpliciter, but only according to which, or rather of a pretended one of their supposing, in so far as it imports such things: but this is frivolous for that pretended one is intended by the imposers to be the real apologetical declaration, which they will have to be disowned, and cannot be distinguished from it: and though all these assertions cannot be fastened upon that apologetical declaration, but it is evident, that it is invidiously misrepresented: yet that same is the pretended one which they require to be abjured in so far as it asserts such things, which it does not: and if it be according to which to be disowned, then that must either be according to that assertion of killing any, &c. which is not to be found in it, and so it is not to be disowned at all; or it must be according to the declaration of war against the king, and so that which, or formal reason of disowning it, will oblige to disown all declarations of war against the king, which cannot be disowned. Others again object, that it is not required to be disowned formally but only conditionally, taking and confounding in so far, for if so be: but to any thinking man it is plain, this cannot be a supposition nor yet a simple restriction (as they would give it out) but an assertion, that such things are indeed imported in it; for so the imposers think and say: and if it might pass current under that notion, as a supposition, being equivalent to if so be, then under that sophistical pretext, I might renounce the covenant, or the most indisputed confession or declaration that ever was, in so far as it contained such things; and so this equivocation might elude all testimonies whatsoever, and justify all prevarications. 2. This must condemn all defensive war of subjects against their oppressing rulers, in that a declaration is abjured, in so far as it declares war against the king: to press and persuade people to which, it was usually urged by the imposers, that when a war is declared by rebels against the king, then all the subjects are obliged to disown the rebels, or else be repute for such themselves; and, when it was alledged the war was ceased, because the object declared against was ceased, Charles II. being dead, otherwise if a man be obliged to give his opinion about a war declared against a king deceased and gone, then by the same parity of reason, he must be obliged to give his opinion of that war of the lords of the congregation (as they were called) against queen Mary, in the beginning of the reformation, It was still replied by them, that the rebellion continued, and all were guilty of it, that did not abjure that declaration; whence it is evident, they mean, that every thing which they call rebellion, must be disowned, and consequently all resistance of superior, upon any pretence whatsoever, as many of their acts explain it; yea, and it was plainly told by some of them, to some that scrupled to take the oath, because they said they did not understand it, that the meaning was to swear, never to rise in arms against the king. Against this it hath been objected by several, that this was always denied by presbyterians, that ever they declared war against the king expresly, purposedly and designedly, but only against him by accident, when he happened to be the adverse party; but this distinction will not be a salvo to the conscience; for the object declared against, is either a king or not; if he be not, then a declaration of war against him is not to be abjured; if he be king, then he is either declared against as king, and by himself, or as an oppressor, or an abuser of his power: the first indeed is to be disowned; for a king, as king or lawful magistrate, must not be resisted, Rom. xiii. 2. But the second, to declare war against a king, as an oppressor and abuser of his power, and subverter of the laws, hath been owned by our church and state many a time, and they have opposed and declared war as purposedly against him, as he did against them, and as really and formally as he was an oppressor: sure he cannot be an oppressor only by accident: however this hath been owned always by presbyterians, that war may be declared against him who is called king. And therefore to abjure a declaration, in so far as it declares war against the king, will condemn not only that declaration, upon the heads wherein its honesty and faithfulness chiefly consists, but all other most honest and honourable declarations, that have been made and emitted by our worthy and renowned ancestors, and by our worthies in our own time, who have formally, avowedly and explicitely, or expresly, purposedly and designedly, declared their opposition to tyranny and tyrants, and their lawful and laudable designs to repress, depress and suppress them, by all the ways and means that God and nature, and the laws of nations allow, when they did by law itself depose and exauctorate themselves from all rule, or privilege, or prerogative of rulers, and became no more God's ministers, but Beelzebub's vicegerents, and monsters to be exterminated out of the society of mankind. The honestest of all our declarations of defensive war, have always run in this strain; and others, insinuating more preposterous loyalty, have been justly taxed for asserting the interest of the tyrant, the greatest enemy of the declarers, and principal object of the declared war; which disingenious juggling and foisting in such flattering and falsifying distinctions in the state of the quarrel, hath rationally been thought one of the procuring causes or occasions of the discomfiture of our former appearances for the work of God and liberties of our country. 3. This must infer an owning of his authority as lawful king, when the declaration disowning him is abjured, in so far as it declares war against his majesty; for in this oath he is stiled, and asserted to be king, and to have the majesty of a lawful king, and therefore must be owned as such by all that take it; which yet I have proved to be sinful above, Head 2. Against this it hath been quibbled by some, that that declaration does not declare war against the king expresly as king, who set forth the declaration. But this will not salve the matter; for then (1.) It a subscribing to a lie, in abjuring a declaration, in so far as it did declare a thing, which it did not, if that hold. (2.) The enemies impose the abjuring and disowning of it, in so far as it declares war against their king, who had none other but Charles Stewart at that time, who was the king in their sense; and an oath cannot be taken in any other sense, contradictory to the imposers, even though by them allowed, without an unjustifiable equivocation. (3.) Though he had been king, and had not committed such acts of tyranny, as might actually denominate him a tyrant, and forfeit his kingship; yet to repress his illegal arbitrariness and intolerable enormities, and to repel his unjust violence, and reduce him to good order, subjects, at least for their own defence, may declare a war expresly, purposedly and designedly against their own acknowledged king; this ought not in so far to be disowned; for then all our declarations emitted, during the whole time of prosecuting the reformation, in opposition to our king would be disowned; and so with one dash, unhappily the whole work of reformation, and the way of carrying it on, is hereby tacitely and consequentially reflected upon and reproached, if not disowned. (4.) It must infer an owning of the ecclesiastical supremacy, when it asserts, that some do serve the king in church, as well as in state; there is no distinction here, but they are said to serve him the same way in both. And it is certain they mean so, and have expressed so much in their acts, that churchmen are as subordinate, and the same way subject to the king's supremacy, as statesmen are; the absurdity and blasphemy of which is discovered above. 5. This condemns all killing of any that serve the king in church, state, army or country; for a declaration is abjured, in so far as it asserts it lawful to kill any such; and so by this oath, there is an impunity secured for his idolatrous priests and murdering varlets, that serve him in the church; for his bloody counsellors, and gowned murderers, that serve his tyrannical designs in the state; for his bloody lictors and executioners, the swordmen, that serve him in the army, whom he may send when he pleades to murder us; and for his bloody just-asses, informers, and intelligencing sycophants, the Zyphites, that serve him in the country: all these must escape bringing to condign punishment, contrary to the 4th Art. of the solemn league and covenant, and shall be confuted, Head 6. Against this it is excepted by pleaders for this oath, that it is only a declared abhoring of murdering principles, which no Christian dare refuse; and it may be taken in this sense safely, that it is to be abjured, in so far as it asserts it lawful to kill all that are to be employed by his majesty, or any, because so employed in church, state, army or country, which never any did assert was lawful: but though murdering principles are indeed always to be declaredly abhorred, and all refusers of that oath did both declare so much, and abhorred the thoughts of them; yet this invasion is naught: for (1.) The declaration asserts no such thing, neither for that cause nor for any other, but expressly makes a distinction between persons under the epithet of bloody cruel murderers, and these only whom it threateneth to animadvert upon. (2.) The only reason of their declared intent of prosecuting these, whom they threaten to bring to condign punishment, was, because they were so employed by the tyrant in such service, as shedding the blood of innocents, murdering people where they met them; and so that's the very reason for which they deserve to be killed, and therefore foolish, impertinent, and very absurd to be alledged as a qualification of the sense of that impious oath. 5. If we consider the proclamation enjoining this oath and narrating and explaining the occasions and causes of it, all these reasons against it will be confirmed; and it will further appear, that the proclamation itself is indirectly approved. For though it might be sustained in the abstract, that we may and must renounce such declarations founded on principles inconsistent with government, and bearing such inferences as are specified in that proclamation; yet complexly considered what they mean by government, what sort of society that is, the security whereof is said to be infringed by that declaration, and what is the scope of that narrative; a renouncing of a paper contradictory thereto, must be in so far a tacite approbation of that proclamation. For that oath, which renounceth what is contrary to such a proclamation, does justify the proclamation; but this oath renounces what is contrary to the proclamation, and that only: therefore it justifies the proclamation. It is intituled, as it was really designed, for discovering such as own or will not disown the foresaid declaration, by them falsely nicknamed, a late treasonable declaration of war against his majesty, and the horrid principle of assassination. And the body of it discovers such hell-bred hatred of, and malice against, that poor party, destinated, in their design, to final and total destruction, and lays down such contrivances for their discovery and ruin, that the heads and hearts of the inventers and authors may seem to be possessed and inspired with the devil's immediately assisting counsel, and the clerk's pen that drew it up to have been dipt in the Stygian lake, and the gall and venom of hell: representing the emitters, and abetters, and spreaders of that declaration, and all who have been joined in any of their societies, and all who either will own or scruple to disown the said declaration, in the manner by them tendered and imposed, (which are the generality of the most tender and conscientious christians in the land) under all the vilest and most abominable and odious terms, their malice could invent; as if they were 'insolent and desperate rebels, associated under a pretended form of government, who had formerly endeavoured to disguise their bloody and execrable principles, but now had pulled off the mask, and who think it a duty to kill and murder all who do any manner of way serve the present rulers, or bear charge under them, who maintain principles inconsistent with all government and society, and tending to the destruction of the lives of their loyal and honest subjects; treacherous and assassinating principles, &c. Who now have declared their hellish intentions, and for the better performance of their mischievous designs, do lurk in secret, and are never discerned but in the acts of their horrid assassinations, and passing up and down among the king's loyal subjects, take opportunity to murder and assassinate, like execrable rebels; and calling that declaration, an execrable and damnable paper,' &c. All which are execrable and damnable lies, and forgeries of the fathers of them, and a charge which all their sophistry can never make out in any particular: yet by them amplified to a swelling height of heinousness; and, among other circumstances, aggravated, from their frequent refusing the reiterated offers of their clemency, by which they understand their contempt of their presumptuous, Christ-defying, and church-destroying indulgences, and their not submitting to their insnaring and base indemnities, or their conscience cheating bonds and oaths by them so finely bulked. From these impudently pretended premisses, in their falsely forged viperous narrative, they lay down their bloody methods and measures for prosecuting that poor people, with all vigour of savage severity; ordaining, 'That whosoever shall own that declaration, and the principles therein specified,' (which is a larger dilatation of their meaning, than their pretended, restriction, (in so far as, &c.) and gives a further discovery of the intent of the oath, that gives a covert stroke to all the principles of our reformation, which are reductively specified in that declaration) 'or whosoever shall refuse to disown the same----shall be execute to the death; and commanding all subjects to concur, and do their utmost endeavour to seek, search, delate, and apprehend all such, under the severest penalties of the laws; and to difference the good from the bad, (meaning their own associates and friends, from Christ's followers) by discriminating signs, declaring it their pleasure, and requiring all past the age of 16 years not to presume to travel without testificates of their loyalty and good principles, by taking the oath of abjuration; whereupon they are to have a testificate, which is to serve for a free pass, with certification to all that shall adventure to travel without such a testificate, shall be holden and used as concurrers with the said rebels; commanding all heritors, &c. to give up the lists, of the names of all under them, before the curate; declaring, if any shall refuse to concur in such service, they shall be holden as guilty of the foresaid crimes, and punished accordingly; and strictly prohibiting all to harbour, lodge, or entertain any, unless they have such certificates, under the same pain: and for encouragement to any that shall discover or apprehend any to be found guilty as above said, ensuring to them the sum of 500 merks Scots for each of them.' This is that hell hatched proclamation, so grievous for its effects, so dreadful for its designs, so monstrous for its absurdities, that the like hath not been seen: whereby not only the country's interest and trade hath been prejudged, by compelling all to have a pass in time of peace, and these to be procured at exorbitant rates, oppressing poor people; not only common hostlers and innkeepers are made judges, impowered to impose oaths upon passengers for their passes, that they be not forged; but many consciences couzened, cheated, wounded and insnared, and the whole land involved in sin. But they that took this oath have approved and justified this detestable, execrable, bloody proclamation, the spurious spawn of the devil's venom against Christ's followers: for they gave all the obedience to it that was required of them in their capacity, and obedience justifies the law enjoining it; they have done all was required, or could be done by them, to answer the design of it in their circumstances; and consequently, by doing the thing prescribed, they have justified the grounds upon which the rescript was founded, and the methods by which it was prosecuted, which hath a dreadful medly of iniquity in it. Hence, (1.) They have subscribed to all these odious characters wherewith they branded that poor persecuted party, and condemned them as insolent, desperate rebels, murderers, bloody assassins, &c. (2.) In disowning that declaration, they have disowned the principles therein specified, and consequently all the testimony against this usurping faction of overturners of the work of reformation, active and passive, that have been given and sealed by the eminent servants of God, since this catastrophe, the principle of defensive arms, and our covenants, and several others which are therein specified. (3.) They have given their consent to all the concurrence therein required, for seeking, searching, delating, and apprehending of these people, and to all the cruel villainies committed against them. (4.) They have taken on their prescribed discriminating sign of loyalty, and of being repute by them men of good principles, that is, their friends, men for the times: which is so sinful and scandalous, that it is shameful to hint at them, and yet shameful to hide them. 6. If we consider the apologetical declaration itself, which is so bespattered, and so odiously represented, and so rigorously enjoined to be abjured; who will more narrowly look into it, and ponder and perpend the purpose and scope of it, will see nothing that can be abjured conscientiously in it, but the whole of it, laying aside prejudice and invidious critical censoriousness, capable of a fair and acceptable construction. The motives leading them to let it forth, being only their desires and just endeavours to prosecute, and secure themselves in the prosecution of holy commanded duties, and to keep a standing testimony against the insolency of those that are given up of God, to lay out themselves in promoving a course of profanity and persecution, notwithstanding of all their viperous threatnings. Their measures being none other, than the commendable precedents and examples of zealous and tender hearted Christians, who have done the like, and our national and solemn covenants, lying with their binding force indispensible upon all of us, and obliging us to endeavour all that is there declared, as being bound for ever to have common friends and foes with our covenanted reformation, to all which they declare and avouch their resolved adherence, and their own former declarations, disowning their allegiance to, and authority of a man who had, by law itself, forfeited all authority, by his intolerable tyranny, perjury, and perfidious breach of trust, reposed and devolved upon him by covenant; by his overturning all the fundamental constitutions of the government, perverting, inverting, and everting all laws, all liberties, all privileges of church and state, all establishments of our covenanted work of reformation, all securities of our life and enjoyments whatsoever, usurping to himself an absolute tyrannical civil supremacy, inconsistent with the safety or freedom of the people; and a monstrous, blasphemous, ecclesiastical supremacy; upon which considerations, to endeavour to make good their freedom and emancipation from that yoke which they had cast off, they behoved to resolve upon defensive resistance, against him and his bloody emissaries; which war being declared before, they only in this declaration testifyed their unanimous approbation of, adherence to, and resolutions for prosecuting the same against him and his accomplices, such as lay out themselves to promove his wicked and hellish designs: by which war they do not mean a formed stated and declared insurrection with hostile force, to break the peace of the nation, and involve all in blood, but a resolved, avowed, constant, opposition to the murdering violence, injustice, oppression, and persecution of this wicked faction, now raging, rather than reigning, who have declared, and still prosecute a declared war against Christ, bearing down his work and interest in the land; 'And a constant endeavour, in opposition to them, to pursue the ends of our covenants, in standing to the defence of the glorious work of reformation, and their own lives; and, in the defence thereof, to maintain the cause and interest of Christ against his enemies, and to hold up the standard of our Lord Jesus Christ (meaning the gospel and the word of our testimony,) whereunto they looked upon themselves as bound and obliged by their holy covenants, being therein dedicated to the Lord in their persons, lives, liberties, and fortunes, for defending and promoving this glorious work of reformation, notwithstanding of all opposition, that is or may be made thereunto, and sworn against all neutrality and indifferency in the Lord's matters; whereunto they beseech, invite and obtest, all them who wish well to Zion, to a concurrence and concerting the same cause and quarrel.' In maintaining of which opposition against such wicked enemies, because by them they were restlessly pursued and hunted, and murdered wherever they were found, neither could find any harbour or hiding place in any corner of the country, for searchers, informers, and instigators, who still stirred up the country to raise the hue and cry after them, and caused them to be delivered up, and delated them to the courts of their murdering enemies, whereby much innocent blood was shed; therefore, to stop their career of violence and deter them from such courses, they found it necessary to threaten them with more active and vigorous opposition, and that they might expect to be treated as they deserved. Wherein they are far from owning assassinating principles, or practising assassinations; for they give only open and plain warning, and advertisement to the world, of their necessitated endeavours to defend themselves, and prevent the murder of their brethren, and can no way be charged with asserting it lawful, to kill all employed in the king's service in church, state, army, or country, as the proclamation in viperous, invective calumny, misrepresents the declaration; but, on the contrary, do jointly and unanimously declare, 'They detest and abhor that hellish principle of killing such as differ in judgment from them, and they are firmly and really purposed, not to injure or offend any whomsoever, but such as are directly guilty of, or accessory to the murder of their brethren.' Whom yet they mind not to assassinate or kill tumultuarily, but to prosecute them with all the legal formalities, that justice in their capacity, and the times disorder and distracted condition will allow; expressly declaring, 'That they abhor, condemn, and discharge all personal attempts upon any pretexts whatsomever, without previous deliberations, common consent, certain probation of sufficient witnesses, or the guilty persons confession.' Neither could it ever be supposed, that they threaten all employed in the king's service with this sort of handling, but some select and expressly distinguished kind of notorious villains, men of death and blood, openly avowing and vaunting of their murders: and these they distinguished into several classes, according to the respective aggravations of their wickedness: in the first, 'They place those that murder by command, under pretext of an usurped authority, as counsellors, justiciary, and officers of their forces, or bands of robbers, and not all, nor any of these neither, but the cruel and bloody.' In the second class, they threaten such as are actually in arms against them of an inferior rank, and such gentlemen, and bishops, and curates, as do professedly and willingly serve them to accomplish and effectuate their murders, by obeying their commands, making search for these poor men, delivering them up, instigating, informing, and witnessing against, and hunting after them: and not all these neither, but such as cruelly prosecute that service, to the effussion of their blood. Neither do they threaten all equally, nor any of them peremptorily, 'But that continuing after the publication of this their declaration, obstinately and habitually in these courses (plainly declaring they intended no hurt to them if they would hold up their hands) they would repute them as enemies to God and the reformation, and punish them as such, according to their power, and the degree of their offence; withal leaving room for civil and ecclesiastical satisfaction, before lawful and settled judicatories, for the offences of such persons, as their power may nor reach,' &c. And as unwilling to be necessitated to such severe courses, and earnestly desirous they be prevented, they admonish them with sorrow and seriousness, of the sin and hazard of their wicked courses; and protest, that only necessity of self preservation, and zeal to religion, lest it should be totally rooted out by their insolency, did drive them to this threatening declaration, and not because they were acted by any sinful spirit of revenge. This is all that is contained in that declaration. And if there be any thing here so odious and execrable, to be so solemnly abjured, renounced, and abhorred in the presence of God, for the pleasure of, and in obedience to the will of his and our enemies, let all unbiassed considerers impartially weigh, or any awakened conscience speak, and I doubt not but the sweating and subscribing this oath will be cast and condemned. I shall say nothing of the necessity, or conveniency, or expediency, or formality of this declaration: but the lawfulness of the matter, complexly taken, is so undeniable, that it cannot be renounced, without condemning many very material principles of our reformation: only success and incapacity is wanting to justify the manner, whole procedure, formality, and all the circumstances of the business; if either the declarers themselves, or any other impowered with strength, and countenanced with success to make good the undertaking, had issued out such a declaration in the same terms, and had prevailed and prospered in the project, many, that have now abjured it, would approve and applaud it. But passing these things that are extrinsic to the consideration in hand it is the matter that they required to be abjured and condemned, it is that the enemies quarrelled at, and not the inexpediency or informalities of it: and it must be taken as they propound it, and abjured and renounced by oath as they represent it; and therefore the iniquity of this subscription will appear to be great, in two respects; 1st, In denying the truth. 2dly, In subscribing to, and swearing a lie. 1. They that have taken that oath have denied and renounced the matter of that declaration, which is truth and duty, and a testimony to the cause of Christ, as it is this day stated and circumstantiate in the nation, founded upon former (among us uncontroverted) precedents and principles of defensive wars, disowning tyranny, and repressing the insolency of tyrants and their accomplices; the whole matter being reducible to these two points, declaring a resolved endeavour of breaking the tyrant's yoke from off our neck, thereby asserting our own and the posterities liberty and freedom, from his insupportable and entailed slavery; and a just threatening to curb and restrain the insolency of murderers, or to bring them to condign punishment: whereof, as the first is noways repugnant, but very consonant to the third article; so the second is the very duty obliged unto in the fourth article of our solemn league and covenant. But all this they have denied by taking that oath. 2. By taking that oath, they have sworn and subscribed to a lie, making it as they represent it, abjuring it in so far as it declares, &c. and asserts it is lawful to kill all employed in the service of the king, in church, state, army, or country; which is a manifest lie, for it asserts no such thing. Neither will any other sense put upon the words, in so far as salve the matter; for as thereby the takers of the oath shall deal deceitfully, In frustrating the end of the oath, and the design of the tenderers thereof; and to take an oath in so far, will not satisfy, as Voetius judgeth, de Pol. Eccl. p. 213. So let them be taken which way they can, either for so much, or even as, or providing, it is either a denying the truth, or subscribing a lie: and consequently these poor people suffered for righteousness that refused it. HEAD IV. _The Sufferings of People for frequenting_ Field Meetings _Vindicated._ Hitherto the negative heads of sufferings have been vindicated: now follow the positive, sounded upon positive duties, for doing, and not denying, and not promising and engaging to relinquish which, many have suffered severely. The first, both in order of nature and of time, that which was first and last, and frequently, most constantly, most universally, and most signally sealed by sufferings, was that which is the clearest of all, being in some respect the testimony of all ages, and which clears all the rest, being the rise and the root, cause and occasion of all the rest; to wit, the necessary duty of hearing the gospel, and following the pure and powerful faithfully dispensed ordinances of Christ, banished out of the churches to private houses, and persecuted out of the houses to the open fields, and there pursued and opposed, and sought to be suppressed, by all the fury and force, rigour and rage, cruelty and craft, policy and power, that ever wicked men, maddened into a monstrous malice against the mediator Christ, and the coming of his kingdom, could contrive or exert; yet still followed and frequented, owned and adhered to by the lovers of Christ, and serious seekers of God, even when for the same they were killed all day long, and counted as sheep for the slaughter, and continually oppressed, harrassed, hunted, and cruelly handled, dragged to prisons, banished and sold for slaves, tortured, and murdered. And after, by their fraudulent favours of ensnaring indulgencies and indemnities, and a continued tract of impositions and exactions, and many oaths and bonds, they had prevailed with many, and even the most part both of ministers and professors, to abandon that necessary duty; and even when it was declared criminal by act of parliament, and interdicted under pain of death, to be found at any field meetings: they nevertheless persisted in an undaunted endeavour, to keep up the standard of Christ, in following the word of the Lord wherever they could have it faithfully preached, though at the greatest of hazards: And so much the more that it was prosecuted by the rage of enemies, and the reproach and obloquies of pretended friends, that had turned their back on the testimony, and preferred their own ease and interests to the cause of Christ; and with the greater fervour, that the labourers in that work were few, and like to faint under so many difficulties. What the first occasion was that constrained them to go to the fields, is declared at length in the historical deduction of the testimony of the sixth Period: to wit, Finding themselves bound in duty, to testify their adherence to, and continuance in their covenanted profession, their abhorrence of abjured prelacy, and their love and zeal to keep Christ and his gospel in the land, after they had undergone and endured many hazards and hardships, oppressions and persecutions, for meeting in the houses where they were so easily attrapped, and with such difficulty could escape the hands of these cruel men; they were forced to take the fields, though with the unavoidable inconveniences of all weathers, without a shelter: yet proposing the advantages, both of conveniency for meeting in great numbers, and of secrecy in the remote recesses of wild muirs and mountains, and of safety, in betaking themselves to inaccessible natural strengths, safest either for flight or resistance; and withal, having occasion there to give a testimony for the reformation with greater freedom. And to this very day, though many have a pretended liberty to meet in houses, under the security of a man's promise, whose principle is to keep no faith to heretics, and under the shelter and shadow of an Antichristian toleration; yet there is a poor people that are out of the compass of this favour, whom all these forementioned reasons do yet oblige to keep the fields, that is both for conveniency, secrecy, and safety; they dare not trust those who are still thirsting insatiably after their blood, nor give them such advantages as they are seeking, to prey upon them, by shutting themselves within houses; and moreover, they take themselves to be called indispensibly, in the present circumstances, to be as public, or more than ever, in their testimony for the preached gospel, even in the open fields. Now this would be a little cleared; and to essay the same, I would offer, 1st, Some concessions, 2dly, Some postulata, or supposed grounds. 3dly, Some more special considerations, which will conduce to clear the case. First, That we may more distinctly understand what is the duty here pleaded for, and what is that which these people suffer for here vindicated; let these concessions be premised, 1. Now under the evangelical dispensation, there is no place more sacred than another, to which the worship of God is astricted, and which he hath chosen for his house and habitation, whither he will have his people to resort and attend, as under the legal and typical dispensation was ordered; there was a place where the Lord caused his name to dwell, Deut. xii. 5, 11. But now, "neither in the mountain, nor at Jerusalem, the Father will be worshipped; but every where, and any where, in spirit and in truth," John iv. 21, 23, 24. And the apostle wills, "that men pray every where, lifting up holy hands, without wrath and doubting," 1 Tim. ii. 8. We abhor therefore the English and popish superstition of consecrated places, and assert that all are alike in this respect, houses or fields. 2. In the constitute state of the church, or wherever it can be obtained, order, decency, and conveniency doth require that there be appointed places, sequestrate and appropriate for the meetings of the Lord's people, according to that general rule, "Let all things be done decently and in order," 1 Cor. xiv. last verse. And, in that case private conventicles, set up in a schismatical competition with public churches, are not to be allowed. But even then private meetings for prayer and conference, are necessary, lawful, and laudable. But now the church is broken by a crew of schismatical intruders, who have occupied the places of public assemblies: and thrust out the Lord's ministers: It is these we scar at, and not the place. 3. Suppose a magistrate should interdict and discharge the public place of worship, and restrain from the churches, but leave all other places free to meet in: or if he should prohibit the houses, but leave freedom for the fields, or discharge the fields, and give liberty in houses; in that case we would not contend for the place out of contempt: though it were duty then to witness against such a sacrilegious injury done to the church, in taking away their meeting places; yet it were inexpedient to stickle and strive for one spot, if we might have another; then when only excluded out of a place, and not included or concluded and restricted to other places, nor otherwise robbed of the church's privileges, we might go to houses when shut out of churches, and go to fields when shut out of houses, and back again to houses when discharged thence. But this is not our case, for we are either interdicted of all places: or if allowed any, it is under such confinements as are inconsistent with the freedom of the gospel: and besides, we have to do with one from whom we can take no orders, to determine our meetings; nor can we acknowledge our liberty to depend on his authority, or favour which we cannot own nor trust, nor accept of any protection from him. Neither is it the place of fields or houses that we contend for; nor is it that which he mainly opposes: but it is the freedom of the gospel faithfully preached, that we are seeking to suppress. The contest betwixt him and us, is the service of God in the gospel of his Son; that we profess, without owning him for the liberty of its exercise: and therefore as an enemy to the matter and object of these religious exercises, which are the eye-sore of antichrist, he prosecutes with such rage the manner and circumstances thereof. 4. Even in this case, when we are persecuted in one place, we flee unto another, as the Lord allows and directs, Matth. x. 23, And if occasionally we find a house, either public, or a church or a private dwelling house that may be safe or convenient, or capacious of the numbers gathered, we think it indifferent to meet there, or in the field; but, in the present circumstances, it is more for the conveniency of the people, and more congruous for the day's testimony, to keep the fields in their meetings, even though it irritate the incensed enemies. Which that it may appear. Secondly, I shall offer some postulata or hypothesis to be considered, or endeavour to make them good, and infer from them the necessity and expediency of field meetings at this time in these circumstances: which consequently vindicate the sufferings that have been thereupon stated formerly, and are still continued. 1. It is necessary at all times that Christians should meet together, whether they have ministers or not, and whether the magistrate allow it or not. The authority of God, their necessity, duty, and interest, makes it indispensible in all cases. It is necessary for the mutual help, "two are better than one, for if they fall, the one will lift up his fellow," Eccl. iv. 9, 10. It is necessary for cherishing mutual love, which is the new commandment, and badge of all Christ's disciples, John xiii. 34, 35. a principle which they are all taught of God, 1 Thess. iv. 9. It is necessary for nourishing union to communicate together, in order to their being of one mind, and one mouth, and that they receive one another, Rom. xv. 5, 6, 7. 1 Cor. i. 10. Standing fast in one spirit, striving together for the faith of the gospel, Phil. 1. 27. It is necessary for serving one another in love, Gal. v. 13. bearing one another's burdens, and so fulfilling the law of Christ, Gal. vi. 2. submitting to one another, Eph. v. 21. 1 Pet. v. 5. teaching and admonishing one another, Col. iii. 16. comforting one another, 1 Thess. iv. last verse, edifying one another, 1 Thess. v. 11. exhorting one another, Heb. iii. 13. It is necessary for considering one another, and provoking unto love, and to good works; and for this end, they must not forsake the assembling of themselves together, as the manner of some is, for that were to sin wilfully, Heb. x. 24, 25, 26. Must these things depend on the magistrate's allowance? Or can they be done without meeting together in private or public? The same reasons do alike conclude for the necessity of both. If then there must be meetings for these ends necessary at all times, then when they cannot do it within doors, they must do it without. 2. There is a necessity for meeting for preaching and hearing the gospel; the enjoyment whereof hath always been the greatest design and desire of saints, who could not live without it; therefore they loved the place where the Lord's honour dwelt, Psal. xxvii. 8. This was the one thing they desired of the Lord, and that they would seek after, to behold the beauty of the Lord, Psal. xxvii. 4. For this they panted, and their soul thirsted, Psal. xlii. 1, 2. without which every land is but a thirsty land, where there is no water, where they cannot see the power and glory of God, as they have seen it in the sanctuary, Psal. lxiii. 1, 2. O how amiable are his tabernacles? "One day in his courts is better than a thousand elsewhere," Psal. lxxxi. 1, 10. No gladness to them like that of going to the house of the Lord, Psal. cxxii. 1. A christian cannot possibly live without gospel ordinances, no more than children can want the breasts, or the poor and needy want water when their tongue faileth for thirst; they are promised it in high places, and in the wilderness, when they can get it in no where else, Isa. lxi. 17, 18. There is an innate desire in the saints after it, as new born babes they desire the sincere milk of the word, 1 Pet. ii. 2. So that any that is offended with them for this, must be offended with them for being christians, for as such they must have the gospel, cost what it will. It is the greatest desire of the spouse of Christ, to know where he feeds and where to find the Shepherd's tents, where they may rest at noon, Cant. i. 7, 8. And not only in their esteem is it necessary: but in itself, the church cannot bear the want of it, for where there is no vision, the word of the Lord is then very precious, 1 Sam. iii. 1. No wonder then that the Lord's people make such ado of it, in a famine of it, that they go from sea to sea to seek it, Amos viii. 11, 12. and that they are content to have it at any rate; though with the peril of their lives, because of the sword of the wilderness, Lam. v. 9. Seeing they cannot live without it. Would men be hindered, by law, from seeking their natural food? Nay, they would fight for it before they wanted it, against any that opposed them. If then they cannot get it with peace, they must have it with trouble: and if they cannot get it in houses, they must have it wherever it is to be found, with freedom, and the favour of God. 3. It is necessary that the meetings be as public, as they can be with conveniency and prudence; yea, simple hazard should no more hinder their publicness and solemnity, than their being at all. Especially, in an evil time, when wickedness is encouraged and established, and conformity thereto pressed, truth banished, and a witness for Christ suppressed, corruption in doctrine, worship, discipline, and government connived at, countenanced, and advanced, the word of God is become a reproach, and men have no delight in it, apostasy is become universal, and both magistrates and ministers generally turned promoters of it, which is the true description of our times: then the meetings of the Lord's people, that endeavour to keep clean garments, should be more frequent, public, and avowed. The reasons are, 1. Then the call of God, by his word and works, is more clamant, for public and solemn humiliation, in order to avert public imminent judgments, and impendent strokes from God. It is not enough to reform ourselves privately and personally, and to keep ourselves pure from such courses, by an abstraction and withdrawing from them, as is proved, Head 1. (where this is improved as an argument against hearing the curates) Nor is it enough to admonish, exhort, reprove, and testify against such as are involved in these courses, but it is necessary, for them that would be approven, to adhere to the truth, and serve God after the right manner, and to mourn, sigh, and cry for all the abominations of the time, so as to get the 'mark of mourners on their foreheads,' Ezek. ix. 4. and they that do so, will be found 'on the mountains like doves in the valleys, all of them mourning, every one for his iniquity,' Ezek. vii. 16. and not only to be humbled every family apart, but there must be a great mourning, as the mourning of Hadadrimmon in the valley of Megiddon,' Zech. xii. 11. to the end. That is a solemn public mourning there promised. There must be a 'gathering themselves together, though a nation not desired, before the decree bring forth, before the day pass as the chaff, and the fierce anger of the Lord come upon them, if they would have any possibility of their hiding,' Zep. ii. 1, 2, 3. 'The trumpet then must be blown in Zion, to sanctify a fast, to call a solemn assembly, gather the people, sanctify the congregation assemble the elders, gather the children,'----Joel ii. 15, 16. As was exemplified in Ezra's time, when there were great congregations of people assembled publicly, weeping very sore, then there was hope in Israel, Ezra x. 1, 2. and when that messenger of the Lord came up from Gilgal to the people of Israel, and reproved them for their defections and compliance with the Canaanites, they had such a solemn day of humiliation, that the place of their meeting got a name from it, they called the name of that place Bochim, that is, weepers, Judg. ii. 4, 5. 'And when the ark was at Kirjathjearim all the house of Israel lamented after the Lord----and they gathered together at Mizpeth, and drew water, and poured it out before the Lord,' 2 Sam. vii. 2. 6. I shewed before, that there is reason to fear that the sins of a few, especially of magistrates and ministers, will bring wrath upon the whole body of the people, as is plain from these scriptures, Lev. x. 6. Isa. xliii. 27, 28. Lam. iv. 13. Micah iii. 11, 21. shewing the sins of ministers may procure universal destruction. And 2 Sam. xxiv. 25. 2. Kings xxi. 11. Jer. xv. 4. proving the sins of magistrates may procure it: and Numb. iii. 14, 15. Josh. xxii. 17, 18. Demonstrating that the sins of a party of the people may draw wrath upon the whole. Now, the only way the scripture points out to evite and avert such public judgments is to make our resentment of these indignities done to our God, our mourning over them, and our witness against them, as public as the sins are, at least as public as we can get them, by a public pleading for truth, Isa. lix. 4. For the defect whereof he hides his face, and wonders that there is no man, no intercessor, ver. 16. that is, none to plead with God, in behalf of his borne down truths; there must be in order to this, a public seeking of truth, which if there be any found making conscience of, the Lord makes a gracious overture to pardon the city, Jer. v. 1. We cannot think there were no mourners in secret there, but there was no public meetings for it, and public owning the duty of that day: There must be valour for the truth upon the earth, Jer. ix. 3, a public and resolute owning of truth: there must be a making up the hedge, and standing in the gap for the land, that the Lord should not destroy it, Ezek. xxii. 30. a public testimony in opposition to defection: there must be a pleading with our mother, Hos. ii. 2. which is spoken to private persons in the plural number, commanding all that would consult their own safety, publicly to condemn the sins of the whole nation, that they may escape the public punishment thereof, as it is expounded in Pool's Synop. Critic. in locum. By this means we must endeavour to avert the wrath and anger of God, which must certainly be expected to go out against the land, which hath all the procuring causes, all the symptoms, prognostics, and evidences of a land devoted to destruction, that ever a land had. If then there must be such public mourning, and such solemn gathering for it, such public pleading for truth, seeking for truth, valour for truth, making up the hedge, and pleading with our mother, there must of necessity be public meetings for it: for these things cannot be done in private, but must be done by way of testimony. Which I make a second reason, The nature and end of meeting for gospel ordinances is for a public testimony for Christ and his truths and interest, against sin and all dishonours done to the Son of God. So that the only end, is not only to bring to Christ, and build up souls in Christ, but it is to testify also for the glory of Christ, whether souls be brought in and built up or not. The preached gospel is not only the testimony of Christ, 1 Cor. i. 6. but a testimony for Christ; in which sense, the testimony of Jesus is said to be the spirit of prophecy, Rev. xix. 10. so called, Durham expounds it, for its bearing witness to Christ; in which respect ministers are often called witnesses. It is also the testimony of Israel (not only given to Israel, but given by Israel) unto which the tribes go up, the tribes of the Lord, Psal. cxxii. 4. Whensoever therefore, or howsoever the testimony of the church is contradicted, that is not a lawful meeting of the tribes of the Lord. It is also the testimony of the preachers for Christ, against them that will not receive them, Mark vi. 11. And a witness unto all nations to whom they preach, Matth. xxiv. 14. And of all the witnesses that hold it, and suffer for it, Rev. vi. 9. And the same which is the word of Christ's testimony, is the word of theirs, Rev. xii. 11. by which they overcome, and for which they love not their lives. Wherever then the gospel is preached, it must be a testimony except it be public, at least as public as can be, as we find all Christ's witnesses were in the Old and New Testaments. 3. The motive or principle prompting the Lord's people to a frequenting of gospel ordinances, is a public spirit, stirring up to a public generation work, whereof this is the scope, to promote the kingdom or Christ, and not only to obey the Lord's command enjoining the duty, to enjoy the Lord, the end thereof, to edify their own souls; but to partake in, and promote this great work of the day, for the glory of God, and the church's good. For the gospel is not only a banner of love over his friends, but Christ's standard of war against his enemies, Isa. lix. 19. under which all that countenance it, are called to lift themselves as his soldiers, called, and chosen, and faithful: and it is required of his soldiers that they be valiant for the truth upon the earth, discovering a gallant greatness and generosity of a public spirit, having their designs and desires not limited to their own interests, even spiritual, but aiming at no less than Christ's public glory, the church's public good, the saints public comfort, having a public concern for all Christ's interests, public sympathy for all Christ's friends, and a public declared opposition to all Christ's enemies: this is a public spirit, the true spirit of all Christ's zealous lovers and votaries; which, when he is a missing, will prompt them to go about the city, in the streets, and in the broad ways, to seek him whom their soul loveth, Cant. iii. 2. and not only in their beds, or secret corners, but they must go to the streets, and to the fields, and avow their seeking of Christ, even though the watchmen should smite them, and the keepers of the walls take their vails from them, Cant. v- Which obliges them to take him into their own cottages, and entertain him in their hearts, and give him a throne there, but also to endeavour to enlarge his dwelling, and propagate his courtly residence through the world, that the kingdoms of the earth may become the kingdoms of the Lord; and if they cannot get that done, yet that he may have the throne in their mother's house, and take up his abode in the church, or nation they belong to, that there his ordinances be established in purity, peace, plenty, and power, according to his own order; and if that cannot be, but that their mother play the harlot, and he be provoked to give up house with her, and, by her children's treachery, the usurping enemy be invited into his place and habitation, and take violent possession of it, and enact his extrusion and expulsion by law; yet they will endeavour to secure a place for him among the remnant, that he may get a lodging among the afflicted and poor 'people that trust in the name of the Lord----that they may feed and ly down, and none make them afraid, Zeph. iii. 12, 13. that the poor of the flock that wait on him, may know that it is the word of the Lord,' Zech. xi. 11. they will lay out themselves to strengthen their hands. This is the work of the public spirited lovers of the gospel, which hath been, and yet is the great work of this our day, to carry the gospel, and follow it, and keep it up, through the land, as the standard of Christ, against all opposition, from mountain to hill, when now Zion hath been labouring to bring forth as a woman in travail, and made to go forth out of the city, and to dwell in the field, Mic. iv. 10. Therefore, seeing it is the public work of the day, and all its followers must have such a public spirit, it follows that the meetings to promote it must be as public as is possible. 4. The interest and privilege of the gospel, to have it in freedom, purity, power, and plenty, is the public concern of all the Lord's people, preferable to all other interests; and therefore more publicly, peremptorily, and zealously to be contended for, than any other interest whatsoever. It is the glory of the land. 1 Sam. iv. 21. without which, Ichabod may be the name of every thing; and every land, though never so pleasant, will be but a dry and parched land, where no water is, in the esteem of them that have seen the Lord's glory and power in the sanctuary, Psal. lxiii. 1. Whereas its name is Hephzibah and Beulah, Isa. lxii. 4. and Jehovah-Shammah, Ezek. xlviii. ult. where God is enjoyed in his gospel-ordinances; and the want and reproach of the solemn assemblies, is a matter of the saddest mourning of the Lord's people, Zeph. iii. 18. Therefore, while the ark abode in Kirjath jearim, the time was thought very long, and all the house of Israel lamented after the Lord, 1 Sam. vii. 2. then they heard of it at Ephratah, and found it in the fields of the wood, Psal. cxxxii. 6. But it hath been longer than twenty years in our fields of the woods, and therefore we should be lamenting after it with a greater concernedness; especially remembering, how we were privileged with the gospel, which was sometimes times publicly embraced and countenanced by authority, and ensured to us by laws, statutes, declarations, proclamations, oaths, vows, and covenant-engagements, whereby the land was dedicated and devoted unto the Son of God, whose conquest it was. And now are not all the people of God obliged to do what they can, to hinder the recalling of this dedication, and the giving up of the land as an offering unto satan and antichrist? And how shall this be, but by a public contending, for this privilege, and a resolving they shall sooner bereave us of our hearts blood, than of the gospel in its freedom and purity? But this we cannot contend for publicly, if our meetings be not public. 5. The nature and business of the gospel ministry is such, that it obliges them that exercise it to endeavour all publicness, without which they cannot discharge the extent of their instructions: their very names and titles do insinuate so much. They are witnesses for Christ, and therefore their testimonies should be public, though their lot oftentimes be to witness in sackcloth. They are heralds, and therefore they should proclaim their master's will, though their lot be often to be a voice crying in the wilderness, as John the Baptist was in his field preachings. They are ambassadors, and therefore they should maintain their master's majesty in the public port of his ambassadors, and be wholly taken up about their sovereign's business. They are watchmen, and therefore they should keep and maintain their post their master has placed them at. Nay, they are lights and candles, and therefore cannot be hid, Matth. v. 14, 15. The commands and instructions given them, infer the necessity of this. They must cry aloud, and spare not, and lift up their voice like a trumpet and shew the Lord's people their transgressions and sins, Isa. lviii. 1. They are watchmen upon Jerusalem's walls which must not hold their peace day nor night, nor keep silence, nor give the Lord rest, till he establish, and till he make Jerusalem a praise in the earth, Isa. lxii. 6, 7. They are watchmen, that must command all to hearken to the sound of the trumpet, Jer. vi. 17. They must be valiant for the truth upon the earth, Jer. ix. 3. They must say, Thus saith the Lord even to a rebellious nation, whether they will hear or forbear, and not be afraid of them, Ezek. ii. 5, 6. They must cause the people to know their abominations, Ezek. 16. 2. and the abominations of their fathers, Ezek. xx. 4. And what their master tells them in darkness, that they must speak in the light, and what they hear in the ear, that they must preach upon the house tops, Matth. x. 27. These things cannot be done in a clandestine way; and therefore now, when there is no much necessity, it is the duty of all faithful ministers, to be laying out themselves to the utmost in their pastoral function, for the suppressing of all the evils of the time, notwithstanding of any prohibition to the contrary, in the most public manner, according to the examples of all the faithful servants of the Lord, both in the Old and New Testaments; though it be most impiously and tyrannically interdicted, yet the laws of God stand unrepealed; and therefore all who have a trumpet and a mouth, should set the trumpet to their mouth, and sound a certain sound; not in secret, for that will not alarm the people, but in the most public manner they can have access to; and it is the duty of all to come and hear, and obey their warnings and witnessings, command who will the contrary. It was for mocking, despising his words, and misusing his prophets, that the wrath of the Lord arose against his people, the Jews, until there was no remedy, 2 Chron. xxxvi. 16. Therefore from all that is said, it must be concluded, that meetings for gospel ordinances must be as public as can be: and if so, then that they should be in houses, safety will not permit to us; to go to the streets or market places, neither safety nor prudence will admit; therefore we must go to the fields with it, cost what it will. 4. Seeing then there must be meetings, and public meetings; and seeing we cannot, and dare not in conscience countenance the curates meetings, we must hear, own, embrace and follow such faithful ministers, as are clothed with Christ's commission, righteousness and salvation, and do keep the words of the Lord's patience, and the testimony of the church of Scotland in particular. This I think will not, or dare not be denied, by any that own the authority of Christ (which none can deny or instruct the contrary, but our ministers that ventured their lives in preaching in the fields, have had a certain seal to their ministry, and is sealed sensibly in the conviction of many, and confession of more) that Christ's ministers and witnesses, employed about the great gospel-message, clothed with his authority and under the obligation of his commands lying upon them, must preach, and the people must hear them, notwithstanding of all laws to the contrary. Divines grant that the magistrate can no more suspend from the exercise, than he can depose from the office of the ministry; for the one is a degree unto the other. See Apollon. de jure Magist. circa Sacra, Part 1. p. 334, &c. Rutherford's Due right of Presbyterians, p. 430, &c. For whether it be right in the sight of God, to hearken unto men more than unto God, the consciences of the greatest enemies may be appealed unto, Acts iv. 19. They must not cease, wherever they have a call and occasion, to teach and preach Jesus Christ, Acts v. last verse. Necessity is laid upon them; yea, wo unto them, if they preach not the gospel, 1 Cor. xi. 16. In all things they must approve themselves, as the ministers of God, in much patience, in afflictions, in necessities, &c. by honour and dishonour, by evil report and good report, as deceivers, and yet true, as unknown, and yet well known,----2 Cor. vi. 4. 8. 9. They must preach the word, be instant in season, and out of season; reprove, rebuke, exhort with all long suffering and doctrine, 2 Tim. iv. 2. Dare any say then, that a magistrate's or tyrant's laws can exauctorate a minister? or silence him by his own proper elicite acts, as king or tyrant, or formally and immediately? Will mischiefs framed into a law warrant such iniquity? or an act of a king of clay rescind the mandates of the King of kings? or exempt people from obedience due thereunto? or will the bishops canons, who have no power from Christ, or the censures of them, that stand condemned themselves by the constitutions of the church, and acts of the general assemblies, have any weight in the case? And yet these are all that can be alledged, except odious and invidious calumnies, the ordinary lot of the most faithful, against the present preachers in the fields, which are sufficiently confuted in their late informatory vindication, and need not here be touched. Seeing therefore they have given up themselves unto Christ as his servants they must resolve to be employed for him to the uttermost of their power, and must not think of laying up their talent in a napkin; especially now when there is so great necessity, when defection is yet growing, covered, countenanced more and more, division nothing abated, but new oil cast daily into the flames of devouring contentions; the people generally drowned in the deluge of the times, snares and sins, and like to be overwhelmed in the inundation of black popery, now coming in at the opened sluice of this wicked toleration, with the congratulations of addressing ministers, when now the harvest is great, and the labourers are few; great then is the necessity, and double must the woe be that abideth such ministers, as are silent at such a time: and great and inexcusable is the sin of the people, if they do not come out, and countenance faithful ministers, the messengers of the Lord of hosts, from whom they should seek the law, Mal. ii. 7. especially when there are so many, that have so palpably betrayed their trust, and so few that are faithful in the necessary testimony of the day. Seeing then faithful ministers must preach, and people must hear, where can they meet with conveniency, and safety and freedom, except either under the shelter of this wicked toleration, which they dare not do, or else go to the fields? 5. It must be obtained also, that the ministers have a right to preach in this unfixed manner, wherever they have a call; their relation now, in this disturbed state of the church, being to be considered more extensively, than in its unsettled condition. For understanding which, we must distinguish a three or fourfold relation, that a minister of the gospel stands into. First, He is a minister of Christ, and steward of the mysteries of God, 1 Cor. iv. 1. having his commission from Christ as his master: and this relation he hath universally, wherever he is. Secondly, He is a minister of the catholic church, though not a catholic minister of it, which is his primary relation; for that is the church, in which ministers are set, 1 Cor. xii. 28. and to which they are given, Eph. iv. 11, 22. Thirdly, He is a minister of the particular church whereof he is a member; and so in Scotland, a minister is a minister of the church of Scotland, and is obliged to lay out himself for the good of that church. Fourthly, He is a minister of the particular congregation, whereunto he hath a fixed relation in a constitute case of the church: this last is not essential to a minister of Christ, but is subservient to the former relation; but when separated from such a relation, or when it is impossible to be held, he is still a minister of Christ, and his call to preach the gospel stands and binds. See Mr. Durham's digression on this particular, on Rev. chap. 2. pag. 89. &c. in quarto. For though he be not a catholic-officer, having an equal relation to all churches, as the Apostles were; nevertheless he may exercise ministerial acts authoritatively, upon occasions warrantably calling for the same, in other churches, as heralds of one king, having authority to charge in his name where-ever it be: especially in a broken state of the church, when all the restriction his ministerial relation is capable of, is only a tie and call to officiate in the service of that church whereof he is a member; and so he hath right to preach every where, as he is called for the edification of that church. The reasons are, 1. He hath power from Christ the master of the whole church; and therefore, wherever the master's authority is acknowledged, the servant's ministerial authority cannot be denied; at least in relation to that church, whereof he is a member as well as a minister. 2. He hath commission from Christ principally for the edification of Christ's body, as far as his ministry can reach, according to the second relation. 3. His relation to the whole church is principal, that which is fixed to a part is only subordinate, because it is a part of whole 4. His commission is indefinite to preach the gospel, which will suit as well in one place as in another. 5. The same great ends of the church's great good and edification, which warrants fixing of a minister to a particular charge in the church's peaceable state. 6. Else it would follow, that a faithful minister, standing in that relation to a disturbed and destroyed church, and all his gifts and graces were useless in that case, which notwithstanding are given for the good of the church. 7. Yea, by this, when his fixed relation cannot be kept, it would follow, that he ceased to be a minister, and his commission expired; so that he should stand in no other relation to Christ, than any private person so qualified, which were absurd: for by commission he is absolutely set apart for the work of the ministry, so long as Christ hath work for him, if he continue faithful. 8. This hath been the practice of all the propagators of the gospel from the beginning, and of our reformers in particular; without which they could never have propagated it so far: and it was never accounted the characteristic of apostles, to preach unfixedly; because in times of persecutions, pastors and doctors also might have preached wherever they came, as the officers of the church of Jerusalem did, when scattered upon the persecution of Stephen, Acts viii. 1. did go every where preaching the word, ver. 4. Since therefore they may and must preach, in this unfixed manner, they must in this broken state look upon all the godly in the nation, that will own and hear them, to be their congregation, and embrace them all, and consult their conveniency and universal advantage, in such a way as all equally may be admitted, and none excluded from the benefit of their ministry. And therefore they must go to the fields with it. 6. The Lord hath so signally owned, successfully countenanced, and singularly sealed field preaching in these unfixed exercises, that both ministers and people have been much encouraged against all opposition to prosecute them, as having experienced much of the Lord's power and presence in them, and of the breathings of the enlivening, enlarging, enlightening and strengthening influences of the Spirit of God upon them. The people are hereby called, in this case of defection, to seek after these waters that they have been so often refreshed by: for in this case of defection, God being pleased to seal with a palpable blessing on their souls, the word from ministers adhering to their principles, they may safely look on this as a call from God to hear them, and follow after them so owned of the Lord. And it being beyond all doubt, that the assemblies of the Lord's people to partake of pure ordinances, with full freedom of conscience in the fields, hath been signally owned and blessed of the Lord, and hath proven a mean to spread the knowledge of God beyond any thing that appeared in our best times; and in despite of this signal appearance of God, and envy at the good done in these meetings, all endeavours being used by wicked men to suppress utterly all these rendezvouzes of the Lord's militia, both by open force and cunning Midianitish wiles; ministers cannot but look upon it as their duty, and that the Lord hath been preaching from heaven, to all who would hear and understand it, that this way of preaching, even this way, was that wherein his soul took pleasure, and to which he hath been, and is calling all who would be co-workers with him this day, to help forward the interest of his crown and kingdom. Many hundreds of persecuted people can witness this, and all the martyrs have sealed it with their blood, and remembered it particularly on the scaffolds, that they found the Lord there, and that he did lead them thither, where he had made them to ride upon the high places of the earth, and to eat the increase of the fields, and to suck honey out of the rock, and that in their experience, under the Spirit's pouring out from on high, they found the wilderness to be a fruitful field, and, in their esteem, their feet were beautiful upon the mountains that brought good tidings, that published peace, that brought good tidings of good, that published salvation, that said unto Zion, Thy God reigneth. And all the ministers that followed this way, while they were faithful, and had but little strength, and kept his word, and did not deny his name, found that verified in their experience, which was said of Philadelphia, Rev. iii. 8. that they had an open door which no man could shut. The characters whereof, as they are expounded by Mr. Durham, were all verified in these meetings: where 1. The ministers had a door of utterance upon the one side opened to them; and the people's ears were opened to welcome the same, in love to edification, simplicity, and diligence on the other. 2. This had real changes following, many being made humble, serious, tender, fruitful, &c. 3. The devil raged and let himself to oppose, traduce, and some way to blast the ministry of the most faithful more than any others: just as when Paul had a greater door and effectual opened to him, there were many adversaries, 1 Cor. xvi. 9. 4. Yet the Lord hath been observedly defeating the devil and profanity in every place, where the gospel came, and made him fall like lightning from heaven, by the preaching of the word. 5. And the most experimental proof of all was, that hereby ground was gained upon the kingdom of the devil, and many prisoners brought off to Jesus Christ. And therefore seeing it is so, this must certainly be a call to them who are yet labouring in that work, which others have left off, to endeavour to keep this door open with all diligence, and reap the corn while it is ripe, and when the sun shines make hay, and with all watchfulness, lest the wicked one sow his tares, if they should fall remiss. 7. As for the circumstance of the place, of this unfixed manner of celebrating the solemn ordinances of the worship of God, in a time of persecution: this cannot be quarrelled at by any, but such as will quarrel at any thing. But even that is better warranted, than to be weakened with their quarrels. For before the law, mountain-worship was the first worship of the world, as Abram's Jehovah-jireh, Gen. xxii. 14. Jacob's Bethel, (or house of God in the open fields) Gen. xxviii. 17, 19. his Peniel, Gen. xxxii. 30. his El-Elohe Israel, Gen. xxxiii. ult. do witness: under the law, they heard of it at Ephratah, they found it in the fields of the wood, Psal. cxxxii. 6. After the law, field preaching was the first that we read of in the New Testament, both in John's preaching in the wilderness of Judea, being the voice of one crying in the wilderness, and the master-usher of Christ, Matth. iii. 1. 3. and in his ambassadors afterwards, who, on the Sabbath, went out to a river-side where prayer was wont to be made, as Lydia was converted at Paul's field preaching, Acts xvi. 13, 14. And chiefly the prince of preachers, Christ himself preached many a time by the sides of the mountains, and the sea-side: that preaching, Matth. v. was on a mountain, ver. 1. And this is the more to be considered, that our Lord had liberty of the synagogues to preach in, yet he frequently left them, and preached either in private houses, or in the fields; because of the opposition of his doctrine by the Jewish teachers, who had appointed that any who owned him should be excommunicate: and therefore, in the like case, as it is now, his servants may imitate their master: for though all Christ's actions are not imitable: such as these of his divine power, and the actions of his divine prerogative (as his taking of the ass without the owner's liberty) and the actings of his mediatory prerogative, which he did as Mediator; but all his gracious actions, and moral upon moral grounds, and relative upon the grounds of relative duties, are not only imitable, but the perfect pattern for imitation. Therefore that superstitious and ridiculous cavil, that such meetings in fields or houses are conventicles, gathering separate congregations, is not worth the taking notice of: for this would reflect upon Christ's and his apostles way of preaching, and the constant method of propagating the gospel in times of persecution, in all ages since, which hath always been by that way which they call keeping of conventicles. It is absurd to say, It is a gathering of separate congregations, it is only a searching or seeking after the Lord's sheep, that are made to wander through all the mountains, and upon every high hill, and his flock which is scattered by corrupt shepherds, and the cruelty of the beasts of the field, Ezek. xxxiv. 5, 6. and preaching to all who will come and hear the word of truth, in such places where they may get it done most safely, and may be most free from distraction and trouble of their enemies, who are waiting to find them out, that they may haul them to prisons, or kill them. 8. As for the circumstance of the time, that is specially alledged to be unseasonable, especially when there is a little breathing, and some relaxation from the heat of persecution, to break the peace, and awaken sleeping dogs by such irritating courses, is thought not consistent with christian prudence. This is the old pretence of them that were at ease, and preferred that to duty. But as we know no peace at this time, but a peace of confederacy with the enemies of God, which we desire not to partake of, and know of no relaxation of persecution against such as continue to witness against them; so let what hath been said above in the third hypothesis, of the necessity of publicness in our meetings at such a time as this is, be considered; and let the scripture be consulted, and it will appear, not only that in preaching the gospel there must be a witness and testimony kept up, (as is proved above) and not only that ministers preach the word, and be instant in season and out of season, 2 Tim. iv. 2. But that such a time, as this, is the very season of a testimony. For, in the scripture, we find, that testimonies are to be given in these seasons especially, 1. When the enemies of God, beginning to relent from their stiffness and severity, would compound with his witnesses, and give them some liberty, but not total; as Pharaoh would let the children of Israel go, but stay their flocks; and now our Pharaoh will give some liberty to serve God, but with a reservation of that part of the matter of it, that nothing be said to alienate the hearts of the subjects from his arbitrary government. But Moses thought it then a season to testify (though the bondage of the people should be thereby continued) that there should not a hoof be left behind; for, says he, we know not with what we must serve the Lord, until we come thither, Exod. x. 24, 25, 26. So must we testify for every hoof of the interest of Christ this day. 2. When these is a toleration of idolatry, and confederacy with idolaters, and suspending the execution of penal laws against them, or pardoning of those that should be punished: in such a season as this, that messenger, that came from Gilgal, gave his testimony as Bochim against their toleration of idolatrous altars, and confederacy with the Canaanites, Judg. ii. 1, 2. He is called an angel indeed, but he was only such an one as ministers are, who are called so, Rev. ii. 1. for heavenly spirits have brought a heavenly message to particular persons, but never to the whole people; the Lord hath committed such a treasure to earthern vessels, 2 Cor. iv. 7. and this came from Gilgal, not from heaven: so the man of God testified against Eli, for his toleration of wicked priests, though they were his own sons, 1 Sam ii. 27, &c. So Samuel witnessed against Saul, for his toleration and indemnity granted to Agag, 1 Sam. xv. 23. So the prophet against Ahab, for sparing Benhadad, 1 Kings xx. 42. The angel of Ephesus is commended for this, and he of Pergamos, and he of Thyatira is condemned, for omitting this testimony, and allowing a toleration of the Nicolaitans and Jezebel, Rev. ii. 2, 14, 20. In such a case of universal compliance with these things, and the peoples indulging themselves under the shadow of the protection of such a confederacy, the servants of the Lord that fear him must not say a confederacy, though they should be accounted for signs and wonders in Israel, Isa. viii. 12, 13, 18. But now idolatrous mass-altars are set up, none thrown down, penal statutes against papists are stopt and disabled, and the generality of ministers are congratulating, and saying a confederacy in their addresses for the same. 3. When the universal apostasy is come to such a height, that error is prevailing, and few siding themselves in an avowed opposition against it; as Elijah chose that time, when the people were halting between two opinions, 1 Kings xviii. 21. And generally all the prophets and servants of Christ, consulted alway the peoples necessity for the timing of their testimonies: and was there ever greater necessity than now, when popery is coming in like a flood? 4. When wicked men are chief in power; as when Haman was promoted. Mordecai would not give him one bow, though all the people of God should be endangered by such a provocation, Esther iii. 2. And when tyrants and usurpers are set up without the Lord's approbation, then they that have the Lord's trumpet should set it to their mouth, Hos. viii. 1, 4. Is not this the case now? 5. When, upon the account of this their testimony, the Lord's people are in greater danger, and enemies design to massacre them, then, if they altogether hold their peace at such a time, there shall enlargement and deliverance, arise another way, but they and their father's house shall be destroyed, who are silent then as Mordecai said to Esther, Esth. iv. 11. And who knows not the cruel designs of the papists now? 6. When iniquity is universally abounding, and hypocrisy among professors, then the servants of the Lord must cry aloud and not spare, Isa. lviii. 1. as the case is this day. 7. When the concern of truth, and the glory of God, is not so illustriously vindicated as he gives us to expect it shall be; then the watchmen must not hold their peace, and they that make mention of the name of the Lord must not keep silence, Isa. lxii. 6, 7. especially when his name and glory is blasphemed, baffled, and affronted, as at this day with a witness. 8. When ministers generally are involved in a course of defection, and do not give faithful warning, but daub over the peoples and their own defections; then the prophets must prophesy against the prophets, Ezek. xiii. 2, 10. &c. As, alas! this day there is a necessity for it. 9. When public worship is interdicted by law, as it was by that edict prohibiting public prayer for 30 days in Daniel's time: they could not interdict all prayer to God; for they could forbid nothing by that law, but that which they might hinder and punish for contraveening; but mental prayer at least could not be so restrained. And certain it is, they intended only such prayer should be discharged as might discover Daniel: but might not the wisdom of Daniel have eluded this interdiction, by praying only secretly or mentally? No, whatever carnal wisdom might dictate, his honesty did oblige him in that case of confession, when he knew the writing was signed, to go into his house, and to open his windows, and to kneel upon his knees three times a day,----as he did aforetime, Dan. vi. 10. Now, what reason can be given for his opening his windows? Was it only to let in the air? or was it to see Jerusalem out at these windows? The temple he could look toward, as well when they were shut. No other reason can be assigned, but that it was necessary then to avouch the testimony for that indispensible duty then interdicted. And is not public preaching indispensible duty too? which is declared criminal, except it be confined to the mode their wicked law tolerates; which we can no more homologate, than omit the duty. 10. When it is an evil time, the evil of sin is incumbent, and the evil of wrath is impendent over a land; then the lion hath roared, who will not fear? The Lord God hath spoken, who can but prophesy? Amos iii. 8. There is no contradiction here to that word, which hath been miserably perverted in our day, to palliate sinful silence of time-servers, Amos v. 13. The prudent shall keep silence in that time, for it is an evil time: whereby we cannot understand a wylie withdrawing our witness against the time's evils: for there they are commanded to bestir themselves actively, in seeking good, hating the evil, loving the good, and establishing judgment in the gate, ver. 14, 15. but we understand by it a submissive silence to God, without fretting (according to that word, Jer. viii. 14. For the Lord our God hath put us to silence,----and Mic. vii. 9.) Calvin upon the place expounds it, 'The prudent shall be affrighted at the terrible vengeance of God; or they shall be compelled to silence, not willingly (for that were unworthy of men of courage to be silent at such wickedness) but, by the force of tyrants, giving them no leave to speak.' Sure then this is such a time, wherein it is prudence to be silent to God, but not to be silent for God, but to give public witness against the evils of sin abounding, and public warning of the evils of punishment imminent. 11. Then is the season of it, when worldly wisdom thinks it unseasonable, when men cannot endure sound doctrine, but after their own lusts they heap to themselves teachers, having itching ears, and turn away their ears from the truth; then to preach the word, and be instant is indeed in itself seasonable, because profitable and necessary; but it is out of season as to the preachers or hearers external interest, and in the esteem of worldly wiselings, 2 Tim. iv. 2, 3, 4. See Pool's Synops. Critic. in Locum. So in our day, men cannot endure free and faithful dealing against the sins of the times, but would have smooth things and deceits spoken unto them; like those, Isa. xxx. 10. And nothing can be more offensive, than to speak plainly (so as to give every thing its own name) either of the sins of the times, or of the snares of the times, or of the miseries and evils of the times, or of the duties of the times, or of the dangers, and the present crisis of the times: which no faithful minister can forbear. Therefore so much the more is it seasonable, that it is generally thought unseasonable. 12. In a word, whenever the testimony of the church, or any part of it, is opposed and suppressed; then is the season to keep it, and contend for it, and to hold it fast, as our crown, Rev. iii. 10, 11. It must be then a word spoken in due season, and good and necessary (Prov. xv. 23.) at this time, to give a public testimony against all wrongs done to our blessed Lord Jesus, all the encroachments upon his prerogatives, all the invasions of the church's privileges, all the overturnings of our covenanted reformation, and this openly designed introduction of popery and slavery. But now how shall this testimony be given by us conveniently? Or how can it be given at all, at this time, in our circumstances, so as both the matter and manner of it may be a most significant witness bearing to the merit of it, except we go to the fields? Who can witness significantly against popery and tyranny, and all the evils to be spoken against this day, under the protection of a papist and tyrant, as house-meetings under the covert of this toleration are stated? For if these meetings be private and secret, then the testimony is not known; if they be public, then they are exposed to a prey. Now, by all these general hypotheses, it is already in some measure evident, that field meetings are very expedient. But I shall add some particular considerations, to inculcate the same more closely. In the third place, besides what is said, To clear the lawfulness and necessity of a public testimony against the evils of the present time, some considerations may be added to prove the expediency of this way and manner of giving a testimony, by maintaining held meetings in our present circumstances, 1. The keeping of field meetings now, is not only most convenient for testifying, but a very significant testimony in itself, against this popish toleration; the wickedness of whole spring and original, and of its nature and terms, channel and conveyance, end and design, is shewed in the historical narrative thereof, and cannot be denied by any presbyterian, whose constant principle is that there should be no toleration of popery, idolatry, or heresy, in this reformed and covenanted church. Reason and religion both will conclude, that this is to be witnessed against, by all that will adhere to the cause of reformation overturned hereby, and resolve to stand in the gap against popery, to be introduced hereby, and that will approve themselves as honest patriots in defending the laws and liberties of the country subverted hereby. And besides, if it be considered with respect to the granter; it is palpable his design is to introduce popery, and advance tyranny, which can be hid from none that accept it, the effectuating whereof hath a necessary and inseparable connexion with the acceptance of the liberty; and is so far from being avertible by the accepters, that it is chiefly promoted by their acceptance, and the design of it is to lay them by from all opposition thereto. If it be considered with relation to the accepters, it is plain it must be taken as it is given, and received as it is conveyed, from its fountain of absolute power, through a channel of an arbitrary law disabling and religion dishonouring toleration, which is always evil; and with consent to the sinful impositions, with which it is tendered; concerning and affecting the doctrine of ministers, that they shall preach nothing which may alienate the subjects from the government: against all which there is no access for a protestation, confident with the improvement of the liberty, for it is granted and accepted on these very terms; that there shall be no protestation; for if there be, that will be found an alienating of the hearts of the subjects from the government, which, by that protestation, will be reflected upon. If it be considered with respect to the addressers for it, who formally say a confederacy with, and congratulate the tolerator for his toleration, and all the mischiefs he is machinating and effectuating thereby: then seeing they have presumptuously taking upon them to send it in the name of all presbyterians, it concerns all honest men, zealous Christians, and faithful ministers of that persuasion and denomination, in honour and conscience, to declare to the world by some public testimony, that they are not consenters to that sinful, shameful, and scandalous conspiracy, nor of the corporation of these flattering addresses who have betrayed the cause; with which all will be interpreted consenters, that are not contradicters. Further this toleration is sinful as is cleared above, Period 6. And to accept of it is contrary to our solemn covenants and engagements, where we are bound to extirpate popery, preserve the reformation, defend our liberties, and never to accept of a toleration eversive of all these precious interests we are sworn to maintain. And it is heinously scandalous, being, in effect, a succumbing at length, and yielding up the cause, which hath been so long controverted, and so long contended for; at least an appearance of ceding and lying by from contending for the interests of Christ, of condemning our former wrestlings for the same, of purchasing a liberty to ourselves at the rate of burying the testimony in bondage and oblivion; of hardening and confirming open adversaries in their wicked invasions on our religion, laws, and liberties; of being weary of the cross of Christ, that we would fain have ease upon any terms, and of weakening the hands, yea, condemning the practice and peremptoriness of these that are exempted from the benefit, or rather the snare of it, and suffer when others are at ease. It is also attended with many inconveniences; for either such as preach under the covert of it, must forbear declaring some part of the counsel of God, and give no testimony seasonable this day: or else if they do, they will soon be discovered, and made a prey. Hence, seeing there must be a testimony against this toleration, it is certainly most expedient to give it there, where the meeting is without the reach and bounds of it, and interdicted by the same proclamation that tenders it, and where the very gathering in such places is a testimony against it: for to preach in houses constantly and leave the fields, would now be interpreted and homologating the toleration that commands preaching to be restricted; especially when an address is made in name of all that accept the benefit of it, from which odium we could not vindicate ourselves, if we should so make use of it. 2. The keeping of field meetings now is a testimony against that wicked law that discharges them, and interdicts them as criminal; yea, in some respect a case of confession; for if Daniel's case, when public prayer was discharged under pain of death, was a case of confession, as all grant; then must also our case be, when public preaching is discharged under the same penalty; for it is equivalent to an universal discharge of all public preaching, when the manner of it is discharged, which we can only have with freedom and safety in way of public testimony, which can be none other in our circumstances but in the fields. Again, if the law be wicked that discharges them, as certainly it is, and is demonstrated from what is said already, then it must be sin to obey it; but it were an obeying of it to quit the fields. 3. The keeping of field meetings now is a testimony against tyranny and usurpation, encroaching upon our religion, laws, and liberties, and presuming to restrict and bound the exercise of the ministerial function, and discharge it altogether, except it be modified according to the circumstances prescribed by a wicked law, which cannot be allowed as competent to any man whose authority is not acknowledged, for reasons given in Head 2. Therefore, though there were no more, this is sufficient to call all ministers to give testimony against such an usurpation, by refusing to obey any such act, and preaching where God giveth a call. For otherwise, to submit to it, would be an acknowledging of his magistratical power to discharge these meetings, and to give forth sentences against faithful ministers. 4. The keeping of field meetings now is a testimony for the honour, headship, and princely prerogative of Jesus Christ, which hath been the great word of his patience in Scotland, and by an unparalleled insolence encroached upon by usurpers in our day, and in effect, denied by such as took a new holding for the exercise of their ministry from their usurped power. Now in these meetings, there is a practical declaration of their holding their ministry, and the exercise thereof from Christ alone, without any dependence upon, subordination to, or licence and warrant from his usurping enemies; and that they may and will preach in public, without authority from them. If then it be lawful and expedient to maintain the interests of a king of clay against an usurper; then much more must it be lawful and expedient, to maintain the quarrel of the King of kings, when wicked men would banish him and his interests out of the kingdom by their tyrannical cruelty, and cruel mercy of a destructive toleration. 5. The keeping of field meetings now is a testimony for the gospel and the ministry thereof; which is always the dearest and nearest privilege of Christians, and in the present circumstances, when our lives and our all are embarked in the same bottom with it, and sought to be destroyed together with it, by a party conspiring against Christ, it is necessary duty to defend both by resisting their unjust violence; especially when religion and the gospel is one and the chief of our fundamental land rights, and the cardinal condition of the established policy, upon which we can only own men for magistrates by the law of the land: and this testimony, by defence of the gospel and of our own lives, cannot be given expediently any where but in the fields. It is also a testimony for the freedom and authority of the gospel ministry, and for their holding their unremoveable relation to the church of Scotland, which is infringed by these tyrannical acts, and maintained by these exercises; which is a privilege to be contended for, above and beyond all other that can be contended for or defended, especially to be maintained again those that have no power or authority to take it away. There will no man quit any of his goods upon a sentence coming from an incompetent judge: and shall ministers or people be hectored or fooled from such a privilege by them that have no such power. 6. The keeping of field meetings now is a testimony for our covenants, the owning whereof is declared criminal by that same law that discharges these meetings; in which we are sworn to preserve the reformation in doctrine, worship, discipline, and government, and to defend all the church's liberties, and to oppose all their opposites, and endeavour their extirpation: And in the solemn acknowledgment of sins and engagements to duties, we are sworn, Because many have of late laboured to supplant the liberties of the kirk, to maintain and defend the kirk of Scotland, in all her liberties and privileges, against all who shall oppose and undermine the same, or encroach thereupon, under any pretext whatsoever. Since then, the owning of these meetings and the covenants are both discharged together, and the owning of the covenant does oblige to a public opposition against the dischargers, and an avowed maintenance of the church's privileges, whereof this is, in a manner, the only and chief liberty now left to be maintained, to keep meetings where we may testify against them, without dependence on their toleration; it must follow, that these meetings are to be maintained, which only can be in the fields, with conveniency. 7. To give over these field meetings now, would be an hardening and encouraging of these enemies in their wicked design of banishing all these meetings out of the land; which manifestly would be defeat, by a resolute refusal of all to submit to their discharging of them; and they that do submit, and give them over, do evidently contribute to the effectuating that wicked design, which is of that sort, but further is intended to extirpate all meetings for gospel ordinances, in which there is any testimony against them. To comply therefore with such a forbearance of them at this time, would lay a stone of stumbling before them, to encourage them in these their designs: when they should see their contrivance so universally complied with, wherein they might boast that at length they had prevailed, to put quite away that eye-sore of theirs, field meetings. 8. To give over these field meetings now, were a stumbling to the poor ignorant people; who might think, that now it appears that work was but of men, and so hath come to naught; and would look upon it as an evidence of fainting, and succumbing at last in the matter of the testimony, as being quite overcome; and that indeed all have embraced and accepted this present toleration, and were all alike sleeping under the shade, and eating the fruits of such a bramble. 9. Finally, To give over these field meetings now, would be very scandalous to the posterity, and to strangers, who shall read the history of our church, to find, that as prelacy came in without a joint witness, and the monstrous, blasphemous, and sacrilegious supremacy was erected, without a testimony in its season; so black popery itself, and tyranny, was introduced by a toleration, which laid them all by from a testimony against these; who formerly had valiantly, resolutely, and faithfully contended against all lesser corruptions; but at last, when that came, and stricter prohibitions of all public meetings, but under the covert thereof, were emitted, then all were persuaded to comply with that course. How astonishing would it be to read, that all these contendings, sealed with so much precious blood, should come to such a pitiful period! But I hasten to the next, which is the second positive ground of suffering. HEAD V. _The Principle of, and Testimony for, Defensive Arms Vindicated._ This truth is of that sort, that can hardly be illustrated by demonstration; not for the darkness thereof, but for its self-evidencing clearness, being scarcely capable of any further elucidation, than what is offered to the rational understanding by its simple proposition. As first principles can hardly be proven because they need no probation, and cannot be made clearer than they are, and such as cannot consent to them, are incapable of conceiving any probation of them; so this truth of self preservation being lawful, because it is congenite with and irradicated in every nature, that hath a self which it can preserve, can scarcely be more illustrated that it may do so, than that it can do so. And therefore to all who have a true respect to their own, as well as a due concern in the interest of mankind, and zeal for the interest of Christ, it might seem superfluous to make a doubt or debate of this: were it not that a generation of men is now prevailing, that are as great monsters in nature, as they are malignant in religion, and as great perverters of the law of nature, as they are subverters of municipal laws, and everters of the laws of God: who for owning this principle, as well as using the practice of defensive resistance for self-preservation against tyrannical violence, have set up such monuments of rage and cruelty, in the murder of many innocent people, as was never read nor heard of before. It hath been indeed the practice of all nations in the world, and the greatest of men have maintained this principle in all ages; but the bare asserting the principle, when extorted by severe inquisitions, was never a cause of taking the lives of any, before this was imposed on the poor sufferers in Scotland, to give their judgment, whether or not such appearances for defence (as the tyranny of rulers had forced people to) were rebellion, and a sin against God, which they could not in conscience assert; and therefore, though many that have suffered upon this head, have been as free of the practice of such resistance as any; yet because they would not condemn the principle, they have been criminally processed, arraigned, and condemned to the death. And against this truth they have been observed to have a special kind of indignation, either because the light of it, which cannot be hid, hath some heat with it to scorch them; or because they fear the impression of this in the hearts of people more than others, knowing that they deserve the practical expression of it by the hands of all. But the reason they give why they are so offended at it, is, that they look upon it as the spring of all the errors of presbyterians, and a notion that destroys them; which indeed will be found to have a necessary connexion with many of the truths that they contend for this day, as it hath been the necessary method of defending them. What practices of this kind hath been, and what were the occasions inducing, or rather enforcing to these defensive resistances, here to be vindicated as to the principle of them, is manifested in the historical representation, shewing, that after the whole body of the land was engaged under the bond of a solemn covenant, several times renewed, to defend religion and liberty; and in special manner the magistrates of all ranks, the supreme whereof was formally admitted to the government upon these terms; he, with his associates, conspiring with the nobles, to involve the whole land in perjury and apostasy, overturned the whole covenanted work of reformation; and thereby not only encroached upon the interest of Christ and the church's privileges, but subverted the fundamental constitution of the kingdom's government, and pressed all to a submission unto, and compliance with that tyranny and apostasy, erected upon the ruins thereof; yet the godly and faithful in the land, sensible of the indispensible obligation of these covenants, resolved to adhere thereunto, and suffered long patiently for adherence unto the same, until being quite wearied by a continued tract of tyrannical oppressions, arbitrarily enacted by wicked laws, and illegally executed against their own laws, and cruelly prosecuted even without all colour of law, in many unheard of barbarities, when there could be no access for, or success in complaining, or getting redress by law, all petitions and remonstrances of grievances being declared seditious and treasonable, and interdicted as such: they were forced to betake themselves to this last remedy of defensive resistance, intending only the preservation of their lives, religion and liberties; which many times hath been blessed with success, and therefore zealously contended for, as an inadmissible privilege, by all well affected to the cause of Christ, and interest of their country, because they found it always countenanced of the Lord; until the cause was betrayed by the treachery, and abandoned by the cowardice of such, as were more loyal for the king's interests, than zealous for Christ's and the country's; for which the Lord in his holy jealousy discountenanced many repeated endeavours of this nature, cutting us off, and putting us to shame, and would not go forth with our armies. But because the duty is not to be measured by, and hath a more fixed rule to be founded upon than providence; therefore the godly did not only maintain the principle in their confessions and testimonies, but prosecute the practice in carrying arms, and making use of them in the defence of the gospel and of themselves, at field meetings; which were always successfully prosperous, by the power and presence of God. This question is sufficiently discussed, by our famous and learned invincible patrons and champions for this excellent privilege of mankind, the unanswerable authors of Lex Rex, the Apologetical Relation, Naphtali, and Jus populi vindicatum. But because it is easy to add to what is found, I shall subjoin my mite; and their arguments being various and voluminously prosecute, and scattered at large through their books, I shall endeavour to collect a compend of them in some order. The two first speak of a defensive war, managed in a parliamentary way: and the two last, of resistance against the abuse of a lawful power, when there is no access to maintain religion and liberty any other way; which does not come up so close to our case, nor is an antithesis to the assertions of our adversaries, who say, that it is no ways lawful, in any case, or upon any pretence whatsoever, to resist the sovereign power of a nation, in whomsoever it be resident, or which way soever it be erected. I shall consider it more complexly and extensively, and plead both for resistance against the abuse of a lawful power, and against the use and usurpation of a tyrannical power, and infer not only the lawfulness of resisting kings, when they abuse their power (as is demonstrate unanswerably by these authors) but the expediency and necessity of the duty of resisting this tyrannical power, whensoever we are in a capacity, if we would not be found treacherous covenant-breakers, and betrayers of the interest of God, and the liberties of the nation, and of our brethren, together with the posterity, into the hands of this popish and implacable enemy, and so bring on us the curse of Meroz, and the curse of our brethren's blood, crying for vengeance on the heads of the shedders thereof, and upon all, who being in case, came not to their rescue; and the curse of posterity, for not transmitting that reformation and liberty, whereof we were by the valour of our forefathers put and left in possession. I shall not therefore restrict myself to the state of the question, as propounded ordinarily, to wit, Whether or not, when a covenanted king doth really injure, oppress and invade his subjects civil and religious rights, or unavoidably threatens to deprive their dearest and nearest liberties, and sends out his emissaries with armed violence against them; and when all redress to be had, or hope by any address or petition, is rendered void or inaccessible, yea addressing interdicted under severe penalties, as treasonable; then, and in that case, may a community of these subjects defend themselves, and their religion and liberties, by arms, in resisting his bloody emissaries? But, to bring it home to our present case, and answer the laxness of the adversaries position of the uncontroulableness of every one that wears a crown, I shall state it thus: Whether or not is it a necessary duty for a community (whether they have the concurrence of the primores or nobles, or not) to endeavour, in the defence of their lives, religion, laws and liberties, to resist and repress the usurpation and tyranny of prevailing dominators, using or abusing their power for subverting religion, invading the liberties, and overturning the fundamental laws of their country? I hold the affirmative, and shall essay to prove it, by the same arguments that conclude this question, as usually stated; which will more than evince the justifiableness of the sufferings upon this head. In prosecuting of this subject, I shall first premit some concessory considerations to clear it. And secondly, bring reasons to prove it. First, For clearing of this truth, and taking off mistakes, these concessions may be considered. 1. The ordinance of magistracy, which is of God, is not to be resisted, no, not so much as by disobedience or non obedience, nay, not so much as mentally, by cursing in the heart, Eccles. x. 20. but a person clothed therewith, abusing his power, may be in so far resisted. But tyrants, or magistrates turning tyrants, are not God's ordinance; and there is no hazard of damnation, for refusing to obey their unjust commands, but rather the hazard of that is in walking willingly after the commandment, when the statutes of Omri are kept. So that what is objected from Eccl. viii. 2-4. "I counsel thee to keep the king's commandment," &c. is answered on Head II. and is to be understood only of the lawful commands of lawful kings. 2. Rebellion is a damnable sin, except where the word is taken in a lax sense, as Israel is said to have rebelled against Rehoboam, and Hezekiah against Sennacherib, which was a good rebellion, and clear duty, being taken there for resistance and revolt. In that sense indeed some of our risings in arms might be called rebellion; for it is lawful to rebel against tyrants. But because the word is usually taken in an evil sense, therefore it would have been offensive to acknowledge that before the inquisitors, except it had been explained. But rebellion against lawful magistrates, is a damnable sin, exemplarily punished in Korah and his company, who rebelled against Moses; and in Sheba and Absalom, who rebelled against David. For to punish the just is not good, nor to strike princes for equity, Prov. xvii. 26. and they that resist shall receive to themselves damnation, Rom. xiii. 2. So that this objection brought from this place, as if the apostle were commanding their subjection without resistance to Nero, and such tyrants; as it is very impertinent, it is fully answered above, Head II. Here it will be sufficient to reply, 1. He is hereby vindicating Christianity from that reproach, of casting off or refusing subjection to magistrates for conscience sake in general. And it is very considerable, what Buchanan says in his book de juri regni, that Paul did not write to the kings themselves, because they were not Christians, and therefore the more might be born with from them, though they should not understand the duty of magistrates; but imagine, that there had been some Christian king who had turned tyrant and apostate, 'to the scandal of religion: what would he have written then? Sure if he had been like himself, he would have denied that he should be owned for a king, and would have interdicted all Christians communion with him, and that they should account him no king, but such as they were to have no fellowship with, according to the law of the gospel.' 2. He speaks of lawful rulers here, not tyrants, but of all such as are defined and qualified here, being powers ordained of God, terrors to evil works, ministers of God for good. Yea, but say prelates, and their malignant adherents, these are only motives of subjection to all powers, not qualifications of the powers. I answer, they are indeed motives, but such as can be extended to none but to these powers that are so qualified. 3. He speaks of lawful powers indefinitely in the plural number, not specifying any kind or degree of them, as if only kings and emperors were here meant. It cannot be proven, that the power of the sword is only in them. Neither was there a plurality of kings or emperors at Rome to be subject to: if he meant the Roman emperor, he would have designed him in the singular number. All the reasons of the text agree to inferior judges also, for they are ordained of God, they are called rulers in scripture, and God's ministers, revengers by office, who judge not for man, but for the Lord: and inferior magistrates also are not to be resisted, when doing their duty, 1 Pet. ii. 13. yet all will grant, when they go beyond their bounds, and turn little tyrants, they may be withstood. 4. He does not speak of Nero, concerning whom it cannot be proven, that at this time he had the soverereign power as the learned Mr. Prin shews: or if he had, that he was a tyrant at this time; and if he meant him at all, it was only as he was obliged to be by right, nor as he was in deed. All men know, and none condemns the fact of the senate, that resisted Nero at length, without transgressing this precept. Yea I should rather think, the senate is the power that the apostle applies this text to, if he applied it to any in particular. 5. The subjection here required, is the same with the honour in the fifth command, whereof this is an exposition, and is opposite to the contraordinateness here condemned. Now, subjection takes in all the duties we owe to magistrates, and resistance all the contraries forbidden; but unlimited obedience is not here required: so neither unlimited subjection. 3. We may allow passive subjection in some cases, even to tyrants, when the Lord lays on that yoke, and in effect says, he will have us to lie under it a while, as he commanded the Jews to be subject to Nebuchadnezzar: of which passage, adduced to prove subjection to tyrants universally, Buchanan, as above, infers, that if all tyrants be to be subjected to, because God by his prophet commanded his people to be subject to one tyrant; then it must be likewise concluded, that all tyrants ought, to be killed, because Ahab's house was commanded to be destroyed by Jehu. But passive subjection, when people are not in capacity to resist, is necessary. I do not say passive obedience, which is a mere chimera, invented in the brains of such sycophants, as would make the world slaves to tyrants. Whosoever suffereth, if he can shun it, is an enemy to his own being: for every natural thing must strive to preserve itself against what annoyeth it; and also he sins against the order of God, who in vain hath ordained so many lawful means for preservation of our being, if we must suffer it to be destroyed, having power to help it. 4. We abhor all war of subjects, professedly declared against a lawful king, as such; all war against lawful authority, founded upon, or designed for maintaining principles inconsistent with government, or against policy and piety; yea, all war without authority. Yet, when all authority of magistrates, supreme and subordinate, is perverted and abused, contrary to the ends thereof, to the oppressing of the people, and overturning of their laws and liberties, people must not suspend their resistance upon the concurrence of men of authority, and forbear the duty in case of necessity, because they have not the peers or nobles to lead them: for if the ground be lawful, the call clear, the necessity cogent, the capacity probable, they that have the law of nature, the law of God, and the fundamental laws of the land on their side, cannot want authority though they may want parliaments to espouse their quarrel. This is cleared above, Head 2. yet here I shall add, 1. The people have this privilege of nature, to defend themselves and their rights and liberties, as well as peers; and had it, before they erected and constituted peers or nobles. There is no distinction of quality in interests of nature, though there be in civil order: but self defence is not an act of civil order. In such interests, people must not depend upon the priority of their superiors, nor suspend the duties they owe to themselves and their neighbours, upon the manuduction of other mens greatness. The law of nature allowing self-defence, or the defence of our brethren, against unjust violence, addeth no such restriction, that it must only be done by the conduit or concurrence of the nobles or parliaments. 2. The people have as great interest to defend their religion as the peers, and more, because they have more souls to care for than they, who are fewer. And to be violented in their consciences, which are as free to them as to the peers, is as insupportable to them: yea, both are equally concerned to maintain truth, and rescue their brethren suffering for it, which are the chief grounds of war; and if the ground of the defensive war be the same with them and without them, what reason can be given, making their resistance in one case lawful, and not in the other? Both are alike obliged to concur, and both are equally, obnoxious to God's threatened judgments, for suffering religion to be ruined, and not relieving and rescuing innocents. It will be but a poor excuse for people to plead, they had no peers to head them. What if both king and nobles turn enemies to religion, (as they are at this day) shall people do nothing for the defence of it then? Many times the Lord hath begun a work of reformation by foolish things, and hath made the least of the flock to draw them out, Jer. xlix. 2. and l. 45. and did not think fit to begin with nobles, but began it, when powers and peers were in opposition to it; and when he blessed it so at length, as to engage the public representatives to own it, what was done by private persons before, they never condemned. 3. The people are injured without the nobles, therefore they may resist without them, if they be able: for there can be no argument adduced, to make it unlawful to do it with them. 4. It is true the nobles are obliged beyond others, and have authority more than others to concur; but separately they cannot act as representatives judicially: they have a magistratical power, but limited to their particular precincts where they have interest, and cannot extend it beyond these bounds; and so if they should concur, they are still in the capacity of subjects; for out of a parliamentary capacity they are not representatives. 5. All the power they can have is cumulative, not privative; for the worse condition of a ruler ought not to be by procuring. Why then shall the representatives, betraying their trust, wrong the cause of the people, whose trustees they are? Nay, if it were not lawful for people to defend their religion, lives, and liberties without the concurrence of parliaments, then their case should be worse with them than without them; for they have done it before they had them, and so they had better be without them still. 6. People may defend themselves against the tyranny of a parliament, or primores, or nobles: therefore, they may do it without them; for if it be lawful to resist them, it is lawful to wave them, when they are in a conspiracy with the king against them. 5. We disallow all war without real undeclinable necessity, and great and grievous wrongs sustained: and do not maintain it is to be declared or undertaken upon supposed grounds, or pretended causes: and so the question is impertinently stated by our adversaries, 'Whether or not it be lawful for subjects, or a party of them, when they think themselves injured, or to be in a capacity, to resist or oppose the supreme power of a nation.' For the question is not, if when they think themselves injured they may resist? But when the injuries are real: neither is it every reality of injuries will justify their resistance, but when their dearest and nearest liberties are invaded, especially when such an invasion is made, as threatens ineluctable subversion of them. Next, we do not say, That a party's esteeming themselves in a capacity, or their being really in a capacity, doth make resistance a duty; except, all alike, they have a call as well as a capacity, which requires real necessity, and a right to the action, and the things contended for to be real and legal rights, really and illegally encroached upon: their capacity gives them only a conveniency to go about the duty, that is, previously lawful upon a moral ground. No man needs to say, Who shall be judge? the magistrate or people? For, 1. All who have eyes in their head may judge whether the sun shine or not; and all who have common sense may judge in this case. For when it comes to a necessity of resistance, it is to be supposed, that the grievances complained of, and sought to be redressed by arms, are not hid, but manifest; it cannot be so with any party only pretending their suffering wrong. 2. There is no need of the formality of a judge, in things evident to nature's eye, as grassant tyranny undermining and overturning religion and liberty must be. Nature, in the acts of necessitated ressistance, in such a case, is judge, party, accuser, witness, and all. Neither is it an act of judgment, for people to defend their own: defence is no act of jurisdiction, but a privilege of nature. Hence, these common sayings, all laws permit force to be repelled by force; and the law of nature allows self defence: the defence of life is necessary, and flows from the law of nature. 3. Be judge who will, the tyrant cannot be judge in the case: for, in these tyrannical acts, that force the people to that resistance, he cannot be acknowledged as king, and therefore no judge: for it is supposed, the judge is absent, when he is the party that does the wrong. And he that does the wrong, as such, is inferior to the innocent. 4. Let God be judge, and all the world, taking cognizance of the evidence of their respective manifestos of the state of their cause. 6. We condemn rising to revenge private injuries; whereby the land may be involved in blood for some petty wrongs done to some persons, great or small; and abhor revengeful usurping of the magistrate's sword, to avenge ourselves for personal injuries. As David's killing of Saul would have been, 1 Sam. xxiv. 10. 12. 13, 1 Sam. xxvi. 9, 10. To object which, in this case, were very impertinent: for it would have been an act of offence in a remote defence: if Saul had been immediately assaulting him, it could not be denied to be lawful: and it would have been an act of private revenge for a personal injury, and a sinful preventing of God's promise of David's succession, by a scandalous assassination. But it is clear, then David was resisting him, and that is enough for us; and he supposes he might descend into battle, and perish, 1 Sam. xxvi. 10. not excluding, but that he might perish in battle against himself resisting him. We are commanded indeed not to resist evil, but whosoever shall smite us on the one cheek, to turn to him the other also, Matth. v. 39. and to recompence to no man evil for evil, Rom. xii. 17. But this doth not condemn self defence, or resisting tyrants violently, endangering our lives, laws, religion, and liberties, but only resistance by way of private revenge and retaliation, and enjoin patience, when the clear call and dispensation do inevitably call unto suffering; but not to give way to all violence and sacrilege, to the subverting of religion and righteousness. These texts do no more condemn private persons retaliating the magistrate, than magistrates retaliating private persons, unless magistrates be exempted from this precept, and consequently be not among Christ's followers: yea, they do no more forbid private persons, to resist the unjust violence of magistrates, than to resist the unjust violence of private persons. That objection from our Lord's reproving Peter, Matth. xxvi. 52. Put up thy sword, for all they that take the sword, shall perish by the sword, hath no weight here: for this condemns only making use of the sword, either by way of private revenge, or usurping the use of it without authority, (and so condemns all tyrants) which private subjects do not want to defend themselves, their religion and liberty; or using it without necessity, which was not in Peter's case, both because Christ was able to defend himself, and because he was willing to deliver up himself. Pool's Synops. Critic. in Locum. Christ could easily have defended himself, but he would not; and therefore there was no necessity for Peter's rashness; it condemns also a rash precipitating and preventing the call of God to acts of resistance; but otherwise it is plain, it was not Peter's fault to defend his master, but a necessary duty. The reason, our Lord gives for that inhibition at that time, was twofold; one expressed Matth. xixvi. 52. For they that take the sword, &c. Which do not belong to Peter, as if Peter were hereby threatened; but to those that were coming to take Christ, they usurped the sword of tyranical violence, and therefore are threatened with destruction, by the sword of the Romans: so is that commination to be understood of antichrist, and the tyrants that serve him, Rev. xiii. 13. He that killeth with the sword must be killed with the sword, which is a terrible word against persecutors. The reason is, John xviii. 11.----The cup which my Father hath given me, shall I not drink? Which clearly refels that objection of Christ's non-resistance. To which it is answered, That suffering was the end of his voluntary suscepted humiliation, and his errand to the world, appointed by the Father, and undertaken by himself, which is not our practice: though it be true, that even in his sufferings he left us an ensample that we should follow his steps, 1 Pet. ii. 21. In many things, as he was a martyr, his sufferings were the purest rule and example for us to follow, both for the matter, and frame of spirit, submission, patience, constancy, meekness, &c. but not as he was our sponsor, and after the same manner, for then it were unlawful for us to flee, as well as to resist, because he would not flee at that time. 7. As we are not for rising in arms for trifles of our own things, or small injuries done to ourselves, but in a case of necessity for the preservation of our lives, religion, laws, and liberties, when all that are dear to us, as men and as Christians, are in hazard: so we are not for rising up in arms, to force the magistrates to be of our religion, but to defend our religion against his force. We do not think it the way that Christ hath appointed, to propagate religion by arms: let persecutors and limbs of antichrist take that to them; but we think it a privilege which Christ hath allowed us to defend and preserve our religion by arms: especially, when it hath been established by the laws of the land, and become a land right, and the dearest and most precious right and interest we have to contend for. It is true faith Christ, John xviii. 36. 'My kingdom is not of this world; if my kingdom were of this world, then would my servants fight that I should not be delivered to the Jews.' But this objection will not conclude, that Christ's kingdom is not to be defended and preserved by resistance, of all that would impiously and sacrilegiously spoil us of it in this world, because it is not of this world: for then all were obliged to suffer it to be run down, by slaves of hell and satan, and antichrist's vassals, papists and malignants: yea, magistrates were not to fight for it, for they are among his servants, if they be Christians. But the good confession he witnesses here before Pilate, is, that he hath a kingdom, which, as it is not in opposition to any cesarean majesty; so it must not be usurped upon by any king of clay, but is specially distinct from all the kingdoms of the world, and subordinate to no earthly power, being of a spiritual nature; whereof this is a demonstration, and sufficient security for earthly kingdoms, that his servants, as such, that is, as Christians, and as ministers, were not appointed by him to propagate it by arms, nor to deliver him their king at that time, because he would not suffer his glorious design of redemption to be any longer retarded: but this doth not say, but though they are not to propagate it as Christians, and as ministers, by carnal weapons, yet they may preserve it with such weapons as men. Hence that old saying may be vindicated, prayers and tears are the arms of the church. I grant they are so, the only best prevailing arms, and without which all others would be ineffectual, and that they (together with preaching and church discipline, &c.) are the only ecclesiastical or spiritual arms of a church as a church; but the members thereof are also men, and as men they may use the same weapons that others do, and ye my flock, the flock of my pasture, are men, saith the Lord, Ezek. xxxiii. 31. Yea, from this I shall take an argument; if it be lawful for private subjects, without the concurrence of parliaments, to resist a tyrant by prayers and tears; then it is lawful also to resist him by violence, but the former is true, as our adversaries grant by this objection, and I have proved it to be duty to pray against tyrants, Head 2. Ergo--. The connection is founded upon these reasons, 1. This personal resistance by violence, is as consistent with that command, Rom. xiii. 1. 2. 'Let every soul be subject unto the higher powers--whosoever therefore resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance of God;' as resistance by prayer is with that, 1 Tim. ii. 1, 2. I exhort--that--supplications--be made--for kings, and for all that are in authority. If the prince be good, the one is as unlawful as the other; and a sinful resistance of the ordinance of God (to pray against him) no less than the other (to fight against him.) Therefore when he becomes a tyrant, and destroyer of the Lord's inheritance, and an apostate, as I may not pray for him except conditionally, but against him as an enemy of Christ; so I may also fight against him as such. 2. As adversaries themselves will grant, that resistance by prayers and tears is more powerful and effectual than the other; so the laws of the land make the one treasonable as well as the other; and that deservedly, when the prince is doing his duty; but when he turneth tyrant, neither can justly be condemned. These things being permitted, I shall come shortly to the purpose, and endeavour to prove this truth, That it is a necessary duty for a community (whether they have the concurrence of the primores, nobles, and representatives or not) to endeavour, in the defence of their religion, lives, laws, and liberties, to resist and repress the usurpation and tyranny of prevailing dominators, using or abusing their power, for subverting religion, invading the liberties, and overturning the fundamental laws of the country. Wherein I shall be but short, because this truth is sufficiently confirmed by all the arguments of the second head; yet I may only hint at many others, and prosecute them in this order. First, I shall produce some arguments from the law of nature and nations. 2dly, From the common practice of all Christian people. 3dly, From express scriptures. I. The arguments of the first class are very multifarious: I shall reduce them to a few, as compendiously as may be, and only give the strength of them in a syllogistical form, without expatiating, save where the matter requires. 1. The great antagonists of this truth, through the clearness thereof, are forced to assert and grant such particulars, as will by consequence justify this plea. 1. Barclay contra Monarchum, is cited by the Apol. Relat. and Jus Populi asserting 'That if a king will alienate and subject his kingdom, without his subjects consent, or be carried with a hostile mind to the destruction of his people, his kingdom is actually lost, and the people may not only lawfully resist, but also depose him.' Grotius de jure belli, lib. 1. cap. 4. asserts the same, and adds, 'If he but attempt to do so he may be resisted.' The surveyor of Naphtali grants the same, pag. 23, 24. Yea, this hath been granted in open court, by the council of Scotland, That in case of the king's alienating his kingdoms he may be resisted. Hence, 1. If vendition or alienation of kingdoms, or attempts of it, do annul a king's authority, then an alienation of them from Christ, to whom they are devoted by covenant, and selling to antichrist, as is attempted by this king, gives the people a right to resist him; but the former is here conceded: Ergo--(2.) We need say no more to apply the other, that carrying a hostile mind to the destruction of the people does forfeit his kingdom, and gives the people right to resist, than that a papist is always known to carry a hostile mind to the destruction of protestants, and all the designs declared these 27 years have been demonstrative efforts of it. 2. Dr. Ferne acknowledgeth, 'That personal defence is lawful against the sudden, illegal, and inevitable assaults of the king's messengers, or of himself, in so far as to ward off his blows, or hold his hands. As also, he alloweth private persons liberty to deny subsidies and tribute to the prince, when he employeth it to the destruction of the commonwealth.' Hence, (1.) If one may defend himself against the sudden, illegal, and inevitable assaults of the king or his messengers; then may many men, in defence of their lives and liberties, defend themselves against the surprising massacres, the sudden assaults, and much more the devised and deliberate assaults of a tyrant's bloody emissaries, which are illegal and inevitable, as all their furious and bloody onsets have been; but the former is here allowed: therefore,--3. Bodin de Repub. lib. 2. cap. 5. granteth, 'If a king turn tyrant, he may lawfully, at his subjects request, be invaded, resisted, condemned, or slain by a foreign prince.' Hence, if foreign princes may lawfully help a people oppressed by their own sovereign; then people may resist themselves, if they be able and hold in their pains; but the former is here granted: therefore----The consequence cannot be denied, for foreigners have no more power or authority over another sovereign, than the people have themselves. 4. Arnisæus de Author. Princip. c. 2. n. 10. granteth, 'That if the prince proceed extrajudicially, without order of law, by violence, every private man hath power to resist.' So the surveyor of Naphtali, as above, 'Grants so much of a woman's violent resisting attempts against the honour of her chastity, and tending to ensnare her in sin, whereof, her non-resistance makes her guilty.' Hence, (1.) If every extrajudicial violence of a prince may be resisted; then also all contrajudicial violence against law or reason must be opposed, for that is more grievous, and all their violences, wherein they do not act as judges, must be resisted, and that is all together, for in none of them they can act as judges; but the former is here granted: therefore--2. If a woman may defend her chastity against the king, lest her non-resistance make her guilty, (oh, if all women had been of this mind, the country would not have been pestered so with the king's bastards); then may a nation, or any part of it, resist a tyrant's attempt upon the honour of their religion, enticing them to fornication with the mother of harlots, lest their non-resistance make them guilty; but the former is here yielded: therefore,--5. That same Arnisæus, cap. 4. saith, 'Of the former (to wit, he who is called a tyrant in title) it is determined by all without any difficulty, that he may be lawfully repulsed, or if by force he be gotten into the throne, he may warrantably be thence removed, because he hath not any jot of power which is not illegitimate, and unto which resistance is forbidden for the fear of God and for conscience sake, and therefore he is no further to be looked at than as an enemy.' This is so pat and pertinent to the present possessor of the government, that no words can more particularly apply it. 6. Grotius de jure belli, lib. 1. cap. 4. granteth, the law of not resisting does not bind when the danger is most weighty and certain, 'And we do not plead for it in any other case.' And further he says, 'The law of non-resistance seemeth to have flowed from them, who first combined together into society, and from whom such as did command did derive their power: now, if it had been asked of such, whether they would choose to die, rather than in any case to resist the superior by arms? I know not if they would have yielded thereto, unless with this addition, if they could not be resisted but with the greatest perturbation of the commonwealth, and destruction of many innocents. And afterwards he hath these words, nevertheless I scarce dare condemn every one or the lesser part, which may only be done at utmost extremity, notwithstanding respect is to be had to the common good.' From which we need make no inference, the concession is so large, that it answers our case. 7. The surveyor of Naphtali, in the place above cited, 'Grants legal self-defence against the sovereign, by way of plea in court, for safety of a man's person or estate,--as also is the case of most habited, notour and complete tyranny against law, to the destruction of the body of a people, and of all known legal liberties, and the being of religion according to law.--And in case of his not being in his natural and right wits.'--Hence, (1.) If it be lawful to resist the king by a plea in law, for an estate, (yea the law will allow), by actual force, if he come to take possession of it illegally: then it must be lawful for their lives and estates, liberties and religion, to resist him by force, when the legal resistance is not admitted; but the former is yielded here: therefore.--The reason of the connexion is, the municipal law permits the one, and the law of nature and nations (which no municipal law can infringe) will warrant the other: he hath no more right to be both judge and party in this case, more than in the other: and he can no more act as a sovereign in this case, than in the other. (2.) If it be lawful to resist habited, notour, and complete tyranny against law, to the destruction of the body of a people, and of all known legal liberties, and the being of religion, according to law: then we desire no more to conclude the duty of resisting this tyranny exercised this 27 years habitually, which the desolation of many hundred families, the banishment of many hundreds to slavery, the rivers of blood, &c. have made notour to all Scotland at least, and the perversion of all the fundamental laws, and all civil and religious liberties, yea the subversion of every remaining model of our religion, as reformed and covenanted to be preserved, in doctrine, worship, discipline and government, and designs to introduce popery and establish arbitrary government, have made complete; but the former is here granted: therefore--3. If in case of his being out of his wits, he should run upon an innocent man to kill him, or attempt to cut his own throat, it were then lawful to resist him, yea, a sin not to do it; then when in a rage, or deliberately, he is seeking to destroy many hundreds of the people of God, he may be resisted; but the former is clear: therefore--. 4. King James the VI. in his remonstance for the right of kings, against the oration of Cardinal Perron, hath these words, The public laws make it lawful, and free for any private person, to enterprize against an usurper of the kingdom. Then shall it not be duty, to enterprize against a man, who by the laws of the land is not capable of a right to reign, who hath got into the throne by the means of murder, and can pretend no right but that of succession, which I proved to be, none, Head 2. However, we see by these concessions of adversaries, that the absolute subjection they talk of will not hold, nor the prerogative be so uncontroulable in every case, as they would pretend, and that in many cases, the safety of the people hath the supremacy above it; and that also in these cases the people must be judges, whether they may resist or not. 2. From the law of nature I may argue, 1. If God, the fountain of all power, and author of all right, hath given unto man both the power and the right, of, and reason to manage self-defence, and hath noways interdicted it in his word to be put forth against tyrants; then it is duty to use it against them upon occasion; but the former is true: therefore,--2. If this power and right were restrained in man against the unjust violence of any, it would either be by policy, or grace, or some express prohibition in the word of God; but none of these can be said: therefore.--Policy cannot destroy nature, but is rather cumulative to it; a man entering into a politic incorporation, does not lose the privilege of nature: if one particular nature may defend itself against destroying violence out of society, then must many of these natures combined in society have the same right, and so much the more that their relative duties super-add an obligation of mutual assistance. Grace does not restrain the right of sinless nature, though it restrains corruption: but self-defence is no corruption: Grace makes a man more a man than he was. And nothing can be more dishonourable to the gospel, than that by the law of nature it is lawful to resist tyrants, but we are bound by religion from withstanding their cruelty: the laws of God do not interfere one with another. 3. That law which alloweth comparative re-offending, so as to kill rather than be killed, teacheth resistance: but so the law of nature alloweth, except we be guilty of murder in the culpable omission of self defence. The reason is, because the love of self is nearer and greater, as to temporal life, than the love of our neighbour: that being the measure of this: therefore it obliges rather to kill than be killed, the exigence of necessity so requiring. 4. If nature put no difference between the violence of a tyrant than of another man: then it teaches to resist both alike: but it putteth no difference, but rather aggravates that of a tyrant; being the violence of a man, the injustice of a member of the commonwealth, and the cruelty of a tyrant. And it were absurd to say, we might defend ourselves from the lesser violence, and not from the greater. 5. If particular nature must yield to the good of universal nature; then must one man, though in greatest power, be resisted, rather than the universal commonwealth suffer hurt: but the former is true; for that dictates the necessity of the distracted father to be bound by his own sons, lest all the family be hurt: Ergo the greatest of men or kings, when destructive to the commonwealth, must be resisted; for he is but one man, and so but particular nature. 6. That which is irrational, and reflects upon Providence, as putting men in a worse condition than brutes, is absurd and contrary to the law of nature: but to say, that the brutes have power to defend themselves by resisting what annoys them, and deny this power to men, is irrational and reflects upon Providence, as putting men in a worse condition than brutes: therefore it is absurd, and contrary to the law of nature. 3. From the institution of government I may argue thus: that power and government which is not of God may be resisted: the tyrants power and government, in overturning laws, subverting religion, bringing in idolatry, oppressing subjects, is not of God: Ergo it may be resisted: the major is clear, because that is only the reason why he is not to be resisted, because the ordinance of God is not to be resisted, Rom. xiii. 2. But they that resist a man destroying all the interests of mankind, overturning laws, subverting religion, &c. do not resist the ordinance of God. And if it were not so, this would tend irremedilessly to overthrow all policies, and open a gap to all disorder, injustice, and cruelty, and would give as great encouragement to tyrants to do what they list, as thieves would be encouraged, if they knew nobody would resist them or bring them to punishment. 4. From the original constitution of government by men, it may be argued thus: if people at the first erection of government acted rationally, and did not put themselves in a worse case than before, wherein it was lawful to defend themselves against all injuries, but devolved their rights upon the fiduciary tutory of such, as should remain still in the rank of men, that can do wrong, who had no power but by their gift, consent, and choice, with whom they associated not to their detriment but for their advantage, and determined the form of their government, and time of its continuance, and in what cases they might recur to their primeve liberty, and settled a succession to have course not _jure hereditario_ but _jure et vi legis_, for good ends; then they did not give away their birth-right of self-defence, and power of resistance, which they had before to withstand the violence, injuries, and oppressions of the men they set over them, when they pervert the form and convert it to tyranny, but did retain a power and privilege to resist and revolt from them, and repel their violence when they should do violence to the constitution, and pervert the ends thereof: but the former is true. Ergo--the minor is cleared, Head. 2. And the connexion is confirmed from this; if the estates of a kingdom give the power to a king, it is their own power in the fountain, and if they give it for their own good, they have power to judge when it is used against themselves, and for their evil; and so power to limit and resist the power that they gave. 5. From the way and manner of erecting governors by compact, the necessity whereof is proven Head 2. Many arguments might be deduced; I shall reduce them to this form: If people must propose conditions unto princes, to be by them acquiesced in and submitted unto at their admission to the government, which thereupon becomes the fundamental laws of the government, and securities for the people's rights and liberties, giving a law claim to the people to pursue the prince, in case of failing in the main and principal thing covenanted, as their own covenanted mandatarius who hath no jus or authority of his own, but what he hath from them, and no more power but what is contained in the conditions, upon which he undertaketh the government; Then when either an usurper will come under no such conditions, or a tyrant doth break all these conditions, which he once accepted, and so become stricto jure no prince, and the people be stricto jure liberated from subjection to him, they may and must defend themselves and their fundamental rights and privileges, religion and laws, and resist the tyranny overturning them: but the former is true, Ergo--The connexion is clear: and the minor is proved Head 2. And at length demonstrated and applied to the government of Charles the Second by Jus Populi. cap. 6. See Arg. 4, 5. Head 2. 6. From the nature of magistracy it may be argued thus, That power which is properly neither parental, nor marital, nor masterly and despotic, over the subjects, persons, and goods, but only fiduciary, and by way of trust, is more to be resisted than that which is properly so; but that power which is properly so, that is parental power, and marital, and masterly, may be resisted in many cases; Therefore, that power which is not so properly, but only fiduciary is more to be resisted. That a king's power over his subjects, is neither parental, nor marital, &c. is proven Head 2. And the major needs no probation. The minor is clear by instances, 1. If children may, in case of necessity, resist the fury of their father, seeking to destroy them; then must private subjects resist the rage and tyranny of princes, seeking to destroy them, and what is dearest to them; for there is no stricter obligation moral between king and people, than between parents and children, nor so strict; and between tyrants and people there is none at all; but the former cannot be denied: Therefore,--2. If wives may lawfully defend themselves against the unjust violence of enraged husbands; then must private subjects have power to resist the furious assaults of enraged tyrants, for there is not so great a tye betwixt them and people, as between man and wife; yea there is none at all; but the former is true: Ergo,--3. If servants may defend themselves against their masters; then must private subjects defend themselves against a tyrant or his emissaries; but the former is true: Ergo,--4. If the king's power be only fiduciary, and by way of pawn, which he hath got to keep; then when that power is manifestly abused, to the hurt of them that intrusted him with it, he ought to be resisted by all whom he undertook to protect; but the former is true: Therefore the latter. 7. From the limited power of princes it may be thus argued: If princes be limited by laws and contracts, and may be resisted by pleas in law, and have no absolute power to do and command what they will, but must be limited both by the laws of God and man, and cannot make what laws they will in prejudice of the people's rights, nor execute the laws made according to their pleasure, nor confer on others a lawless licence to oppress whom they please; then when they turn tyrants, and arrogate a lawless absoluteness, and cross the rules, and transgress the bounds prescribed by God's laws, and man's laws, and make their own lusts a law, and execute the same arbitrarily, they must be resisted by force, when a legal resistance cannot be had, in defence of religion and liberty; but all princes are limited, &c. Therefore,--The minor is proved, Head 2. And the connexion may be thus confirmed in short: That power which is not the ordinance of God may be resisted; but an absolute illimited power, crossing the rules, and transgressing the bounds prescribed by God's law and man's, is not the ordinance of God; Therefore it may be resisted. 8. Further from the rule of government, it may be argued several ways, 1. That power which is contrary to law, evil and tyrannical, can ty none to subjection, but if it oblige to any thing, it ties to resistance; but the power of a king against law, religion, and the interests of the subjects, is a power contrary to law, evil and tyrannical: Therefore,--The major is plain, for wickedness can ty no man, but to resist it; that power which is contrary to law, evil and tyrannical is wickedness. 2. That power, and those acts, which neither king can exercise; nor command, nor others execute, nor any obey, must certainly be resisted: but such is the power and acts that oppress the subjects, and overturn religion and liberty; Therefore--The minor is evident from scriptures condemning oppression and violence, both in them that command, and in them that execute the same, and also them that obey such wicked commands. The major is clear from reason; both because such power and such acts as cannot be commanded, cannot be executed, cannot be obeyed lawfully, are sinful and wicked: and because it cannot be a magistratical power, for that may always be exercised and executed lawfully. And what a man cannot command, the resisting of that he cannot punish; but acts of oppression against law, religion, and liberty, a man cannot command; Ergo, the resisting of these he cannot punish. 3. That government of administration, which is not subordinate to the law and will of God, who hath appointed it, must be resisted; but that government or administration, which undermines or overturns religion and liberty, is not subordinate to the law and will of God; Therefore--The major is clear; for nothing but what is the ordinance of God, subordinate to his law and will, is irresistible, Rom. xiii. 2. The assumption is undeniable. 9. From the ends of government, which must be acknowledged by all to be the glory of God, and the good of mankind; yea, all that have been either wise or honest, have always held that the safety of the people is the supreme law. The argument may run thus, in short, 1. That doctrine which makes the Holy One to cross his own ends in giving governors, must be absurd and unchristian as well as irrational; but such is the doctrine that makes all kings and tyrants irresistible upon any pretence whatsoever: Ergo--The minor I prove: That doctrine which makes God intending his own glory and the people's good, to give governors both as fathers to preserve, and as murderers to destroy them, must make the Holy One to cross his own ends; for these are contradictory; but the doctrine that makes all kings and tyrants irresistible, &c. is such: for, by office, they are fathers to preserve, and, by office also, they must be murderers, vested with such a power from God, by the first act, if they be irresistible when they do so; seeing every power that is irresistible is the ordinance of God. Hence also when a blessing turns a curse, it is no more the ordinance of God, but to be resisted; but when a king turns a tyrant, overturning religion and liberty, then a blessing turns a curse: Therefore--2. Means are to be resisted, when they are not useful for, but destructive to the ends they were appointed for; but governors overturning religion and liberty, are means not useful for, but destructive to the ends for which they were appointed; seeing then they are neither for the glory of God, nor the good of mankind: Therefore--3. If all powers and prerogatives of men are only means appointed for, and should vail unto the supreme law of the people's safety, and all laws be subordinate to, and corroborative of this law, and when cross to it are in so far null, and no laws, and all law formalities in competition with it are to be laid aside, and all parliamentary privileges must yield to this, and king and parliament both conspiring have no power against it; and no sovereign power, by virtue of any resignation from the people can comprize any authority to act against it; then it is duty to obey this supreme law, in resisting all powers and prerogatives, all laws, and law formalities, and all conspiracies whatsoever against this supreme law, the safety of the people; but the former is true, as was proven Head 2. Therefore--4. That power which is obliged, and appointed to command and rule justly and religiously, for the good of the people, and is only set over them on these conditions, and for that end, cannot ty them to subjection without resistance, when the power is abused to the destruction of laws, religion and people; but all power is so obliged and appointed: therefore, whensoever it is so abused, it cannot ty people to subjection, but rather oblige them to rejection of it. 10. From the obedience required to government, it may be argued thus. 1. If we may flee from tyrants, then we may resist them; but we may flee from tyrants: therefore we may resist them. The connexion I prove, (1.) If all grounds of justice will warrant the one as well as the other, then if the one be duty, so is the other; but the former is true; for the same justice and equity that warrants declining a tyrant's unjust violence by flight, will warrant resistance when flight will not do it; the same principle of self-defence, that makes flight duty, when resistance is not possible, will also make resistance duty, when flight is not possible; the same principle of charity to wives and children, that makes flight lawful, when by resistance they cannot avoid tyranny, will make resistance duty, when by flight they cannot evite it; the same principle of conscience to keep religion free, that prompts to flight, when resistance will not save it, will also prompt to resist it, when flight is not practicable. (2.) If to flee from a just power, when in justice we are obnoxious to its sword, be to resist the ordinance of God, and so sin: then to flee from an unjust power, must be also a resisting of the abusing of it, and so duty, for the one is resistance as well as the other; but the difference of the power resisted makes the one lawful; the other not. Again, if royal power may be resisted by interposing seas and miles, why not also by interposing walls and arms? Both is resistance, for against a lawful magistrate that would be resistance. (3.) If a tyrant hath irresistible power to kill and destroy the people, he hath also irresistible power to cite and summon them before him; and if it be unlawful to resist his murders, it must be as unlawful to resist his summons. (4.) For a church or community of Christians, persecuted for religion, to flee with wives and children, strong and weak, old and young, to escape tyrannical violence, and leave the land, were more unlawful than to resist; for what is not possible as a natural means of preservation is not a lawful mean; but this were not a possible mean: neither is it warranted in nature's law, or God's word, for a community or society of Christians, that have God's right and man's law to the land, and the covenanted privileges thereof, to leave the country and cause of Christ, and all in the hands of a tyrant and papist, to set up idolatry upon the ruins of reformation there. A private man may flee, but flight is not warranted of them as of a private single man. 2. If it be duty to disobey, it is duty to resist tyrants, in defence of religion and liberty; but it is duty to disobey them: Therefore--The connection only will be struck at, which is thus strengthened: If subjection be no more pressed in scripture than obedience, then if non-obedience be duty, non-subjection must be so also, and consequently resistance; but subjection is no more pressed in scripture than obedience; for all commands of subjection to the higher powers, as God's ministers, under pain of damnation, do only respect lawful magistrates, and in lawful things, and do include obedience: and non-obedience to the power so qualified is a resisting of the ordinance of God, as well as non-subjection. If then obedience to magistrates be duty, and non-obedience sin, and obedience to tyrants sin, and non-obedience duty; then by parity of reason, subjection to magistrates is duty, and non-subjection is sin, and also subjection to tyrants is sin, and non-subjection duty. 11. From the resistance allowed in all governments, it may be argued thus; if it be duty to defend our religion, lives and liberties, against an invading army of cut-throat papists, Turks or Tartars, without or against the magistrates warrant; then it must be duty to defend the same against invading home-bred tyrants, except we would subscribe ourselves home-born slaves: but the former is true; therefore--The minor cannot be doubted, because the magistrates power cannot be privative and destructive to defence of our religion, lives and liberties; nor can it take away nature's birth-right to defend these, or make it fare the worse, than if we had no magistrates at all. Now, if we had no magistrates at all, we might defend these against invaders; and whether we have magistrates or not, we are under moral obligations of the law of God to endeavour the defence of these: but this needs not be insisted on. The connexion of the proposition is clear; if princes be more tyrannical in invading religion and liberties themselves, than in suffering others to do it, or hindering them to be opposed: and if their invasion be more tyrannical, hurtful and dangerous, than the invasion of strangers, then if it be duty to resist strangers invading their interests, it is more duty to resist home-bred tyrants invading the same; but the former is true: therefore the latter. Resisting in the one case is no more resisting the ordinance of God than in the other. 12. From the motives of resistance we may draw this argument, which might be branched out into several, but I shall reduce it to this complex one: if when we are in a capacity, we cannot acquit ourselves in the duties that we owe to our covenanted religion, and our covenanted brethren, and posterity, and ourselves, nor absolve exoner ourselves from the sin and judgment of tyrants, who overturn religion, oppress our brethren, impose slavery on ourselves, and entail it upon posterity, by a passive subjection, submission to and not opposing these mischiefs; then resistance is necessary: but the former is true: therefore--. The connexion is clear, for there cannot be a medium; if we cannot discharge these duties by subjection, submission, and not opposing, then we must do them by non-subjection, non-submission, and opposing, since they must be done some way. The assumption is thus confirmed. 2. The duties we owe to religion, when it is corrupted, declined from, and overturned, are not only to reform our own hearts and ways, and keep ourselves pure from the corruptions established, and to rebuke and witness against the compliers with the same, and so by work, doing and suffering, keep and contend for the word of our testimony; but further, when, by the constitution of the kingdom, religion is become a fundamental law, and consequently the magistrate, overturning it, is violating and everting the main grounds and ends of the government, and turning grassant and ingrained tyrant, especially when it is not only so authorised and confirmed by law, but corroborated by solemn vows and covenants made and sworn unto God by all ranks of people, to maintain and defend this religion with their lives and fortunes,--and resist all contrary errors and corruptions according to their vocation: and the utmost of that power that God puts in their hands all the days of their lives; as also mutually to defend and assist one another, (as in the national covenant.) And sincerely, really, and constantly endeavour--the preservation of the reformed religion in doctrine, worship, discipline and government, the extirpation of popery, prelacy, &c.--and to assist and defend all those that enter into the same bond in the maintaining thereof,--(as in the solemn league;) then to defend and maintain that religion, and themselves professing it; when it is sought to be razed; this must be an interest as necessary to be defended, as that of our bodies which is far inferior, and as necessary a duty, as to defend our nation and civil liberties from perpetual slavery, and as preferable thereunto, as Christ's interest is to man's, and as the end of all self-preservation is to the means of it, the preservation of religion being the end of all self-preservation; but this duty cannot be discharged without resistance, in a mere passive subjection and submission: otherwise the same might be discharged in our universal submission to Turks coming to destroy our religion. Certainly this passive way cannot answer the duty of pleading for truth, Isa. lix. 4. seeking the truth, Jer v. 1. being valiant for it, Jer. ix. 3. making up the hedge, standing in the gap, &c. Ezek. xxii. 30. which yet are necessary incumbent duties according to our capacity; therefore we cannot answer the duties we owe to religion in a mere passive way. 2. The duty we owe to our covenanted brethren, is to assist and defend them, and relieve them when oppressed, as we are bound by our covenants, and antecedently by the royal law of Christ, the foundation of all righteousness among men toward each other, Matth. vii. 12. 'All things whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, do ye even so to them.'--We would have them helping us when we are oppressed, so should we do to them when it is in the power of our hands to do it, and not forbear to deliver them for fear the Lord require their blood at our hand, Prov. xxiv. 11, 12. But this cannot be done by mere subjection without resistance. 3. There is no way to free ourselves of the sin and judgment of tyrants, by mere passive subjection: we find in the scriptures, people have been so involved and punished for the sins of tyrants; as the people of Judah for Manasseh, 2 Kings xxi. 11. &c. Jer. xv. 4. whose sins if they had not been committed, the judgment for them had been prevented, and if the people had hindered them they had not smarted; but being jointly included with their rulers in the same bond of fidelity to God, and made accountable as joint principals with their kings for that debt, by their mutual as well as several engagements to walk in his ways, they were liable to be punished for their rebellion and apostacy, because they did not hinder it. Hence somewhat must be done to free ourselves of their sin, and to escape their judgments: but this can be nothing else but opposition to them by resistance; or else if we make any other opposition, it will make us more a prey to their jury. II. Secondly, This truth is confirmed from the common practice of the people of God, even under persecution. Whence I shall draw an argument from examples, which, to condemn, were impious, and, to deny, were most impudent. And, for form's sake, it may run thus: What the people of God, under both testaments, have frequently done, in time of persecution, for defending, vindicating, or recovering their religion and liberties, may and ought to be done again in the like circumstances, when these are in the like hazard; but, under both testaments, the people of God frequently in times of persecution have defended, vindicated, or recovered their religion and liberties by defensive arms, resisting the sovereign powers that sought to destroy them: therefore this may and ought to be done again, when these religious, civil and natural privileges, are in the like hazard to be destroyed by the violent encroachments of the sovereign powers. The proposition cannot be denied, except by them that do profess themselves enemies to the people of God, and condemn their most frequently reiterated practices most solemnly and signally owned of God, to the confusion of their enemies, to the convicton of the world that the cause for which they contended was of God, and to the encouragement of all the patrons of such a cause, to hope, that when it is at the lowest it shall have a revival and glorious issue. It is true, sometimes they did not resist, when either they were not in a capacity, or did not see a call to such an action, but were not extraordinarily spirited of the Lord for passive testimonies under a suffering dispensation: but it is as true, that many times they did resist, when the Lord capacitated, called, and spirited them for active testimonies. And therefore, if their suffering under these circumstances may be imitated, by a people so stated; then also their actions under these other circumstances may be imitated, by a people in the like case. And by an impartial scrutiny it will be found, that the examples of their endeavoured resistance will be little inferior, if not superior in number or importance, to the examples of their submissive sufferings in all ages; which will appear in the probation of the assumption, by adduction of many instances, which I shall only cursorily glean out of that plentiful harvest that histories afford. 1. I need only to glance at that known and famous history of the Maccabees, of undoubted verity, though not of cannonical authority. In which according to scripture predictions, we have a notable account of heroic enterprises, atchievements, and exploits performed by them that knew their God, and tendered his glory, and their religion and country's liberties, above the common catechrestic notions of uncontroulable irresistible royalty, and absolute implicit loyalty, that have abused the world in all ages. We have there an account of the noble and successful resistance of a party of a few godly and zealous patriots, without the concurrence of civil authority, or countenance of the ephori or nobles of the kingdom, against a king universally acknowledged and subjected unto, that came in peaceably, and obtained the kingdom by flatteries, with whom the greatest part and those of the greatest note took part, and did wickedly against the covenant and nation's interest, and were corrupted by flatteries: yet a few priests, with the concurrence of some common countrymen, did go to arms against him and them; and the Lord did wonderfully assist them for a considerable time; as was foretold by Daniel xi. This fell out under the persecution of Antiochus Epiphanes, and was happily begun by Matthias a godly priest, and his five sons, who, being commanded under severe certifications to worship according to the then law, and the king's wicked lust, did valiantly resist that abomination, and went to defensive arms: which, while living, he patronized, and, when a dying, did encourage his sons to it by a notable oration, shewing what case his country was in, and what a duty and dignity it was to redeem and deliver it. This was vigorously prosecuted by Judas Maccabeus, expressly for the quarrel of religion and liberty, against that mighty tyrant and all his emissaries. 2. To come to the history of the gospel dispensation: It is true in that time of the primitive persecutions under heathen emperors, this privilege of self-defence was not so much improved or contended for by Christians, who studied more to play the martyrs, than to play the men, because in these circumstances the Lord was pleased to spirit for and call them unto, and accept of their hands passive testimonies; while they were incorporate under a civil relation with the heathens, in subjection to governors who did not by open tyranny, overturn their civil liberties, only did endeavour to eradicate religion, which, at that time, had never become their right by law; while they were scattered and out of capacity, and never could come to a separate formed community by joint concurrence and correspondence, to undertake a declared resistance; while religion was only a propagating through the nations, and the Lord providentially did preclude the least appearance that might be of propagating it by any formed force, being the gospel of peace, designed to save, and not to destroy: yet even then, instances are not wanting of Christians resisting their enemies, and of rescuing their ministers, &c. As they are found on record. 1. How some inhabiting Mareota, with force rescued Dionysius, of Alexandria, out of the hands of such as were carrying him away, about the year 255. 2. How about the year 310, the Arminians waged war against Maximus, who was come against them with an army because of their religion. 3. How about the year 342, the citizens of Athanasius their minister, against Gregorius the intruded curate and Syrianus the emperor's captain, who came with great force to put him in. 4. How about the year 356, the people of Constantinople did in like manner stand to the defence of Paulus, against Constantius the emperor, and killed his captain Hermogenes; and afterwards, in great multitudes, they opposed the intrusion of the heretic Macedonius. 5. How, when a wicked edict was sent forth to pull down the churches of such as were for the clause of one substance, the christians that maintained that testimony resisted the bands of soldiers, that were procured at the emperor's command by Macedonius, to force the Mantinians to embrace the Arian heresy; but the Christians at Mantinium, kindled with an earnest zeal towards Christian religion, went against the soldiers with chearful minds and valiant courage, and made a great slaughter of them. 6. How, about the year 387, the people of Cesarea did defend Basil their minister. 7. How, for fear of the people, the lieutenant of the emperor Valens durst not execute those 80 priests who had come to supplicate the emperor, and were commanded to be killed by him. 8. How the inhabitant's of mount Nitria espoused Cyril's quarrel, and assaulted the lieutenant, and forced his guards to flee. 9. How, about the year 404, when the emperor had banished Chrysostom, the people flocked together, so that the emperor was necessitated to call him back again from his exile. 10. How the people resisted also the transportation of Ambrose, by the command of Valentinian the emperor; and chused rather to lose their lives, than to suffer their pastor to be taken away by the soldiers. 11. How the Christians, oppressed by Baratanes king of Persia, did flee to the Romans to seek their help. And Theodosius, the emperor, is much praised for the war which he commenced against Chosroes king of Persia, upon this inducement, that the king sought to ruin and extirpate those Christians in his dominions, that would not renounce the gospel. 3. But when religion was once embraced in embodied corporations, and established by law, and became a people's common interest and liberty, in a capacity to defend it with their lives and other liberties, and when it was propagated through the nations; then the Lord did call for other more active testimonies, in the preservation and defence of it: of which we have many instances in histories. About the year 894, the Bohemian Christians resisted Drahomica their queen, who thought to have destroyed them, and reintroduced paganism. About the year 1420, they maintained a long defensive war against the government, and the pope's legates, under the management of their brave captain Zizca; which was further prosecuted after him by the remaining Thaborites. And again in this century, in the year 1618, they maintained a defensive war against the emperor Ferdinand II. electing and erecting a new king in opposition to him, Frederick Palatine of the Rhine, in which cause many received a crown of martyrdom: and this was also espoused by king James VI, who sent to aid his son in law against the emperor. 4. It we look to the histories of the Waldenses, these constant opposers of antichrist, we will find many instances of their resistance. About the year 1194, very early, while Waldo (from whom they had their name) was alive, they began to defend themselves by arms, after the bloody edict of Alphonsus king of Arragon; an edict so like to many of ours emitted this day, as it would seem our enemies have taken the copy of it: so it were very seemly for the people grieved with such edicts to imitate the copy of the Waldenses their practice, in opposition to them. In the year 1488, they resist by arms Albert de Capitaneis, sent by pope Innocent VIII. in Pragola and Frassaniere, and throughout Piedmont; where, for the most part, the offspring of the old Waldenses had their residence, where, very evidently, through many successions of ages, they shewed themselves to be the true successors of their worthy progenitors, valiant for the truth. That's a famous instance of their resistance, in opposing vigorously the Lord of trinity, in that same Piedmont, at which time they so solemnly asked their ministers, Whether it were not lawful to defend themselves against his violence? Who answered affirmatively. And accordingly they did it with wonderful success at that time, and many times thereafter. Especially it is notour in the memory of this present age, how in the year 1655, a vigorous defensive war was prosecuted against the duke of Savoy, by their captains Ginavel, Jahier, &c. which was espoused by many protestant princes. And no further gone than the very last year, it is known how they resisted the arms of that tyger, and the French that helped him, and that their simplicity in trusting popish promises was their ruin. 5. If we look over the histories of the Albigenses, we find many instances of their defensive resisting their oppressing superiors. About the year 1200, they defended themselves at Beziers and Carcasson, against the pope's legate and his crossed soldiers, under the conduct first of the earl of Beziers, and then of the earl of Foix, and earl of Remand of Thoulouse, and were helped by the English, who then possessed Guienne bordering upon Thoulouse; which resistance continued several years. Afterwards in the year 1226, they maintained a resistance against the king of France. 6. In Spain, we find the people of Arragon contesting with Alphonsus III. and associating themselves together against him. And they tell Pedro III. their king, that if he would not contain himself within the limits of the laws, they would pursue him by arms, about the year 1283. As also other Spaniards, who rose in arms several times against Pedro the first king of Castile. 7. It was this which brought the Cantons of Helvetia into this state of freedom, wherein they have continued many years: for, about the year 1260, they levied war against their oppressing nobles. And in the year 1308, they joined in covenant to defend themselves against the house of Austria; and in the year 1315, they renewed it at Brunna, in which, at length, the rest of the Cantons joined, and formed themselves into a commonwealth. 8. If we take a glance of the Germans, we will find at the very commencement of the reformation, as soon as they got the name of protestants, they resisted the emperor Charles V. The duke of Saxon, the land grave of Hesse, and the city of Magedburgh, with advice of lawyers, concluded. 'That the laws of the empire permitted resistance of the emperor in some cases, that the times were then so dangerous, that the very force of conscience did leave them to arms, and to make a league to defend themselves though Cesar or any in his name should make war against them--for since he attempteth to root out religion, and subvert our liberties, he giveth us cause enough to resist him with a good conscience: The matter standing as it doth, we may (say they) resist'--as may be shewed both by sacred and profane histories.--And so they undertook and stated the war upon the account of religion and liberty. 9. If we but cast an eye over to the Hollanders, we will find how much they stand obliged to this practice of defensive arms; having thereby recovered both religion and liberty, and established themselves into a flourishing state. We find even in the time of D. de Alva's persecution, they began to defend Haerlem and Valenciennes in Hainault, and went on till under the conduct of William of Nassau prince of Orange, they declared the king of Spain to have fallen from the government of those countries; and so effectually shook off the yoke of Spanish tyranny. 10. If we go to the French Hugonets, we will find many instances among them, and many brave heroes raised up, to maintain the principle, and prosecute the practice thereof, of older and later date. The history of the civil wars of France is stored with their trophies; and the memories of Conde and Coligni will ever be fragrant. There were many resistances there, both before and since the Parisian massacre. It is sad, that the present protestants there are so far degenerate from the spirit of their ancestors. 11. The many practices of the Hungarians, resisting the encroachments of the house of Austria, prove the same. And when Matthias denied the free exercise of religion unto the protestants of Austria, they took up arms in their own defence, and sent a protestation unto the states of Hungary, requiring their assistance, conform to their league. And now this present war there founded upon this plea. 12. The Polonians have oftentimes levied war against their kings: and we are furnished by Clark in his Martyrol. with a late instance of their resistance against the sovereign powers, at Lesna in Poland, in the year 1655. 13. The Danes and Swedes have not been wanting, for their parts, in taking course with their Christierns, kings of that name, whom they resisted and punished. And generally, wherever the reformation was received, we find this principle espoused, and the practice of it prosecuted. Nay, there hath been no nation in the world, but it will be found, they have either resisted or killed tyrants. 14. The most deserving and celebrated monarchs in the world have espoused the quarrel of oppressed subjects. Not only such as Tamerlane, whose observable saying is noted, when he advanced against Bajazet, I go (says he) to chastise his tyranny and to deliver the afflicted people. And Philip and Lewis of France, who assisted the barons of England against king John. And Charles the great, who upon this ground undertook a war against the Lombards in Italy. But even Constantine the great, hath it recorded for his honour, that he employed his power and force against Licinius, upon no other motive but because he banished, tortured, and destroyed those Christians in his dominions, that would not abandon their religion. And queen Elisabeth is commended for assisting the Dutch to maintain their religion by force, when they could not enjoy it by favour. And king James the VI. gave public aid to the protestants in Germany and Bohemia against the emperor. Against whom also Gustavus Adolphus marched, that he might deliver the oppressed cities from the bondage that Ferdinand had brought them into. Yea, king Charles I. this man's father, pretended at least to help the protestants in France at Ree and Rochel: and though he himself was avowedly resisted by the parliaments of both kingdoms, yet he was forced to declare, in his acts of oblivion and pacification, The Scots late taking up arms against him, in defence of their religion, laws and privileges, to be no treason nor rebellion.--See Apol. Relat. Sect. 11. pag. 149. And though the late Charles II. condemned all the risings of the people of Scotland for defence of religion and liberty, and their lives and privileges which his own tyranny forced them into; yet he justified the present revolt of heathens and Mahometan subjects from the young king of Bantam in Java Major in the East Indies, who, when he got the government in his hands by his father's resignation, killed his subjects, and caused them to be killed without any cause, which was the reason of their revolt from him, and defending the father against the son: this defensive war of these subjects was justified by the said Charles, in his sending ammunition, &c. for relief. These, and many more instances that might be adduced, are sufficient evidences of the righteousness and reason of such resistances, when the greatest of princes have undertaken the patrociny of them. III. From scripture proofs. I shall but briefly gather some of the many that might be pressed, which being put together, to me seem impregnable. I shall reduce them to these Heads, 1. I shall adduce some practices of the Lord's people, frequently reiterated, never condemned, always approven, confirming this point. 2. Some severe reprehensions for their omission of this duty, in the season thereof. 3. Some promises both of spiriting for the duty, and of countenancing it, when undertaken. 4. Some precepts commanding such atchievements. 5. Some prayers supplicating for them. All which put together will make a strong argument. First, For practices of this kind, there is nothing more common in scripture history. 1. I shall begin at the first war that is recorded in the world: wherein some lots fell to the godly at first, but afterwards by the virtue and valour of their brethren they were vindicated, and the victory recovered with honour. Lot, and his family living in Sodom, was taken prisoner, by Chedarlaomer and his confederates, Gen. xiv. 12. but Abraham hearing of it, armed his trained his servants, and pursued them to Dan, and rescued him, ver. 14,--19. thereby justifying that rebellion of the cities of the plain, by taking part and vindicating the rebels. Hence, he that may rescue subjects from the violence of any tyrannizing domination by arms, may also rise with these subjects to oppose that violence; but here is an example of that in Abraham:--therefore, 2. After the Lord's people were possessed of Canaan, and forgetting the Lord, did enter into affinity with these interdicted nations, some of them were left to prove Israel, that the generations of the children of Israel might know to teach them war, Judg. iii. 1, 2. And when they did evil in the sight of the Lord, he sold them into the hand of Cushan Rishathaim, king of Mesopotamia, whom they served and were subject to eight years, vers. 8. but when they cried unto the Lord, their rebellion, shaking off that yoke, was successful under the conduct of Othniel, vers. 10. And after a relapse unto the like defection, they became subject to Eglon king of Moab, whom they served eighteen years, vers. 14. but attempting the same remedy by arms, under the conduct of Ehud, they recovered their liberty. And after his death, falling into that sin again, which procured the like misery, they became subject to Jabin king of Canaan, who twenty years mightily oppressed them, Judg. iv. 1-3. but by the Lord's commandment, under the conduct of Deborah and Barak, they rebelled and prevailed. Whence, if the Lord's people serving a sovereign domineering power, may shake off the yoke of their subjection: then it is duty to defend themselves and resist them, for there is no other way of shaking it off; but these examples prove the former: therefore,--Obj. If any cavil that these were not their own kings, to whom they owed allegiance, but only invading conquerors, whom they might resist. I answer, (1.) Yet they were the sovereign powers for the time; and therefore, if royalists and loyalists grounds hold good, they ought upon no pretence whatsoever to have been resisted: and though possibly they might not be by compact their own kings, yet by conquest they were, as much as that would make them, and by their own consent, when they paid them king's due, viz. tribute, (2.) No more are they our kings, who either intrude themselves into an arbitrary domination over us, (without any terms of a compact upon a pretence of hereditary succession) or being our covenanted kings overturn all the conditions of their compact, and degenerate into tyrants: to such we owe no allegiance, more than Israel did to these dominators. (3.) I retort that old Colewort twice boiled, who should be judge, whether they were their own lawful kings or not? For they acted as kings, and thought themselves their absolute lords, and gave themselves out to be such; and yet we find an approved rebellion against them. Mr. Gee, in his Magistrate's Original, chap. 8. Sect. 4. Pag. 268. improves these instances to the same purpose; and adds, 'Neither (as far as my observation goes) can any immediate or extraordinary command or word for what they so did be pretended to, or pleaded from the text, for many of them, or for any, save Barak or Gideon.' 3. Yet Gideon's example, though he had an extraordinary call, cannot be pretended as unimitable on the matter; for that was ordinary, though the call and manner was extraordinary. He, with the concurrence of a very few men, did break the yoke of subjection to Midian, Judg. vi. and vii. chap. and having called his brethren out of all mount Ephraim, into a conjunction with him in the pursuit of his victory; when he demanded supply of the princes of Succoth, and of the men of Penuel, and they denied it, he served them as enemies. Whence, if a small party may with God's approbation deliver themselves, and the whole of their community, from the bondage of their oppressing dominators whom they had served several years, and may punish their princes that do not come out to their help, in a concurrence with them, and encouragement of them in that attempt; then must it be duty to defend themselves against their oppressors that rule over them, and all ought to concur in it; or else there would not be justice in punishing them that were defective in this work; but we see the former from this example: therefore,--Obj. If it be said, Gideon, and the rest of the extraordinary raised judges, were magistrates, therefore they might defend and deliver their country, which a private people that are only subjects may not do. I answer. (1.) They were subject to these tyrants that oppressed them who were then the sovereign powers of that time, and yet they shook off their yoke by defensive arms. (2.) They were not then magistrates when they first appeared for their country's defence and deliverance, neither in that did they act as such, but only as captains of rebels, in the esteem of them that had power over them. It is clear, Gideon was not ruler, till that authority was conferred upon him after the deliverance. See Judg. viii. 22, &c. yet he did all this before. When his bastard Abimelech usurped the government, and was made king by the men of Shechem, at length God sending an evil spirit between him and his accomplices that set him up, not only was he resisted by the treacherous Schechemites, (which was their brand and bane in the righteous judgment of God), for their aiding him at first and killing his brethren, Judg. ix. 23, 24, &c. but also he was opposed by others of the men of Israel, as at Thebez, where he was slain by a woman, vers. 50. at the end. Whence, if an usurping tyrant, acknowledged as king by the generality, may be disowned by the godly, and threatened with God's vengeance to consume both him and his accomplices that comply with him; and if he may be opposed and resisted, not only by those that set him up, but also by others that were in subjection to him, and at length be killed by them, without resentment of the rest of the nation; then must it be duty for a people, who had no hand in the erection of such a dominator, to defend themselves against his force; but the former is true by this example: therefore----. 5. When Israel fell under the tyranny of Ammon, oppressing them eighteen years, they did, by resisting these supreme powers, shake off their yoke, under the conduct of Jephthah. And being challenged sharply by the men of Ephraim, who it seems claimed the prerogative of making war, and therefore came to revenge and reduce Jephthah and his company to order, casting herein belike a copy to our regular loyalists, who are very tenacious of this plea of the Ephraimites, that, at least, without the nobles of the kingdom, no war is to be made; yet we find Jephthah did not much regard it, but stoutly defended himself, and slew of them 42,000 men, by their Shibboleth, Judg. xii. If people then, when questioned for defending themselves, by them that claim a superiority over them, and should deliver them, may defend themselves both without them and against them; then it is a people's duty and privilege: but the former is true by this example. 6. They were then made subject to the Philistines 46 years, whom the men of Judah acknowledged for their rulers: yet Samson, that rackle-handed saint, never ceased from pelting them upon all occasions: and when challenged for it by the men of Judah, saying, 'Knowest thou not that the Philistines are rulers over us? What is that, that thou hast done?' Samson objects nothing against their being rulers; but notwithstanding prosecutes his purpose of vindicating himself in defence of his country, as they did unto me, says he, so have I done unto them, Judg. xv. 11. Hence, If saints may avenge themselves upon them whom the country calls rulers, and when enabled by God, may do to them as they did to them; then must it be a duty for them to defend themselves against them; but the antecedent is true by this example. 7. When Saul, in the pursuit of the Philistines, had charged the people with a foolish oath (like unto many of the ensnaring oaths that monarchs use to impose upon people) not to eat any food until the evening, Jonathan his son tasted but a little honey, and lo he must die; which Saul confirmed with another peremptory oath, God do so to him, and more also, if he should not die. Whereupon the people, as resolute on the other hand to save him, resisted the rage of that ruler, and swore as peremptorily, that not one hair of his head should fall to the ground. So the people rescued Jonathan that he died not, 1 Sam. xiv. 44, 45. Hence, If people may covenant by oath to resist the commands, and rescue a man from a tyrant's cruelty, then it is duty to defend themselves against him: the antecedent is true here. 8. Afterwards, when the manner of the king, presaged by Samuel, was verified in Saul's degeneration into many abuses of government, this privilege of resistance was not wholly mancipated, but maintained by David's defensive appearance with his little army, he took Goliah's sword, not for ornament, or only to fright Saul, but to defend himself with it, and was captain first to four hundred men, 1 Sam. xxii. 2. had a mind to keep out Keilah against him with six hundred men, 1 Sam. xxiii. 13. and afterwards a great host came to him to Ziklag, while he kept himself close because of Saul the son of Kish, 1 Chron. xii. 1. throughout, where they left Saul, and came and helped David against him. This is proved at length by Lex Rex. quest. 32. p. 340. 9. The city Abel, whether Sheba the traitor had fled, did well to resist Joab the king's general, coming to destroy a whole city for a traitor's sake, and not offering peace to it (according to the law, Deut. xx. 10.) and defended themselves by gates and walls, notwithstanding he had a commission from the king, 2 Sam. xx. and after the capitulating, they are never challenged for rebellion. 10. The ten tribes revolted from the house of David, when Rehoboam claimed an absolute power, and would not acquiesce to the people's just conditions, 1 Kings xii. 2 Chron. x. which is before justified, Head 2. Hence, if it be lawful for a part of the people to shake off the king, refuse subjection to him, and set up a new one, when he but resolves to play the tyrant; then it must be duty to resist his violence, when he is tyrannizing; but the antecedent is clear from this example. This is vindicated at more length by Jus pop. ch. 3. p. 52. 11. The example of Elisha the prophet is considerable, 2 Kings vi. 32. "Elisha sat in his house, (and the elders sat with him) and the king sent a man before him; but ere the messenger came to him, he said to the elders, See how this son of a murderer hath sent to take away mine head; look when the messenger cometh, shut the door, and hold him fast at the door: is not the sound of his master's feet behind him?" Here was violent resistance resolved both against the man and the master, though the king of the land for the time. And this calling him the son of a murderer, and resisting him, is no more extraordinary (though it was an extraordinary man's act) than it is for a plaintiff to libel a true crime against a wicked person, and for an oppressed man to close the door upon a murderer, Lex Rex, quest. 32. p. 346. Hence, if a king or his messenger coming to use unjust violence, against an innocent subject, be no more to be regarded than a murderer's emissary, but may be resisted by that innocent subject; then must a community of such innocent subjects defend themselves against a tyrant or his emissaries, coming against them on such a wicked errand; the antecedent is here clear. 12. The city Libnah revolted from under Jehoram's tyranny, 2 Chron. xxi. 10. p. Martyr on the place saith, They revolted, because he endeavoured to compel them to idolatry. This is justified above, Head 2. Hence, if it be lawful for a part of the people to revolt from a tyrannical prince, making defection from the true religion; then it is duty to defend themselves against his force: the antecedent is here plain. 13. When Athaliah usurped the monarchy, Jehoiada the priest strengthened himself, and made a covenant with the captains, &c. to put her down, and set up Joash, 2 Kings xi. 2 Chron. xxiii. and when she came and cried, treason, treason, they regarded it not, but commanded to kill her and all that help her. Whence, if those that are not kings may lawfully kill an usurpress, and all her helpers, then may a people resist them; but Jehoiada, though no magistrate, did it. 14. The repressing and punishing Amaziah the son of Joash is an undeniable instance, vindicated by Mr. Knox. See above, per. 3. p. 54. After the time that he turned away from the following the Lord, the people made a conspiracy against him in Jerusalem, and he fled to Lachish, but they sent and slew him there, 1 Kings xiv. 19. 2 Chron. xxv. 27. Hence, a fortiori, if people may conspire and concur in executing judgment upon their king turning idolater and tyrant, then much more must they defend themselves against his violence. 15. The same power, of people's resisting princes, was exemplified in Uzziah or Azariah, when he would needs be supreme in things sacred as well as civil, 2 Kings xv. 2 Chron. xxvi. Fourscore priests, that were valiant men, withstood him, and thrust him out of the temple, they troubled him, saith Vatablus, they expelled him, saith Ar. Mont. vid. Pool's Synopsis. in Loc. See this vindicated by Mr. Knox. Per. 3. pag. 48, 49. above. Hence, if private subjects may, by force, resist and hinder the king from transgressing the law, then must they resist him when forcing them to transgress the law of God. 16. After the return from the Babylonish captivity, when the Jews were setting about the work of building the temple, which they would do by themselves, and not admit of any association with malignants (upon their sinister misinformation, and sycophantic accusation, that they were building the rebellious and bad city, and would refuse to pay the king toll, tribute, and custom) they were straitly discharged by Artaxerxes to proceed in their work, and the inhibition was execute by force and power, Ezra iv. But by the encouragement of the prophets Haggai and Zechariah, countermanding the king's decree, they would not be hindered, the eye of their God being upon them, though Tatnai the governor of those parts, Shetharboznai, and their companions, would have boasted them from it, with the usual arguments of malignants, who hath commanded you to do so and so? Ezra v. 3.--5. And yet this was before the decree of Darius was obtained in their favours, Ezra vi. Hence, if people may prosecute a duty without and against a king's command, and before an allowance by law can be obtained; then may a people resist their commands and force used to execute them: but here the antecedent is manifest. 17. When Nehemiah came to Jerusalem, and invited the Jews to build up the walls of the city, they strengthened their hands for that good work against very much opposition: and when challenged by Sanballat the Horonite, Tobiah the servant, the Ammonite, and Gesham the Arabian. Great king's-men all of them, who despised and boasted them, What is this that ye do? Will ye rebel against the king? Say they. He would not plead authority, though, in the general, he had the king's warrant for it; yet he would not give them any other satisfaction, than to intimate, whether they had that or not, having the call of God to the work, they would go on in the duty, and God would prosper them against their opposition, Neh. ii. 19, 20. and accordingly, notwithstanding of all scoffs, and plots, and conspiracies, to hinder the building, yet they went on, and were encouraged to remember the Lord, and fight for their brethren, &c. and to build with weapons in their hands, Neh. iv. and brought it to an end, notwithstanding of all their practices to fright them from it, chap, vi. Hence, If neither challenges of rebellion, nor practices of malignant enemies who pretend authority, nor any discouragements whatsoever, should deter people from a duty which they have a call and capacity from God to prosecute, and if they may promove it against all opposition by defensive arms; then, when a people are oppressed and treated as rebels, for a necessary duty, they may and must defend themselves, and maintain their duty, notwithstanding of all pretences of authority against them. 18. I shall add one instance more, which is vindicated by Jus Populi, from the history of Esther. Because Mordecai refused to do homage to a hangman, (Haman I should say) a cruel edict was procured from Ahasuerus to destroy all the Jews, written and sealed with the king's ring, according to the laws of the Medes and Persians, becoming a law irrevocable and irreversible, Esther iii. 12, 13. Yet the Lord's providence, always propitious to his people, brought it about so, that Haman being hanged, and Mordecai advanced, the Jews were called and capacitated, as well as necessitated, to resist that armed authority that decreed to massacre them, and that by the king's own allowance, Esther ix. When his former decree drew near to be put in execution, in the day that the enemies of the Jews hoped to have power over them, it was turned to the contrary, that no man could withstand them. Here they had the allowance of authority to resist authority: and this was not a gift of a new right by that grant, which they had not before; only it was corroborative of the irradical right to defend themselves, which is not the donative of princes, and which they had power to exercise and use without this, though may be not the same capacity; for the king's warrant could not make it lawful in point of conscience; if it had not been so before. Hence, if people may have the allowance of well advised authority, to resist the decree and force of unlawful authority; then may a people maintain right authority, in defending themselves against the injuries of pretended authority; but by this instance we see, the Jews had Ahasuerus's allowance to resist the decree and force of his own ill advised authority, though irreversible. And hence, we see, that distinction, in this point, is not groundless, between resisting the authority of supreme powers, and the abuses of the same. 2dly, We have in the scripture both tacit and express reproofs, for lying by from this duty in the season thereof, 1. In Jacob's swan song or prophetical testament, wherein he foretels what should be the fate and future condition of each of the tribes, and what should be remarked in their carriage influencing their after lot in their generations, for which they should be commended or discommended, approved or reproved; coming to Issachar, he prophetically exprobates his future ass like stupidity, that indulging himself in his lazy ease, and lukewarm security, he should be mancipate himself and his interests into a servile subjection unto his oppressors impositions, even when he should be in a capacity to shake them off, and free himself, by resistance, Gen. xlix. 14, 15. "Issachar is a strong ass couching down between two burdens." This is set down by the Holy Ghost, as the brand and bane, not of the person of Issachar, Jacob's son, but of the tribe, to be inured upon them, when they should be in such a condition by their own silliness: Hence I argue, If the Holy Ghost exprobrate a people for their stupid subjection to prevailing tyranny, when they do not improve their ability, capacity, and right to maintain and defend their liberties and privileges, from all unjust invasion; but the former is true here: therefore also the later. 2. In Deborah's song after their victorious resistance, the people are severely upbraided for not concurring in that expedition, Jud. v. 16, 17, 23. and Meroz is particularly cursed for not coming to the help of the Lord, to the help of the Lord against the mighty. This is recorded as a resting reproof, against all that will with draw their helping hand from the Lord's people, when necessitate to appear in defensive arms for the preservation of their lives and liberties. On the other hand, Zebulon and Naphthali are commended for jeoparding their lives in the high places of the fields, and are approved in that practice of fighting against the king of Canaan, that then ruled over them, ver. 18, 19. Hence, if people be reproved and cursed for staying at home to look to their own interests, when others jeopard their lives for their countries defence and freedom from tyranny and oppression; then this implies it is a duty to concur in so venturing; but here, Reuben, Dan, Asher, and Meroz, are reproved and cursed for staying at home, when Zebulon and Naphthali jeoparded their lives, &c. Ergo. 3dly, We have in the scriptures many promises of the Lord's approving and countenancing the duty of defensive arms, even against their oppressing rulers. 1. In that forecited testament of the patriarch Jacob, in that part of it which concerns God, he prophesies that tribe shall have a lot in the world answering his name, and be engaged in many conflicts with oppressing dominators, who at first should prevail over him, but at length God should so bless his endeavours, to free himself from their oppressions, that he should overcome. There is an excellent elegancy in the original, answering to the etymology of the name of Gad, which signifies a troop, reading thus in the Hebrew, Gad, a troop shall overtroop him, but he shall overtroop them at the last, Gen. xlix. 19. And Moses homologating the same testimony, in his blessing the tribes before his death, shows, that he should make a very forcible and successful resistance, and should execute the justice of the Lord over his oppressors, Deut. xxxiii. 20, 21, Wherein is implied a promise of resistance to be made against oppressing conquerors, who should acquire the supreme rule over them for a time: and the success of that resistance for overcoming, necessarily supposes resistance. Hence, where there is a promise of success at last to a people's conflicts against prevailing tyranny, there is implied an approbation of the duty, and also a promise of its performance wrapped up in that promise; but here is a promise, &c. Ergo-- 2. In that threatning against tyrants, shewing how they shall be thrust away and burnt up with fire, there is couched a promise, and also an implied precept of resisting them, 2 Sam. xxiii. 6, "The sons of Belial shall be all of them as thorns thrust away--with hands fenced with iron," &c. which clearly implies resistance, and more than that, rejection and repression. Hence, If it be threatned as a curse against rulers of Belial, and promised as a blessing, that they shall be so roughly handled; then this implies a duty to resist them, who cannot be otherways taken; but here this is threatned, &c. 3. When the Lord shall have mercy on Jacob, and chuse Israel, it is promised, Isa. xiv. 2, 3. "That they shall take them captives, whose captives they were. And they shall rule over their oppressors." This necessarily implies and infers a promise of resistance against these oppressing rulers, in the time of their domineering, as well as revenge after their yoke should be broken; and something of men's actions, as well as God's judgment in breaking that yoke; for they could not take them captives, nor rule over them, except first they had resisted them whose captives they were: there is resisting of the supreme power, subjection whereunto was the bondage wherein they were made to serve. Hence, If it be promised, that a captivated and subjugated people shall break the yoke, and free themselves of the bondage of them that had them in subjection; then it is promised in that case, they must resist the supreme powers; for such were they whose captives they were: the antecedent is here expressed. 4. There are promises that the Lord's people, when those that rule over them are incensed against the holy covenant, and when many of their brethren that should concur with them shall be frighted from their duty by fear, or corrupted with flattery, shall be made strong to exploits, though in such enterprizes they may want success for some time, "and fall by the sword and flame, and by captivity, and spoil many days," Dan. xi. 30,--34. Which is very near parallel to the case of the covenanted people of Scotland, their appearing in defensive exploits against their covenant-breaking rulers these many years bygone. This was very eminently fulfilled in the history of the Maccabees, before rehearsed. Hence, If it be promised, that a people shall be strong to do exploits, in resisting the arms of their rulers, opposing their covenant, and overturning their religion and liberties; then it must be approven that such resistance is lawful, even though it want success; but this is here promised. To the same purpose it is promised, that after the Lord's people have been long kept as prisoners under the bondage of oppressing rulers, they shall by a vigorous resistance, be saved from their tyranny, Zech. ix. 13,--17. "When the Lord shall bend Judah for him, and raise up Zion's sons against the sons of Greece."--So it was in their resistances and victories against the successors of Alexander, who had the rule over them for a time. And so it may be again, when the Lord shall so bend his people for him. Hence, If the Lord promises to fit and spirit his people for action against their oppressing rulers, and to crown their atchievements, when so fitted and spirited, with glorious success; then it is their duty, and also their honour to resist them; but here that is plainly promised. 5. There are promises of the Lord's making use of his people, and strengthening them to break in pieces the power of his and their enemies, and his defending, and maintaining them against all their power and projects, when they think most to prevail over them. As is promised in the threatned catastrophe of the Babylonian usurpation, Jer. li. 20,--24.--"Thou art (says he to Israel, of whom he speaks as the rod of his inheritance in the preceding verse) my battle ax and weapons of war, and with thee will I break in pieces," &c. Whensoever this hath been, or shall be accompshlied, (as it may relate to the vengeance to be execute upon the New Testament Babylon) it clearly implies their breaking in pieces powers that were supreme over them. Hence, If the Lord will make use of his people's vindictive arms against Babylon ruling over them, then he will justify their defensive arms against Babylon oppressing them. Here it is promised, &c. So Micah iv. 11. to the end. Many nations shall be gathered to defile and look upon Zion, and then the Lord shall give an allowance and commission to his people to arise and thresh, &c. What time the accomplishment of this is referred to, is not my concern to enquire: it seems to look to the New Testament times, wherein the Lord's people shall be first in great straits, and then enlarged; but to restrict it to the spiritual conquest over the nations by the ministry of the word, (though I will not deny but that may be included) seems too great a straitning of the scope, and not so apposite to the expressions, which certainly seem to import some forcible action of men, and more than the peaceable propagation of the gospel. It is usually referred to the latter days of that dispensation, when both the Jewish and Gentile Zion shall be totally and finally delivered from Babylon, or antichristian tyranny; before, or about which period, the enemies of Christ and of his people shall attempt their utmost power to destroy the church, groaning under their bondage; but when they are all well mustered in a general rendezvous, the Lord's people shall have a gallant game at the chace. But whensoever the time be of fulfilling the promise, it ensures to the people of God the success of their defensive arms against them that pretended a domination over them. And it looks to a time, when they should have no rulers of their own, but them under whose subjection they had been long groaning, and now brought to a very low pass; yet here they should not only resist, but thresh them. Hence, If in the latter days the people of God are to be honoured, and acted forth with such a spirit and capacity to thresh and beat down these powers under which they have been long groaning; then, when the Lord puts them in such capacity to attempt it, they should be ambitious of such an honour; but here it is promised, &c. The same may be inferred from the prophet's vision, Zech. i. 19, 20. He sees four carpenters resisting the four horns; the horns scattered Judah, so that no man did lift up his head; but the carpenters came to fray them, to cast out the horns of the Gentiles, which lifted up their horn over the land of Judah. These horns had the supreme power over Judah for a time, while they were in no capacity to resist them; but as soon as the Lord furnishes them with capacity and instruments impowered to resist them, they do it effectually. The carpenters are certainly the Lord's people themselves; for here they are opposite to the Gentiles, which all were except the Lord's people. Hence, if the Lord promises, when reconciled to his people, to furnish them with instruments to fray and scatter the power of tyrants, who have long borne down their head; then when they are so furnished, they may resist them: but the Lord here promises that, &c. This is more plainly promised also, Zech. x. 5. &c. "Then they shall be as mighty men which shall tread down their enemies,--And the pride of Assyria shall be brought down"--Hence, if the Lord, when he shall have mercy on his people, will bless their resistance so, as to bring down the pride and sceptre of them that had the power over them; then, in hope of such a blessing, they may attempt such a duty, when the call is clear. Fourthly, We have also precepts, from whence we may consequentially conclude the approven duty of defensive arms against oppressing rulers. 1. The children of Israel are commanded to vex the Midianites, and smite them, for saith the Lord, they vex you with their wiles, Numb. xxv. 17, 18. And to avenge themselves, Numb. xxx. 2. Which did not only oblige the people, when they had Moses for their magistrate to lead them forth; but in the days of Gideon, when they were under their rule whom they were to avenge themselves upon. Hence, if people must vex their enemies, and avenge themselves of them, by war offensive, when ensnared by their craftiness; much more may they resist them by a war defensive, when invaded by their cruelty. 2. There is a command to punish every city or party making apostacy unto idolatry, Deut. xiii. 12, 15. Upon this moral ground was Israel's war against Benjamin, Judg. xx. And their bringing Amaziah unto condign punishment; which is vindicated by Mr. Knox, See above Per. 3. pag. 52, 53. Hence, if people are to bring to condign punishment idolatrous apostates seeking to entice them; then much more ought they to resist such tyrants seeking to enforce them to such apostacy. 3. There is a precept, not only to defend, but also to rescue and deliver our brethren when in hazard, Prov. xxiv. 11, 12. We must not forbear to deliver them, when drawn to death: which will at least infer the duty of assisting them when forced to defend themselves; for, if it be a duty to rescue them from any prevailing power that would take their lives unjustly, much more is it duty to defend them and ourselves both against their murdering violence; but it is duty to rescue them, &c. 4. All that would learn to do well, are commanded, Isa. i. 17. to relieve the oppressed; which is not spoken to magistrates only, many of whom were the oppressors, the princes were rebellious, and companions of thieves, ver. 23, So also, Isa. lviii. 6. It is required of a people that would be accepted of God in their humiliations; to let the oppressed go free, and to break every yoke. Hence, if it be duty to relieve the oppressed by breaking the yoke of them that oppress them; then it is duty to defend them and ourselves, both against them that would oppress us more; but the former is here commanded: Therefore, &c. 5. There is a command for a spoiled oppressed people, when the Lord is reconciled to them, and sympathizes with them, to deliver themselves from their rulers servitude, Zech. ii. 7. 'Deliver thyself O Zion, which dwellest with the daughter of Babylon.' Which comprehends all the ordinary active means of people's delivering themselves, from oppressing powers that rule over them: and consequently defensive resistance; for it cannot only be restricted to flight included (ver. 6.) the promise annexed (ver. 9.) imports more, when they that spoiled them shall be a spoil to their servants: whereby it insinuated, they were so to deliver themselves, as not only to free themselves from their servitude, but to bring their masters under subjection. Hence, if the Lord's people, being subject to tyrants ruling over them for the time, may deliver themselves from their oppressing masters, then may they resist them, and defend themselves: The antecedent is express here in the command. 6. There is a command given by Christ to his disciples, to provide themselves with defensive weapons, necessary for their defence against them that would pursue after their lives; as well as with other things necessary for their sustenance, Luke xxii. 36.--'Now he that hath a purse let him take it, and likewise his scrip, and he that hath no sword, let him sell his garment and buy one.' Before, when he had sent them out upon an extraordinary commission, as it were to serve their apprenticeship in the work of the gospel, he did not allow them such solicitous care to provide themselves, because he would give them a proof of his sufficiency to sustain and protect them, without the ordinary means of their own diligence. But now when he was about to withdraw his bodily presence from them, and would warn them of the discouragements they were to expect in the prosecutions of their more continued work, which they had a commission for not to be retracted, he would not have them to expect provision and protection by a course of miracles, but to provide themselves with means for their sustenance, and also for their defence against the violence of men: which chiefly was to be expected from their rulers, who would persecute them under the notion of transgressors of the laws of their kingdoms and countries. He was not indeed to make much use of them, at that time, for himself; who was then to finish the work of redemption by suffering: only, that what was written might be accomplished in him, he would make so much use of them, as voluntarily to be involved under the censure and reproach of rebellion, being taken among men in arms, that he might be reckoned among transgressors, ver. 37. Therefore, when they told him, they had two swords, he said, 'It is enough,' ver. 38. I need not stand upon that impertinency of a conceit, that these were spiritual swords; which deserve no confutation, being fitter to be put among quakers delirious distractions, than to be numbered among the notions of men of understanding: for then the purse and the scrip must be spiritual too; and these spiritual things must be bought by selling of garments; and yet they would be such spiritual tools, as would a sharp edge for cutting off of carnal ears, and such as would be both visible and sensible; and two of them would be enough. They were then ordinary material swords, which the Lord commands his followers to provide themselves with for their defence as men, in cases of necessity, and, when they should be in a capacity to improve them against their murdering persecutors, against whom he gives his royal grant of resistance; that the world may know his subjects, though they have more privileges spiritual, yet they have no less human privileges than other men: albeit, at that period of his determined suffering, he would not allow the present use of them. Hence, if the Lord's people should provide themselves with arms of defence, though they should be reputed transgressors for so doing; then may they use these arms of defence against them that persecute them under that notion; but the antecedent is clear: Therefore, &c. Fifthly, We may infer the same truth from some of the prayers of the saints, wherein they glory in the confident expectation of the Lord's strengthening them, and favouring and approving their helpers, and in the experience of the Lord assisting them, while in the mean time constitute in a formed appearance of resistance. I shall only hint these, 1. In that prayer, Psal. xliv. 5. They glory, in hope, that through the Lord they will push down their enemies, &c. yet now they were under the power of tyrannizing dominators which they were resisting: for, ver. 9. they complain they were put to shame, because the Lord went not forth with their armies, and they which hated them spoiled them,--And for his sake were killed all day long: hence, they plead, That the Lord would awake,--and not forget their affliction and oppression. Whereby it is evident they were under the yoke of tyrannizing powers, and resisting according to their might. Which, by whomsoever, or upon what occasion soever the Psalm was compiled, shews, that no want of success in resisting tyrants, can mar the saints faith in pleading for the Lord's assistance and approbation of the duty. Hence, they that, in faith, may pray for, and boast of their treading down their tyrannizing powers that rise up against them, may also, in faith, attempt the resisting of them in their own defence; but here the Lord's people did the former. 2. We find David under Saul's persecution, while he had a party of 600 men to defend himself against his rage, in the psalms which he composed upon that occasion, not only complaining of oppressors, but encouraging himself in the faith that God would be with them that assisted him, in his essay of defending himself, and imprecating destruction to Saul and his accomplices; that the Lord would cut them off in his truth, and let him see his desire upon them, Psal. liv. 4, 5. last verse. And Psal. lvii. 4. And Psal. lvii. throughout. And Psal. cxl. 7, 9. He imprecates against the head of them that compassed him about, and consequently against Saul. Whence I argue, 1. If the Lord's people, conflicting with, and encompassed with oppressing rulers as so many lions and dogs, may pray and praise for the help of those that assist them, in their endeavours of self preservation from them; then may they make use of their help for their defence, for which they pray and praise; but here we see the Lord's people did the former: Therefore they may do the latter. 2. If we may pray against kings, and for preservation from them; then may we defend ourselves against them, and endeavour the means of that preservation for which we pray. The connexion is before cleared; yet here I add: That which will give a dispensation from our duty of praying for them, will also dispense from the duty of being passively subject to their will; and consequently will allow defending ourselves from their violence; but here we see tyranny and treachery, and designed mischief will give a dispensation from our duty of praying for them, though that be duty as indispensible as subjection. Again, if any thing demur us from resisting of princes, it must be respect to their majesty, and the character of the Lord's anointing upon them; but we see, no respect to that will demur a believer from praying in faith against them: therefore no such respect will hinder, but that he may defend himself against his violence. And indeed, if we consider it right, if the impression of any majesty God hath put upon princes, should bind up our hands from any resistance, it will restrain from prayer resistance: for, if that impression have any force at any time, it must be when a man is most solemnly stated before God, and speaking to God as a Christian, rather than when he is acting as a man with a man like himself: and as prayer resistance is the more formidable and forcible resistance than any other (as this Saul and many other kings, have found by their woful experience) so it is more restricted than other resistance; for we may defend ourselves against many whom we must not pray against, to wit, our private enemies, for whom we are commanded to pray: yet nobody will deny but we may resist their violence: and likewise, we are commanded to pray for kings, when invested with God's authority; but when their degeneration looses us from that obligation to pray for them, and allows us to pray against them when they turn enemies to God (as we see in the prayers of the psalmist) then also we may more warrantably resist them by defensive arms. 3. Among the hallelujahs, in the end of psalms, there is one calculated for the prevailing time of the church, when the Lord shall take pleasure in his people. In that time of the saints being joyful in glory, when they may glory in the rest and security the Lord will vouchsafe upon them, they are prophetically and very pathetically excited to praise prayer-ways, Psal. cxlix. 6. to the end. "Let the high praises of God be in their mouth, and a two-edged sword in their hand,--to bind their kings with chains,--to execute upon them the judgment written; this honour have all the saints, hallelujah," This was their praise and honour, when they were brought in to execute vengeance upon the kings and nobles of Canaan. This also, in David's time, was the ambition, and also the attainment of the saints, in their triumphant victories over many of their oppressors round about them. But it looks to a further and more famous execution of vengeance upon the tyrants of the earth, when they shall have long kept under the church of God, and at length the Lord shall give his people a capacity to break their yoke: which, whenever it shall be, shall be their honour. Hence, if it is the honour of the saints, when the Lord puts them in capacity, to execute vengeance upon their enemies, though they be kings that oppress them; then it may be their ambition to seek it, at least they may resist them. Thus from several scripture practices, reproofs, promises, precepts, and prayers, this truth may be proven. From which scriptures, though other precious truths are more natively deduced, yet this truth by unstrained and unconstrained consequence may be also clearly inferred. HEAD VI. _The Sufferings of some, upon the account of extraordinary executing of Judgment upon notorious Incendiaries, and murdering public Enemies by private Persons in the circumstances wherein they were stated vindicated._ Surely (saith Solomon) oppression maketh a wise man mad, as on the other hand, a gift destroyeth the heart. Which, whensoever there is a concurrence and verification of both together, makes it very incident, and noways to be admired, that either some actions of the oppressed be censurable; or, that there be found many to censure them, either out of ignorance or prejudice, at a far off glance, which a nearer or narrower inspection of circumstances, through a prospect of charity, would not so readily condemn. When the oppression of tyrants comes to such a height and pinch of extremity, that it not only threatens a community with desolation, but induces a necessity of unavoidable dissolution, and reduces a people to such a paroxism of desperation and consternation (in respect of human deliberation bringing them to their wits end) that either they must succumb as slaves, and mancipate consciences, persons, liberties, properties, and all they are or have, to the lust of raging tyrants, and their revenging emissaries,; or surrender themselves, and their posterity, and, which is dearer, the interest of religion, to be destroyed: then it is no wonder, that they be sometimes necessitated in such an extremity, to apply extreme remedies to extremity of evils, and forced to fall upon such expedients to prevent their utter extermination, as at other times common order, and ordinary justice would make extravagant. Yea it is no marvel, though they fall into several real extravagancies, which are not to be justified nor extenuated; but rather it is to be acknowledged, as a miracle of the Lord's mercy, that in such a case they are restrained from more scandalous excesses of that nature. Yet even then, such as live at ease, free of oppression who are blinded with prejudice at the oppressed, and bribed with the indulgence and lenity of the oppressors towards themselves, will look upon these actions as transports of madness, and effects of extravagant zeal, while they weigh them only in the scales of ordinary justice, and do not ponderate them in the ballance of necessitated virtue; nor perpend the circumstances which made those extraordinary acts of judgment, which materially are lawful at all times to be executed by some, to be then necessary acts of justice to be inflicted by them in such a case. But if either the oppressors themselves, or such who are blinded and bribed with their gifts, and killed with their kindness, not only into an omission of concurring, but into a condemning of such extraordinary attempts of taking off those destroyers; or, if onlookers at a distance, would seriously consider, and ingeniously declare their opinion, in a particular application of the case to themselves, what they would do in such circumstances: I doubt not, but as charity should oblige them to be sparing of their censure, in a case whereof they have no experience; so justice, in resolving this point for themselves, would constrain them to justify such extraordinary necessitated practices for self-preservation, in preventing punishing, by destroying their destroyers, and move them rather to admire their patience, who have suffered so much and so long those beasts of prey to devour them, than to censure their precipitancies, in being constrained to endeavour to deliver themselves at last from, and put an end to their cruelty who did most annoy them. 'Yea, (as Naphtali says very well) it were impossible that rational men, after the feeling of so sore grievances, and the teaching of so many and sad experiences, should still couch under the burden, and submit themselves to the yoke of such vile apostate upstarts and bloody villains, and not rather acquit themselves like men, by pulling off these vizards, under which they mask their villanies and clack their violence; and plucking them out of that sanctuary of loyalty, and refuge of authority, which they do not more pretend than profane by all their horrid rebellions against God, and cruel murders executed upon the Lord's people, to the effect that in the righteous and deserved punishment of these wicked men, both the sin of the land might be sisted, and the fierce anger of the Lord averted,' Naph. first edit. pag. 134. Nevertheless such lawful, and, (as one would think) laudable attempts, for cutting off such monsters of nature, beasts of prey, burdens to the earth, as well as enemies to the commonwealth, are not only condemned as murders and horrid assassinations, but criminally and capitally punished as such. And upon this account, the sufferings of such, as have left a conviction upon the consciences of all that knew them, of their honesty, integrity, soundness in the principles, and seriousness of the practice of religion, have been several singular, and signally severe, and owned of the Lord, to the admiration of all spectators; some being cruelly tortured and executed to the death, for essaying such execution of judgment, as Mr. Mitchel; others for accumplishing it, as Mr. Hackston of Rathillet, and others, who avowed their accession to the cutting off that arch traitor Sharp, prelate of St. Andrews; and others, for not condemning that and the like acts of justice, though they were as innocent of the facts as the child unborn. The foregoing historical representation of the matters of fact, doth clear the circumstances of the actions: which if ever any of that nature performed by private men without public authority, could be justified, will at least demur the condemning of them. For, the men, or rather monsters, thus removed, had not only been perjured apostates from, and conjured enemies against God, in a conspiracy with the devil, to destroy the reformation, and the remnant that professed it, affronted blasphemers, perfidious betrayers of the country, and enemies to the commonwealth, malignant incendiaries, and habitual murderers of many of the Lord's people, who, for many notorious crimes, had forfeited their lives to justice; but were insolently prosecuting their murdering designs, informing the council, and instigating them against innocent people to destroy them utterly, procuring from them bloody orders to spare none, but cut off all who might fall into their hands, and vigorously and vigilantly with all violence pursuing their murdering mandates, both in their own persons, and by villains, whom they hounded out as intelligencers to get, and to give notice where any of those people might be detected, whom they avowed, and avowed a design to destroy, when in the heat and height of their rage they were cut off. The actors were noways subject to them, nor any other way related, than declared and independent enemies are to one another, having renounced all relation to them and their masters, as magistrates and their superiors; and were in no terms of peace with them, but maintaining an hostile opposition and carrying, without cessation, arms to resist them; and when they got that advantage over them, that these enemies were seeking against them, they declared solemnly to them, and died, declaring it to the world, that they were not moved out of private revenge for personal injuries they had done against themselves; but being touched with the zeal of God, love to their country, respect to justice trampled upon by tyrants, and for saving themselves, rescuing their brethren, and preventing their murdering them, because there were none that would or could execute justice upon them legally: therefore they were forced to put forth their hands against them as enemies, with whose preservation their own could not consist. Their circumstances were such, that they were redacted to the greatest of extremities, precluding all other human possibility of preserving themselves and their brethren from the destruction intended, and declaredly resolved, and restlessly sought and prosecuted, by these murderers, being persecuted to the death by them, daily chased, hunted, way-laid, turned out of their own habitations, intercommuned, discharged and denied all harbour in any house, under the hazard of the same pains that themselves were liable to, which was death by the present law and so forced to hide in caves and dens; out of which they durst not come forth, if it were but to seek bread for themselves, without iminent danger of their lives; the country raising the hue and cry after them, whensover they were seen, whereby many were killed as soon as they were apprehended: hence they could neither escape in the land, nor by flight out of the land, passages by sea and land being stopt, and none suffered to go any where, without strict examination what they were, which was impossible for them to elude: and many other specialties of misery and danger were ingredients in their circumstances, that no words can represent to them that are altogether strangers to them. Wherefore, in such a strait and pinch of perplexity, when they could not other wise escape the fury of these firebrands, nor demur and deter the rest of them from an uncontrouled pursuit after the lives of innocents, nor otherwise avert the wrath of God against the land for the impunity of such vermine; and seeing there was no access to address themselves to magistrates, who by office are obliged to bring such villains to condign punishment; and none were found in public authority, but such as patronized and authorized them; whom in conscience they could not acknowledge, and in prudence durst not make application to them for fear of their lives; what could they do? what was left them to deliberate, but to fall upon this extraordinary course, wherein if they have stumbled into some extravagancies, as to the manner, who can think it strange, considering the case? But as that is not the debate; so as for such acts of vengeance as are peccant in the matter, and were not circumstantiate, as above rehearsed, being disowned in their public declarations, and the actors excluded from their communion, for whom I plead; it were iniquous to impute the scandal of them to that suffering people. It is only the so circumstantiate, necessitated, extraordinary execution of judgment, upon notoriously gross and grassant incendiaries, tyrants, and terrible murdering enemies, where there is no living for them, that I vindicate. And though the handling of this tender and quick-scented subject may seem odious to some, and my discourse upon it is pregnant with an oblique design to obviate such unmerited surmises, I must say, it is only the wiping off of such reproaches as reflect on religion; the vindication of preterite extraordinary practices of this nature; the investigation of present duty with respect to future emergencies; and the restraining all extravagancies incident on this Head, that I intend. However this may be exploded by this generation, as odious and uncouth doctrine; yet, in former periods of this church, it hath been maintained with courage, and asserted with confidence. How the ancient Scots, even after they received the Christian faith, served their tyrants and oppressors, how in the beginning of the reformation, the killing of the cardinal, and of David Rizio, were and are generally to this day justified, and what was the judgment and pleading of our reformers for practicing this principle against idolaters, &c. needs not be here repeated? Mr. Knox's judgment in particular is before declared, and will be further discovered, if we consider how he resented his slackness, in putting people to execute judgment in these words, insert in second part of the cloud of witnesses, p. 60. 'For God (said he) had not only given me knowledge, and a tongue to make known the impiety of the idol, but had given me credit with many, who would have put in execution God's judgments, if I would only have consented thereto: but so careful was I of the common tranquility, and loath was I to offend some, that in secret conference with zealous men, I travelled rather to slacken that fervency God had kindled in them, than to animate and encourage them to put their hands to God's work; wherein I acknowledge myself to have done most wickedly, and from the bottom of my heart I do ask God pardon, that I did not what in me lay to have suppressed that idol from the beginning.' But the preceeding historical representation doth abundantly demonstrate this is no novelty, to assert, that when the ruin of the country, suppression of religion, destruction of the remnant professing and suffering for it, and the wrath of God is threatened in, and for the impunity of idolaters and murderers, that by the law of God and man should die the death; and supposing always such as are in public office not only decline their duty, but encourage those destroyers, yea authorize them themselves, we may not only maintain defensive resistance according to our capacity, but endeavour also vindictive and, punitive force in executing judgment upon them in cases of necessity, as before circumstantiate. And I am the more confident to assert it, that what I say cannot be condemned, till first what our reformers have proven be confuted. However, to endeavour to make it somewhat clear, I shall premit some assertions, to clear the state of the question; and then give some reasons for it, when clearly stated. First. It will be needful for clearing our way, to shew what length we may warrantably go in this matter of executing judgment, in our private capacity, in extraordinary cases of necessity, by setting down some propositions negative and positive, signifying what we disown, and what we own in this point. I. What we disown, may appear in these assertions, 1. No necessity nor circumstance supposible whatsoever, can justify the murder of the righteous or innocent, or vindicate the unlawful taking away of their lives directly, or indirectly, immediately, or mediately, which in thought as well as deed we must abhor, as a horrid breach of the sixth command. The guilt whereof may be incurred several ways; as by killing them immediately, as Cain did his brother Abel; or commanded them to be killed, as Saul commanded Doeg to kill the Lord's priests; or contriving their murder, as David did Uriah's, and Jezabel Naboth's; or counselling thereunto, as the people advised the princes to the murder of Jeremiah, and all that cried crucify Jesus were murderers of Christ; or by procuring it, as Haman was guilty of the intended murder of the Jews; or concurring therein, as Joab was guilty of Uriah's death as well as David, and Judas of Christ's by betraying him; or by the patrociny thereof, defending and sparing the murderers when called, by office, to punish them, as David was guilty in not punishing Joab, Ahab in patronizing the murder of Naboth; or by consenting thereunto, as Saul consented to the death of Stephen; or by knowing and permitting, and conniving at it, as is condemned, Prov. xxiv. 11, 12. Whether this be done under colour of law, as Pilate murdered our Lord, Herod killed James; or without all colour, by absolute power, Herod the Ascalonite murdered the infants; or whether it be done by purpose, as Joab murdered Abner and Amasa; or without previous purpose yet with knowledge of the action in the perpetrating of it, as men may do in passion, when provoked beside their purpose, or in a tumult, without intending it beforehand; yet that is murder; Barrabas committed murder in the insurrection. For, as for casual killing, contrary to intention, without knowledge, that's no breach of the command. And, whatever may be said of necessitated delivering up the innocent, pursued by a potent enemy, to deliver the city from his fury; or of preferring our own life to our innocent neighbour, in a case when both cannot be preserved, and by preserving the one lawfully, the other happens to lose his life; I do not meddle with these cases. But since this is taken for granted by casuists, I infer, If it be lawful that an innocent man die in case of necessity, that others may be preserved; then much more is it lawful, that the nocent, who are guilty of murdering the righteous all these ways above specified, and actually prosecuting their murdering designs by these methods, should rather be made to die, than the righteous be destroyed. But of this sort of murder, taking away the life of the righteous, none hath the impudence to accuse that reproached people. 2. though a man kill an innocent unwittingly and willingly, besides his knowledge and against his will; yet he may be guilty of sinful homicide, if he was obliged to know that he was in hazard of it, and neglected to consider, lest a man might be killed by what he was doing: as if a man should shoot at random, when he doth not know but some may be killed thereby: or if one were hewing with an ax, which he either knew or might have known to be loose, and the head not well fastened to the helve, did not advertise those about him of it; if by flying off it happened to kill any person, he were not innocent, but if he knew not without any inadvertency, then he were guiltless, Deut. xix. 5. See Durham on 6. Com. So if a man built a house without battlements, he should bring blood upon his house, if any man fell from thence, Deut. xxii. 8. But of this the question is not. 3. Though a person be not altogether innocent, nor to be reckoned among the righteous; but suppose him wicked and profane, and engaged in an evil course, dishonourable to God, prejudicial to the church and kingdom, and very injurious to us; yet it may be murder to kill him, if he be not guilty of crimes that deserve death by the law of God: for the life of man is not subjected to the arbitrement of any, but his who is the author of life and death; it is necessary to all to obey the law, Thou shalt not kill, without exception, but such killing as is approven by the author of the law, as saith Ames. De Conscientia, cap. 31. quest. 2. Hence, this people so much reproached with extravagant actions, do abundantly clear themselves of that imputation of being of the mind to kill all that differ from them, which was the impudent forgery of the father of lies, in their informatory vindication, Head 3. 'We positively disown (say they) as horrid murder, the killing of any because of a different persuasion or opinion from us, albeit some have invidiously cast this odious calumny upon us.' And it is as clear, they that took the oath of abjuration swore a lie, when they abjured the apologetical declaration, in so far as it is asserted it was lawful to kill all employed in the king's service, when it asserted no such thing, as is shewed above Head 3. To think so much, let be to declare it, far more to practise such a thing against all that served the king, or any merely, because they served him, or because they are in a wicked course, or because they have oppressed us, were abominable: for these things simply do not make men guilty of death, to be punished capitally by men according to the law of God. But when they are stated in such opposition to us, and serve the tyrant's murdering mandates by all those ways above specified; then we may by the law of God and nature and nations, destroy, slay, and cause to perish, and avenge ourselves on them that would assault us, and are seeking our destruction: as it was lawful for the Jews to do with Haman's emissaries, Esth. viii. 11. 13. and ix. 1, 2. 5. This charge then cannot reach the case. 4. Though murderers, and such as are guilty of death by the law of God, must be punished by death; for, "he that sheddeth man's blood," &c. yet it may be murder for a man to kill another, because he thought him so criminal, and because he thought it his duty, being moved by a pretended enthusiastical impulse, in imitation of the extraordinary actions of such as were really moved by the Spirit of God. As when James and John would have commanded fire to come down to consume the Samaritans, the Lord rebuked them, saying, "Ye know not what manner of spirit ye are of, for the Son of man is not come to destroy men's lives, but to save them," Luke ix. 54,--56. Such impulses had need to be well examined, for ordinarily they will be found not consistent with a gospel spirit, which is always averse from acts of cruelty. Blind zeal sometimes may incite men to fearful work: yea the persecutors have often most of that spirit, as our Lord foretels, "The time cometh, that whosoever killeth you shall think that he doth God service," John xvi. 2. Paul, in his pharisaical zeal, breathed out slaughter against the disciples. And Satan can drive men under several colours, to act such things, as he did the Boors in Germany, and John of Leyden and his followers, whose practices are deservedly detested by all that have any spark of Christianity or humanity: for if this were espoused as a principle, there would be no security for men's lives. But hence it cannot be concluded, that God may not animate some to some rare enterprizes, for the cutting off of tyrants and their bloody emissaries, incendiaries, destroyers of innocent people, and putting an end to, and stopping the career of their murders, in a time of real extreme necessity, the matter of the action being unquestionably lawful, their ends and intentions really good and commendable, there being also a deficiency of others to do the work, and themselves in some probable capacity for it. See Jus Popul. cap. 20. pag. 410. Neither can it be denied, but true zeal may sometimes incite people to such exploits for the preservation of religion and liberty, their own lives and brethren, all like to be destroyed by the impunity of beasts of prey. This will be found very consistent with a gospel spirit: and though this principle be asserted, and also put in practice; all persons, notwithstanding thereof would have sufficient security for their lives, except such as have really forfeited their lives by all law of God and man. Those that are led by impulses, may pretend the imitation of extraordinary examples, and abuse them; yet hence it will not follow, that in no case these extraordinary examples may be imitated. Shall the examples of good magistrates, executing justice on idolaters and murderers, be altogether unimitable, because tyrants abuse them; in persecuting the innocent? If this arguing were good, it would make all virtuous actions in the world unimitable; for these may be abused by pretenders. See Jus Popul. ubi supra, pag. 412. But it cannot be charged upon the sufferers upon this head, that they had nothing to give as the reasons of their actions, but pretexts of enthusiasms. 5. Though a man be really so criminal, as that he deserves death by the law of God and man; yet it may be murder to kill him, if we do not certainly know it, and can prove it, and convict him of it upon trial: for no man must be killed not indicted, or the cause unknown. Thus even magistrates may murder murderers, when they proceed against them without probation or cognition according to law, far more private persons. Thus the Abiezrites would have murdered Gideon, not only unjustly, for his duty of throwing down the altar of Baal, but illegally; because they would have had him brought out that he might die without any further trial, Judg. vi. 29, 30. So likewise the Jews that banded and bound themselves under a curse to kill Paul before he was tried, would have murdered him, not only unjustly for his duty, but illegally before he was tried, Acts xxiii. 12. But this doth not condemn the actions of those sufferers, in maintaining the necessary execution of judgment, upon persons who are notorious murderers, yea, professing a trade and prosecuting habitually a tract of continued murdering the people of the Lord. 6. Though it should be certainly known, and sufficiently proven that a man is a murderer, &c. yet it were murder for an inferior, under a relation of subjection to him, to kill him, as long as that subjection were acknowledged; for, whensoever the common and mutual right or relation, either natural, moral, civil, or religious, to the prejudice or scandal of the church, or state, or particular persons, is broken by killing any person, that is murder, though the person killed deserve to die. As if a subject should kill an acknowledged king, a son by nature or in law should kill his natural or legal father, a servant should kill his master, breaking these relations, while their right and tie were acknowledged, (as some of them must still be acknowledged as long as the correlates continue in being, to wit, that of a father is not broken by his becoming a murderer) and to the danger, detriment, and scandal of the church and state; that were properly assassination: for assassins are they, who being subject to others, either out of their own head, for their own ends, or by command of their superiors, kill their superiors, or such as they command them to kill, as Alstedius describes them, Theol. Caf. cap. 18. de homicid. reg. 55. Therefore David would not kill Saul, because he acknowledged him to be the Lord's anointed, to whom he was under a relation of subjection, and because he was his master and father in law, and because it would have tended to the hurt of the kingdom, and involved it in combustions and contentions about the succession, and prejudged his own right, as well as to the scandal of the people of God, though Saul deserved otherwise to be capitally punished. So Ishbosheth was killed by Baanah and Rechab, 2 Sam. iv. 7. so Jozachar and Jehozabad, who killed Joash, 2 Kings xii. 21. were punished as murderers, chap. xiv. 6. because they were his servants, and did assassinate him to whom they were subject: so the servants of Amon were punished by the people, as conspirators against their king and master, 2 Kings xxi. 23, 24. though Amon deserved to have been punished as well as Amaziah was. Hence generally it is observed by some; that though right be given to equals or superiors, to bring their nearest relations to condign punishment, when they turn enticers to idolatry, Deut. xiii. 6. Yet no right or law, upon any cause or occasion whatsoever, is given to inferiors, as children, &c. to punish their fathers. See Pool. Synop. Critic. in locum. However it be, this cannot condemn the taking off of notorious murderers, by the hand of such as were no way subject nor related to them; but as enemies, who, in extreme necessity, executed righteous judgment upon them, without prejudice of the true, necessary, and chief good of the church and commonwealth, or of any particular person's just right and security, as Naphtali qualifies it, pag. 12, 23. first edition. 7. Though the matter of the action were just, and the murderer such a person as we might punish without any breach of relative obligations, or duties; yet the manner may aggravate it to some degree of murder; if it be done secretly, when it may be execute publicly, or suddenly and precipitantly, when it may be done deliberately, without rushing upon such an action, or hurrying the murderer to eternity; as this also might have had some weight with David not to murder Saul secretly and suddenly in the cave, or when he was sleeping; so Ishbosheth, and Joash, and Amon were murdered; or if it be done subtilly, when it may be performed in more plain and fair dealing; or treacherously, under colour of friendship; or cruelly without regard to humanity; and especially when the actors are at peace with the person, whose blood they shed, as Joab shed the blood of war in peace, 1 Kings ii. 5. in killing Abner and Amasa so craftily and cruelly; and Absalom made his servants assassinate Amnon, 2 Sam. xiii. 28, 29. But this cannot be changed upon them who executed righteous judgment, as publicly, deliberately, and calmly, as the extraordinary exigence of pressing necessity, in extremity of danger, could allow, upon notorious murderers, with whom they were in open and avowed terms of hostility. 8. Though the manner also be inculpable; yet if the principle and motive of killing, even those that deserve to die, be out of malice, hatred, rage, or revenge, for private or personal injuries, it is murder. For the affection and intention doth make one and the same action of taking away the life, homicide or no homicide: Lex Rex faith, Quest. 31. Pag. 338. If a man out of hatred deliberately take away another man's life, he is in so far a murderer, but if that same man had taken away the other's life, by the flying off of his ax head, he neither hating him before, nor intending to hurt him, he is no murderer by God's express law, allowing cities of refuge for the one, and not for the other, Deut. iv. 42. Deut. xix. 4, &c. private revenge is indignity to God, whose it is to take vengeance, Deut. xxxii. 35. Rom. xii. 19. "Dearly beloved avenge not yourselves, for vengeance is the Lord's." For which cause Jacob curses Simeon and Levi their murder of the Shechemites: for in their anger they slew a man, Gen. xlix. 6, 7. So David would not put forth his hand against Saul, for his own private and personal quarrel. So Joab killed Abner, and Absalom Amnon. But this doth not make the execution of judgment, out of zeal for God, respect to righteousness, love to the nations interest, and care to preserve the persecuted people of God from imminent destruction, upon public enemies, incendiaries, that are trampling upon all these precious interests, and threatening the utter ruin of them, and in a particular manner their destruction who thus prevent them. 9. Though the motive or cause were upon a public account, yet it may be murder to have a wrong end in it; as either to intend simply the destruction of the person on whom they execute judgment, as the end to which all their action is directed, or to make their own advantage or honour the end of the action. Thus David would not kill Saul, because it might have been thought he did it to obtain the kingdom, of which he was rightful successor: and deservedly he punished the Amalekite, that brought news of his killing Saul; and Baanah and Rechab, for their killing Ishbosheth, thinking thereby to advance themselves at David's court. So also Joab murdered Amasa to secure himself in the general's place. And Jehu, though upon the matter he executed righteous judgment, his end was only himself, it is condemned as murder. But when the execution of righteous judgment is both formally intended by the actors, and natively and really doth conduce to the glory of God, the preservation of the remnant threatened to be destroyed by these murderers, the suppressing of impiety, doing of justice, turning away wrath and removing of present, and preventing of future judgments, then it may be duty, Napthtali, pag. 23. first edition. 10. Though the end also were not culpable; yet it may be murder to kill criminals by transgressing the sphere of our vocation, and usurping upon the magistrate's sword: for he, by office, is a revenger, to execute wrath upon him that doth evil, Rom. xiii. 4. none must make use of the sword of vindictive justice, but he to whom the Lord giveth it; therefore they that came to take Christ are condemned and threatened for this, Matth. xxvi. 52. "All they that take the sword, shall perish with the sword." The God of order hath assigned to every man his station and calling, within the bounds whereof he should keep, without transgressing by defect or excess, let every man abide in the same calling wherein he was called, 1 Cor. vii. 20. and study to be quiet, and do his own business, 1 Thess. iv. 11. Therefore David would not kill Saul, because he would have done it beside his calling. And therefore the killing of Joash and Amon was murder, because the assassins did transgress their vocation. But when notorious incendiaries do not only transgress their vocation, but the limits of human society, and turn open enemies to God and man, destroying the innocent, making havoc of the Lord's heritage, and vaunting of their villanies, and boasting of their wickedness, and thereby bringing wrath upon the land if such effrontries of insolence should pass unpunished, and when there is no magistrate to do that work of justice, but all in that place are art and part with them, patrons and defenders of them; yea, no magistrate that can be acknowledged as a minister of God to be applied unto; in that case, it is not a transgression of our vocation, nor an usurpation upon the magistrates, where there is none, to endeavour to avert wrath, by executing righteous judgment. Otherwise, if for fear, or suspicion of the accidental hazard of private men's usurping the office, or doing of the duty of public persons, every virtuous action which may be abused, shall be utterly neglected, impiety shall quickly gain universal empire, to the extermination or all goodness, Naphtali, pag. 24. first edition. To clear this, it must be considered, that a man's calling is twofold; his particular calling, whereunto in the ordinary course of things he is regularly confined: and his general calling, not circumscribed by particular rules, which from the common obligation of the end for which all callings are institute, in the clear exigence of an extraordinary emergent, according to the general rules of righteousness, bind to an agreeable practice; therefore circumstances may sometimes so diversify actions, that what in the ordinary and undisturbed state of things would be accounted an excess of our particular calling, and an usurpation, in an extraordinary occurrence may become a necessary duty of our general calling. 11. Though it were no usurpation beyond our calling; yet it may be murder, to kill any without the call of God in a case of necessity, either in the immediate defence of life, or though it be in the remote when the hazard is unavoidable. Every thing must have God's call in its season to make it duty, so also the time of killing, Eccles. iii. 3. For want of this David would not kill Saul. Lex Rex saith excellently to this, quest. 31. pag. 329, 330. 'David might have killed Saul when he was sleeping, and when he cut off the lap of his garment, but it was unlawful for him to kill the Lord's anointed, as it is unlawful for him to kill a man because he is the image of God, Gen. ix. 6. except in case of necessity,----David having Saul in his hand, was in a remote posture of defence, the unjust invasion then was not actual, nor unavoidable, nor a necessary mean in human prudence for self preservation; for king Saul was not in an actual pursuit of the whole princes, elders, community of Israel: Saul did but seek the life of one man David, and that not for religion, or a national pretended offence, and therefore he could not, in conscience, put hands on the Lord's anointed: but if Saul had actually invaded David for his life, David might, in that case, make use of Goliah's sword, (for he took not that weapon as a cypher to boast Saul) and rather kill than be killed.' Thus he. By a call here, we do not mean an express or immediate call from God, such as the prophets might have to their extraordinary executions of judgments, as Samuel and Elijah had to kill Agag and Baal's prophets; but either the allowance of man, then there is no question about it; or if that cannot be had, as in the case circumstantiate it cannot, then the providential and moral call of extreme necessity, for preservation of our lives, and preventing the murder of our brethren, may warrant an extraordinary executing of righteous judgment upon the murderers. Men may have a call to a necessary duty, neither every way mediate nor immediate, as the call of running together to quench a fire in a city, when magistrates through wickedness or negligence, will not, or do not, call people forth unto that work; they have not man's call, nor an immediate call from heaven, yet they have a lawful call from God; so they do not intrude upon the magistrates office, nor want they a call to this execution of judgment, who did materially that work for that exigent which magistrates, by office, were bound to do, being called thereto by God, by nature, and the call of inevitable necessity, which knoweth no human law, and to which some divine positive laws will cede. Jus populi. chap. 20. pag. 423. 12. Though this be a principle of reason and natural justice, when all the fore mentioned circumstances are clear, that it is lawful for private persons to execute righteous judgment, upon notorious incendiaries, and murdering public enemies, in cases of necessity; yet it might be a sinful breach of the sixth command, to draw extraordinary examples of it to an ordinary practice in killing all who might be found criminal, and would deserve death by the law, as all that have served under a banner of tyranny and violence, displayed against God and his people, to the ruin of the reformation, wasting of the country, oppression of many honest families, and destruction of many innocent people, are and would be found guilty of murder; as the chief captain would have truly alledged Paul to have been a murderer, if he had been the Egyptian which made an uproar, and led out four thousand men that were murderers, Acts xxi. 58. As for the vulgar and ordinary sort of those vermine of varlets, it is of no advantage for oppressed people to foul their fingers upon them, when their slaughter would not put a stop to, but rather increase the destruction of the people of God; and were unlawful to prevent and anticipate the due and legal execution of justice, where there is any prospect or expectation of its running in its right channel. But for the chief and principal ring leaders, and common public and habitual incendiaries, and masters of the trade of murdering the Lord's people, when there is no other way of being rid of their rage, and preserving ourselves, and preventing the destruction of our brethren, we may in that case of necessity make public examples of them, in an extraordinary procedure against them, that may be most answerable to the rules of the ordinary procedure of justice, and in imitation of the heroic actions recorded and justified in the word of God, in the like extraordinary cases; which are imitable, when the matter of their actions is ordinary, that is, neither preternatural nor supernatural though the occasion was singular, just and necessary, both by divine precept, and as a mean to good and necessary ends, and when there is no other to do the work, nor any prospect of access to justice in its ordinary and orderly course, nor possibility of suspending it till that can be obtained. We need not then any other call than a spirit of holy zeal for God, and for our own and our brethrens preservation, in that pinch of extremity. We do not hold these extraordinary actions for regular and ordinary precedents, for all times and persons universally: which if people should fancy, and heed more the glory and fame of the action, than the sound and solid rule of the scriptures, they may be tempted and carried to fearful extravagancies. But they may be warrants for private persons in their doing of these things, in an extreme necessity, to which at other times they are not called. And when the Lord, with whom is the residue of the spirit, doth breathe upon his people, more or fewer, to the exciting of more than ordinary zeal, for the execution of justice upon such adversaries, we should rather ascribe glory and praise to him, whose hand is not shortened, but many times chooseth the weak and foolish things of the world to confound the mighty and the wise, than condemn his instruments for doing such things, Naph. pag. 24, 25. prior edit. All these cases, which are all I can think on at present, comprehending all that may any way infer the guilt of murder, I have collected; to the end I may conclude this one argument, and leave it to be considered: If this extraordinary executing of judgment, upon notorious incendiaries and murdering public enemies, by private persons, in the circumstances above declared, cannot be reduced to any case that can infer the guilt of murder; then it cannot be condemned, but justified; but this extraordinary executing of judgment, &c. cannot be reduced to any case that can infer the guilt of murder, (as will appear by the induction of all of them:) therefore, this extraordinary executing of judgment, &c. cannot be condemned, but justified. II. In the next place, What we own may be done warrantably, in taking away the life of men without breach of the sixth command, will appear by these propositions and assertions, which will bring the matter to the present circumstantiate case. 1. It is certain, though the command be indefinitely expressed, it doth not prohibit all killing, but only that which is condemned in other explicatory commands. Our Lord Jesus, repeating this command, explains it by expressing it thus, Matth. xix. 18.--"Thou shalt not murder." And if any be lawful, it is granted by all, that is, which is unavoidable by the invincible necessity of providence, when a man following his duty doth that which beside and contrary his intention, and without any previous neglect or oversight in him, proveth the hurt and death of another, in which case he was allowed to flee to the city of refuge by the law of God. Whence if that physical necessity did justify that kind of killing, shall not a moral necessity every way inivincibly unavoidable (except we suffer ourselves and our brethren to be destroyed by beasts of prey) vindicate this kind, in an extraordinary extremity, when the murderers are protected under the sconce of pretended authority? In which case the law of God would allow deliberate murderers should be pursued by the avenger of blood, and not to have liberty to flee to these subterfuges and pretexts of authority, (mere tyranny,) but to be taken from the horns of such altars, and be put to death, as Mr. Mitchel says in vindicating his own action, in a letter dated Feb. 1674. 2. It is lawful to take the life of known and convicted murderers by public justice; yea, it is indispensibly necessary by the law of God, and no mercy nor pardon of the magistrate may interpose to spare them; for, 'Whoso killeth any person, the murderer shall be put to death by the mouth of witnesses. '--Ye shall take no satisfaction for the life of a murderer:--but he shall surely be put to death,' he was not to be admitted to the benefit of any refuge: and the reason is, 'Blood defiles the land, and the land cannot be cleansed of the blood that is shed therein, but by the blood of him that shed it,' Numb. xxxv. 30, 31, 32, 33. Hence, if it be so necessary to cleanse the land, then when the magistrate is not only negligent in his duty, but turns a patron and protector of such murderers, and employs them as his emissaries to murder and destroy, it cannot be expected he should cleanse the land, for then he should free it of the burden of himself, and begin with himself: therefore then, there must be more incumbent upon private persons, touched with the zeal of God, than at another time. And as Mr. Knox, in his conference with queen Mary, says, 'They that in the fear of God execute judgment, where God hath commanded, offend not God, though kings do it not;' and adduces the examples of Samuel killing Agag, Elias killing the prophets of Baal, and of Phineas killing Zimri and Cozbi. 3. It is lawful for private persons to kill their unjust assaulters, in defending themselves against their violence, and that both in the immediate defence of our life against an immediate assault, in the instant of the assault, and also in a remote defence of ourselves, when that is as necessary as the first; and there is no other way of escaping the destruction intended by murderers, either by flight or resistance; then it is lawful to preserve ourselves by taking advantages to cut them off. 4. It is lawful in a just war to kill the enemy; yea in the defensive war of private subjects, or a part of the commonwealth, against their oppressing tyrants, as is proven, head 5. Where several of the arguments used to evince that truth will confirm this; as namely, those arguments taken from the people's power in reformation, and those taken from the hazard of partaking of others sin and judgment: for, if all the magistrates, supreme and subordinate, turn principal patrons and patterns of all abominations, and persecutors and destroyers of the people for not complying with them, then the people are not only under an obligation to resist them; but seeing otherwise they would be liable to their sin, in suffering them thus to trample on religion, and the interests of God as well as their own, in order to turn away the wrath of God, it is incumbent upon them to vindicate religion, and reform the land from these corruptions, in an endeavour to bring those malignant enemies of God, and destroyers of the people, to condign punishment, "that the heads of the people be hanged up before the Lord against the sun, the fierce anger of the Lord may be turned away from the land," Numb. xxv. 4. In this case, as Buchanan says of a tyrant, De jure regni, 'A lawful war being once undertaken with such an enemy as a tyrant is, every one out of the whole multitude of mankind may assault, with all the calamities of war, a tyrant, who is a public enemy, with whom all good men have a perpetual warfare.' And though the war be not always actually prosecute in a hostile manner, yet, as long as peace is not concluded and the war ceased, they that have the just side of the quarrel may take advantages, in removing and taking off, (not every single soldier of the contrary side, for that would contribute nothing to their prevailing in the end) but the principal instruments and promoters of the war, by whose fall the offending side would suffer great loss, and the defending would be great gainers. So Jael killing Sisera, Jabin's captain-general, is greatly commended. Now this was the case of the sufferers upon this head, as Mr. Mitchel, one of them represents it in his forecited letter, 'I being (says he) a soldier, not having laid down my arms, but still upon my own defence, having no other end or quarrel at any man--besides the prosecution of the ends of the covenant, particularly the overthrow of prelates and prelacy; and I being a declared enemy to him (that is Sharp) on that account, and he to me in like manner, I never found myself obliged--to set a centinel at his door for his safety; but as he was always to take his advantage, as it appeareth, so I of him to take any opportunity offered: moreover, we being in no terms of capitulation, but on the contrary, I, by his instigation, being excluded from all grace and favour, thought it my duty to pursue him at all occasions.' 5. It is lawful to kill enemies in the rescue of our brethren, when they are keeping them in bondage, and reserving them for a sacrifice to the fury of tyrants, or leading them forth to the slaughter, or in the time of acting their murdering violence upon them: then, to break prisons, beat up garrisons, surprise the murderers, and kill them in the rescue of our innocent brethren, is very lawful, according to that command, Prov. xxiv. 11, 12. and the practice of Moses, who seeing one of his brethren suffering wrong, he defended him, and avenged him that was oppressed, and slew the Egyptian, Acts vii. 24. For that is a certain truth, which Grotius faith in locum, 'the law of nature gives a right to an innocent, and to the defender of an innocent person, against the guilty offender.' Hence, It cannot but be lawful also, in a case of necessity, when both ourselves and our brethren are pursued incessantly by destroying murderers, to avenge ourselves on them, and slay them, when there is no other way to be rid of their violence. 6. It is lawful to prevent the murder of ourselves or our brethren, when no other way is left, by killing the murderers before they accomplish their wicked design, if they be habitually prosecuting it, and have many times accomplished it before. This followeth upon the other; and upon this account it had been duty for Gedaliah to have suffered Johanan to slay Ishmael, and so prevent the governor's murder, if it had been certainly known that Ishmael was sent by the king of Ammon to assassinate him, Jer. xl. 14, 15. for nothing is there objected against the lawfulness of the thing, but only it was alledged that he spoke falsely. Alftedius asserts this, Caf. de homicid. reg. 6. p. 331. It is lawful to prevent him that would assault us, and by preventing to kill him before his invasion, if it be so necessary, to prevent him, that our life cannot be otherwise defended but by preventing. And hence he justifies that saying, 'It is lawful to kill him that lieth in wait to murder,' ibid. This is all the length that the reproached sufferers, whom I am vindicating, go, in asserting this principle, as may be seen in their Informatory Vindication, Head 3. pag. 544. where they say, 'We maintain it as both righteous and rational, in defence of our lives, liberties, and religion, after an orderly and Christian manner, to endeavour, by all means lawful and possible, to defend ourselves, rescue our brethren, and prevent their murder, in a martial opposition against wicked persecutors, who are seeking to destroy them and us, and imbrue their hands in our blood, according to the true import of the Apologetical Declaration.' Which is very rational; especially considering. 7. These murderers, who are thus to be prevented, are such whom the law of God commands to be put to death, and no where allows to be spared, being public enemies to God and good men, open blasphemers, avowed idolaters, affronted adulterers, notorious murderers, habitual tyrants, suppressing religion, oppressing the innocent, and professing a trade of destroying the Lord's people. Surely, if God hath expressly in his laws provided, that blasphemers, idolaters, murderers, &c. should not be suffered to live, he never intended men daily guilty, yea, making profession of these crimes, should be allowed impunity, either by virtue of their office, or because there is none in office to execute judgment upon them; but in a case of extreme necessity, these laws will not only allow, but oblige people, daily murdered by them, for their own preservation, for vindication of religion, for purging the land of such wickedness, for turning away the wrath of God, to prevent their prosecuting their murdering designs any further, and put a stop to their persecution, by putting an end to their wicked lives: seeing, as Buchanan says, De Jure Regni, it is expresly commanded, 'to cut off wickedness and wicked men, without any exception of rank or degree; and yet in no place of sacred scripture are tyrants more spared than private persons.' Much less their bloody emissaries. Now, seeing all these cases of killing I have collected, are justifiable in scripture, and none of the sufferers upon this head, whom I am vindicating, have exceeded in principle or practice the amount of these assertions, what is said already may have some weight to demur a censorious condemnation of them. But as the true nonconformist well observes, in answer to Dial. 7. p. 391. Seeing the consideration resulting from the concurrence of all circumstances, whereupon the right dignoscing of such deeds, when actually existent, doth mostly depend, doth more contribute to the clearing and passing a judgment on a case of this nature, when the whole contexture is exposed to certain examination, than to set down general rules directive of such practices (which yet will all justify this in question) therefore to clear the case further, all may be resolved into this state of the question. 'Whether or not private persons, incessantly pursued unto death, and threatened with ineluctable destruction by tyrants and their emissaries, may, to save themselves from their violence, in case of extreme necessity, put forth their hand to execute judgment upon the chief and principal ringleaders, instruments and promoters of all these destructive mischiefs and miseries, who are open and avowed enemies to God, apostates, blasphemers, idolaters, tyrants, traitors, notorious incendiaries, atrocious murderers, and known and convict to be public enemies, prosecuting their murdering designs notourly and habitually, and therefore guilty of death by all laws of God and man; and in such an extraordinary case, put them to death, who have by law forfeited their lives to justice, when there is no access to public justice, no prospect of obtaining it in an orderly way, nor any probability of escaping their intended destruction, either by flight or resistance, if they be past longer unpunished; and so deliver themselves from their murdering tyranny, while they are under no acknowledged subjection to them, nor at peace with them, but maintaining a defensive resistance against them; and in this extraordinary execution of justice, being not chargeable with ignorance of matters of fact so manifest, nor mistakes of circumstances so palpable, nor with malice, rage or revenge against their persons for private and particular injuries, nor with enthusiastic impulses pretended as their rule, nor with deceit or treachery in the manner, nor with any breach of relation or obligation, nor usurpation upon or prejudice to any lawful right whatsoever in the matter, nor with any selfish or sinistrous ends in the design; but forced to perform this work of judgment, when there is none other to do it, out of zeal for the glory of God, care of the country's good, love to their brethren, sense of their own danger, and respect to justice; to the end, that by the removal of these wicked destroyers, their war against the prevailing faction of their malignant enemies may be more successfully maintained, their religion, lives, laws, and liberties more securely defended, their brethren rescued, their murder prevented, impiety suppressed, the land cleansed from blood, and the wrath of God averted.' That this is the true state of the question, the preceeding assertions, all comprehended here, do make it evident. To which I answer in the affirmative, and shall come to give my reasons. Secondly, Then I shall offer some reasons for this, first for some grounds and hypotheses of reason: then more expresly from scripture-proofs. 1. There may be some arguments offered from the dictates of natural reason, which I shall but only glance at. 1. I premit the consideration of the practice of all nations, even such from whom patterns have been taken for government, and who have had the most polite and purest policy, and have been the severest animadverters upon all extravagants and transgressors of their vocation: yet even among them, for private persons to destroy and rid the commonwealth of such burdens, and vile vermin so pernicious to it, was thought a virtue meriting rather commendation, than a thing to be condemned. I shall not here instance the laudable practices recorded in scripture; these may be seen in their own place. Neither do I speak of ruder nations, among whom this is a relict of reason, not of rudeness, as the Oriental Indians have a custom, whenever any person runs a muck, that is, in a revengeful fury, takes such a quantity of opium, as distracts them into such a rage of mad animosity, that they fear not to assault (which is the common operation of that portion there) and go through destroying whom they can find in their way: then every man arms against him: and is ambitious of the honour of first killing him, which is very rational; for otherwise no man could be safe; and it seems to be as rational, to take the same course with our mad malignant mucks who are drunk with hellish fury, and are running in a rage to destroy the people of God whom they can meet with. But all the nations, where the best policy was established, have been of his mind. In Greece public rewards were enacted to be given, and honours appointed for several cities, to those that should kill tyrants, from the mightiest of them to the meanest; with whom they thought there was no bond of humanity to be kept. Hence, Thebe is usually commended for killing her husband, Timoleon for killing his brother, because they were pernicious and destructive to the commonwealth: which, though it seem not justifiable, because of the breach of relation of natural subjection, yet it shews what sentiments the most politic nations have had of this practice. As also among the Romans, Cassius is commended for killing his son, and Fulvius for killing his own son going to Cataline, and Brutus for killing his kinsmen, having understood they had conspired to introduce tyranny again. Servilius Ahala is commended for killing even in the court Sep. Melius, turning his back and refusing to compear in judgment, and for this was never judged guilty of bloodshed, but thought nobilitate by the slaughter of a tyrant, and all posterity did affirm the same. Cicero, speaking of the slaughter of Cesar, stiles it a famous and divine fact, and put to imitation. Sulpitius Asper, being asked, why he had combined with others against Nero, and thought to have killed him? made this bold reply, 'that he knew not any other way to put a stop to his villanies, and redeem the world from the infection of his example, and the evils which they groaned under by reason of his crimes.' On the contrary, Domitius Corbulo is reprehended by all, for neglecting the safety of mankind, in not putting an end to Nero's cruelty, when he might very easily have done it: and not only was he by the Romans reprehended, but by Tyridates the Persian king, being not all afraid lest it should afterward befal an example unto himself. When the ministers of Caius Caligula, a most cruel tyrant, were, with the like cruelty, tumultuating for the slaughter of their master, requiring them that killed him to be punished, Valerius Asiaticus the senator cried out aloud, 'I wish I had killed him,' and thereby both composed their clamour, and stopt their rage. 'For there is so great force in an honest deed, (saith Buchanan de jure Regni, relating this passage) that the very lightest shew thereof, being presented to the minds of men, the most furious assaults are allayed, and fury will languish, and madness itself must acknowledge the sovereignty of reason.' The senate of Rome did often approve the fact, tho' done without their order oftentimes by private hands: as upon the slaughter of Commodus, instead of revenging it, they decreed that his carcase should be exposed and torn in pieces. Sometimes they ordered before hand to have it done; as when they condemned Didimus Julianus, they sent a tribune to slay him in the palace: nay, they have gone so far, as in some cases to appoint reward for such as should kill those tyrants that trampled upon their laws, and murdered virtuous and innocent people; as that sentence of the senate against the two Maximini doth witness, Whosoever killeth them deserves a reward. Buchanan as above, rehearsing many instances of this nature, gives reasons of their approveableness; and these I find here and there scattered, in his book, de jure Regni, 1. They that make a prey of the commonwealth, are not joined to us by any civil bond or tie of humanity, but should be accounted the most capital enemies of God and of all men. 2. They are not to be counted as within human society, but transgressors of the limits thereof; which whoso will not enter into, and contain himself within, should be taken and treated as wolves, or other kinds of noisome beasts, which whosoever spares, he preserves them to his own destruction, and of others; and whosoever killeth, doth not only good to himself, but to all others; and therefore doth merit rather reward than to be condemned for it. For if any man, divested of humanity, should degenerate into such cruelty, as he would not meet with other men but for their destruction (as the monsters I am speaking of, could meet with none of the party here treated on, but to this effect) he is not to be called a man, no more than satyrs, apes or bears. 3. It is expressly commanded to cut off wickedness and wicked men, without any exception of rank or degree; and, if kings would abandon the counsels of wicked men, and measure their greatness rather by duties of virtue, than by the impunity of evil deeds, they would not be grieved for the punishment of tyrants, nor think that royal majesty is lessened by their destruction, but rather be glad that it is purged from such a stain of wickedness. 4. What is here to be reprehended? is it the cause of their punishment? That is palpable. Is it the law which adjudges them to punishment? All laws were desired as necessary for repressing tyrants; whosoever doth condemn this, must likewise condemn all the laws of nations. Is it the person executing the laws? Where will any other be found to do it in such circumstances? 5. A lawful war being once undertaken with an enemy for a just cause, it is lawful not only for the whole people to kill that enemy, but for every one of them: every one therefore may kill a tyrant, who is a public enemy, with whom all good men have a perpetual warfare; meaning, if he be habitually tyrannical, and destructive to the people, so that there is no living for good people for him; otherwise, though a man by force or fraud acquire sovereignty, no such violence is to be done to him, providing he use a moderate way in his government, such as Vespasian among the Romans, Hiero in Syracuse. 6. Treason cannot be committed against one who destroys all laws and liberties of the people, and is a pernicious plague to the commonwealth. 2. Such is the force of this truth in the case of circumstantiate, that it extorts the acknowledgment of the greatest authors ancient and modern, domestic and foreign, and even of all rational royalists (as Mr. Mitchel lays in his postscript to the forecited letter.) That it is lawful for any private person to kill a tyrant without a title, and to kill tories or open murderers, as devouring beasts, because the good of his action doth not only redound to the person himself, but to the whole commonwealth, and the person acting incurs the danger himself alone. Tertullian, though a man loyal to excels, says, every man is a soldier inrolled to bear arms against all traitors and public enemies. The ancient ecclesiastical historian, Sozomen, relating the death of Julian, and intimating that he was supposed to have been slain by a Christian soldier, adds, Let none be so rash as to condemn the person that did it, considering he was thus courageous in behalf of God and religion, Sozom. Hist. lib. 6. cap. 2. Barclaius, a great royalist, faith, all antiquity agrees, that tyrants, as public enemies, may, most justly, be attacked and slain, not only by the community but also by every individual person thereof. Grotius de jure belli, lib. i. cap. 4. saith, If any person grasp at dominion by unjust war, or hath no title thereto by consent of the community, and no paction is made with him, nor allegiance granted, but retains possession by violence only, the right of war remains; and therefore it is lawful to attack him as an enemy, who may be killed by any man, and that lawfully. Yea, king James VI. in his remonstrance for the right of kings, says, the public laws make it lawful and free for any private persons to enterprise against an usurper. Divines say the same. Chamier, Tom. 2. lib. 15. cap 12. Sect. 19. All subjects have right to attack tyrants. Alsted. Theolog. Gaf. cap. 17. reg. 9. p. 321. Any private man may and ought to cut off a tyrant, who is an invader, without a title; because in a hostile manner he invades his native country. And, cap. 1. 18. reg. 14. p. 332. 'It is lawful for every private man to kill a tyrant, who unjustly invades the government. But Dr. Ames concerning conscience, Book 3. Chap 31. concerning manslaughter, asserts all that is here pleaded for in express terms, Quest. 4. Whether or no is it lawful for a man to kill another by his own private authority? Ans. Sometimes it is lawful to kill, no public precognition preceeding; but then only, when the cause evidently requires that it should be done, and public authority cannot be got: For in that case, a private man is publicly constitute the minister of justice, as well by the permission of God, as the consent of all men. These propositions carry such evidence in them, that the authors thought it superfluous to confirm them, and sufficient to affirm them. And from any reason that can be adduced to prove any of these assertions, it will be as evident that this truth I plead for, is thereby confirmed, as that itself is thereby strengthened: for it will follow natively, if tyrants, and tyrants without a title, be to be thus dealt with,; then the monsters, of whom the question is, those notorious incendiaries and murdering public enemies, are also to be so served: for either these authors assert the lawfulness of so treating tyrants without a title, because they are tyrants, or because they want a title. If the first be said, then all tyrants are to be so served; and reason would say, and royalists will subscribe, if tyrants that call themselves kings may be so animadverted upon, because of their perniciousness to the commonwealth by their usurped authority, then the subordinate firebrands that are the immediate instruments of that destruction, the inferior emissaries that act it, and actually accomplish it, in murdering innocent people, may be so treated; for their persons are not more sacred than the other, nor more unpunishable. If the second be said, it is lawful to kill them, because they want a title; then it is either because they want a pretended title, or because they want a real and lawful one. The latter is as good as none, and it is proven, Head 2. Arg. 7. that no tyrants can have any. The former cannot be said, for all tyrants will pretend some, at least before they be killed. 3. But though some of these great authors neither give their reasons for what they assert, nor do they extend it to all tyrants that tyrannize by virtue of their pretended authority, yet it will not be difficult to prove, that all, great and small, that murder, destroy, and tyrannize over poor people, are to be punished, though they pretend authority for what they do. And hence, if all tyrants, murderers and destroyers of mankind ought to be punished; then when it cannot be done by public authority, it may be done by private; but all tyrants, murderers and destroyers of mankind ought to be punished: Therefore--. The minor is manifest from the general commands of shedding the blood of every man that sheds it, Gen. ix. 6. of putting to death whosoever killeth any person, Numb. xxxv. 30, 31. of respecting no man's person in judgment, Deut. i. 17. And universally all penal laws are general without exception of any; for under that reduplication of criminal transgressing those laws, under that general sanction, they are to be judged; which admits of no partial respect: for if the greatest of men be murderers, they are not to be considered as great, but as murderers; just as the meanest are to be considered as mean or poor, but as murderers. But I need not insist on this, being sufficiently proved, Head 2. Arg. 9. and throughout that Head, proving that tyrants can have no authority: and, if they have no authority, then authority (which they have not) cannot exempt them from punishment. The connexion of the major proposition may be thus urged: when this judgment cannot be executed by public authority, either it must be done by private authority, in case of extreme necessity, or not at all: for there is no medium, but either to do it by public authority, or private: if not at all, then the land must remain still defiled with blood, and cannot be cleansed, Numb. xxxv. 33. Then the fierce anger of the Lord cannot be averted, Numb. xxxv. 4. for without this executing of judgment, he will not turn it away, Jer. v. 1. Then must murderers be encouraged, by their impunity, to make havoc of all according to their lust, besides that poor handful who cannot escape their prey, as their case is circumstantiate. Besides, this is point black contrary to these general commands, which say peremptorily, the murderer shall be put to death; but this supposed case, when public authority will not or cannot put them to death, says, they shall not be put to death. In this case then I demand, whether their impunity is necessary, because they must not be put to death? or because they cannot be put to death? To say the latter, were an untruth; for private persons can do it, when they get access, which is possible: if the former, then it is clearly contradictory to the commands, which say, they must be put to death, excepting no case, but when they cannot be put to death. If it be said, they must not be put to death, because the law obliges only public authority to execute judgment: to this I reply, 1. I trust to make the contrary appear from scripture by and by. 2. If the law obliges none but those in public authority to execute judgment, then when there is no judgment execute, it must be the sin of none but those in public authority; and if it be only their sin, how comes others to be threatened and punished for this, that judgment is not executed? If they must only stand by, and be spectators of their omissions unconcerned, what shall they do to evite this wrath? shall they exhort them, or witness against them? But that more than all this is required, is proved before several times, where this argument of people's being punished for the sin of their rulers hath been touched. 3. Then when there is no authority, it must be no sin at all that judgment is not executed, because it is the sin of none; it cannot be sin, except it be the sin of some. 4. What if those in public authority be the murderers? Who shall put them to death? By what authority shall judgment be execute upon them? Whether public or private? public it cannot be; for there is no formal public authority above the supreme, who are supposed the party to be punished; if it be the radical authority of the people, which is the thing we plead for, then it is but private, as that of one party against the other: the people are the party grieved, and so cannot be judges: at best then, this will be extrajudicial executing of judgment. And if the people may do it upon the greatest of tyrants, then a part of them who are in greatest hazard may save themselves from those of lesser note, by putting them to death: for if all the people have right to punish universal tyrants, because they are destroyers of all; then a part hath right to punish particular tyrants, because they are destroyers of them, when they cannot have access to public authority, nor the concurrence of the whole body. 4. Let these murderers and incendiaries be considered, either as a part of the community with them whom they murder and destroy, or not; if they be a part, and do belong to the same community (which is not granted in this case, yet let it be given) then when the safety of the whole, or better part, cannot consist with the sparing or preserving of a single man, especially such an one as prejudges all, and destroys that better part; he is rather to be cut off, than the whole or the better part be endangered: for the cutting off of a contagious member that destroys the rest of the body, is well warranted by nature, because the safety of the whole is to be preferred to the safety of a part, especially a destructive part: but now, who shall cut it off? since it must be cut off, otherwise a greater part of the body will be presently consumed, and the whole endangered. It is sure the physician's duty; but what if he will not, or cannot, or there be no physician? then any that can may and must; yea, one member may, in that case, cut off another. So, when either the magistrate will not, or dare not, or does not, or there is none to do this necessary work of justice, for the preservation of the community; any member of it may rather prevent the destruction of the whole, or a greater part, by destroying the murdering and destructive member, than suffer himself and others to be unavoidably destroyed by his being spared. If they be not within, or belonging to that society, then they may be dealt with, and carried towards as public enemies and strangers, and all advantages may be taken of them in cases of necessity, as men would do, if invaded by Turks or Tartars. 5. Let it be considered, what men might have done in such a case before government was erected, if there had been some public and notour murderers still preying upon some sort of men. Certainly then private persons (as all are in that case) might kill them to prevent future destruction. Hence, if this was lawful before government was established, it cannot be unlawful when people cannot have the benefit of the government, when the government that is, instead of giving redress to the grieved and oppressed, does allow and impower them to destroy them: otherwise people might be better without government than with it; for then they might prevent their murderers by cutting them off. But so it is that this was lawful before government was established: for let it be adverted, that the scripture seems to insinuate such a case before the flood. Cain, after he murdered his brother, feared that every man that found him should slay him. Gen. iv. 14. If he had reason to fear this, as certainly he had, if the Lord had not removed that, by prorogueing the execution of vengeance upon him, for his greater punishment, and the world's more lasting instruction, and by setting a mark upon him, and inhibiting, under a severe threatning, any to touch him; then every man that should have killed him was the magistrate, (which were ridiculous) or every man was every, and any private person universally, which might have killed him, if this inhibition had not past upon it. Ainsworth upon the place saith, 'That among the ancient Romans, every one might kill without a challenge, any man that was cursed for some public crime.' And cites Dionys. Halicarnas. l. 2. And so Cain spoke this from a dictate of nature and a guilty conscience. 6. At the erection of government, though the people resign the formal power of life and death, and punishing criminals, over to the governor constitute by them; yet, as they retain the radical power and right virtually, so when either the magistrates neglect their duty of vindicating the innocent, and punishing their destroyers, or impower murderers to prey upon them; in that case, they may resume the exercise of it, to destroy their destroyers, when there is no other way of preventing or escaping their destructions; because extreme remedies ought to be applied to extreme diseases. In an extraordinary exigent, when Ahab and Jezebel did undo the church of God, Elias, with the people's help, killed all Baal's priests, against and without the king's will; in this case, it is evident the people resumed their power, as Lex Rex saith, quest. 9. p. 63. There must be a court of necessity, no less than a court of justice, when it is in this extremity, as if they had no ruler, as that same learned author saith, quest. 24. pag. 213. If then the people may resume that power in cases of necessity, which they resigned to the magistrate; then a part may resume it, when a part only is in that necessity, and all may claim an interest in the resumption, that had an interest in the resignation. 7. Especially upon the dissolution of a government when people are under a necessity to revolt from it, and so are reduced to their primitive liberty, they may then resume all that power they had before the resignation, and exert it in extraordinary exigents of necessity. If then a people that have no magistrates at all may take order with their destroyers then must they have the same power under a lawful revolt. As the ten tribes, if they had not exceeded in severity against Adoram, Rehoboam's collector, had just cause to take order with that usurper's emissary, if he came to oppress them; but if he had come to murder them, then certainly it was duty to put him to death, and could not be censured at all, as it is not in the history, 1 Kings xii. 18. But so it is that the people pursued by these murderers, some of which in their extreme exigencies they put to death; have for these several years maintained a declared revolt from the present government, and have denied all subjection to it upon the grounds vindicated, Head 2. And there they must be considered as reduced to their primeve liberty, and their pursuers as their public enemies, to whom they are no otherwise related than if they were Turks, whom none will deny it lawful to kill, if they invade the land to destroy the inhabitants. 8. Hence, seeing they are no other than public enemies, unjustly invading, pursuing, and seeking them to destroy them: what arguments will prove the lawfulness of resistance, and the necessity of self-defence, in the immediate defence of life, as well as remote, will also prove the lawfulness of taking all advantages upon them: for if it be lawful to kill an enemy in his immediate assault, to prevent his killing of them, when there is no other way of preserving themselves from his fury; then it must be lawful also in his remote but still incessant pursuit, to prevent his murdering them by killing him, when there is no other way to escape in a case of extreme necessity. But that this was the case of that poor people, witnesses can best prove it; and I dare appeal to two sorts of them that know it best, that is, all the pursuers, and all the pursued. 9. This is founded, and follows upon the 4th article of the Solemn League and covenant: where we are bound with all faithfulness to endeavour the discovery, of all such as have been, or shall be incendiaries, malignants or evil instruments,----that they may be brought to public trial, and receive condign punishment. Now, as this obliges to the orderly and ordinary way of prosecuting them when there is access to public judicatories: so when there is none either this article obliges to no endeavour at all; (which cannot be, for it is moral duty to endeavour the punishment of such) or else it must oblige to this extraordinary action and execution of judgment, if to any at all. Especially considering, how, in the sense of the short comings of this duty, it is renewed in the solemn acknowledgement of sins, and engagement to duties, that we shall be so far from conniving at malignity, injustice, &c., that we shall----take a more effectual course, than heretofore, in our respective places and callings, for punishing and suppressing these evils.----Certainly we were called to one way of prosecuting this obligation then, when it was first engaged into, and to another now, when our capacity and circumstances are so materially and formally altered: if the effectual course then was by public authority; then now when that is wanting, there must be some obligation to take some effectual course still, that may suit our places and callings, which will certainly comprehend this extraordinary way of suppressing those evils, by preventing their growth in curbing the instruments, and executing judgment upon them, in a case of extreme necessity, which will suit with all places, and all callings. II. From the scriptures, these arguments are offered, First, Some approven examples, and imitable in the like circumstances, will clear and confirm the lawfulness of this extraordinary work of judgment executed by private persons, upon notorious incendiaries, firebrands, and murderers, guilty of death by the law of God, 1. Moses spied an Egyptian smiting an Hebrew, one of his brethren; and he looked this way, and that way, and when he saw that there was no man, he slew the Egyptian, and hid him in the sand, Exod. ii. 11, 12. Here is an uncondemned example: whereof the actor who was the relater did not condemn himself, though he condemns himself for faults that seem less odious; yea, in effect, he is rather condemned by Stephen the Martyr, Acts vii. And though it be extraordinary, in that it was done by private authority, not by a judge, as it was objected to him the second day: yet it was not unimitable; because that action, though heroical, whereof the ground was ordinary, the rule moral, the circumstances commonly incident, the management directed by human prudence, cannot be unimitable; but such was this action, though heroical. The ground was ordinary, spying his brother in hazard, whose murder he would have prevented. The rule was moral, being according to that moral precept in rescuing our brother in hazard, Prov. xxiv. 11, 12. The circumstances were incident in a case of extreme necessity, which he managed very prudently, looking this way, and that way, and hiding him in the sand. Therefore it may be imitated in the like case. It signifies nothing to say that he was moved by the Spirit of God thereto: for unto every righteous performance the motion of the Spirit of God is requisite. This impulse that Moses had and others after-mentioned, was nothing but a greater measure of that assisting grace, which the extraordinariness of the case, and the difficulties therein occurring did call for; but the interveening of such motions, do not alter the rule, so as to make the action unimitable. Impulses are not the rule of duty, either under an ordinary or extraordinary exigence; but when they are subsequent and subservient both to the rule of duty, and to a man's call in his present circumstances, they clearly determine to the species of an heroic enterprise; in so much that it is not only the particular deed that we are to heed for our imitation, but we are to emulate the grace and principle of zeal which produced it, and is thereby so conspicuously relucent for our upstirring to acts in like manner, as God may give opportunity, as is observed by the true non-conformist, Dial. 7. pag. 392, &c. 2. When Israel joined himself unto Baal-Peor, the Lord said unto Moses, 'Take all the heads of the people, and hang them up before the Lord against the sun, that the fierce anger of the Lord may be turned away from Israel.' And Moses said unto the judges, 'Slay every one his men that were joined unto Ball-Peor.' And when Zimri brought the Midianitish Cozbi in the sight of Moses, and in the sight of all the congregation, who were weeping before the door of the tabernacle; and when Phineas saw it, he rose up,----and took the javelin in his hand, and he went after the men of Israel into the tent, and thrust both of them through,----So the plague was stayed,----And the Lord spake unto Moses, saying, 'Phineas hath turned away my wrath from the children of Israel, while he was zealous for my sake among them,----I give unto him my covenant of peace,----because he was zealous for his God, and made an atonement for the children of Israel.' Numb. xxv. 3.-13. This action is here much commended, and recorded to his commendation, Psal. cvi. 30, 31. Then stood up Phinehas, and executed judgment, and so the plague was stayed; and that was counted to him for righteousness, unto all generations; that is,----Into justice of the deed before men, who otherwise might have put a bad construction upon it, as rash, out of season, committed against a magistrate by a private person, too cruel by cutting them off from repentance; but God esteemed it as extraordinary just. Pool's Synops. Critic. in Locum. It is certain, this action was some way extraordinary; because Phinehas was not a magistrate, nor one of the judges whom Moses commanded to slay every one his men, ver. 5. Otherwise, if this had been only an ordinary execution of the judgment by the authority of Moses, Phinehas' action would not have been taken so much notice of, nor so signally rewarded; but here it is noted as a singular act of zeal, which it could not have been, if it was only an ordinary execution of the magistrate's command: yet, though this action was signally heroical, proceeding from a principle of pure zeal for God, and prompted by a powerful motion of the Spirit of God to that extraordinary execution of judgment: it is notwithstanding imitable in the like circumstances. For, the matter is ordinary, being neither preternatural, nor supernatural, but just and necessary. The end was ordinary, to turn away the wrath of God, which all were obliged to endeavour. The principle was ordinary, (though at the time he had an extraordinary measure of it) being zealous for the Lord, as all were obliged to be. The rule was ordinary, to wit, the command of slaying every man that was joined to Baal Peor, ver. 5. only this was extraordinary, that the zeal of God called him to his heroical action, though he was not a magistrate, in this extraordinary exigent, to avert the wrath of God; which was neither by Moses's command, nor by the judges obedience, turned away only by Phinehas' act of another nature, and his zeal appearing therein, and prompting him thereto, the Lord was appeased, and the plague slayed. In which fervour of zeal, transporting him to the omission of the ordinary solemnities of judgment, the Spirit of the Lord places the righteousness and praise of the action. Yet the same call and motion of zeal might have impowered others to do the like: the text speaks of no other call he had, but that of zeal, ver. 11, 12, 13. yea, another was obliged to do the same, upon the ground of that moral command, Deut. xiii. 6.-9. having the ground of God's ordinary judgment, which commandeth the idolater to die the death; and therefore to be imitate of all that prefer the true honour and glory of God to the affection of flesh and wicked princes, as Mr. Knox affirmeth in his conference with Lethingtoun, rehearsed before, per. 3. Further, let it be enquired, What makes it unimitable? Certainly it was not so, because he had the motion and direction of God's Spirit; for men have that to all duties. It was not, because he was raised and stirred up of God to do it; for God may raise up spirits to imitable actions. It was not, because he had an extraordinary call, for men have an extraordinary call, to imitable actions, as the apostles had to preach. We grant these actions are extraordinary and unimitable; which, first, do deviate from the rule of common virtue, and transcend all rules of common reason and divine word; but this was not such, but an heroic act of zeal and fortitude: Next these actions, which are contrary to a moral ordinary command are unimitable, as the Israelites robbing the Egyptians, borrowing, and not paying again, Abraham's offering his son Isaac; but this was not such: next those actions, which are done upon some special mandate of God, and are not within the compass of ordinary obedience to the ordinary rule, are unimitable; but is not such: as also miraculous actions, and such as are done by the extraordinary inspiration of the Spirit of God, as Elias's killing the captains with their fifties by fire from heaven; but none can reckon this among these. See Jus Populi at length discussing this point, and pleading for the suitableness of this action, cap. 20. If therefore the Lord did not only raise up this Phinehas to that particular act of justice, but also so warrant and accept him therein, and reward him therefore, upon the account of his zeal, when there was a godly and zealous magistrate, able, and whom we cannot without breach of charity presume, but also willing to execute justice; how much more may it be pleaded, that the Lord, who is the same yesterday, to day and forever, will not only pour out of that same spirit upon others; but also when he gives it, both allow them, though they be but private persons, and also call them, being otherwise in a physical and probable capacity to do these things in an extremely necessitous, and otherwise irrecoverable state of the church, to which in a more intire condition he doth not call them? And particularly, when there is not only the like or worse provocations, the like necessity of execution of justice and of reformation, for the turning away of wrath, and removing of judgments, that was in Phinehas's case, but also, when the supreme civil magistrate, the nobles of the kingdom, and other inferior rulers, are not only unwilling to do their duty, but so far corrupted and perverted, that they are become the authors and patronizers of these abominations, Naph. prior Edit. p. 23. 3. When the children of Israel served Eglon the king of Moab, and they cried unto the Lord, he raised them up a deliverer, Ehud the son of Gera, who made a dagger, and brought a present unto Eglon, and put forth his left hand, and took the dagger from his right thigh, and thrust it into his belly, Judg. iii. 21. That this action was approven will not be doubted, since the Lord raised him up as a deliverer who by this heroical action commenced it; ond since it was a message from God, and that it was extraordinary, were ridiculous to deny: for sure this was not the judicial action of a magistrate, neither was Ehud a magistrate at this time, but only the messenger of the people sent with a present. Yet it is imitable in the like case, as from hence many grave authors concluded the lawfulness of killing a tyrant without a title. 4. When the Lord discomfitted the host of Jabin, and Sifera his captain fled into the house of Heber the Kenite, Jael Heber's wife took a nail of the tent, and went softly unto him, and smote the nail into his temples, Judg, iv. 21. of which the prophetess Deborah says, chap. v. 24. "Blessed above women shall Jael the wife of Heber the Kenite be above women in the tent." Yet not only was Jael no magistrate, but in subjection to and at peace with Jabin, though she killed his captain. But there was no injustice here, when he was declared a public enemy, the war was just, he was an oppressor of the people of God, it became Jael, as a member of the commonwealth, to betray and cut off the common enemy. Therefore Jael had sinned, if she had not killed him. Martyr and others cited in Pool. Synops. Critic. upon the place, albeit that author himself, in his English annotations, does cut the knot, instead of loosing it, in denying Deborah's song to be divinely inspired in its first composure, but only recorded as a history by divine inspiration, as other historical passages not approven, only because this heroic fact of Jael is there recommended, which is too bold an attempt upon this part of the holy canon of the scripture: whence we see what inconveniences they are driven to, that deny this principle of natural justice, the lawfulness of cutting off public enemies, to procure the deliverance of the Lord's people. Hence, If it be lawful for private persons, under subjection to, and at peace with the public enemies of the Lord's people to take all advantages to break their yoke, and deliver the oppressed from their bondage, by killing their oppressors; it must be much more lawful for such as acknowledge no such subjection or agreement, to attempt the same in extreme necessity; but the former is true: therefore the latter. 5. When Samson married the Timnite, and obliged himself by compact, to give them thirty sheets and thirty change of garments, upon their solving his riddle, the Spirit of the Lord came upon him, and he went down to Askelon, and slew thirty men of them, and took their spoil, Judg. xiv. 19. And afterwards, when he lost his wife by the cruelty and treachery of those Philistines, he said unto them, 'Though you have done this, yet will I be avenged of you, and after that I will cease. And he smote them hip and thigh with a great slaughter,' chap. xv. 7, 8. And when the Jews, who acknowledged the Philistines for rulers, came to Etam to expostulate with him, all the satisfaction he gave them was to avouch, that as they had done unto him, so he had done unto them, and to kill a thousand more of them, ver. 11. &c. These were extraordinary heroic facts, not only because they flowed from an extraordinary power wherewith he was endued, and from an extraordinary motion and call; but because of his avenging his own private injuries for the public good, in a way both of fortitude and prudence, without a declared war, provoking the enemies against himself, and diverting from the people, and converting against himself, all their fury, in which also he acted as a type of Christ; and also because he acted not as a magistrate at this time, for by whom was he called or counted a magistrate? not by the Philistines, nor by the men of Judah, for they tell him that the Philistines were their lords, and they bound him and delivered him up to them: yet in his private capacity, in that extraordinary exigence, he avenged himself and his country against his public enemies, by a clandestine war, which is imitable in the like case, when a prevailing faction of murdering enemies domineer over and destroy the people of God, and there is no other way to be delivered from them; for his ground was moral, because they were public enemies, to whom he might do as they did to him. Hence, if saints sometimes, in cases of necessity, may do unto their public enemies, as they have done unto them, in prosecuting a war not declared against them; then much more may they do so in cases of necessity, to deliver themselves from their murdering violence, when a war is declared; but here is an example of the former: ergo 6. When these same Philistines again invaded and over-ran the land in the time of Saul, Jonathan his son, and his armour bearer, fell upon the garrison of these uncircumcised, and killed them, 1 Sam. xiv. 6. 13. This was an heroic action, without public authority; for he told not his father, ver. 1. And singular indeed, in respect of the effect, and were a tempting of the Lord, for so few to assault such a multitude, as it were to imitate Samson in his exploits; but in this respect, these actions are unimitable in consideration of prudence, not of conscience, or as to the lawfulness of the thing: their ground was moral, to cut off public enemies. Hence, If it be lawful to fall upon a garrison of public enemies, oppressing the country, then it must be lawful to fall upon one or two, that are the ring leaders of public enemies, and main promoters of their destruction, that are as pernicious, and have no more right or power, than the Philistines; but such is the case of those about whom the question is. 7. When David dwelt in the country of the Philistines, he and his men went up and invaded the Geshurites, and the Gezrites, and the Amalekites; and David smote the land, and left neither man nor woman alive, 1 Sam. xxvii. 8, 9. This was without public authority, having none from Saul, none from Achish, in whose country he dwelt, and none of his own, being no magistrate. We deny not the divine motion, but plead, that it is imitable from its moral ground, which was that command to cut off the Amalekites, Exod. xvii. and the Amorites, whose relicts these nations were; the same ground that Saul the magistrate had to destroy them. Whence it is lawful sometimes for others than magistrates to do that which is incumbent to magistrates, when they neglect their duty. All I plead for from it is, If it be lawful for private persons, upon the call of God, to cut off their public enemies, when they are obliged by the command of God to destroy them, though they be living quietly and peaceably in the country; then may it be lawful, in cases of necessity, for private persons to cut off their public enemies, whom they are obliged, by the covenant of God, to bring to condign punishment, and to extirpate them, (as the covenant obliges in reference to malignant incendiaries) when they are ravening like lions for their prey. 8. In the days of Ahab and Jezebel's tyranny, whereby the idolatrous prophets of Baal were not punished according to the law, Elijah said unto the people, 'Take the prophets of Baal, let none of them escape; and they took them to the brook Kishon, and slew them there,' 1 Kings xviii. 40. How Mr. Knox improved this passage we heard before, in the historical representation, Per, 3. and Jus pop. vindicates it, that in some cases private persons may execute judgment on malefactors, after the example of Elias here. Which fact, Peter Martyr, in locum, defendeth thus: 'I say it was done by the law of God; for, Deut. xviii. 20. God decerned that the false prophet should die; and chap. xvii. the same is said of private men and women, who would worship idols; but, chap. xiii. not only is death threatened against a seducing prophet, but a command is added, That no man should spare his brethren.--3dly, It is commanded, that the whole city, when it becometh idolatrous, should be cut off by fire and sword:' And, Lev. xxiv. 14. 16. it is statute, that the blasphemer should not live: 'to which we may add the law or equity of taliation: for these prophets of Baal caused Jezebel and Ahab kill the servants of the Lord.' See Jus pop. cap. 20. pag. 425. Upon this also Mr. Mitchel defends his fact, as above,--'Also Elijah, by virtue of that precept, Deut. xiii. gave commandment to the people to destroy Baal's priests, contrary to the command of the seducing magistrate, who was not only remiss and negligent in executing justice, but became a protector and defender of the seducers; then and in that case, I suppose the Christians duty not to be very dark.' 9. This idolatrous and tyrannical house was afterwards condignly punished by Jehu, 2 Kings ix. x. chap. who destroyed all the idolaters, who were before encouraged and protected by that court, chap. x. 25. This extraordinary fact was not justified by his magistratical authority; for that was as extraordinary as the fact itself, and conferred as a mean to accomplish the fact. He had no authority by the people's suffrages, nor was he acknowledged as such by the court or body of the people, only the Lord gave it extraordinarily. But it is not the imitation of his assumption of authority that is here pleaded for, but the imitation of his fact in extraordinary cases, when not only tyrants and idolaters pass unpunished, but their insolency in murdering the innocent is intolerable. Mr. Knox vindicates this at length, as before, and shews, that it had the ground of God's ordinary judgment, which commands the idolater to die the death; and that though we must not indeed follow extraordinary examples, if the example repugn to the law, but where it agrees with and is the execution of the law, an example uncondemned stands for a command; for God is constant, and will not condemn in ages subsequent what he hath approved in his servants before. See the Testimony of Period 3. above, and Jus pop. cap. 20. pag. 418. 10. When Athaliah, the mother of Ahaziah, had tyrannized six years, at length Jehoiada, with others, made a conspiracy against her, to depose her, and make Joash king; which when it was discovered, she cried treason, treason, as indeed it would have been so, if she had been the lawful magistrate; for it was an attempt of subjects against her that had the possession of the sovereign power. But Jehoiada commanded the captains to heave her forth without the ranges, and him that followeth her kill with the sword; and they laid hands on her, and she was slain, 2 Kings xii. 14,--16. That this is imitable in the punishment of tyrants, is cleared above. If therefore it be lawful for subjects to kill usurping tyrants, and such as follow them to help them, under whom nevertheless people might have a life; then it must be lawful for private persons to put forth their hand against their cut-throat emissaries, in a case of necessity, when there is no living for them. 11. When Amaziah turned idolater and tyrant, after the time that he turned away from the Lord, they made a conspiracy against him in Jerusalem, and he fled to Lachish; but they sent to Lachish after him and slew him there, Chron. xxv. 37. This fact is before vindicated by Mr. Knox, Period 3. afterward Head 2. and Head 5. 12. When Esther made suit to reverse Haman's letters, the king granted the Jews in every city, not only to gather themselves together, and to stand for their lives, but also to destroy, to slay, and to cause to perish, all the power of the people and province that would assault them, both little ones and women,--and to avenge themselves on their enemies. And accordingly in the day that their enemies hoped to have power over them, the Jews gathered themselves to lay hand on such as sought their hurt, and smote all their enemies with the stroke of the sword, Esth. viii. 11, 13, chap. ix, 1-5, &c. They had indeed that law of nature fortified by the king's accessary authority, as Valentinian, by his edict, granted the like liberty, to resist any unjust invader to depopulate the lands of his subjects, that he might be forthwith liable to a deserved punishment, and suffer that death which he threatned.--And the like of Arcadius is extant, in the Justinian Cod. Tit. How it may be lawful for every man to vindicate himself and the public, without the concurrence of a judge. But that doth not exclude the lawfulness of such resistances in case of necessity, without public authority; so here, it was not the king's commandment that made the Jews avenging themselves lawful, if it had not been lawful before and without it; it gave them only liberty to improve that privilege, which they had from God and nature. Surely their power of resisting did not depend on the king's commandment, as is proven, Head 5. Ergo, neither their power of avenging themselves, to prevent their murder by their enemies, which they could and were obliged to do, if there had been no such authority: Ergo, it was not only suspended upon the king's authority. And as for Haman's sons and adherents, being Agagites, they were obliged, by a prior command, to avenge themselves on them, on all occasions, by that command to destroy Amalek: therefore it must be lawful, even without public authority, in some cases of necessity, to prevent the murder of public enemies, by laying hands on them that seek the hurt of all the people of God. Secondly, There are some precepts from which the same may be concluded. 1. There is a command, and the first penal statute against murderers, we read, Gen. ix. 6. 'Whoso sheddeth man's blood, by man shall his blood be shed.' Here the command is given in general to punish capitally all murderers; but there may be some that no magistrate can punish, who are not here exempted, to wit, they that are in supreme authority, and turn murderers, as was said above. Again, the command is given in general to man involving all the community (where the murderer is) in guilt, if his blood be not shed; as we find in the scripture, all the people were threatned and punished because judgment was not executed; and when it was executed even by these who were no magistrates, the wrath of God was turned away, whereof there are many examples above. Further, if the command to shed the blood of murderers be given before the institution of magistracy, then, in case of necessity, to stop the course of murderers, it may be obeyed, when there is no magistrate to execute it: but here it is given before the first institution of magistracy, when now there was no government in the world, but family government, as Grotius on the place saith, 'When this law was given, public judgment was not yet constitute, therefore the natural right and law of taliation is here held forth, which when mankind was increased and divided into several nations, was justly permitted only to judges, some cases excepted, in which that primeve right did remain.' And if in any, then in this case in question. Hence, Lex Rex answereth the p. prelate, essaying to prove, that a magistracy is established in the text denies that Ba Adam, by man, must signify a magistrate, for then there was but family government, and cites Calvin, of the same mind, that the magistrate is not spoken of here. Though this command afterwards was given to the magistrate, Numb. xxxv. 30. yet in a case of necessity, we must recur to the original command. 2. This same command of punishing murdering enemies, is even, after the institution of magistrates, in several cases not astricted to them, but permitted to the people, yea enjoined to them. As, (1.) Not only magistrates, but the people, are commanded to avenge themselves on their public enemies, as the Israelites, after their being ensnared in the matter of Peor, are commanded to vex the Midianites, and smite them, because they beguiled them, and brought a plague upon them, Numb. xxv. 17, 18. and Numb. xxxi. 2. to avenge themselves on them, and for this end to arm themselves, and go against them, and avenge the Lord of Midian: which they executed with the slaughter of all the males. So likewise are they commanded to destroy Amalek. It is true these commands are given primarily and principally to magistrates, as there to Moses, and afterwards to Saul: yet afterwards we find others than magistrates, upon this moral ground, having the call of God, did execute judgment upon them, as Gideon and David, before they were magistrates, did avenge themselves and the Lord upon them, as is before cleared. It is also true, that there was some holy severity then to be extended against particular nations as such, peculiar to that dispensation, which is not pleaded as imitable; but the ground was moral, and the right of a people's saving themselves by the destruction of their enemies; when there is no other way for it, is natural. And this is all we plead for here. If people may vex their enemies, and avenge themselves against them, even without public authority, when ensnared by their craftiness; much more may they put a stop to their insolency, by cutting off their principle and most pernicious instruments, in case of necessity, when invaded by their cruelty; but here a people is commanded to vex their enemies, and avenge themselves on them, and accordingly Gideon and David did so, without public authority, and that upon a ground which is moral and natural: Ergo--(2.) The execution of the punishment of murderers is committed to the people: 'The revenger of blood, himself shall slay the murderer, when he meeteth him, he shall slay him,' Numb. xxxv. 19, 21. So that if he met him before he got into any city of refuge, he might lawfully slay him, and if he did flee to any, he was to be rendered up to the avengers hands, Deut. xix. 12. that the guilt of innocent blood may be put away from Israel, ver. 23. This revenger of blood was not the magistrate: for he was the party pursuing, Numb. xxxv. 24. Between whom and the murderer the congregation was to judge: he was only the next in blood or kindred. In the original he is called Goel, the redeemer, or he to whom the right of redemption belongs, and very properly so called, both because he seeks redemption and compensation for the blood of his brother, and because he redeems the land from blood guiltiness, in which otherwise it would be involved. I do not plead that this is always to be imitated, as neither it was always practised in Israel; but if a private man, in a hot pursuit of his brother's murderer, might be his avenger, before he could be brought to judgment, then much more may this power be assumed, in a case of necessity, when there is no judgment to be expected by law, and when not only our brethren have been murdered by them that profess a trade of it, but others also and ourselves are daily in hazard of it, which may be prevented in cutting them off. I do not see what is here merely judicial, so as to be rejected as Judaical: for sure murderers must be slain now as well as then, and there is the same hazard of their escaping now as then: murder involves the land in guilt, now as well as then, and in this case of necessity especially, that law that gives a man right to preserve himself, gives him also right to be his own avenger, if he cannot otherwise defend himself. (3.) Not only the execution, the decision of matters of life and death, is committed to them; as in the case of blasphemy and cursing, 'All that heard were to lay their hands upon his head, and all the congregation was to stone him,' Lev. xxiv. 14, 16. 'The man-slayer was to stand before the congregation in judgment. Then the congregation shall judge between the slayer and avenger of blood,' Numb. xxxv. 12, 24. The people claimed the power of life and death, in seeking to execute judgment upon those that had spoken treason against Saul, Bring the men (say they) that we may put them to death, 1. Sam. xi. 12. Especially in the case of punishing tyrants, as they did with Amaziah. Certainly this is not so judicial or judaical, as that in no case it may be imitated; for that can never be abrogated altogether, which in many cases is absolutely necessary; but that the people, without public authority, should take the power of life and death, and of putting a stop to the insolency of destroyers, by putting them to death, is in many cases absolutely necessary; for without this they cannot preserve themselves against grassant tyrants, nor the fury of public enemies or firebrands within themselves, in case they have no public authority, or none but such as are on their destroyers side. (4.) Not only the power of purging the land, by divine precept, is incumbent on the people, that it may not ly under blood guiltiness; but also the power of reforming the courts of kings, by taking course with their wicked abetters and evil instruments, is committed to him, with a promise that if this be done, it shall tend to the establishment of their throne; which is not only a supposition in case it be done, but a supposed precept to do it, with an insinuation of the necessity and expediency of it, that it is as suitable as the taking away of the dross from silver, in order to the production of a vessel, Prov. xxv. 4, 5. 'Take away the wicked from before the king, and his throne shall be established in righteousness;' which is not only there given to kings, for then it would be in the second person spoken to them, but to the people to do it before them, as the people did with Baal's prophets from before Ahab. And our progenitors many times have done with wicked counsellors, as may be seen in the foregoing representation, and more fully in the history of the Douglasses, and in Knox's and Calderwood's histories. Hence, if it be duty to reform the court, and to take away a king's wicked sycophants, counsellors, agents, and instigators to tyranny; then it must be lawful, in some cases of necessity, to restrain their insolency, and repress their tyranny, in executing judgment upon such of them as are most insupportable, who are made drunk with the blood of innocents; but the former is true: therefore----(5.) For the omission of the executing of this judgment on oppressors and murderers, involving the whole land in blood guiltiness, which cannot be expiated but by the blood of them that are so criminal; not only magistrates, but the whole people have been plagued. As for Saul's murdering the Gibeonites, the whole land was plagued, until the man that consumed them, and devised against them to destroy them, seven of his sons were delivered unto them, to be hanged up before the Lord, 2 Sam. xxi. 5, 6. So also for the sins of Manasseh. The reason was, because if the magistrate would not excute judgment, the people should have done it: for not only to the king, but also to his servants, and to the people that entered in by the gates, the command is, excute ye judgment, and deliver the spoiled out of the hand of the oppressor, Jer. xxii. 2, 3. though it be true, this is to be done by every one in their station, justice and order being preserved, and according to the measure of their office, and it chiefly belongs to judges and magistrates: yet this is no wrong to justice, nor breach of order, nor sinful transgression of people's vocation, not only to hinder the shedding of innocent blood, to prevent God's executing of what he there threatens, but also to execute judgment on the shedders, to prevent their progress in murdering villany, when inferior as well as superior magistrates are oppressing and tyrannizing: therefore this seeking, and doing, and executing judgment, is so often required of the people, in such a case, when princes are rebellious and companions of thieves, and in the city where judgment used to be, now murderers bear sway, Isa. i. 17. 21. the Lord is displeased where there is none, Isa. lix. 15, 16. Jer. v. 1. See this vindicated in Lex Rex, quest. 34. p. 367. and in Jus popul. cap. 10. p. 237. 3. That command concludes the same against idolaters, apostates, and enticers thereunto, Deut. xiii. 6. &c. 'If thy brother----or thy friend, which is as thine own soul, entice thee secretly, saying, let us go and serve other gods----thou shalt not spare nor conceal him, but thou shalt surely kill him----because he sought to thrust thee away from the Lord thy God----And all Israel shall hear, and fear, and do no more any such wickedness.' And ver. 13. &c. 'If thou shall hear say in one of thy cities----saying, Certain men the children of Belial, are gone out----and have withdrawn the inhabitants of their city, saying, let us go to serve other gods----Then shalt thou enquire----and behold if it be truth, and the thing certain----thou shalt surely smite the inhabitants of that city with the edge of the sword, destroying it utterly.'----This cause of the open enticers to idolatry was not brought to the judges, as common idolaters, and such who were enticed to serve other gods, and worship them, were to be brought to the gates, and to be stoned first by the hands of witnesses, and afterwards by all the people, Deut. xvii. 3, 5, 7. But this is another law; of which the Jewish antiquaries, and particularly Grotius out of Philo and the Rabb. upon the place, saith, 'Whereas in other crimes the guilty used to be kept after the sentence a night and a day, that if he could say any more for himself he might, these were excepted from this benefit; and not only so, but it was permitted to any to execute judgment upon them (viz. Enticers to idolatry) without waiting for a judge. The like was used against sacrilegious robbers of the temple, and priests who sacrificed when they were polluted, and those who cursed God by the name of an idol, and those who lay with an idolatress: chiefly those who denied the divine authority of the law: and this behoved to be before the people, at least ten, which in Hebrew they called Hheda.----Neither is this to be admitted in so grievous a crime, when even the man-slayer without the place of refuge might have been killed by the kinsman of the defunct.' And upon Numb. xv. 30. the punishment of presumptuous blasphemers, he says, 'But here these are to be understood thus, that the guilty shall not be brought to the judges, but be killed by them that deprehended them in the crime, as Phinehas did to Zimri;' and proves it out of Maimonides, Pool. Synop. Critic. on the place. And it must be so; for in this case no mention is made either of judges, or witnesses, or further judgment about it, than that he that was tempted by the enticer should fall upon him, and let the people know it, that they might lay hands on him also; otherwise evil men might pretend such a thing when it was not true. But in case of a city's apostacy, and hearkning to enticers, the thing was only to be solicitously enquired into, and then though it was chiefly incumbent upon the magistrate to punish it, yet it was not all astricted to him, but that the people might do it without him. As upon this moral ground, was Israel's war stated against Benjamin, Judg. xx. 13. When there was no king nor judge, and also when there were kings that turned idolaters and tyrants, they served them so, as here is commanded: witness Amaziah, as is shewed above. Hence not only Moses, upon the people's defection into idolatry in the wilderness, commanded all on the Lord's side, every man to put his sword by his side,--and slay every man his brother, and every man his companion, and every man his neighbour, whereby three thousand fell at that time by the sword of the Levites, Exod. xxxii. 27, 28. But also Joash, Gideon's father, upon the same moral ground, though he was no magistrate, could say to the Abiezrites, will ye plead for Baal--he that will plead for him, let him be put to death while it is yet morning.--Judg. vi. 31. Moreover, (as Mr. Mitchel adduces the example very pertinently), we see that the people of Israel destroyed idolatry, not only in Judah wherein the king concurred, but in Ephraim, and in Manasseh, where the king himself was an idolater; and albeit, they were but private persons, without public authority: for what all the people was bound to do by the law of God, every one was bound to do it to the uttermost of his power and capacity. Mr. Mitchel offers this place to vindicate his fact of shooting at the prelate, Deut. xiii. 9. 'Wherein, (says he) it is manifest, That the idolater or enticer to worship a false god, is to be put to death by the hand of those whom he seeks to turn away from the Lord: which precept I humbly take to be moral, and not merely judicial, and that it is not at all ceremonial or levitical. And as every moral precept is universal, as to the extent of place, so also as to the extent of time, and persons.' The chief thing objected here is, that this is judicial precept, peculiarly suited to the old dispensation; which to plead for as a rule under the New Testament, would favour of Jewish rigidity inconsistent with a gospel Spirit. Ans. How Mr. Knox refels this, and clears that the command here is given to all the people, needs not be here repeated; but it were sufficient to read it in the foregoing representation, Period 3. Pag. 24. As it is also cited by Jus Pop. pag. 212. &c. But these general truths may be added, concerning the judicial laws, 1. None can say, that none of the judicial laws, concerning political constitutions, is to be observed in the New Testament: for then many special rules of natural and necessary equity would be rejected, which are contained in the judicial laws of God: yea, all the laws of equity in the world would be so cast: for none can be instanced, which may not be reduced to some of the judicial laws: and if any of them are to be observed, certainly these penal statutes, so necessary for the preservation of policies, must be binding. 2. If we take not our measures from the judicial laws of God, we shall have no laws for punishment of any malefactors by death, of divine right, in the New Testament. And so all capital punishments must be only human constitutions; and consequently they must be all murders: for to take away the life of man, except for such causes as the Lord of our life (to whose arbitriment it is only subject) hath not approven, is murder, as Dr. Ames saith, De homicidio Conscienc. Lib. 5. Cap. 31. Quest. 2. For in the New Testament, though in the general, the power of punishing is given to the magistrate, yet it is no where determined, neither what, nor how crimes are to be punished. If therefore penal laws must be taken from the Old Testament; the subject of executing them, as well as the object, must be thence deduced; that is, what is there astricted to the magistrate must be so still, and what is permitted to the people must remain in like manner their privilege; since it is certain, the New-Testament liberty is not more restricted as to penal laws than the old. 3. Those judicial laws, which had either somewhat typical, or pedagogical, or peculiar to the then judaical state, are indeed not binding to us under that formality; though even these doctrinally are very useful, in so far as in their general nature, or equity of proportion, they exhibit to us some documents of duty; but those penal judgments, which in the matter of them are appended to the moral law, and are, in effect, but accurate determinations and accommodations of the law of nature, which may suit our circumstances as well as the Jews, do oblige us as well as them. And such are these penal statutes I adduce; for, that blasphemy, murder, and idolatry, are heinous crimes, and that they are to be punished, the law of nature dictates: and how, and by whom, in several cases, they are to be punished, the law judicial determines. Concerning the moral equity even of the strictest of them, Amesius de Conscien. Lib. 5. Mosaical appendix of precepts, doth very learnedly assert their binding force: 4. Those judicial laws, which are but positive in their form, yet if their special, internal, and proper reason and ground be moral, which pertains to all nations, which is necessary and useful to mankind, which is rooted in, and may be fortified by human reason, and as to the substance of them approven by the more intelligent heathens; those are moral, and oblige all Christians as well as Jews: and such are these laws of punishing idolaters, &c. founded upon moral grounds, pertaining to all nations, necessary and useful to mankind, rooted in, and fortified by human reason; to wit, that the wrath of God may be averted, and that all may hear and fear, and do no more so wickedly; especially if this reason be superadded, when the case is such, that innocent and honest people cannot be preserved, if such wicked persons be not taken order with. 5. Those judicial laws, which being given by the Lord's immediate authority, though not so solemnly as the moral decalogue, are neither as to their end, dead, nor as to their use, deadly, nor as to their nature, indifferent, nor in any peculiar respect restringible only to the Jews, but the transgressions whereof both by omission and commission are still sins, and were never abolished neither formally nor consequentially in the New Testament, must be moral; but such, as these penal laws I am speaking of, they cannot be reputed among the ceremonial laws, dead as to their end, and deadly as to their use, or indifferent in their nature: for sure, to punish the innocent upon the account of these crimes, were still sin, now as well as under the Old Testament; and not punish the guilty, were likewise sin now as well as then. If then the matter be moral and not abolished, the execution of it by private persons, in some cases when there is no access to public authority, must be lawful also. Or if it be indifferent, that which is in its own nature indifferent, cannot be in a case of extreme necessity unlawful, when otherwise the destruction of ourselves and brethren is in all human consideration inevitable. That which God hath once commanded, and never expresly forbidden, cannot be unlawful, in extraordinary cases, but such are these precepts we speak of: therefore they cannot be in every case unlawful. Concerning this case of the obligation of judicial laws, Ames. de Conscienc. Lib. 5. Cap. 1. Quest. 9. 6. Those laws which are predicted to be observed and executed in the New Testament, cannot be judicial or judaical, restricted to the old: but such is this. In the day, that a fountain shall be opened for the house of David for sin, and for uncleanness; which clearly points at gospel times; it is said, "The Lord will cause the prophets and the unclean spirits to pass out of the land: and it shall come to pass, that when any shall yet prophesy, then his father and his mother that begat him shall say unto him, thou shalt not live----and shall thrust him through when he prophesieth," Zech. xiii. 3. Which cannot be meant of a spiritual penetration of the heart: for it is said, he shall not live; and the wounds of such as might escape, by resistance or flight, are visible in his hands, ver. 6. It is therefore to be understood of corporal killing inticers to idolatry, according to the law, Deut. xii. 9. either by delivering them up to the judges, as Piscator on the place says, or as Grotius saith, they shall run through, as Phinehas did Zimri, Numb. xxv. Understand this of a false prophet, desiring to intice the people to the worship of false gods; for the law impowered every Jew to proceed against such----which law expressly adds, that they should not spare their son, if guilty of such a crime. From all which I conclude, if people are to bring to condign punishment idolatrous apostates, seeking to intice them; then may oppressed people, daily in hazard of the death of their souls by compliance; or of their bodies, by their constancy in duty, put forth their hand to execute judgment, in case of necessity, upon idolatrous apostates and incendiaries, and the principal murdering emissaries of tyrants, that seek to destroy people, or enforce them to the same apostacy; but the former is true: therefore, &c. 4. The same may be inferred from that command of rescuing and delivering our brother, when in hazard of his life; for omitting which duty, no pretence, even of ignorance, will excuse us, Prov. xxiv. 11, 12. If thou forbear to deliver them that are drawn unto death, and those that are ready to be slain; if thou sayest, behold we knew it not: doth not he that pondereth the heart consider it? and he that keepeth thy soul doth not he know it, and shall not he render to every man according to his works? That is, 'Rescue out out of the hand of the invader, robber, unjust magistrate, &c. and that either by defending him with your hand, or tongue, or any other lawful way: men use to make a great many excuses, either that they know not his danger nor his innocence, nor that they were possessed of so great authority that they might relieve him, that they have enough to do to mind their own affairs, and not concern themselves with others, &c. He proposes and redargues here, for examples sake, one excuse, comprehending all the rest.' As commentators say, Pool. Syn. Crit. in loc. This precept is indefinitely given to all: principally indeed belonging to righteous magistrates; but in case of their omission, and if, instead of defending them, they be the persons that draw or send out their destroying emissaries to draw them to death, then the precept is no more to be restricted to them, than that verse. 1. not to be envious against evil men, or vers. 10. If thou faint in the day of adversity, thy strength is small, can be said to be spoken only to magistrates. Hence, if it be a duty to rescue our brethren from any prevailing power that would take their lives unjustly, and no pretence even of ignorance will excuse the forbearance of it, then it must be lawful, in some extraordinary cases, to prevent the murdering violence of public incendiaries, by killing them, rather than to suffer ourselves or our brethren to be killed, when there is no other way, in probability, either of saving ourselves, or rescuing them; but here the former is commanded as a duty: therefore the latter also must be justified, when the duty cannot otherwise be discharged. Now, having thus at some length endeavoured to discuss this some way odd and esteemed odious head, to which task I have been as unwillingly drawn, as the actors here pleaded for were driven to the occasion thereof, whom only the necessity of danger did force to such atchievements, to preserve their own and brethren's lives, in prosecuting the cause; and nothing but the necessity of duty did force me to this undertaking, to defend their name from reproach, and the cause from calumnies. I shall conclude with a humble protestation, that what I have said be not stretched further than my obvious and declared design doth aim at; which is not to press a practice from these precedents, but to vindicate a scripture truth from invidious or ignorant obloquies, and not to specify what may or must be done in such cases hereafter, but to justify what hath been done in such circumstances before. Wherein I acknowledge, that though the truth be certain, such things may be done, yet the duty is most difficult to be done with approbation. Such is the fury of corrupt passion, far more fierce in all than the pure zeal of God is to be found fervent in any, that too much caution, tenderness, and fear, can scarce be adhibit in a subject, wherein even the most warrantable provocation of holy zeal is ordinarily attended with such a concurrence of self-interest, and other carnal temptations, as it is impossible, without the signal assistance of special grace, to have its exercise in any notable measure or manner, without the mixture of sinful allay; as the true nonconformist doth truly observe as above. Yet this doctrine, though in its defined and uncautioned latitude be obnoxious to accidental abuses (as all doctrines may be abused by men's corruption or ignorance, misapplying the same) is nevertheless built upon such foundations, that religion will own to be firm, and reason will ratify their force. And I hope it is here so circumscribed with scripture boundaries, and restricted in the narrow circumstantiation of the case, that as the ungodly cannot captate advantage from it, to encourage themselves in their murdering villanies, seeing they never were, never can be so circumstantiate, as the exigence here defined requires; so as for the godly, I may presume upon their tenderness, and the conduct of that Spirit that is promised to lead them, and the zeal they have for the honour of holiness, with which all real cruelty is inconsistent, to promise in their name, that if their enemies will repent of their wickedness, and so far at least reform themselves, as to surcease from their cruel murdering violence, in persecuting them to the death, and devouring them as a prey, then they shall not need to fear from the danger of this doctrine, but as saith the proverb of the ancients, wickedness proceedeth from the wicked, but their hand shall not be upon them. But if they shall still proceed to murder the innocent, they must understand, they that hold this truth in theory, will also reduce it to practice. And bloody papists must know, that Christians now are more men, than either stupidly to surrender their throats to their murdering swords, or supinely to suffer their villany to pass unpunished; and though their favours have flattered many, and their fury hath forced others, into a faint succumbing and superseding from all action against them; yet all are not asleep; and I hope there are some, who will never enter into any terms of peace with them, against whom the Mediator hath declared, and will prosecute a war for ever, but will still own and aim at this, as the highest pitch of their ambition, to be found among his chosen, called, and faithful ones, who maintain a constant opposition against them. However, though the Lord seems, in his providence, to put a bar upon all public appearances under a display of open war against them; and it is not the design of what is said here on this and the foregoing head, to incite or invite to any: yet certainly, even at this present time, all that have the zeal of God, and love to his righteous cause rightly stated in their hearts, will find themselves called not to supersede altogether from all actions, of avowed and even violent opposition against them, whom we are all bound both by the morality of the duty, and the formality of solemn and sacred covenants, to hold out from a violent intrusion into, and peaceable possession of this land devoted to God, and to put them out when they are got in either by fraud or force; and this plea, now brought to an end, will oblige all the loyal lovers of Christ to an endeavour of these, 1. To take alarms, and to be fore-warned and fore-armed, resolute and ready to withstand the invasion of popery; that it be neither established by law, through the supineness of such, who should stand in the gap, and resolve rather to be sacrificed in the spot by a valiant resisting, than see such an abomination set up again; nor introduced by this liberty, through the wiles of such, whose chiefest principle of policy is perfidy, who design by this wide gate, and in the womb of the wooden horse of this toleration, to bring it in peaceably; nor intruded by force and fury, fire and sword, if they shall fall upon their old game of murders and massacres. It concerns all to be upon their guard, and not only to come out of Babylon, but to be making ready to go against it, when the Lord shall give the call. 2. To resist the beginnings of their invasions, before they be past remedy; and for this effect, to oppose their gradual erections of their idolatrous monuments, and not suffer them to set up the idol of the mass in city or country, without attempting, if they have any force, to overthrow the same. 3. In the mean time, to defend themselves and the gospel, against all their assaults, and to rescue any out of their hands, upon all occasions, that for the cause of Christ they have caught as a prey, and to oppose and prevent their own and the nation's ruin and slavery. But to conclude: as it will be now expected, in justice and charity, that all the vassals and votaries, subjects and servants, of the one common Lord and King, Christ Jesus, every where throughout his dominions, who may see this representation of the case, and vindication of the cause of a poor wasted and wounded, persecuted and reproached, remnant of the now declining, sometimes renowned church of Scotland, will be so far from standing Esau like on the other side, either as enemies, rejoicing to look on their affliction in the day of their calamity; or as neutral, unconcerned with their distressed conditions; or as strangers, without the knowledge or sense of their sorrows and difficulties; or as Gallio's caring for none of these things, or thinking their case not worthy of compassion, or their cause of consideration; or possibly condemning their sufferings, as at best but started upon slender, subtile, and nice points, that are odd and odious, and invidiously represented: it is now expected, I say, that Christians, not possessed with prejudice, (which is very improper for any that bear that holy and honourable signature) and not willing to be imposed on by misinformations, will be so far from that unchristian temper towards them, as to be easily biassed with all reports and reproaches to their disadvantage, that if they weigh what is in this treatise offered, and truly I may say candidly represented, without any design of prevarication, or painting or daubing, to make the matter either better or worse than it will seem to any impartial observer; they will admit and entertain a more charitable construction of them, and not deny them brotherly sympathy and Christian compassion, nor be wanting in the duty of prayer and supplication for them; at length the Lord would turn his hand upon the little ones, and bring at least a third part, a remnant of mourners, through the fire. So, to that little flock, the poor of the flock, that wait upon the Lord, and desire to keep his way, I shall only say, though I judged necessity was laid upon me, instead of a better, to essay this vindication of your cause, as stated betwixt you and your Lord's enemies, the men that now ride over your heads, that say to your soul, Bow down that we may go over you, I desire not that you should, yea I obtest that you may not lay any stress on the strength of what I have said; but let its weight ly where it must be laid, on that firm foundation that will bear you and it both, that stone, that tried stone, that precious corner-stone, that sure foundation Christ Jesus; and search the scriptures of truth to see whether these things be so or not: and I doubt not, but by that touchstone if these precious truths be tried, they will be found neither hay nor stubble, that cannot abide the fire, but as silver tried in a furnace of earth purified seven times. Be not offended, that they are contemned as small, and contradicted as odious, but look to the importance of his glory, whose truths and concerns they are, and from whom they are seeking to draw or drive you, who oppose and oppugn these truths. Stand fast therefore in the liberty wherewith Christ hath made you free, and hold fast every word of his patience, that you may be kept in this hour of tentation. Let no man take your crown, or pull you down from your excellency, which is always the design of your wicked enemies, in all their several shapes nd shews, both of force and fraud, craft and cruelty. Beware of their snares, and of their tender mercies, for they are cruel; and when they speak fair, believe them not, for there are seven abominations in their hearts. "Say ye not a confederacy, to all them to whom this people shall say a confederacy, neither fear ye their fear, nor be afraid; sanctify the Lord of hosts himself, and let him be your fear, and let him be your dread, and he shall be for a sanctuary, but for a stone of stumbling and a rock of offence, to both the houses of Israel, for a gin and for a snare to the inhabitants of Jerusalem. Wait upon the Lord who hideth his face from the house of Jacob, and look for him among his children," though now you be reputed for signs and wonders in Israel, from the Lord of hosts which dwelleth in mount Zion. "Who knows, but therefore will the Lord wait, that he may be gracious unto you, and therefore will he be exalted, that he may have mercy upon you, for the Lord is a God of judgment, blessed are all they that wait for him." To whom be all the glory, Amen. * * * * * Having come to a conclusion of the six heads proposed to be treated of, I judged it conducing, by way of a postscript, to subjoin a seventh, in vindication of these conscientious and truly tender sufferers, who, in the dread and awe of the holy, sovereign, and supreme law-giver, who commandeth his subjects and followers, to abstain from all appearance of evil, did in obedience to him and his royal law, choose rather to suffer the rage, robberies, and violence of cruel and bloody enemies, together with censures, reproaches, obloquies, and contempt of apostatising professors, than to give any aid or encouragement to the avowed and declared enemies of Christ, that might contribute to the promoving their sacrilegious, tyrannical, and hellish projects and practices, calculate and prosecute against the gospel and kingdom of Christ, the covenanted reformed religion of the church, the rights, laws, and liberties of the people, and to the introducing of antichristian idolatry, tyranny and slavery, by paying any of their wicked and wickedly imposed exactions, raised for furthering their hellish designs, of which none that pays them can be innocent. HEAD VII. _The Sufferings of many, for refusing to pay the wicked Exactions of the Cess, Locality, Fines, &c. vindicated._ It will possibly seem impertinent, or at least preposterous at such a time, when the pressure of these burdens is not more pinching to the generality of professing people, and in such a retrograde order, as after the discussion of the foregoing heads to subjoin any disquisition of these questions, which are now out of date and doors with many. But considering that the impositions of these burdens are still pressing to some, and the difficulties of doubts and disputes about them still puzling, the sin and scandal of complying with them still lying upon the land, not confessed nor forsaken, the leaven of such doctrine as daubs and defends the like compliance still entertained, the sufferings of the faithful, for refusing them, still contemned and condemned, and the fears and expectations of more snares of that nature, after this fair weather is over, still increasing; if I may be so happy as to escape impertinencies in the manner of managing this disquisition, I fear not the censure of the impertinency or needlessness of this essay. As to the order of it, it was intended to have been put in its proper place among the negative heads of sufferings; but knowing of how little worth or weight any thing that I can say is with the prejudged, and having a paper writ by two famous witnesses of Christ against the defections of their day, Mr. M'Ward and Mr. Brown, more fully and largely detecting the iniquity of the cess (from which the wickedness of other exactions also may be clearly deduced) though at such distance at the writing of the foregoing heads, that it could not be had in readiness to take its due place, and time would not allow the suspending other things until this should come to hand; I thought it needful, rather than to omit it altogether, to insert it here. However, tho' neither the form of it, being by way of letter, nor the method adapted to the design of a moving disswasion, nor the length and prolixity thereof, will suffer it to be here transcribed as it is; yet to discover what were their sentiments of these things, and what was the doctrine preached and homologated by the most faithful both ministers and professors of Scotland, eight or nine years since, how closely continued in by the contendings of this reproached remnant still persecuted for these things, and how clearly abandoned and refiled from, by their complying brethren now at ease, I shall give a short transumpt and compend of their reasonings, in a method subservient to my scope, and with additions necessary for applying their arguments against the other exactions here adduced in this head, and bringing them also under the dint of them, though not touched by them expressly. I must put altogether, because it would dilate the treatise, already excresced, into a bigness, far beyond the boundaries I designed for it, to handle them distinctly; and their affinity, both as to their fountain, nature, and ends, is such, that what will condemn one of them will condemn all. What and how many and manifold have been the exorbitant exactions, as the fruits and foments of this cruel tyranny, that the godly in our land have been groaning under these twenty seven years, and upon what occasions they have been, at diverse times, and in diverse manners and measures imposed, I need not here relate, the first part of the treatise doth represent it. The first of these tyrannical exactions, were the fines for not hearing the curates, and other parts of non-conformity; which, together with paying the curates stipends, were too universally at first complied with; but afterwards upon more mature consideration, and after clearer discoveries of the imposers projects and practices, they were scrupled and refused by the more tender. And their sufferings, upon the account of that recusancy, have been very great and grievous, to the utter impoverishment and depopulation of many families, besides the personal sufferings of many in long imprisonments, which some choose rather to sustain with patience, than pay the least of those exactions. Yea, some when ordered to be legally liberate, and set forth out of prison, choosed rather to be detained still in bondage, than to pay the jaylor's fees, their keepers demanded of them. Many other wicked impositions have been pressed and prosecuted with great rigour and rage, as militia money, and locality, for furnishing soldiers, listed under a banner displayed against religion and liberty, with necessary provision, in and for their wicked service; which of late years have been contended against by the sufferings of many, and daily growing a trial to more. But the most impudently insolent of all these impositions, and that which plainly paraphrases, openly expresses and explains all the rest, calculate for the same ends, was by that wicked act of convention, enacted in the 1678, declaring very plainly its ends, to levy and maintain forces for suppressing meetings, and to shew unanimous affection for maintaining the king's supremacy established by law. Or as they represent it in their act, for continuation of it, Act 3. Parl. 3. Char. II. August 20, 1681. 'Seeing the convention of estates held at Edinburgh in the month of July, 1678, upon weighty considerations therein specified, and particularly the great danger the kingdom was under, by seditious and rebellious conventicles, and the necessity which then appeared, to increase the forces, for securing the government, and suppressing these rebellious commotions, which were fomented by seditious principles and practices, did therefore humbly and dutifully offer a chearful and unanimous supply of 800,000 pound Scots,--in the space of five years,--And the estates of parliament now conveened, having taken to consideration, how the dangers from the foresaid causes do much encrease, in so far as such as are seditiously and rebelliously inclined, do still propagate their pernicious principles, and go on from one degree of rebellion to another, till now at last the horrid villanies of murder, assassination, and avowed rebellion, are owned, not only as things lawful, but as obligations from their religion,--do therefore, in a due sense of their duty to God, to their sacred sovereign, and the preservation of themselves, and their posterity, of new make an humble, unanimous, chearful, and hearty offer, for themselves, and in name of, and as representing this his majesty's ancient kingdom, of a continuation of the foresaid supply, granted by the convention or estates; and that for the space of five years, or ten terms successive, beginning the first terms payment at Martinmass, 1684, which yet is to be continued until Martinmass, 1688.' Here is a sample of their wicked demands, shewing the nature, quality, and tendency of all of them; wherein we may note, 1. That they continue it upon the same considerations, upon which it was first granted. 2. That these were, and yet remain to be, the danger of the meetings of the Lord's people for gospel ordinances, by them forced into the fields, which they call rebellious conventicles; and the necessity of securing their usurpation upon the prerogatives of Christ, liberties of his church and privileges of mankind, (which they call their government) and suppressing the testimonies for the interest of Christ (called by them rebellious commotions.) 3. That their motive of continuing it, was their considerations of some weak remainders of former zeal for God, in prosecuting the testimony for the interests of Christ, and principles of the covenanted reformation, (which they call propagating pernicions principles) and some weak attempts to oppose and resist their rebellion against God, and vindicate the work, and defend the people of God, from the destruction they intended against them, and their lawful and obliged endeavours to bring these destroyers and murderers to condign punishment (which they, call horrid villanies of murder, assassinations, and avowed rebellion.) Here all the active appearances of the Lord's people, vindicated in the foregoing Heads, are industriously represented, under these odious and invidious names, as motives to contribute this supply of means to suppress them, and to involve all the contributers in the guilt of condemning them. 5. That as a tell their allegiance unto, and confederacy with that execrable tyrant (which they call their duty to their sacred sovereign) they enact this as representatives of the kingdom, and must be owned as such by all the payers 5. That it is the same cess that was granted by the convention of estates, and the term of its continuation is not yet expired. And hence it is manifest, that that act of convention, though its first date be expired, and thereupon many plead for the lawfulness of paying it now, that formerly scrupled at and witnessed against it, yet is only renewed, revived and corroborated, and the exaction continued upon no other basis or bottom but the first state constitution; which was, and remains to be a consummating and crimson wickedness, the cry whereof reaches heaven, since upon the matter, it was the setting of a day betwixt and which (exceeding the Gadarenes wickedness, and short of their civility) they did not beseech Christ, and his gospel to be gone out of Scotland, but with armed violence declared, they would with the strong hand drive him out of his possession; in order to which their legions are levied, with a professed declaration, that having exauctorate the Lord's anointed by law, and cloathed the usurper with the spoils of his honour, they will by force maintain what they have done; and having taken to themselves the house of God in possession, they will sacrifice the lives, liberties, and fortunes of all in the nation, to secure themselves in the peaceable possession of what they have robbed God; and that there shall not be a soul left in the nation, who shall not be slain, shut up, or sold as slaves, who will own Christ and his interest. All which they could not, nor cannot accomplish, without the subsidiary contribution of the people's help. This is the plain sense of the act for the cess; and, though not expressed, the tacit and uniform intention of all the rest; yet, for as monstrous and manifest the wickedness of these designs are, so judicially were the bulk of our seers plagued with blindness, that many of them were left to plead for the payment of these impositions; others, though they durst not for a world do it themselves, to be silent, and by their silence to encourage and embolden many to such a compliance; presuming with themselves, and without further enquiry, that the zeal of God, and love to his glory, and the souls of their brethren, would constrain them to speak in so clamant a case, if they did observe any sin in it. Whereby the universality was involved in the guilt of these things, especially deceived by the patrociny and pleadings of such of late, who formerly witnessed against it. O that it might be given to us to remember Lot's wife turned into a pillar of salt, to season us, lest the stink of our destruction, and what may follow upon it, be all that the posterity get for a warning not to tread our paths. As for the few that have suffered upon this head, they have been so discruciated with perplexities, in their conflicts with the rage of enemies, and reproach of friends, and fear of these snares attending every lot of occupation they could put themselves in, that they have been made to desire death, as their best refuge, and only retreat wherein they may find rest from all these rackings; for, in no place could they escape the reach of some of these impositions, nor the noise of their clamorous contendings of arguments that pleaded for it. But some have had more love to Christ and his interests, than language to plead for him, and more resolution to suffer, than learning to dispute for his cause; and where pure zeal for Christ, and love to his bleeding interests; in a time when he is crucified afresh, and put to open shame, and the concurrence of all is required to help forward the war against him, is in integrity and vigour, it will burn with its flame those knots that it cannot in haste loose; and chuse rather to ly under the imputation of being zealous without knowledge, than life of let go such an opportunity of witnessing a good confession; yea, when it could do more, expire with an Ichabod in its mouth. But shortly to come to the point, I shall, 1. Permit some concessions. 2. Propose some parallel questions. 3. Offer some reasons to clear it. 1. I shall willingly grant in the general, concerning paying of exactions, impositions, or emoluments. 1. They are to be paid to these to whom they are due; as tribute and custom is to be paid to the powers ordained of God, and for this cause they that are God's ministers, attending continually upon this very thing, Rom. xiii. 6, 7. So stipends and all outward encouragements are due to ministers of the gospel, who sow spiritual things, and should reap these carnal things, 1 Cor. ix. 11, 12. Fines also, and all legal amercements for delinquencies against such laws must be paid, Deut. xxii. 19. And whatsoever is due by law to officers, appointed by law, for keeping delinquents in custody, as all debts whatsoever. But tyrants exactions, enacted and exacted for promoving their wicked designs against religion and liberty, hirelings salaries, for encouraging them in their intrusions upon the church of God; arbitrary impositions of pecuniary punishments for clear duties; and extorted hirings, of the subordinate instruments of persecution, oppressions, are no ways due, and cannot be debt, and therefore no equity to pay them. 2. It is lawful to pay them, when due and debt, either by law or contract, even though they should be afterward abused and misimproven to pernicious ends. But these payments for such wicked ends, either particularly specified and expressed in the very act appointing them, or openly avouched by the exactors, are of another nature than impositions fundamentally appointed for the public good; and the after misapplication thereof, made by such as are entrusted therewith, is no more imputable unto the land or payers, than is the theft of a collector stealing or running away with the same, without making count or reckoning to superiors. It is then a foolish thing to say, that former impositions were peaceably paid, though we saw and were convinced that their use was perverted, and they were used against the good of the land and God's people: for no such thing was laid down as the ground, or declared as the end of these exactions; but what fell out was by the personal abuse and perversion of those in power: which was their own personal fault, and posterior to the legal engagement and submission to the payment thereof by the land in their representatives. 3. It is lawful to pay them sometimes, even when fundamentally and originally from the first constitution of them they were not due, but illegally or usurpatively challenged and exacted, if afterwards they were by sedition or voluntary engagement, legally submitted unto by the true representatives. But not so, when they were never either lawfully enacted, or legally exacted, or voluntarily engaged by the representatives, except such as represented the enslavement of the nation, and betrayed the country, religion, liberty, property, and all precious interests, and declaredly imposed to further the destruction of all. Nor can any with reason say, that this case is but like the case of the people of Israel under the feet of enemies, paying to them of the fruits of their ground, as was regretted and lamented by Nehemia, chap. ix. 36, 37. for so they must say, the exactions now in debate are their redemption-money, and by these they purchase their liberty of life and lands, and own themselves to be a people under conquest. And yet they cannot deny, but they are both exacted and paid as tests of their allegiance as subjects, and badges of their loyalty and obedience. But this is answered before, Head 2. Conces. 7. Sect. 2. If any should object the practice of Christ, though otherwise free, yet paying custom, lest he should offend: it is fully solved ibid. Head 2. Conces. 9. Here it is sufficient to hint (1.) That which made them to marvel at his wise answer was, that he left the title unstated, and the claim unresolved, whether it belonged to Cesar or not, and taught them in the general to give nothing to Cesar with prejudice to what was God's; which condemns all the payments we speak of, which are all for carrying on the war against God. (2.) Cesar was no tyrant nor usurper at this time; because they had legally submitted themselves unto several Cesars successively before. (3.) It was, lest he should offend: but here it will be evident, that the offence and scandal lieth on the other hand, of paying the exaction: and it is against all religion to say, that both the doing and refusing to do the same act, can give offence. But (4.) make the case like our's, and I doubt not to call it blasphemy to say, that Christ would have paid, or permitted to pay a taxation professedly imposed for levying a war against him, or banishing him and his disciples out of the land; or to fill the mouth of the greedy Pharisees, devouring widows houses, for their pretence of long prayers; or that he would have paid, or suffered to pay their extortions, if any had been exacted of him, or his disciples, for his preaching, or working miracles; or if help or hire had been demanded, for encouraging those that rose to stone him for his good deeds. 4. It is lawful to pay a part to preserve the whole, when it is extorted by force and threatenings, and not exacted by law; when it is a yielding only to a lesser suffering, and not a consenting to a sin to shift suffering. The objection of a man being seized by a robber, transacting with him to give him the one half or more to save the rest and his life, commonly made use of to justify the paying of these impositions, while under the power and at the reverence of such public robbers, cannot satisfy in this case. It is thus far satisfying, that there is a manifest concession in it, that instead of righteous rulers, we are under the power, and fallen into the hand of robbers, from whom we are not able to rise up. But there is no paritie. For to bring it home without halting, and make it speak sense, we must suppose that the robber not only requires a part for himself, and a part for his underling shavers, horse-rubbers, &c. but a part upon this declared account, that he may by that supply be enabled and furnished with all things necessary, for murdering my father, mother, wife, children, kinsmen, and friends, (all whom he hath now in his power) yea, and for doing that besides, which is worse than all these put together: Whether then shall I, by giving the robber that part which he seeks, enable him to do all these mischiefs? Or by refusing, expose myself to the hazard of being robbed or slain? Let the conscience of any man answer this (for nothing can be here alledged against the paritie as now propounded) and then I fear not but the objection shall be found a blaze of empty words, blown away by any breath. But alas! will this tattle of a robber be found relevant in that day, when the public robbers shall be proceeded against by the just Judge? Let them who think so, think also, they see the court fenced, and the judge set, and hear these words sounding in their ears, "ye are cursed with a curse, for ye have robbed me, even this whole nation;" and then they are like to lay as little weight on the objection, for fear of falling under the weight of the curse, as I do. 5. It is lawful passively by forcible constraint to submit to the execution of such wicked sentences, as impose these burdens, if it be not by way of obedience to them: this is suffering and not sinning. Hence it is easy to refel that objection; if it be lawful (which hitherto was never questioned) for a man, who is sentenced to die, to go to the place of execution, then a man, being under the moral force of a law, which is equivalent, may pay cesses, localities, fines, &c. Ans. 1. Might it not be doubted, whether a man's going upon his feet to be execute, had as manifest, and from the nature of the thing, a tendency, yea and proper casuality to advance the design of the enemy, and his refusing to go, had as clear a testimony against the clamant wickedness of their course, as his refusing to pay their impositions. Whether, I say, in this case, a man might not, yea, ought not to refuse to go to the place of execution. But 2. Whosoever would conclude any thing from it, to give it either life or legs, must make it run thus: let the order run in this form (else there is no parallel, and so no inference) we appoint all the opposers of our course (that is all the lovers of our Lord Jesus) whom we have for their rebellious rendezvouzing at conventicles sentenced as enemies and traitors to die, to come and be hanged by virtue of our sentence: otherwise besides the moral force of the law, adjudging them to die, we shall use force, and drag them like dogs to the place of execution; and in putting us to this trouble, they shall fall under the reproach, that being sentenced to die, they scrupled forsooth, yea refused to go on their own legs to the gibbet. Let this, I say, be made the case, which to me is the exact parallel, and there every child will know what to answer, or to hiss the objection as pure ridicule. 3. I suppose the objection speaks of a righteous and innocent person, who for righteousness it brought, as a sheep to the slaughter (for a malefactor, who hath lost all right to his life, is not to be understood) then to make the case parallel, it must be taken for granted, (1.) There is a public law with the penalty of death, statute for the violation thereof. (2.) That the person to be executed, hath not only transgressed that law, but his disobedience to the law is notour. (3.) That he is processed and convict of the transgression thereof: Whereupon follows. (4.) The sentence, and then the execution. Now the law being wicked, and the man from the fear of God, being constrained to disobey the law, he can in nothing be justly construed active, but in that disobedience or renitence: but in the whole of what befals him for this, he being a captive prisoner, is to be looked upon as passive. Yea the very act of going to the place of execution in the present case, howbeit, as to its physical entity, it is of the same kind, with the executioner's motion that goes along with him, yet in its moral and religious being, whence it hath its specification, it is wholly the suffering of a captive. Well then, ere any thing can be pleaded from the pretended parity; seeing there are laws, made for paying such exactions, cesses, salaries, and fines, for the declared ends of ruining the people and interests of Christ; it is necessary, in order to a just parallel, that the law must be first disobeyed. (2.) The disobedience must be notour. (3.) The delinquent must be processed and pursued, as guilty of the transgression, and convicted thereof, whereupon sentence passeth against him for the breach of the law. Here I grant all with advantage to the cause: as in the first case, so in this, he who is judged guilty of the breach of this wicked law, and who is sentenced for that violation, ought to suffer patiently the spoiling of his goods, and not to decline suffering, if it were unto blood, striving against this sin. 6. It is lawful of two evils of sufferings to chuse the least; where both come in the election, as in the cases forementioned, and in a man throwing of his goods overboard in a storm; these and the like are deeds in the present exigent voluntary and rational, being upon deliberation and choice, where the least evil is chosen under the notion of good, yea of the best that can be in the present case, and accordingly the will is determined, and meets and closes with its proper object; or one of them only be proposed to be submitted to, but another lesser evil of suffering is in a man's power to chuse and propose, for purchasing his immunity from a greater; which is not imposed nor exacted of him, either by a wicked law, or for wicked ends declared, but voluntarily offered; as in the case of parting with some money to a robber or murderer to save the life, when he is seeking only the life; as the ten men that were going to the house of the Lord said unto Ishmael, "Slay us not for we have treasures in the field," for which he "forbare and slew them not," Jer. xli. 8. In this a man does nothing, which under such circumstances is not only lawful (one of the main ends for which goods are given to him, to wit the preservation of his life, being thereby attained) but it were a grievous sin, and would conclude him guilty of self murder, not to make use of such a mean for preservation of his life, which God hath put in his power, and is in the case called for by his precept. But however force may warrant one to do that, which may be done for shunning a greater evil of loss; yet it is never sufficient to make one to do that which is a greater evil, than all the evil that can be said to be shunned: For the evil shunned is suffering, but the evil done to shun this, is real and active concurrence, in manner, measure, and method, enjoined by law, in strengthening the hands of those who have displayed a banner against all the lovers of our Lord Jesus Christ; a manifest chusing of sin to shun suffering, and a saving of life with the prejudice of that in the preservation whereof he should be ready to lay down all, and be at a point to endure the worst this wicked world can make him suffer, ere he be found guilty in the matter of a compliance of that nature. And though the rod of the wicked should seem to rest on his lot, for his refusal, and he be the object of their rage and revenge, for holding his integrity; yet he shall be honoured as a faithful witness, helped to endure as seeing him who is invisible, and amidst all his sufferings and sorrows, made to rejoice in the hope, that when God shall lead forth these workers of iniquity, he shall not be found amongst the company of these who have turned aside with them into their crooked courses, and for that shall be overturned and crushed with them, under the curse that is hovering over their heads. It is true a man should not cast himself and his family (which if he provide not for, he is worse than an infidel) upon sufferings, either needlessly or doubtfully, when he is not persuaded it is truth and duty he suffers for, and of value sufficient to countervail the loss he may sustain for it. But on the other hand, in the present and all like cases it is highly of the concernment of all men to be careful and circumspectly cautious, when the case comes to be stated upon suffering or not suffering, in examining well whether the course whereby a man shuns suffering be of God, and not to take plausibilities for demonstrations: seeing the flesh is not only ready to inculcate that doctrine, 'spare thy self,' but is both witty of invention to plead for what will afford ease, and as unwilling to listen to what would, if attended unto, expose us to the malice and rage of rigorous enemies: It being always more becoming the professors of the gospel, and the followers of our Lord Jesus, who must walk to heaven bearing his cross; to abstain at all hazards when the case is doubtful, than to rush forward upon an uncertainty, when it is not evident they have God's approbation for what they do. Yea suppose a person erred to his own hurt in the first case, through weakness, yet it will argue much more sincerity and uprightness towards God, and is done with less danger than in the other. And as many as walk according to this rule, are like to have the peace of the Israel of God, to compense whatever of trouble or loss they may meet with in the world, when others shall not have this bird of Paradise to sing in their bosom. II. But shunning prolixity; to come nearer the point, because perhaps some may alledge such cases are not determined in the scriptures, nor can any case be found parallel to these under consideration, from which we may gather the determination thereof; which I think hard indeed to find, because in the wickedness of former ages such monstrous exactions had never a precedent, for such declared ends, so declaredly impudent. I shall make some suppositions, and propose some questions, all of a piece, and some way parallel to this under debate, and leave any conscience touched with the fear of God to answer. 1. Suppose, when our Lord Jesus and his disciples were tossed upon the waves by the storm at sea, and he was sleeping, that then Herod or Pilate, or the chief rulers, had sent peremptory orders to all men, to supply and furnish with such things as he had, the men they employed, to capacitate them once for all and forever to sink that floating bottom out of sight; and that somewhat should be given to the soldiers engaged in that enterprize, somewhat to the Pharisees for persuading them to it, and fines to be exacted from the recusants, and rewards to be given to such as should keep them in custody that should fall in their hands, either of them that refused to pay the moiety prescribed, or of such of them as should escape drowning. In this case would, or durst any of the lovers of Jesus comply with any of these demands? and not rather chuse to perish with him, or in opposition to such wicked attempts? Now, hath not the Lord Jesus, and all the interest he hath in the nation, been embarked as it were in one bottom, and floating like a wreck in the sea? And have not these called rulers in this land, in their rage against the Lord's anointed, and the handful who adhere to him, sent their peremptory orders to pay a cess for sinking his floating interests; and to pay the curates for persuading to it; and fines for not concurring in it; and rewards to jailors and others appointed to repress the recusants? Who durst concur then in this compliance, who had love to Christ in exercise, and who had his friends in the same bottom embarked? And besides, seeing the great God had the man of whom this is required, bound with his own consent, under a sacred and solemn oath, and under the penalty of never seeing his face, if he do not venture life and fortune to preserve that precious interest, and all who are embarked with it from perishing. Shall he, notwithstanding of this, give what these enemies to Christ, call for as his concurrence, to enable them to execute their wicked contrivance? Does any man think or dream, that the pitiful plea, of what they call a moral force, will clear and acquit him before God from the guilt of a concurrence in this conspiracy, while in the mean time he furnished whatsoever these enemies demanded of him, with this express declaration, that it was for this cause exacted, and for this end imposed? Or can he think to be saved, when they shall be sentenced, who with so much deliberation and despite have done this thing? O let us consider the after reckoning! And let us not with pretences distinguish ourselves into a defection, or distract ourselves into the oblivion of this, that God is righteous to whom the reckoning must be made. 2. Let it be supposed, under Saul's tyranny, when the Ziphims informed him of David's hiding himself with them, or when Doeg informed him of Ahimelech's resetting him, that an order had been given forth to all Israel, with this narrative: Whereas that rebel David had now openly despised authority, had been entertained by the priest, received Goliath's sword from him, and gathered a company of armed men together, therefore to the end he and his accomplices may be brought to justice, We ordain all from Dan to Beersheba, to concur either personally in this expedition against him, or to pay cess to our standing forces to maintain them in this expedition, or so much to gratify the Ziphims for their kindness, or to furnish Doeg with a sword to murder the priests of the Lord. Would any that favoured David's righteous cause, have dared to do any of these? Would these that durst not concur themselves, contribute any encouragement to the concurrers? Would Saul's servants that would not fall upon the priests of the Lord themselves, have given Doeg one of their swords to do it, or money to buy one, if it had been demanded? To the same purpose, suppose a party comes to a dissenter, with an express order, and this narrative, Whereas there is such a minister met with some people, at an execrable conventicle, as they call it, (but in itself the pure worship of God) therefore to the end the minister may be taken and murdered, and the servants of the Lord for the countenance they gave him may be brought to the same punishment, they ordain him, for the accomplishing of their design, to furnish that party with all necessities, or to pay such a sum of money for not concurring with them: now, should he in this case not only forbear to lay down his life for his brethren, and forbear to deliver them, that are thus drawn unto death on such an account, (into which forbearance the great God will make so accurate an inquiry, Prov. xxiv. 11, 12. as may make us tremble, whether we look backward or forward) but also furnish according to the tenor of this order, that party of the dragon's legions, in their war against the prince Michael and his angels, with supplies, and think to put off the matter and plead innocent with this, that he was under the moral force of the law, accompanied with such military force, as if he had refused, they would have taken away all he had, &c. For this plea, in its full strength, is to do evil, that some good may come of it, (no true good) which brings damnation, Rom. iii. 8. or to choose sin rather than affliction. 3. What if Manasseh, or other idolatrous princes, that sacrificed to devils, and made children pass through the fire to Molech, had enacted a cess, or under severe impositions of fines had commanded all to concur to a solemn sacrifice of that nature, charging every man against a certain day, to bring in his proportion, in order to celebrate the sacrifice with all its statute solemnities; or should have taken a child from every father, and then made a law, that each of these should contribute such a sum, for furnishing with all necessaries, and maintaining these murderers, whom they had conduced to shed the blood of their innocent children, or sacrifice them to Molech: could it be expected that any of the godly would have paid such exactions, and then have wiped his mouth with the notion of a moral force? This comes home enough to our case; for no sacrifice they can offer to the devil, can be more real or so acceptable, as what they declare they intend to do; being so direct, not only in opposition to the coming of the kingdom of Christ, but the deletion of his precious interests, and extirpation of his faithful remnant, and the giving Satan such an absolute dominion in the nation, as that they who have made the decree, and all who put it in execution, practically declare thereby they have emancipate themselves to his slavery, and sold themselves to work wickedness in the sight of the Lord: so likewise, that all the rest of the nation, may with themselves become his vassals, and in evidence of their opposition to Christ, and in recognition of Satan's sovereignty, and their subjection, they are appointed to pay these back-meals. 4. Let it be supposed, that after Nebuchadnezzar had made the decree, for all to fall down and worship his image, and the three children were apprehended for refusing it, he had made another, that all the Jews especially should contribute, every one a faggot, or money to buy it, to heat the furnace, or a rope to lead them to it; can any man suppose, that Daniel, or the rest of the faithful, would have paid it? Even so, let it be supposed, that any one of these faithful ambassadors of Christ, or all these zealous workers together with God, who have laboured among the people in the preached gospel, should fall into the hands of these hunters, and then they should make a law, and appoint every man in the nation to send but one thread, to make a tow, to hang that minister, or to hang the whole company of Christ's ambassadors, and a farthing to pay the executioner: can any man, without horror, think of complying so far as to contribute what is commanded? Or would not a gracious man, frighted into an abhorrence at the atrociousness of the wickedness, or fired into a flame of zeal for God, say without demur, as not daunted with fear of what flesh could do unto him, I will rather venture my all to keep them alive, or be hanged with them, than by doing what is demanded, be brought forth and classed in the cursed and cruel company of those who shall be dragged before the tribunal of Christ, with their fingers dyed and dropping with the blood of those who are peculiarly dear to him? I know it will be said, that in all these cases it would be a clear case of confession. Well, that's all I would have granted: for that which doth overbalance to a testimony, in all the cases mentioned, is so far from being wanting in the cases now under consideration, that they have all to enforce the duty, that all of them put together do include; as will be clear to any who consider, 1. The preciousness of the things and interests to be destroyed. 2. The concurrence called for from every one, that this desperate design may be accomplished. 3. The great, manifold and indispensable obligations all are under, not only to abstain from the required concurrence, but to preserve also and maintain these things in opposition to all whom Satan sets on work to serve him in this expedition against the Son of God, and to do it, or endeavour it with the loss of life, and all things dearest to men, to the end, that these things which are Satan's eye sore, as only obstructive of his kingdom, may be preserved among the poor remnant, and propagate in their power and purity to the posterity. Happy he, who shall be found so doing now, when the dragon and his angels are drawn into the fields, and have proclaimed the war, and published to the world the causes thereof; so that now this general having laid aside all his old disguises, doth in his true shape march upon the head of his black legions, who wear his badge and colours, and fight under his banner and standard. III. In the last place, with all possible brevity, I shall offer some reasons against compliance with these exactions _in cumulo_. 1. To pay these impositions, upon such declared accounts, for such declared causes, and for such declared ends, would condemn the contendings and sufferings of many eminently godly, especially in our day, who have refused them. Of these questions and sufferings thereupon, among the godly in former times, we cannot instruct much for such insolent impositions, as to all the dimensions of their heinousness, were never heard before. But we want not examples of the saints refusing to give their money and other such things to wicked men, either to comply with their wicked demands, obey their wicked laws, encourage their wicked courses, or further their wicked designs. In scrpture we find Paul would not give Felix money that he might be loosed, though he sent for him often for that end, Acts xxiv. 26. Mr. Durham in his exposition of the revelation, chap. vi. ver. 9. Lect. 6. gives an account, 'That when in the persecution of Dioclesian, the persecutors sought but the bibles, poor coats, money, or cups (wherewith they served) to be given them, as some evidence of their ceding: but they refused to accept deliverance upon these terms; yea, when the soldiers, partly wearying to be so bloody, partly desirous of seeming victory over Christians, did profess themselves content to take any old paper or clout in place of the bible, they refused to give any Ecvola, or cast-away clout; yea, when soldiers would violently pluck such things from them against their wills, they would follow them, professing their adherence unto the truth, and that they had not any way willingly delivered these things, as is to be seen in Baronius, An. 302, p. 748. it is reported of one Marcus Arethusius, who was put to torment under Julian, because he would not build the idol temple which he had formerly demolished, when they were content to accept some part of the expences from him, and to spare his life, he refused to give obolum, or one half penny, Sozom. lib. 5. 9. Cent. Mag. Cent. 4. p. 797 and 833. By which and many other instances we may see, how resolutely the primitive saints held fast their testimonies: from which especially they were called martyrs or witnesses; and by which often, not only many weak ones were strengthened, but also many persecutors convinced, and made to cry out, Certainly great is the God of the Christians; while as they saw, that no allurements on the one side, nor terrors on the other, could make them loose their grips, but still truth and Christ were borne witness unto, and well spoken of by them. It will not be unnecessary here to consider some of Mr. Durham's observations on the fourth lecture; for clearing whereof he adduced these matters of fact, such as Obs. 7. That the giving of a testimony by outward confession of the truth, when called for, is necessary and commendable, as well as soundness of faith; yea, it is oftentimes the outward testifying of the truth before men, more than the faith of it before God, that bringeth on suffering: and there was nothing more abhorred in the primitive Christians than dissembling of a testimony, to evite suffering, as appeareth in Augustine's writings concerning a lie, and against a lie, and the writings of others to that purpose. Obs. 8. That every truth of the word may be a ground of suffering warrantably: for the least thing that hath a truth in it, as well as the more concerning fundamental truths, is the word of God, and so cannot be dispensed with by his people. Obs. 9. Every truth in the word hath an outward testimony joined to it, and sometimes may be called for upon very great hazards. Obs. 10. When it is called for, this testimony or confession to any truth before men, is no less necessary, and ought as peremptorily to be held and stuck to as the former; therefore it is called (Rom. x.) Confession unto salvation, and called for by a peremptory certification, Matth. x. 32, 33. Obs. 11. That these who are found in the faith of the word, will be also exceeding tenacious of their testimony; in scripture, and in primitive times, we will find the saints sticking at, and hazarding themselves on things which appear of very small moment, yet were to them of great concernment, because of the testimony, which was involved in them, which they would not let go. Such was Mordecai, Esther iii. Daniel vi. his not shutting of his windows. Yea further, in his lately printed sermons on Matth. xvi. 24. Serm. 7. p. 155. the same author saith; there is not in some respect a more and a less in the matter of duty, and in the matter of truth, or in respect of suffering. And a little after, Sect. 5. he says, we would not limit sufferings for Christ to things simply lawful or unlawful; for it may be sometimes for things indifferent in their own nature, which yet being so and so circumstantiated to us, may draw on suffering; a thing may be indifferent and lawful to some, which to others, stated under such and such circumstances may be counted a receding from some part of a just testimony; even though the matter be not such in itself, and in its own nature, yet it may be so circumstantiate to some persons, as it may be liable to that construction, if they shall recede from or forbear it; as in the example of Daniel, who suffered for opening his windows, which was a thing indifferent in itself, and not essential to his worshipping of God; but--he finds himself bound in conscience, and that on very just ground, to do as he was wont to do before, and that on the manifest hazard of his life, lest his malicious enemies should have it to say, that he receded from his duty, and that he thought more shame now, or was more afraid now, than before, to worship the true God.' How worthy Mr. Knox argueth for withholding emoluments from the false bishops and clergy, may be seen before, Part 1. Per. 3. The general assembly, in their declaration, dated July ult. 1648. concerning the then unlawful engagement in a war against England, plainly and positively dehorteth all members of the kirk of Scotland from contributing any assistance thereunto, expressed as followeth, 'That they do not concur in, nor any way assist this present engagement, as they would not partake in other men's sins, and so receive of their plagues; but that by the grace and assistance of Christ, they stedfastly resolve to suffer the rod of the wicked, and the utmost which wicked men's malice can afflict them with, rather than to put forth their hands to iniquity.' In which declaration may be seen at large that candour, faithfulness and freedom which becometh the ministers of the gospel, and dignity of watchmen, in their seasonable warning and dissuading all from assisting any way to that unlawful engagement, perceiving the sin and snare thereof, so obviously tending to the involving the land in guilt, and exposing to wrath; yea, and that notwithstanding of the fair and plausible pretexts of the engagers and joiners therein, who pretended and professed their undertaking to be for the furthering reformation, establishing and securing the covenanted religion from the plottings and endeavours of the popish, prelatic, and malignant enemies thereof, and prosecuting the ends of the covenants; pretences which no doubt our silent and time-serving ministers (if they had any such now to plead) would strenuously improve, in vindication of their prudent silence, sinful and shameful compliances. Alas, how sad and lamentable is the condition of the church and nation now! that even when the case is so far altered, that not only all such pretences are laid aside, reformation deserted and disdained, the established religion razed and ruined, the covenant broken and burned, and the owning the obligation thereof declared treason, but also an absolute power pleaded and exercised, to the suspending, stopping and disabling all penal laws against popery and prelacy, a gap opened by an antichristian toleration to the letting in all the heresies, idolatries and blasphemies of the mother of harlots, and the land openly defiled therewith, unjust and wicked taxations arbitrarily imposed and levied, for the most dreadful, sacrilegious and hellish ends that ever was published to the world, far exceeding in wickedness these testified against by the assembly 1648, or any formerly. While the watchmen have so far abandoned their duty of setting the trumpet to their mouth, and giving due warning of the sin and danger of those dreadful and judgment procuring courses, that they are caught in the snare, and found complimenting and encouraging the principal instruments of all these evils, by their scandalous flattering addresses. How faithful and tender some have been even in our day, their sufferings and losses in a measure above others makes manifest, amongst whom the worthy laird of Kersland is not to be forgotten, whose estate, heritable and moveable, was declared forfeited and seized, for his appearing in arms to join with that faithful party, who by horrid oppression, were forced to betake themselves to defensive resistance in the year 1666; who, considering the equity of the cause he appeared for, the indispensibleness of the obligations binding him to that duty, and how much a good conscience is to be preferred to an estate, durst not part with the sweet comforts of the one for the uncertain profits of the other: and as he was earnest with God by frequent and fervent prayer, for light and stedfastness in the matters of his suffering and testimony, so it pleased the Lord so to determine his heart therein, as that all the endeavours and persuasions used both by friends and foes, to move him to a composition with the enemies for his estate, proved unsuccessful; yea, it is well known how that severals, both of his near relations and others, who used the most forcible and persuasive arguments, as the consideration of the ancient and honourable family he was descended from; the miserable case that he, his lady and children should be in, without his estate; the counsel and judgment of grave and godly ministers; the freedom and practice of other learned and knowing men; together also with the imputation of vain scrupulosity, simple and unwarrantable nicety and preciseness, &c. that yet even some of those who dealt most with him, were, by his defences and reasonings, convinced of the equity of his cause, and brought to commend his upright resolution, and to applaud his tenderness and faithfulness; and in particular his own father, who pleaded much that he would only consent, that he, with others of his friends, might compone in favours of his family, and that he himself should be no ways concerned in it further than to assent that the thing be done; but could not prevail, who afterwards blessed God that he did not; declaring, that he had much more satisfaction and comfort in his son's honesty and stedfastness, than many such estates could ever have afforded him. I shall here mention some considerations which prevailed with him to decline all composition directly or indirectly with the enemies in that matter. (1.) That he could never attain to freedom to use any such manifest dissimulation, as deliberately to assent to any thing that might import his acknowledging that to be a sin and fault, (yea such a sin and fault as rebellion) which he was convinced in his conscience to be unquestionable duty both before God and man, nor thereby dissembling to insinuate his undoubted right to his estate, to be in the person, or at the disposing of any other. (2.) Considering that there can be no new right procured upon a composition, and granted to any, but such as shall carry in the narrative thereof that he had forfeited that estate by rebellion, with a long preamble, condemning the cause of God, and dutiful endeavours of his people for reformation, and in defence of religion and liberty, all as sedition, rebellion and treason; whereupon he resolved rather to part with his estate, than be any way instrumental and occasional to the indignifying that holy and honourable cause, with such disdainful, reproachful and blaspemous epithets. And albeit such tenderness in principle and practice of this worthy gentleman, and of many others of the faithful sufferers in our day, be censured and condemned by the lukewarm and worldly-wise professors in this age, as an unprecedented novelty, or precise and unwarrantable notion; yet we find it the same with the faithful sufferers in former ages, and exactly agreeing with the doctrine and principles of the most orthodox and famous divines; for the reverend and learned Calvin having the same case of conscience proposed to him by the godly, persecuted in his age, to which his solid and faithful answer is extant in his 375 epistle, Article 3. thus proposed and answered: 'Whether the confiscation of goods can be fought back again from a prince, in the name and behalf of these who are forfeited for religion?' To which he answers, 'That it is certain it cannot be done without sin; for the new right, or the De Novodamus (as we call it) granted by the prince, doth really contain open blasphemies against the glory of God; because therein mention is made of errors, crimes, and divine lese majesty, whereof the condemned are found guilty; which new right must, in law, be exhibited by him who intendeth to use the same; and that as a certain kind of approbation, no ways to be tolerated. Wherefore, I see not that it is lawful for a godly man, rightly instructed in the gospel, to involve himself into such fictions.' 2. From the fountain and conveyance whence they proceed, the iniquity of these payments might be concluded; which is nothing else than the arbitrary power domineering over us, and oppressing and overpressing the kingdoms with intolerable exactions which to pay is all the consent and concurrence required of us to entail slavery on the posterity. I mean, to pay it out of submission only to the moral force of its imposition, which is all the justification required of that absolute tyranny imposing it. For we have the testimony of a king for it, (King James' speech to the parliament, in 1609.) That a king degenerateth into a tyrant, when he leaveth to rule by law, much more when he begins--to set up an arbitrary power, impose unlawful taxes, &c. It can be denied by none, that know either religion or liberty, and are not enemies to both, that these impositions under consideration, upon such accounts, for such ends, are as unlawful taxes, and as illegally and arbitrarily imposed, as ever could demonstrate the most despotical absoluteness, paramount to all law, or precedent, but that of Benhadad, of a very tyrannical strain. Thus saith Benhadad, "thy silver and thy gold is mine--yet I will send my servants, and they shall search thine house, and it shall be that whatsoever is pleasant in thine eyes, they shall put in their hand, and take it away," 1 Kings, xx. 3. 6. which even as Ahab and his elders would not hearken to nor consent. But from an extoic dominator this were not so intolerable, as from such as pretend an hereditary right to govern, who should remove violence and spoil, and take away their exactions from the Lord's people, as the Lord saith, Ezek. xlv. 9. But instead of that, That they may do evil with both hands earnestly, the prince asketh, and the judge asketh for a reward: and the great man uttereth his mischievous desire: so they wrap it up, Mic. vii 3, the easy compliance with which, makes Zion as the grape gleanings of the vintage. If those exactions be wicked, then compliance with them must be iniquity: for it justifies the court that enacts and exacts them, a packed juncto of a prevalent faction, made up of perjured traitors, in a course of enmity against God and the country, who, to prosecute the war against the Almighty, and root out all his people out of the land, condescend upon these cesses, fines, &c. as a fit and adapted medium thereunto. Wherefore, of necessity, all that would not own that conclusion, as their own deed, in these representatives, and own them as their representatives in that deed, must bear witness against the same, by a refusal to own the debt, or pay the same. But I shall conclude this, with observing. (1.) The holy and remarkable righteousness of the Lord, that we, who would not contend earnestly for the liberty of the gospel, who would not acquit ourselves like men, in witnessing our loyalty to Christ, were not fixed in our engagements, nor steadfast in holding the liberties wherewith Christ hath made us free, did not reclaim nor reluctate, when we saw our royal master's prerogative invaded; should be trod upon in all civils, and treated as slaves, even by these, whom we had gratified with a base and sinful forbearance to plead for God, and preserve from their violence these things, these precious and valuable things, which we should have kept more tenderly than the apple of our eye. O the relucency of this righteousness, in making the gods whom we have served smite us, and in making them whose interest we minded, with a misregard and perjury involving neglect of the interest of Christ, thus to destroy our pitiful interests! And thus having taught them to be captains over us, we must now sit in the house of bondage in our land. (2.) Who will not adore and admire the righteousness of the Lord, particularly in leaving some of these to be designedly trod upon, who not only were involved in the common guilt of not withstanding these encroachments, but first went a great way in concurring to the making of these wicked laws; and now have been made to ly under the load, laid upon their loins by the hand of such, to whom they gave the hand in overturning the work of God? Why should not they be spoiled? Why should not the young lions roar upon them, and make their land waste? Why should not men of the same metal and soul with the children of Noph and Tahapenes, break the crown off their head (or feed upon their crown) who have sold, and set the crown of Christ upon another's head, and concurred to crush his faithful remnant? O let us learn to read and revere! Let us not be wheedled with we know not what, out of our good old principles, into the espousing the interest, or embarking into the same bottom with men of such principles and practices. And whoso is wise, and will observe these things, even they shall understand the loving kindness of the Lord. Great loving kindness, that he hath shewed to his poor remnant, in delivering us from deliverances by such deliverers, whereby the work had been more really and more shamefully ruined and the hope of the posterity more certainly razed. 3. From the declared ends of all of them, declared either verbally or virtually, and indisputable and universally known; to wit, that by such exaction, they might be enabled to maintain and prosecute the national rebellion against Christ, and root out his gospel and all the faithful preachers and professors thereof. These designs being notour, and the impositions demanded being the best expedients, and most adapted means to attain them, it cannot but be manifest, that whosoever complies with the means, do co-operate with the ends: which, if any thing, will involve the compliers in the contriver's sin, and make the payers obnoxious to the enacters judgment. If they that take rewards to slay innocents, be liable to a curse, Deut. xxvii. 25. they cannot say Amen to it, who so co-operate to the effectuating the slaughter. If any thing make Zion liable to be plowed as a field, when the heads thereof judge for reward, Mic. iii. 11, 12. it must be, when they demand such rewards, and the demands are complied with. But some may pretend, and under that pretence think to shut the shower of suffering, and command the serenity and sun shine of a good conscience too, and to shelter their soul under that shadow; that these exactions may be necessary for other ends: Can any state be without exactions? Is it not necessary that forces be maintained, and such as are in public office in the kingdom? Wherewithal shall the nation be guarded against foreign invasion? Alas! the pretence is so false and frivolous as he could not escape the censure of foolish, who in answering it appeared serious, save in a just indignation at its empty vanity. What are these forces and public officers for? What are they employed about, but to promote the dragon's designs, and serve his drudgery? Shall these guard the nation, who, together with religion, tread upon the poor remaining shadow of liberty? Do they indeed fear a foreign invasion? No; it doth not hold us here: these called rulers hide not their designs, but hold them to our eye that we may not pretend ignorance. They will do the greatest haste first: Christ and his interest is their great eye-sore. This one Jesus, who calls himself a king, (yea, and he will be so to their cost,) and his subjects as the most dangerous party, are to be discussed in the first place: and thereafter, when they are liberate from that fear of returning to his throne, whom they have exauctorate, (for, if ever he do, they are ruined, make haste, O Lord!) and have eaten the flesh and drunk the blood of his people, then they will be in a better case to defend the land, by shewing the enemy those teeth and tusks wherewith they have killed the people of the Lord. But will men put out their own eyes, that they may be taken with the more tameness to grind in their mill, and make them merry at our madness? Have we lost our senses, that we may with confidence jeopard our souls? Have they not invaded the Mediator's kingdom, and taken to themselves his house in possession? And because reavers may not be ruers, they will destroy all in the land, who seem faithful to Christ, and resolute to follow the captain of the host of Israel. But it is not enough that they menace heaven? Will they mock us into the same rebellion with themselves? He will not be mocked, but turn their jest into earnest. I cannot here shift the transcribing some of the very words of that author, whose reasonings I am but gleaning on this subject. 'Oh Britain! O Scotland! bent into, and bold in backsliding, the wrath of God and thy wo seems to be upon the wing. And alas! I am afraid, that by this crowning and crimson wickedness, the Lord God Almighty is making a way to his anger, and preparing the nation for a sacrifice, to expiate in the sight of the world our perjury, defection and heaven daring provocations. Alas! I am afraid, that the sword of the Lord, which shall avenge the quarrel of his covenant, is near to be drawn,--that the contributers, as well as the stated party of contrivers, decreers and cruel executioners of these decrees, may fall under the blow of the furbished sword of the Lord God: and that the land of such abominations may be swept of its inhabitants with the besom of destruction, and soaked with the blood of those, who instead of contending for Christ, have by this payment associate with his stated, his declared, and implacable enemies, whose rage is come up before him, and will bring him down to take revenge. Alas! my fears, my fears are multiplied upon me, that the war shall not only at last land in Britain: but that he hath been all this while training up a militia abroad, breeding them in blood, and teaching them how to destroy, against the time he gave them order to march, and put the flaming sword in their hand, to be bathed in the blood of backsliding Britain! Oh, if our turning unto him, that he might turn away from the fierceness of his anger, might prevent this woful day! But since, instead of any turning unto him, we surpass the deeds of the heathen, and outdo in wickedness all that went before us, and proceed, with a petulancy reaching heaven, from evil to worse; I am afraid, that all the blood shed since the sword was drawn in the nations about, all the sacked cities, all the burnt crops and villages, all the wasted countries, all the slain of the Lord by sea or land, all the pillagings, rapes, murders, outrages, (which rage itself could hardly outdo,) all the horrid and inhuman cruelties, that hath been committed during this bloody war (wherein the sea hath been dyed, and the land as it were drowned with the blood of the slain) all the truculent and treacherous murders of that monster Alva in the low countries, all the incredible cruelties of the Guises, and the bloodshed in the massacres of France, all the tortures that the people of the Lord have been put to in the vallies of Piedmont, by that little fierce tyger the Duke of Savoy, all the savage and barbarous butcheries of the Irish massacre: shall be forgotten, or seem things not to be mentioned in one day, when what shall be done in Britain comes to be remembered. O Britain, O Britain: of all nations under the cope of heaven, most ripe for the sickle of vengeance! shall this throne of iniquity, which hath framed so many mischiefs into laws, and all that are accomplices in this wicked conspiracy, who now are gathering themselves against the souls of the righteous, and condemning the innocent blood, be able to save its subjects, when he comes to make inquisition for that blood? Or shall the subjects, calling in all from 60 to 16, be able to support the throne? Alas! in vain shall they offer to draw up, and draw the sword and defend, when the Lord God of Hosts draws his sword, to accomplish upon them the vengeance written, and wrapt up in these words. He shall bring upon them their own iniquity, and shall cut them off in their own wickedness, yea the Lord our God shall cut them off. And, if it come to this, then in that day, escape who will, professing gentlemen and others, who, in this, have complied with the rulers, shall not escape: then shall they be paid for this payment. The storm of his displeasure, (even though they get their souls for a prey, yea so much the more as he will not suffer them to perish eternally) shalt be observed to fall particularly upon their houses, interests and estates. Who can think upon the wickedness of Britain, with its just aggravations, and imagine the righteous Lord will not proportion his judgments to the heinousness of our guilt, and his revenge to the rage, whereby he and his Christ hath been, and is opposed, and take other measures?' 4. From the nature of this payment, it is notour they are sinful compliances and transactions with Christ's declared enemies, and do partake of unitive confederacies with them; which are demonstrated to be sinful, Head 3. Arg. 1. in gen. pag. Certainly such bargains cannot be discretive, exacted and complied with by persons no ways incorporate together, being only overcome by mere force: since they are not only demanded and granted acknowledgments of that power that imposes them, as legally lording over them, but obediential submissions to these wicked laws that enact them; which is a formal justifying of these laws: for laws cannot be obeyed, except they be justified, seeing laws unjust and unjustifiable cannot be obeyed. Therefore, seeing the payment of the cess, locality, fines, stipends, fees, &c. is an obediential compliance with the laws that enjoin them, that obedience can no more be justified, than the laws enacting such payments; which none can justify but he that is an enemy to those things for opposing which they are enacted. If then compliances with the wicked impositions and exactions of arbitrary dominators, enemies to the work and people of God, be in scripture condemned, then such payments cannot be justified: but such compliances are condemned, and cannot be approven. This was Issachar's brand, that being a strong ass, he couched between burdens, and bowed his shoulders to bear and become a servant to tribute, Gen. xlix. 14. This was Afa's folly, that he so far complied with Benhadad, as to give money to take his help, 1 Kings xv. 18. Condemned by the prophet Hanani, 2 Chron. xvi. 7, &c. much more if he had given it to help him. It is one of the instances of the evil that Menahem did in the sight of the Lord, 2 Kings xv. 18,--20, that when Pul the king of Assyria came against the land, he gave him a thousand talents of silver, that his hand might be with him, which he enacted of Israel; this was certainly evil in the sight of the Lord; for if the confederacy was evil, then this price to procure it was evil also: and if Menahem's exaction was evil, then Israel's compliance was evil also; for thus Ephraim was oppressed and broken in judgment, because he willingly walked after the commandment, Hos. v. 11. It was also a part and proof of Ahaz's confederacy with Tiglath Pileser King of Assyria, that he sent money to him, 2 Kings xvi. 8. Which to all the fearers of the Lord is condemned and discharged, Isa. viii. 13, 14. Which, if it was evil, then also Hezekiah's compliance with Sennacherib, giving him money, and offering to bear that which was put upon him, 2 Kings xviii. 14, 15. was evil: and also Jehoiakim's taxing the land, to give the money according to the commandment of Pharaoh, 2 Kings xxiii. 35. was sinful to the exacter, and likewise to the compliers. These were all sinful compliances and confederacies with the wicked, making their peace with them to whom they paid them; therefore all peace-making payments, by way of unitive agreement with the wicked must be sinful. And accordingly in the time of Montrose, the general assembly made an act for censuring the compliers with the public enemies of this church and kingdom, June 17. 1646, Sess. 14. See part 1. Per. 5. 5. Where these exactions are extorted only as badges of bondage, without consent unto the law imposing them, it is a case more suitable for lamentation than censure, that she that was princess among the provinces should become tributary, Lam. i. 1. But when they are acknowledgments of the lawgivers, and an exact obedience to the law, and voluntary agreement and bargain with them, strengthening them to the prosecution of their mischiefs, they cannot be free of the imposer's sin. It was the sin of the men of Shechem, and a proof of their heart's inclination to follow Abimelech, that they gave him threescore and ten pieces of silver, enabling him to kill threescore and ten persons, and to hire vain and light persons to follow him, which they paid as an acknowledgment of his usurped power, Judg. ix. 3,----5. for which afterwards fire came out of the house of Abimelech and devoured them. Certainly a voluntary consent unto a mischief is a partaking with the sin of it, a consent unto theft is a partaking with it, Psal. 1. 18. But if there be any consent unto a mischief, it must be when the person agrees it be done against himself, and voluntarily subjects himself to the force of the law imposing it, and not only does not oppose or witness against the doing of it against others, but yields to its reaching himself, and gives what is demanded to strengthen the robbers to exercise robbery over all. As the payer of the cess, fines and fees, &c. gives all the consent required of him to these mischiefs framed into law, not only to rob himself, but the church and nation of its dearest treasure, the gospel, for the punishment of owning which, and as means to remove it, these payments are exacted. But the plea of the payers is, That they are constrained to it, and they do it against their will. Ans. 1. He who says he understands this, that the payer of these exactions can purge himself of the guilt of them, is like to buy an after-wit at a dear rate. Can it be thought by any man of knowledge and conscience, that so remote a force makes the deed involuntary, whereby the payer is purged from the guilt of accession to the imposers deeds, whom hereby, in this very imposition, he owns as his representatives! 2. The payment cannot be involuntary; for the law enjoining it, being the public and declared will of the nation, requires no other voluntariness but obedience, and judgeth no other thing involuntariness but disobedience. So that the law being satisfied, it absolves the satisfier from all transgression, and looks upon all who yield obedience as equally willing, and equally out of the reach of its appended penalty, in case of disobedience. Neither are we to please ourselves with other fancies and fictitious unwillingness, when real obedience is yielded, whereby the law is satisfied, and the lawmaker capacitated thereby to act all his intended mischiefs. For to be unwilling to part with money in the case, as it is no virtue in itself, so I suppose there are few who will be solicitous to purge themselves of this. And to be unwilling from some strugglings of light and conscience, is such unwillingness as aggravates the guilt of the giver, and makes it more heinous in the sight of God, and hateful in the eyes of all tender men; the law enjoining such payments, takes no notice of such reluctances, only requireth obedience; and when that is yielded, the law is satisfied, as to the voluntariness of the action, and must construe the agent a willing walker after the command, and a voluntary complier with the public will of the nation. 3. It must be simply, really, and truly a voluntary deed, when there is deliberation and election. The law requiring these payments being promulgate, every man must be supposed to put the question to himself, What shall I do in the case? Shall I obey and be free? or disobey and suffer? Here is election and choice upon mature deliberation; and so the deed becomes voluntary. This will be confirmed, if we consider the law of God, Deut. xxii. 25. concerning rapes. Where, to make the unvoluntariness of the betrothed virgin, she must not only be supposed to struggle and resist the attempt made upon her chastity and honour by the villain; but she must cry for assistance in that resistance, without which she was held in law willingly to consent to the committing of that wickedness. And moreover, if we consider the law, ver. 13. it will be manifest, in order to her escaping of death, that when violated, and the villain hath committed this villany, she is to carry as Tamar (when defiled of that beast, though of the blood royal) did, 2 Sam. xiii. 19. that is, to complain and cry, and crave justice against him, and be wanting in nothing, that may bring him to condign punishment. This doth aptly correspond to our case. Scotland is the betrothed virgin: we were espoused to Jesus Christ, and joined to him, by a marriage covenant, never to be forgotten; but, the rulers, and with them the body of the land have treacherously broken it; yet there is a remnant that adhere to him as head and husband, because of which, these called rulers incensed against him, will violently commit a rape upon them, and have them prostitute their bodies, their fortunes, yea their souls and consciences to their lusts, and thus they will needs ravish the queen in the king's presence. And so, while with displayed banner they will drive our covenanted husband out of the nation, and destroy all who will own him as such, they call for our assistance and compliance, to enable them to accomplish this wickedness. Now either must we make all the resistance that is in our power; or the law judgeth us willingly to consent, and because of that we fall into the hands of the righteous Judge, and have neither the evidence of our resisting, nor crying, nor pursuing the wicked for this violent rape, to produce and plead upon, why sentence should not pass, and the law's just severity be executed upon us. What? alas! do they declare they will stone our husband? (Ah! for which of his good deeds is this done) and shall they make a law, whereby we shall be obliged to furnish them with stones to do it? And shall they be obeyed? Is this our struggling? Is this our crying? Is this our endeavour that the wicked may be brought to condign punishment? Oh! let us meditate terror, lest we be brought forth as willing consenters; for whatever vengeance the jealous and just God shall execute upon them, who have committed the rape, shall equally, in its crushing and everlastingly confounding weight, fall upon them who do not by their refusing, and their resisting make their unwillingness manifest; which in the present case is their struggling, their crying, and calling God and man to witness, they are not consenters, but continue constant and loyal in their love to their betrothed husband. 6. A formal consent to the wickedness of these impositions were the less matter, if the payment of them were not also a concurrence to assist them, and a strengthening their hands in it. But this is so manifest, that the paying of the cess, locality, fines, fees, &c. is a concurrence with, and contributing towards the promoving the wicked designs for which they are imposed, that he must have a conscience of brass, and in a great measure feared who will run upon such a formal engagement against the Lord and his anointed King in Zion. If it was Aaron's sin which made the people naked, and which brought so great a sin upon them, to take, and the people's sin and shame to give, that contribution of golden ear-rings for making a calf, Exod. xxii. 3. &c. And if it was Gideon's sin to take and Israel's to give, that contribution of the ear-rings of their prey, to make an ephod, Judg. viii. 25. Then, as it is our oppressors sin to take, so it must be our sin and shame to give, their demanded exaction to help them in erecting such idols of jealousy, as they have set up, and are commanding all to bow to, to provoke the Lord to jealousy, especially when they affrontedly require such contributions to be paid, both as punishments for not assisting, and as means to assist in their establishment. Should we thus help the ungodly, and love them that hate the Lord? 2 Chron. xix. 2. Alas! instead of arguing, it were more fit to fall a weeping, when it is come to be a question amongst us, whether, instead of coming to the help of the Lord against the mighty, we shall really help the mighty against the Lord, and that while they call for our assistance formally upon this declared account. As the very inscription of their acts, does carry it in their front, requiring a supply to his majesty, &c. If this be not a casting in a lot among them, who can tell what it is? Sure it is a preparing a table for that troop, and a furnishing a drink offering unto that number, Isa. lxv. 31. Seeing it is a supplying them with necessaries, to solemnize their idolatrous festivities, who forsake the Lord, and not only forget but lay waste his holy mountain, for which all that have any occasion to it, are threatened to be numbered to the sword. If any thing be a strengthening the hands of evil doers, Jer. xxiii. 14. certainly this is. For as they cannot accomplish their cursed ends without these exactions, so the payment of them is all the present, personal and public concurrence in waging this war with heaven, that is required of the nation, to wit, such a sum to furnish them with all necessaries, and maintain the executioners of their hell-hatched and heaven-daring decrees and orders: and the law requiring no more but contributing what is appointed, looks equally upon the givers, as followers of the command, and active concurrers in complying with its end, and carrying on and promoving its design, and so affoils them from all the statute severities, in case of deficiency. 7. If it were only a concurrence in their wickedness to pay those their exacted supplies, it were more easily comported with: but I fear it shall be found a hire and reward for their wicked service. At first they were only enacted and exacted, as helps to capacitate this popish, prelatical and malignant faction, to prosecute the war they had undertaken and declared against Christ: but now, having thereby been enabled to carry it through this length, that they have almost got all visible appearances for Christ, in owning his gospel, and propagating his testimony, quite suppressed by means of these impositions, and having got the fields cleared or those that formerly opposed their course and career, and all obstacles removed that might stand in the way of the reception they have prepared for their mistress the Babylonish lady, the mother of harlots; they now demand these payments, as their wages and hire for their labour; which to pay now, is more than a justifying, seeing it is a rewarding them for their work. And to pay these pimps, and to purchase their peace thereby, is worse than to bring the hire of a whore into the house of the Lord, (Deut. xxiii. 18.) since it is a hiring them to bring the whore into the house of the Lord. O how hath Scotland played the harlot with many lovers! is this the zeal we should have had to our covenanted husband, and the honour of his house, that we have not only suffered his enemies to come in and take possession of it, but consented to their invasion; and not only consented, but invited them to come in; and not only invited them, but prostitute our estates and consciences also to their arbitrary lusts; and not only played the harlot with them, but hired them also when they had done! and for this the Lord may say to Scotland, as he said to his people of old, 'They give gifts to all whores, but thou givest thy gifts to all thy lovers, and hirest them, that they may come unto thee on every side, for thy whoredom. And the contrary is in thee from other women in thy whoredoms--in that thou givest a reward, and no reward is given unto thee; therefore thou art contrary,' Ezek xvi. 33, 34. There Israel is taxed for hiring the Assyrians: but let it be considered and enquired into in the history, how this was. What evidence can be given of this in their transactions with them? Was it only that they were enticed, or did entice them into a communion with their idolatry, It is true, Ahaz may be an instance of that, in his sending the pattern of the altar he saw at Damascus, 2 Kings xvi. 10. And it cannot be denied, but in several respects they did partake with the Assyrians in their idolatry, which was their adultery. But what could be their hire they gave them for it, if it was not their taxations they paid, and money they sent unto them? as Ahaz did, verse 8. and Hezekiah also, though a good man, 2 Kings xviii. 14, 15. which can no more be justified, than Asa's paying to Benhadad. It was then their confederacies, and the hire of them the Lord calls the hire they gave unto their lovers. With this also Ephraim is charged, that he hired lovers, Hos. viii. 9, 10. of this we have instances, in Menahem's giving to Pul a thousand talents of silver, and exacting it of the people, 2 Kings xv. 19, 20. And in Hoshea's becoming servant to Shalmanesar king of Assyria, and giving him presents, 2 Kings xvii. 3. If then hiring wicked men in confederacies to help the Lord's people, be a hiring of lovers so much condemned in scripture, what must a hiring of them to hurt them, and rewarding them after they have done, and when they formally seek it for such work, be? but a giving the reward, they seek to slay the innocent (Deut. xxvii. 25.) and a voluntary yielding that which they take, (Ezek. xxii. 12.) which if it be sin in the takers, cannot be justified in the givers, but will render both obnoxious to the indignation of a provoked God, in the day when he shall begin to contend for the wrongs he hath got, both by the work and the wages. Now let all the acts for the cess and continuation thereof, and other acts and edicts for fines and forfeitures, be considered in their just import, according to the true meaning of the enacters, and the causes for which they exact them, and will have them complied with; it will be found they were both declared, intended and improved, and accordingly approved by the compliers, not only as helps, but as hires for our oppressors and destroyers, and for such as have been, and are more destructive and explicitly declared enemies to Christ's interests and people in Scotland, than ever the Assyrians were to the church in the old testament. The cess was not only a help, but a hire to the tyrant and his accomplices, for suppressing meetings for gospel ordinances; especially the continuation of it, from time to time, was humbly, unanimously, chearfully and heartily offered, for themselves, and in name of, and as representing this kingdom, as a hire for the doing of it, and an encouragement to suppress what remained of these conventicles. The locality was intended as a help to the soldiers in their quarterings upon this account; but afterwards, being expressly discharged to be furnished, without payment according to the current rates of the country, Act 3. par. 3. X. Charles II. Aug. 20, 1681. The contribution of it for nought must be interpreted for a reward of their service, fines are appointed, not only for a punishment of contraveeners of their wicked laws, but for a hire to their most violent executors. Stipends for a hire to their hireling curates. And fees, as a hire to jailors, to keep the Lord's people in bondage. By which hires these destroyers have been rewarded, by them whom they have destroyed, and for which the righteous Lord will reward both. 8. Let it be considered, how far these submissions are short of, and how clearly these compliances are inconsistent with, that duty which lies upon us with reference to them. Our obligation to God and our brethren doth indispensibly bind us to a contrary carriage. If it bind us in our station and capacity to an active renitency, it doth much more bind us up from such compliances. Neither is it imaginable, how moral force can ever justify our doing that deed, we are obliged, by all imaginable bonds, yea, if in any probable capacity, by the utmost of real force, to counteract. Can we give them that which they require, and by which they are enabled to murder our brethren, when we are so indispensibly obliged to rescue our brethren, Prov. xxiv. 11, 12. to relieve the oppressed, Isa. i. 27, to loose the bonds of wickedness, to undo the heavy burdens, to let the oppressed go free, and to break every yoke, Isa. lviii. 6. What do we owe to these enemies, but seeing they have constitute themselves by these acts implacable enemies to Christ, his people and interest _in babite_, not only plainly and importunely to pray that he would overturn them, but to oppose their course, to the uttermost of our power, and to concur to wrath that power out of their hands? And since they will needs make the whole nation a curse, they are so far from being to be complied with, that for these exactings and exactions they are to be looked upon, and carried unto, not only as these who have sold themselves to work wickedness, but endeavour also to engage with themselves all in the same guilt, and expose them to the same curse. And therefore, that the anger of the Lord may be turned away from his people, every one in his station is obliged to endeavour to bring these Achans to condign punishment. 9. As it must be taken for granted, that these wicked oppressions by law are perjury avouched in the sight of God; yea in a peculiar manner, our covenanted subjection unto him is turned into an open war against him; so we cannot but believe, that for this height of wickedness, the curse of God (to which in the covenant the nation in case of breach, is liable by their own consent) and the Mediator's malediction shall follow, pursue, overtake, and fall upon the head of these, who have made the decrees, and upon all who concur in the execution, and carry on this course: Oh! it is impossible to keep them company, and not fall with them into the hands of the living God. Well then, seeing every one for whom these exactions are required, is under an anterior obligation to God and the brethren, to preserve these precious interests, which the imposers have been long essaying to root out and ruin, and his people whom they have been destroying, with the loss of all he hath, life not accepted. (For I suppose none, who acknowledged his soul is still under the bond of the covenant and it is likely to cost him his soul who denies it) but he will own this to be duty; nay, none who hath any sense of religion; but abstracting from the subjective obligation of a sworn covenant, he will own an objective obligation from the law of the great superior, that doth immediately bind the conscience to witness against this course, and to lay down, if it should come to that, his life for his brethren. Then for a man to give his goods to destroy these things and persons, which he is obliged to defend and preserve with the loss of all, is so clear a making himself a transgressor, in paying his proportion, and being at the expense of destroying what he built, and building what he destroyed, that it seems inexplicable how he can dream to be innocent; especially when more lies upon it than the souls of the compliers are worth even the interest of Christ in the land. And to close this, I would put home the question, and pose the confidence of any that took that covenant, if in that day the question had been asked at him, whether he would have judged the paying of a cess for the ends narrated, to suppress a testimony for that covenanted reformation, the paying of fines and fees, (for owning it) to the overturners, breakers and burners of it, to be a plain perjury and palpable counteracting of the ends thereof? And let him speak his soul, and it is beyond debate with me, he will not dare to say he took it in a sense which can subsist with these compliances. Nay, I doubt not, if to any morally serious it had been then said, You will pay money, &c. for destroying this covenant and its ends, and deleting the remnant that shall be found to adhere to it he would have given Hazael's answer. It concerns every man, that would be free of the curse of it, to consider how he is brought to make enquiry after vows; or to dream of consistencies betwixt the performing those engagements, and the plainest concurring in a counteracting thereof. 10. If then these impositions be so wicked, and for such wicked ends and causes; then, in order to my being free of this heinous guilt, there is a necessity of my giving a testimony, and such an one, which when brought to the touchstone, will get God's approbation, and be my acquittance from a concurrence. Now, it is not imaginable that my testimony can be the exact obedience to the law, against the wickedness whereof it is witnessed; but on the contrary, it must be at least a plain and positive refusing to yield obedience to that law, when I am in no other case to counteract these commands; for I must either obey and be guilty, or refuse and be innocent. I shall not here plunge into the labyrinth of these debates and difficulties, wherewith this matter of testimonies hath been perplexed, and mostly by those who have had no great mind to the thing. I shall only propound these few queries. (1.) Whether any thing less than a testimony can free me of this guilt, whereby the nation involved in it is made a curse? (2.) Whether, we believe that the testimony of every one shall be called for, in the day when God shall seek out this wickedness? (3.) Whether, if ever it be necessary, it be not then when Christ is openly opposed, and every one is called either to concur or to testify? (4.) Whether a testimony against a wicked law must not be notour for my testimony must make it evident that the law is not obeyed by me, else it is no testimony. (5.) Whether it be not necessary also, that it be with that plainness and boldness, as it may keep some proportion with the prodigiousness of that wickedness testified against? (6.) Whether to the making it a testimony indeed, it is not only required, that an opposition be made at first, but that this be so persisted in, as by no subsequent deed it be weakened? (7.) Whether we do not take it for granted, that according as a man hath testified, the sentence of the righteous Judge shall pass! For he who hath not purged himself thereby from the guilt of this conspiracy, shall be led forth and punished with these workers of iniquity. It is a saying which would sink in the soul of every one who would be saved, especially in such a day. Whosoever therefore shall confess me before men, him will I confess also before my Father which is in heaven; but whosoever shall deny me before men, him will I also deny, &c. Oh that men would now judge of things and courses, as in that hour they desire to be judged! and then there would be little difficulty what to determine in that case. 11. From what is said it appears, that there is no other way of testifying against it, or shunning the sin of this wickedness, imposing and enjoining these compliances, but by refusing them; which as it is clear duty, so it hath many advantages to countervail all the supposed loss that can be sustained thereby. It is a shameful subterfuge to say, I strengthen them more by doing thus, which will make them take all, and so put themselves in better case to do the mischief decreed. For as it is then my suffering, not my sin, so it is simply false that I do hereby strengthen their hands: for hereby I do more certainly weaken their hands, and wound their cause, by my counteracting, testifying and suffering. For, 1. I do really, to the uttermost of the sphere of my activity, counteract their design; and hence, besides my own upmaking peace of conscience, (which is my hundredfold in this life) I glorify God in the day of visitation, behaving as the subject and soldier of the prince Michael; and though I lose my life in the conflict, yet the victory over the dragon, and his lieutenant and trustees, and their lictors, is thereby gained, and they are foiled, while I fight and overcome, by my not loving my life in the present case unto the death. 2. I do by my example encourage my brethren to stand fast, and withstand in this evil day. 3. I hereby transmit to posterity a pattern for imitation, and so propagate an opposition to this course to succeeding generations. 4. I hereby (so to speak) engage God to arise and appear to plead his own cause and his people's: for when we, out of love to him and zeal for his interests, take our lives in our hands, or expose our substance as a prey in witnessing for him, then he is engaged to own us, and to plead his cause, taking the quarrel then to be against himself. Hence it is that when he puts on the garments of vengeance for cloathing, and goes forth to meet them, who, in their risings up against his people, run upon the bosses of his buckler, his arm is said to bring salvation to himself, Isa. lix. 16, 17. and Isa. lxiii. 5. This keeps a man in case to pray against such a party; whereas a compliance with them, in the least degree, will wound a man's faith and weaken his confidence, so that he cannot wrestle with God to prevail: For that wherein his strength lay, a good conscience, being sinned away, in vain doth he essay, when he hath cut his own hair, to shake himself as at other times. Alas! if by keeping a due distance from his enemies, we were in case to play the Samsons or Jacobs on our knees, this enemy, who think it their stability to stand upon the ruins of Christ's interest, should not stand long upon their feet. He who would have his prayer heard, Thy kingdom come, should make his practice, in a conformity thereto, speak this plain language, If I perish, I perish, but comply I will not: for it is not necessary that I live, or have an estate, but it is necessary I should witness a good confession against the wrongs done to Christ. 6. This keeps a man in ease, either to act for God with advantage, if an opportunity be put in his hand, or to suffer, as under his supportings, and the shinings of his face, whereby, even while dying, he becomes an ornament to his profession, gives a dash to the enemy, and so becomes more than a conqueror. 12. Let us consider the matter of scandal in the present case, and remember whose words these are, "Wo to the world because of offences, and wo to him by whom offences come:" and it will appear, the payer of these exactions becomes highly guilty before God. 1. In stumbling and hardening this party of enemies: for though there was never a party before them in the nation (and I much doubt if ever a party can come after them to outdo them) who had so many evidences of plagues poured upon their hearts, that he may pour forth his wrath, and cause his fury to rest upon them; and that in his spotless justice, he will rain snares upon them, that thereafter he may rain fire and brimstone, and horrible tempest, as the portion of their cup, when he shall come to plead his own cause: yet we would beware lest we do any thing that may embolden them, or make them bless themselves in this their stated opposition to Christ's. And because we know not but some of the elect may, for a time, be carried down with the current of this impetuous opposition to him, and may concur actively for a season in promoving this course, we ought, even upon this supposition, so to witness, and so to keep a distance from all apparent or interpretative compliance with what they contrive and carry on, as they may, by beholding our stedfastnes, be provoked to consider their own course; that considering at last how their feet go down to death, and their steps take hold on hell, they may hasten their escape from the company of his enemies, lest they be consumed with the fire of his indignation, if found congregate with the men of these God provoking practices. 2. By paying what is required, I stumble also and offend my weak brethren, while by my example they are encouraged to rush into the same compliance. O! let every man, whose practice may be pleaded as a pattern, remember that word, and who spoke it, "It were better that a milstone were hanged about his neck, and he cast into the midst of the sea, than offend any of these little ones." 3. Sufferers for refusing this payment are offended, when the payer doth not only encourage the persecutors to proceed with rigour and rage against him, as a peevish and froward malecontent, but does what in him lies to wound the heart and weaken the hands of such a faithful witness: whereas, if the poor sufferer saw himself, by a joint testimony owned by his brethren, he would be comforted, strengthened, and become more confident in the conflict. 4. In paying these things the compliers, either by their example, lay a snare for the posterity, to whose knowledge their carriage may come; and so instead of the leaving them a pattern of contending earnestly for the faith, they spread a net for their feet, yea pave them a way to defection and apostasy; or else they engage the great God, out of zeal to his own glory, and tenderness to his people who shall succeed, for preventing of their following of such progenitors, wherein they have not been followers of him fully, to give such a testimony against their untenderness, and set such marks of displeasure upon their course, that the thoughts of turning aside with them, and following their steps shall be terrible to all that hear of it, lest, for such a compliance, they fall as they did, for falling from their own stedfastness into the hands of the living God. But alas! for the posterity, under whose curse we are like to go off the stage, because of our not having done what we ought, yea what we might; both for transmitting pure ordinances unto them, and for not transcribing in our practice the noble example of our zealous and heroic ancestors, who valiantly resisted when violently attacked, and by their valour wrestled us into a state of liberty. Well, if we leave those that shall succeed us such an example as this, he is like to make us such an example as will fright the following generations, and force them to serve themselves heirs to them who have gone before us, who did acquit themselves as the good soldiers of Jesus Christ, and not to us, the debt of whose declensions and defections cannot be paid, without the destruction of those who shall serve themselves heirs to us. But alas! who does think on what he owes to the poor posterity; or who doth make confidence to preserve for them that precious treasure put in our custody, and judges it more necessary than to live, to leave the tract of a way contending zealously for God, and the preservation of his interests, and the propagation of his own pure ordinances to the posterity, shining so clearly by suffering and blood, as the way-faring man, and they who shall come after, though fools, need not err therein? Our only comfort is, that the Lord, who shall see his seed, and must prolong his days, will make his pleasure prosper, and preserve some to be witnesses of it to his praise. FINIS. * * * * * Transcriber's note: Numbering of headings and subheadings were left as they were in the original. Spelling of many words vary in the text; for example, expressly/expresly, abbreviation for Matthew as Mat. and Matt., Dumfermline/Dunfermline. Page 82--supplied the word "year" "For resistance of superior powers, we have in this period, first the practice of some noblemen at Ruthven, in the 1582. who took the King, ..." Long "f" characters were replaced with the standard English "s"; the "ct" ligature was replaced with "ct".