An enquiry into the constitution, discipline, unity & worship of the primitive church that flourished within the first three hundred years after Christ faithfully collected out of the extant writings of those ages / by an impartial hand. King, Peter King, Lord, 1669-1734. 1691 Approx. 589 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 187 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A47424 Wing K513 ESTC R6405 12905081 ocm 12905081 95309 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A47424) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 95309) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 386:26) An enquiry into the constitution, discipline, unity & worship of the primitive church that flourished within the first three hundred years after Christ faithfully collected out of the extant writings of those ages / by an impartial hand. King, Peter King, Lord, 1669-1734. 2 v. Printed for Jonathan Robinson ... and John Wyat ..., London : 1691. Attributed to Lord Peter King. Cf. BM. Reproduction of original in Union Theological Seminary Library, New York. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Church polity -- History -- Early church, ca. 30-600. Church history -- Primitive and early church, ca. 30-600. 2000-00 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2001-12 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-02 TCP Staff (Michigan) Sampled and proofread 2002-02 TCP Staff (Michigan) Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-03 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion AN ENQUIRY INTO THE Constitution , Discipline , Unity & Worship , OF THE Primitive Church , That Flourished within the First Three Hundred Years after CHRIST . Faithfully Collected out of the Extant Writings of those Ages . By an Impartial Hand . LONDON , Printed for Jonathan Robinson at the Golden Lion , and John Wyat at the Rose in St. Paul's Church-yard , 1691. THE PREFACE TO THE READER . THE Design of the following Treatise is in general to represent the Constitution , Discipline , Vnity and Worship of the Primitive Church , that flourish'd within the first Three Hundred Years after Christ ; but more particularly and especially to describe their Opinions and Practices , with respect to those things that are now unhappily controverted between those of these Kingdoms , who are commonly known by the Names of Church of England-men , Presbyterians , Independents and Anabaptists ; for which reason it comes to pass , that to those Points , concerning which there is no difference amongst us , I have not spoken so largely as otherwise I might have done ; and some other Customs of theirs I have not mentioned at all , because now neglected and disused by us . What I have written as to this Subject , I have wholly collected out of the Genuine and unquestionably Authentick Writings of those Ages , that are now extant , making use of no other Writings whatsoever , except the Ecclesiastical History of Eusebius , which was writ in the beginning of the Fourth Age , and relates only those Affairs that were transacted in the Three former , beyond the Period of which time this Enquiry doth not reach ; but is wholly limited thereby , and confined thereunto . That which hath been thus collected , has been done , I hope , with the greatest Impartiality and Fidelity , without any prepossession of Mind , or any fraudulent dealing whatsoever , which the Reader may the sooner believe , and the easier be convinced of , since for the clearer Demonstration of my Faithfulness and Vnprejudicedness herein , I have taken care to print in the Margent the Original Words of all the Passages that I have cited , at least of all that are necessary , together with the very Pages whence I fetch'd them , that so the Reader turning to the Pages mentioned in those Editions that I use , ( which Editions I shall set down at the end of this Preface ) and finding it according to my Quotations , may the more readily be perswaded , that throughout this whole Tract I have been every way honest and unbyass'd . And as I have faithfully and impartially collected these Observations , so I have as modestly and unconcernedly represented them , avoiding all Words or Speeches that might seem to carry the least sharpness or Reflection in them , and have as nakedly expressed them , declining all affected or pompous Expressions , contenting my self with those Terms , that most naturally serve to render the Truth more perspicuous and evident , according to the Observation of Clemens Alexandrinus , * He that would deliver the Truth , ought not studiously to affect an Elegancy of Expression , but only to use such Words , whereby he may render what he means intelligible . Whether all , or some , or none of the following Primitive Customs may be changed by the Civil Magistrate , or by a Convocational Assembly , I pretend not here to handle ; my Design at present is only to search into matter of Fact , to find out what were the Vsages of the Ancient Church within the first Three Hundred Years after Christ ; for , as was said before , no lower do I intend to go , which after the most impartial and serious Enquiry , I find to be according to the ensuing Treatise , in the penning whereof I have avoided all Prolixity and Tediousness , and for that end omitting to answer several Objections , that I know may be made against several things which I have here asserted , mine Intention being briefly and perspicuously to prove what I judge to be the true Practice of the Primitive Church , as to those Points now disputed by us . As for the Occasion of my Publishing this Treatise , it cannot be imagined to proceed from a Spirit of Vanity or Ambition , since I so far conceal my Name , as that even my Bookseller knows not who I am ; much less , I hope , will it be construed by any , to proceed from a Spirit of Contention and Animosity , from an ill Design to foment and increase our present Feuds and Divisions ; since I assure the whole World , our unnatural Quarrels do so much afflict and trouble me , as that I would sacrifice not only this Book , but also all that I either am or have , if thereby I might be an happy Instrument to compose and heal them . But amongst other Reasons , these two were the chiefest that swayed me hereunto , To inform others , and , To inform my self : To inform others what the Practices of the Primitive Apostolick Churches were , if any shall be inquisitive and desirous to know them ; or , if I am mistaken , ( as who is without his Errors ? ) to be better informed my self , which , I must needs confess , was that which I chiefly designed in the Publication hereof ; wherefore without any Ostentation or challenging , but unfeignedly and sincerely to prevent Mistakes in my younger Years , I humbly desire , ( if the Request be not too bold ) and shall heartily thank any Learned Person , that will be so kind as to inform me , if he knows me to have erred in any one , or more Particulars , which he may do , either Publickly , or if he thinks fit , Privately , by Letter to my Bookseller , who will convey it safely to my Hands ; and if any one that finds me deceived in any one or more Points , will favour me so far , as to undertake such a trouble , I should desire these few things of him , That he would be pleased , as I have done , to use only those Writings that were composed within my prescribed time , and if possible , the same Editions , and not only to form Objections against what I have written , but also to answer , or rather to give me another Sense of those Passages which I have cited , and then I promise , if my Mistakes are fairly shewn , I will not pertinaciously and obstinately defend them , but most willingly and thankfully renounce them , since my Design is not to defend a Party , but to search out the Truth . I have but one thing more to add in this Preface , and that is , that when I first resolved on the printing of this Treatise , I designed to have published my Observations on the fourth general Head propounded in the Title Page to be enquired into , viz. The Worship of the Primitive Church , as well as now I have done those on the three former , but for some Reasons I have reserved this for a particular Tract by its self , which probably , though I do not absolutely promise it , may in a little time more be also published ; and that the rather , because in this Part I have made two or three References thereunto , which I thought good to acquaint the Reader with , that so if he cannot find some things that I have referred to in this Treatise , he may be assured they are to be met with in the ensuing one . The Primitive Authors mentioned in this Treatise , together with those Editions that I have made use of , are as follow . S. Ignatii Epistolae Graeco-Latin . Quarto , Edit . Isaci Vossii . Amstelodam . 1646. S. Barnabae Epistola Catholica , Edit . ad Calcem S. Ignatii , Quarto . Amstelodam . 1646. S. Clementis Romani Epistolae Graeco-Latin . Quaerto Edit . Patricii Junii . Oxonii , 1633. S. Irenaei Opera , Folio . Edit . Nic. Galasii . Genevae , 1580. S. Justini Martyris Opera Graeco-Latin . Folio . Coloniae , 1686. Epistola Plinii Secundi Trojano Imperatori de Christianis in fronte Operum Justin. Martyr . Colon. 1686. Clementis Alexandrini Opera , Folio Edit . Heinsii . Lugdun . Batav . 1616. Tertulliani Opera , Folio Edit . Paris . 1580. Novatiani De Trinitate & De Cibis Judaicis inter Opera Tertulliani . Edit . Paris . 1580. Cypriani Opera , Folio . Edit . Sim. Goulart . apud Johan . le Preux . 1593. Vita Cypriani per Pontium ejus Diaconum . In fronte Oper. Cyprian . Edit . Goulart . 1593. Fragmentum Victorini Petavionensis De Fabrica Mundi , pag. 103 , 104. Histor. literar . Dr. S. Cave , Edit . Folio . Londini , 1688. Minucii Felices Octavius Edit . ad Calcem Tertullian . Apolog. per Desiderium Heraldum . Quarto . Paris . 1613. Origenis Commentaria omnia quae Graece Reperiuntur , Edit . de Huetii . 2 Vol. Folio . Rothomagi . 1668. Originis contra Celsum , Libri Octo , & ejusdem Philocalia Graeco-Latin . Edit Quarto , per Gulielm . Spencer . Cantabrigiae , 1677. Originis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , seu , De Oratione . Graeco-Latin . Octavo . Oxonii . 1685. As for those other Works of Origen which are extant only in Latin , I have made no use at all of those of Ruffin's Translation , except his Creed , since in them we know not which we read , whether Origen or Ruffin ; and as for those which were translated by more faithful Hands , I have used the Editions of Merlin or Erasmus , without nominating the Page . Eusebii Pamphili Ecclesiastica Historia Graeco-Latin . Folio . Edit . Henric. Vales. Paris . 1659. I have read only the Seven first Books of Eusebius's History , because the three others go beyond my limited Time. As for the Writings of S. Gregory of Neocaesarea , they are but few , and from thence I have taken nothing but his Creed , so that there is no need to mention any Edition of his Works . The same I may say also of the short Epistle of Polycarp , which I have cited but once , and therein have used the Version of Dr. Cave , extant in his Apostolici , pag. 127. There are vet some other Fathers whose remaining Tracts I have read , as Theophilus Antiochenus , Athenagoras , &c. who are not cited in this 〈◊〉 , because I have found nothing in them 〈◊〉 to my Design . An Enquiry into the Constitution , Discipline , Unity , and Worship , of the Primitive Church . CHAP. I. § . 1. The various Significations of the word Church . § . 2. A particular Church the chief Subject of the ensuing Discourse : The constituent parts thereof , Two-fold , viz. Clergy and Laity . § . 3. Each of these had their particular Functions , and both their joint Offices : Three things on which a great part of the following Discourse depends , proposed to be handled , viz. The Peculiar Acts of the Clergy , The Peculiar Acts of the Laity , and the Joint Acts of them both . § . 4. The Peculiar Acts of the Clergy propounded to be discussed according to their several Orders : First , of the Bishops : A View of the World as it was in a state of Heathenism , at the first Preaching of Christianity , necessary to be consider'd : Where the Apostles planted Churches , they appointed the first Converts to be Bishops thereof . § . 5. But one Bishop in a Church : The Orthodoxness of the Faith proved from the Succession of the Bishops : The Titles and Relation of the Bishop to his Flock . § . 1. THAT we may give the more clear and distinct Answer to this Important Query , it is necessary , that we first examin the Primitive Notion of the Word Church , upon the due apprehension of which depends the Right Understanding of a great Part of our following Discourse . This word , Church , as in our modern acceptation , so also in the Writings of the Fathers , is equivocal , having different Significations according to the different Subjects to which it is applyed . I shall not here concern my self about the Derivation of the Word , or its Original Use amongst the Heathens , from whom it was translated into the Christian Church ; but only take notice of its various Uses amongst the ancient Christians , which were many , as , 1. It is very often to be understood of the Church Vniversal , that is , of all those , who throughout the face of the whole Earth professed Faith in Christ , and acknowledged him to be the Saviour of Mankind . This Irenaeus calls , 1 The Church dispersed thro' the whole World to the ends of the Earth , and 2 The Church scattered in the whole World. And Origen calls it , 3 The Church of God under Heaven . This is that which they called the Catholick Church , for Catholick signifies the same as Vniversal . Thus Polycarp when he was seized by his Murderers , prayed for 4 The Catholick Church throughout the World. And in this Sense Dionysius Alexandrinus calls the persecuting Emperour Macrianus , 5 A Warrior against the Catholick Church of God. II. The word Church is frequently to be understood of a particular Church , that is , of a Company of Believers , who at one time , in one and the same place , did associate themselves together , and concur in the Participation of all the Institutions and Ordinances of Jesus Christ with their proper Pastors and Ministers . Thus Irenaeus mentions that Church 6 which is in any place . And so Dionysius Alexandrinus writes , that when he was banished to Cephro in Lybia , 7 there came so many Christians unto him , that even there he had a Church . Tertullian thinks that , 8 Three were sufficient to make a Church . In this sense we must understand , 9 the Church of Rome , 1 the Church of Smyrna , 2 the Church of Antioch , 3 the Church of Athens , the Church of Alexandria , or the Church in any other such place whatsoever , that is , a Congregation of Christians assembling all together for Religious Exercises at Rome , Antioch , Smirna , Athens , Alexandria , or such like places . III. The word Church is sometimes used for the Place , where a particular Church or Congregation met for the Celebration of Divine Service . Thus Paulus Samosatenus the Heretical Bishop of Antioch ordered certain Women to stand 4 in the middle of the Church , and fing Psalms in his Praise . So Clemens Alexandrinui adviseth , that Men and Women should with all Modesty and Humility enter 5 into the Church . So the Clergy of the Church of Rome in their Letter to Cyprian , concerning the Restitution of the Lapsed , give as their advice , 6 That they should only come to the Threshold of the Church-door , but not go over it . And in this Sense is the Word frequently to be understood in 7 Tertullian , 8 Origen , and others , to recite whose Testimonies at large would be both tedious and needless . IV. I find the Word Church once used by Cyprian for a Collection of many particular Churches , who mentions in the Singular Number , 9 the Church of God in Africa and Numidia . Else I do not remember , that ever I met with it in this Sense , in any Writings either of this , or the rest of the Fathers ; but whenever they would speak of the Christians in any Kingdom or Province , they always said in the Plural , The Churches , never in the Singular , The Church of such a Kingdom or Province . Thus Dyonisius Alexandrinus doth not say the Church , 1 but the Churches of Cilicia . And so Irenaeus mentions , 2 The Churches that were in Germany , Spain , France , the East , Egypt and Lybia . So also Tertullian speaks of the 3 Churches of Asia and Phrygia , and 4 the Churches of Greece . And so of every Country they always express the Churches thereof in the Plural Number . V. The Word Church frequently occurs for that , which we commonly call the Invisible Church , that is , for those , who by a Sound Repentance and a Lively Faith , are actually interested in the Lord Jesus Christ : According to this signification of the Word must we understand Tertullian , when he says , that Christ had 5 espoused the Church , and , that 6 there was a Spiritual Marriage between Christ and the Church . And that of Irenaeus , 7 That the Church was fitted according to the form of the Son of God. And in this Sense is the Word oftentimes used in others of the Fathers , as I might easily shew , if any one did doubt it . VI. The Word Church is frequently to be interpreted of the Faith and Doctrine of the Church . In this Sense Irenaeus prays , That the 8 Hereticks might be reclaimed from their Heresies , and be converted to the Church of God ; and exhorts all sincere Christians not to follow Hereticks , but to 9 fly to the Church : Upon which account Hereticks are said to have left the Church , as Tertullian told Marcion , that when he became an Heretick , 1 he departed from the Church of Christ , and their Heresies are said to be dissonant from the Church , as Origen writes , that the Opinion of the Transmigration of Souls was 2 alien from the Church . There are yet several other Significations of this Word , though not so usual as some of the forementioned ones , nor so pertinent to my Design , so that I might justly pass them over , without so much as mentioning them : But lest any should be desirous to know them , I will just name them , and then proceed to what is more material . Besides then those former Significations , the Word according to its Original Import is also used for any Congregation in general ; sometimes it is applyed to any particular Sect of Hereticks , as Tertullian calls the Marcionites 3 the Church of Marcion : At other times it is attributed to the Orthodox in opposition to the Hereticks , as by the same 4 Tertullian : Sometimes it is appropriated to the Heathen Assemblies , as by 5 Origen , at other times in Opposition to the Jews it is ascribed to the believing Gentiles , as by 6 Irenaeus : In some places it is taken for the Deputies of a Particular Church , as in 7 Ignatius . In other places it signifies the Assembly of the Spirits of just Men made perfect in Heaven , which we commonly call the Church Triumphant , as in 8 Clemens Alexandriaeus . Once I find it denoting the 9 Laity only , in opposition to the Clergy : And once signifying only 1 Christ as the Head of the Faithful . § . 2. But the usual and common Acceptation of the Word , and of which we must chiefly treat , is that of a Particular Church , that is , a Society of Christians , meeting together in one place under their proper Pastours , for the Performance of Religious Worship , and the exercising of Christian Discipline . Now the first thing that naturally presents its self to our Consideration , is to enquire into the Constituent Parts of a Particular Church , or who made up and composed such a Church . In the general , they were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the 2 Elect , 3 the Called and Sanctified by the Will of God. And in innumerable places they are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Brethren , because of their Brotherly Love and Affection ; and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Faithful , in opposition to the Pagan World , who had no Faith in the Lord Jesus Christ , nor in the Promises of the Gospel . But more particularly we may divide them into two Parts ; into the People that composed the Body of the Church , and those Persons who were set apart for Religious and Ecclesiastical Employments : Or to conform to our ordinary Dialect , into the Clergy and Laity , which is an early distinction , being mentioned by 4 Clemens Romanus , and after him by 5 Origen , and several others . § . 3. Each of these had their particular Offices , and both together had their joynt Employments , to all which I shall distinctly speak in the ensuing Tract , as they naturally resolve themselves into these Three Particulars : I. The Peculiar Acts of the Clergy . II. The Peculiar Acts of the Laity . III. The Joint Acts of them both . By the Resolution of which three Questions , some Discovery will be made of the Constitution and Discipline of the Primitive Church , and of their Practice with respect to many Points unhappily controverted amongst us . § . 4. I begin with the first of these , What were the Peculiar Acts of the Clergy ? Now here must be consider'd the Functions of every particular Order and Degree of the Clergy , which we may say to be three , viz. Bishops , Priests and Deacons , whose Employments we shall severally handle ; as also several other Points , which under those Heads shall offer themselves unto us . I shall begin first with the Bishop ; but for the better understanding both of him and the rest , it will be necessary , first of all , to consider the condition of the whole World , as it was before the Preaching of the Gospel , in a state of Paganism and Darkness , having their Understandings clouded with Ignorance and Error , alienated from God , and the true Worship of him , applauding their own bruitish Inventions , and adoring as God whatever their corrupted Reason and silly Fancies proposed to them as Objects of Adoration and Homage . Into this miserable state all Mankind , except the Jews , had wilfully cast themselves ; and had not Christ the Son of Righteousness enlightned them , they would have continued in that lost and blind condition to this very day : But our Saviour having on his Cross Triumph'd over Principalities and Powers , and perfectly conquered the Devil , who before had rul'd effectually in the Heathen World ; and being ascended into Heaven , and sat down at the Right Hand of the Father , on the day of Pentecost he sent down the Holy Ghost on his Apostles and Disciples , who were then assembled at Jerusalem , enduing them thereby with the Gift of Tongues , and working Miracles , and both commissionating and fitting them for the Propagation of his Church and Kingdom , who having received this Power and Authority from on high , went forth Preaching the Gospel , First , to the Jews , and then to the Gentiles , declaring those glad Tidings to all Kingdoms and Provinces ; so that as the Apostle Paul said , Rom. 10. 18. Their sound went into all the Earth , and their words unto the ends of the World ; every one taking a particular part of the World for his proper Province , to make known the joyful News of Life and Salvation through Christ therein . Thus St. Andrew principally preach'd the Gospel in Scythia , St. Bartholomew in India , St. Matthew in Parthia , St. John in the Lesser Asia , and all the rest of the Apostles had their particular Provinces allotted them , wherein they went forth preaching the Gospel ; and as they came to any City , Town or Village , they published to the Inhabitants thereof the blessed news of Life and Immortality through Jesus Christ , constituting the first Converts of every place through which they passed , Bishops and Deacons of those Churches which they there gathered . So saith Clemens Romanus , 2 The Apostles went forth preaching in City and Country , appointing the First Fruits of their Ministry for Bishops and Deacons , generally leaving those Bishops and Deacons to govern and enlarge those particular Churches , over which they had placed them , whilst they themselves passed forwards , planted other Churches , and placed Governors over them . Thus saith Tertullian , 3 Clemens was ordained Bishop of Rome by St. Peter , and Polycarp Bishop of Smirna by St. John. § . 5. Whether in the Apostolick and Primitive days , there were more Bishops than one in a Church , at first sight seems difficult to resolve : That the Holy Scriptures and 4 Clemens Romanus mention many in one Church , is certain : And on the other hand it is as certain , that Ignatius , Tertullian , Cyprian , and the following Fathers affirm , that there was and ought to be but one in a Church . These Contradictions may at the first view seem Inextricable ; but I hope the following Account will reconcile all these seeming Difficulties , and withal afford us a fair and easy Conception of the difference between the Ancient Bishops and Presbyters . I shall then lay down as sure , that there was but one Supreme Bishop in a place , that was the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , The Bishop , by way of Eminency and Propriety . The proper Pastor and Minister of his Parish , to whose Care and Trust the Souls of that Church or Parish , over which he presided , were principally and more immediately committed . So saith Cyprian , 5 There is but one Bishop in a Church at a time . And so Cornelius Objects to Novatian , That he did not remember , 6 that there ought to be but one Bishop in a Church . And throughout the whole Epistles of Ignatius , and the generality of Writers succeeding him , we find but one single Bishop in a Church , whose Quotations to which purpose would be fruitless to recite here , since the 〈◊〉 Practice of the Universal Church confirms it , and a great part of the following Discourse will clearly illustrate it . Only it may not be impertinent to remark this by the way , that by the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Succession of Bishops , from those Bishops who were Ordained by the Apostles , the Orthodox were wont to prove the Succession of their Faith , and the Novelty of that of the Hereticks , 7 Let them demonstrate the Original of their Churches , as Tertullian challenges the Marcionites , and other Hereticks ; Let them turn over the Orders of their Bishops , and see whether they have had a Succession of Bishops from any one who was Constituted by the Apostles or Apostolick Men : Thus the truly Apostolick Churches have , as the Church of Smirna has Polycarp there placed by St. John , and the Church of Rome Clement , ordained by Peter ; and other Churches can tell , who were ordained Bishops over them by the Apostles , and who have been their Successors to this very day . So also says Irenaeus , 8 We challenge the Hereticks to that Tradition , which was handed down from the Apostles by the Succession of Bishops . And in the 9 next Chapter of the same Book , the said Father gives us a Catalogue of the Bishops of Rome till his days , by whom the true Faith was successively transmitted down from the Apostles ; in which Catalogue we find but one Bishop at a time , and as he died , so another single Person succeeded him in the Charge of that Flock or Parish . So that this Consideration evidences also , that there was but one Bishop strictly so called , in a Church at a time , who was related to his Flock , 1 as a Pastor to his Sheep , and a Parent to his Children . The Titles of this Supreme Church-Officer are most of them reckoned up in one place by Cyprian , which are , 2 Bishop , Pastour , President , Governour , Superintendent and Priest. And this is he , which in the Revelations is called 3 the Angel of his Church , as Origen thinks , which Appellations denote both his Authority and Office , his Power and Duty , of both which we shall somewhat treat , after we have discoursed of the Circuit and Extent of his Jurisdiction and Superintendency , which shall be the Contents of the following Chapter . CHAP. II. § . 1. As but one Bishop to a Church , so but one Church to a Bishop . The Bishop's Cure never call'd a Diocess , but usually a Parish , no larger than our Parishes . § . 2. Demonstrated by several Arguments . § . 3. A Survey of the extent of several Bishopricks , as they were in Ignatius's days , as of Smirna . § . 4. Ephesus . § . 5. Magnesia . § . 6. Philadelphia . And § . 7. Trallium . § . 8. The Bigness of the Diocess of Antioch . § . 9. Of Rome . § . 10. Of Carthage . § . 11. A Reflection on the Diocess of Alexandria . § . 12. Bishops in Villages . § . 13. All the Christians of a Diocess met together in one place every Sunday to serve God. § . 1. HAving in the former Chapter shewn that there was but one Bishop to a Church , we shall in this evidence , that there was but one Church to a Bishop , which will appear from this single Consideration , viz. That the ancient Diocesses are never said to contain Churches , in the Plural , but only a Church , in the Singular . So they say , 1 the Church of the Corinthians , 2 the Church of Smirna , 3 the Church in Magnesia , 4 the Church in Philadelphia , 5 the Church in Antioch , and so of any other place whatsoever , the Church of , or in such a place . This was the common name whereby a Bishops Cure was denominated , the Bishop himself being usually called , The Bishop of this or that Church , as Tertullian saith , 6 That Polycarp was ordained Bishop of the Church of Smirna . As for the Word Diocess , by which the Bishops Flock is now usually exprest , I do not remember that ever I found it used in this Sense by any of the Ancients : But there is another Word , still retained by us , by which they frequently denominated the Bishops Cure , and that is Parish : So in the Synodical Epistle of Irenaeus to Pope Victor , the Bishopricks of Asia are twice called 1 Parishes . And in Eusebius's Ecclesiastical History the Word is so applied in several hundred places . It is usual there to read of the Bishops of the 2 Parish of Alexandria , of the 3 Parish of Ephesus , of the 4 Parish of Corinth , of the Parish of 5 Athens , of the 6 Parish of Carthage ; and so of the Bishops of the Parishes of several other Churches ; by that Term denoting the very same , that we now call a Parish , viz. a competent number of Christians dwelling near together , having one Bishop , Pastor or Minister set over them , with whom they all met at one time to worship and serve God. This may be evinc'd from the intent of the Word it self , which signifies a Dwelling one by another , as Neighbours do ; or an Habitation in one and the same place , as the Church of Smirna writ to the Church 1 that Parished in Philomelium , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And the Epistle of Clemens Romanus is to the Church of God 2 Parishing at Corinth , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , dwelling or living in Philomilium and Corinth ; so that a Parish is the same with a Particular Church , or a single Congregation ; which is yet more evident from a Passage in the Differtations of Apollonius against Alexander a Cataphrygian Heretick , wherein it is said , That because that Heretick had been a Robber , therefore 3 that Parish to which he belonged would not receive him , that is , that particular Church or Congregation to which he appertained , excluded him from Communion because of his Depredations and Robberies ; so that a Parish and a Particular Church are Synonimous Terms , signifying one and the same thing ; and consequently a Bishop having but one Parish under his Jurisdiction , could extend his Government no farther than one single Congregation ; because a single Congregation and a Parish were all one , of the same Bulk and Magnitude . § . 2. But that the Bishops Diocess exceeded not the Bounds of a modern Parish , and was the same , as in Name , so also in Thing , will appear from these following Observations , as , 1. All the People of a Diocess did every Sunday meet all together in one place to celebrate Divine Service . Thus saith Justin Martyr , 1 On Sunday all Assemble together in one Place , where the Bishop preaches and prays ; for as Ignatius writes , 2 Where the Bishop is , there the People must be ; and 3 there is a necessity that we do nothing without the Bishop ; since 4 it is unlawful to do any thing without him ; for 5 where the Pastour is , there the 〈◊〉 ought to follow ; wherefore 6 as Christ did nothing without the Father , so do you nothing without the Bishop and Presbyters , but assemble into the same place , that you may have one Prayer , one Supplication , one Mind , and one Hope ; 7 for if the Prayer of one or two have so great a force , how much more prevalent must that be , which is made by the Bishop and the whole Church ? He then that doth not assemble together , is proud , and hath condemned himself : For it is written , God resisteth the proud . Let us not therefore resist the Bishop , that we may be subject to God. So that these Passages clearly prove , That all the Members of the Bishops Church assembled together in one place to send up their common Prayers to the Throne of Grace , and to discharge those other Religious Duties which were incumbent on them , which convincingly evidences the Bishops Church to be no bigger than our Parishes ; for if it had been bigger , it would have been impossible that the Members thereof , should have constantly assembled together in one place , as we see here they did . 2. The Bishop had but one Altar or Communion Table in his whole Diocess , at which his whole Flock received the Sacrament from him . 1 There is but one Altar , says Ignatius , as there is but one Bishop . At this Altar the Bishop administred the Sacrament to his whole Flock at one time . So writes Cyprian , 2 We celebrate the Sacrament , the whole Brotherhood being present . And thus it was in Justin Martyr's Days , 3 The Bishop's whole Diocess met together on Sunday , when the Bishop gave them the Eucharist ; and if any were absent , he sent it to them by the Deacons . Certainly that Diocess could not be large , where all usually communicated at one time ; and the Deacons carried about the Consecrated Eucharist to those that were absent ; which would have been an endless and painful Task for the Deacons , had their Bishoprick contained more Christians in it , than one Congregation would have held . Tertullian writes , that in his Time and Country , 4 the Christians received the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper from the hands of the Bishop alone . Now in those days and places they communicated at least 5 three times a week , viz. Wednesdays , Fridays , and Lord's Days , which had been impossible to have been done , if the Bishop had had Inspection over more than one Congregation , as is obvious to every ones Reason ; for the Bishop being Finite and Corporeal as well as others , could not be present in many places at once , but must be confined to one determinated fixed place , in which alone he could administer and dispense the Eucharist : And for this Reason it is , that Ignatius exhorts the Philadelphians 6 to use the one 〈◊〉 , that is , not to leave the Bishop , and communicate elsewhere , but to partake of that single Eucharist which was administred by him : For as he proceeds to say in the same place , 7 There is but one Body of our Lord Jesus Christ , one Cup , one Altar , and one Bishop . As there was but one Bishop in a Church , so there was but one Altar , a Bishop and an Altar being Correlates : So that to set up another Altar , was a Periphrasis of a Schismatick , or of one that causelesly separated from his lawful Bishop , and sat up another , which was that they called Schism , as we shall shew in its proper place . Thus Cyprian describes a Schismatick as one , 8 that contemns his Bishop , leaves the Ministers of God , and dares to set up another Altar : And particularly he brands Novatian as such an one , because 9 he erected a profane Altar , that is , an Altar in opposition to the Altar of Cornelius his lawful Bishop : For , as he saith in another place , 1 No man can regularly constitute a new Bishop , or erect a new Altar , besides the one Bishop , and the one Altar : For which Reason he calls the Altar that is erected by Schismaticks , against the One Altar of their lawful Bishops , 2 A profane Altar : Which agrees with that of Ignatius , that 3 He that is within the Altar is pure , but he that does any thing without the Bishops , Priests and Deacons , is impure ; and as he says in another place , 4 Whosoever is without the Altar , wants the Bread of God. 3. The other Sacrament of Baptism was generally administred by the Bishops alone within their Respective Diocesses . So saith Tertullian , 5 Before the Bishop we renounce the Devil and the World. For as Cyprian says , 6 The Bishops ought only to baptize : And to the same effect writes Fortunatus Bishop of Thucabori , that our Lord Jesus Christ 7 gave unto the Bishops the power of Baptizing . So that the Bishops did ordinarily baptize all the Persons that were baptized in their Diocesses ; and if so , it is not probable , I may say possible , that their Diocesses were extended beyond the bulk of single Congregations . 4. The Churches Charity was Deposited with the Bishop , who , as Justin Martyr reports , 8 was the common Curator and Overseer of all the Orphans , Widows , Diseased , Strangers , Imprisoned , and , in a word , of all those that were needy and indigent . To this charitable Office Ignatius adviseth , 9 Polycarpus ; but of that Advice more shall be spoken in another place ; only let us here observe , That that Diocess could not be very large , where the Bishop personally relieved and succoured all the Poor and Indigent therein . 5. All the People of a Diocess were present at Church Censures , as Origen describes an Offender , as appearing 1 before the whole Church . So Clemens Romanus calls the Censures of the Church 2 the things commanded by the multitude . And so the two offending Subdeacons and Acolyth at Carthage were to be tried 3 before the whole 6. No Offenders were restored again to the Churches Peace , without the knowledge and consent of the whole Diocess : So Cyprian writes , that before they were re-admitted to Communion , they were to 4 plead their Cause before all the People . And it was ordained by an African Synod , that except in danger of Death , or an instantaneous Persecution , none should be received into the Churches Peace , 5 without the knowledge and consent of the People . 7. When the Bishop of a Church was dead , all the People of that Church met together in one Place to chuse a new Bishop . So Sabinus was elected Bishop of Emerita , 6 by the 〈◊〉 of all the Brotherhood ; which was also the custom throughout all Africa , 7 for the Bishop to be chosen in the Presence of the People . And so Fabianus was chosen to be Bishop of Rome , 8 by all the Brethren who were met together in one place for that very end . 8. At the Ordinations of the Clergy the whole Body of the People were present . So an African Synod held Anno 258 , determined , 1 That the Ordination of Ministers ought to be done with the knowledge , and in the Presence of the People , that the People being present , either the Crimes of the wicked may be detected , or the Merits of the good declared ; and so the Ordination may be Just and Lawful , being approved by the Suffrage and Judgment of all . And Bishop Cyprian writes from his Exile to all the People of his Diocess , that 2 it had been his constant Practice in all Ordinations , to consult their Opinions , and by their common Counsels to weigh the manners and merits of every one : Therein imitating the Example of the Apostles and Apostolick Men , who Ordained none , but with 3 the Approbation of the whole Church . 9. Publick Letters from one Church to another were read before the whole Diocess . Thus Cornelius Bishop of Rome , whatever Letters he received from Foreign Churches , he 1 always read them to his most holy and numerous People . And without doubt when Firmilian writ 2 to all the Parish of Antioch , they could all assemble together to read his Letter , and return an Answer to it ; since we find that in those days one whole Church writ to another whole Church , as 3 the Church of Rome writ to the Church of Corinth . And Cyprian . 4 and his whole Flock , sent gratulatory Letters to Pope Lucius upon his return from Exile . Lastly , The whole Diocess of the Bishop did meet all together to manage Church-Affairs . Thus when the Schism of Felicissimus in the Bishoprick of Carthage was to be debated , 5 It was to be done according to the will of the People , and by the consent of the Laity . And when there were some hot Disputes about the Restitution of the Lapsed , the said Cyprian promised his whole Diocess , 6 that all those things should be examined before them , and be judged by them . And so also , when they were to send a Messenger to any Foreign Church , all the People could meet together to chuse that Messenger , as they could in the 7 Church of Philadelphia . Now put all these Observations together , and duly consider , whether they do not prove the Primitive Parishes to be no larger than our modern ones are , that is , that they had no more Believers or Christians in them than there are now in ours : I do not say , that the Ancient Bishopricks had no larger Territories , or no greater space of Ground , than our Parishes have . On the contrary , it is very probable that many of them had much more ; since in those early days of Christianity , in many places the Faithful might be so few , as that for twenty or thirty Miles round , they might associate together under one Bishop , and make up but one Church , and that a small one too : But this I fay , that how large soever their Local Extent was , their Members made but one single Congregation , and had no more Christians in it , than our Parishes now have ; for that Diocess cannot possibly be more than one single Congregation , where all the People met together at one time , Prayed together , Received the Sacrament together , assisted at Church Censures together , and dispatched Church Affairs together ; and yet the Members of the Primitive Diocesses did all this together , as the preceding Observations evidently declare ; so that I might stop here , and add no 〈◊〉 Proofs to that which hath been already so clearly proved . § . 3. But yet that we may more clearly illustrate this Point , we shall demonstrate it by another method , viz. By shewing the real Bulk and Size of those Bishopricks , concerning whom we have any Notices remaining on ancient Records ; and manifest , that the very largest of them were no greater than our particular Congregations are . And for the Proof of this , we shall quote the Writings of St. Ignatius , in whose genuine Epistles there is such an account of the Bishopricks of Smirna , Ephesus , Magnesia , Philadelphia , and Trallium , as manifestly evidences them to be but so many single Congregations . As for the Diocess of Smirna , its extent could not be very large , since 1 nothing of Church-Affairs was done there without the Bishop ; he baptized and administred the Eucharist , and none else could do it within his Cure without his permission ; wherever he was , his whole Flock followed him ; which they might without any Inconveniency do , since they 2 frequently assembled together ; as Ignatius advised Polycarp the Bishop of this Church , 3 To convene his Diocess to chuse a faithful honest Man to send a Messenger into Syria : So that the Bishop of this Church 4 could know his whole Flock personally by their Names , carrying himself respectfully and charitably to all 5 with all meekness and humility towards Serving-men and Serving-maids , and charitably , 6 taking care of the Widows within his Diocess , permitting 7 nothing to be done there without his Privity . Insomuch 8 that none were married without his previous advice and consent . Now , how all these things could be done , how all this Bishoprick could meet together in one place , how the Bishop could personally know all the Members thereof by their respective Names , even the meanest Serving-maids therein , and permit none to be married without his Knowledge and Advice , without reducing this Diocess to a single Parish , I know not . § . 4. As for the Diocess of Ephesus , there was but one Altar or Communion Table in its whole Territory , at which they all communicated together ; whence they are said , 1 To break the one Bread ; and 2 he that was without or separated from that Altar , is said , to want the bread of God. The Members also of this Church could all meet together in one place , to send up their joint Prayers to God in Christ : And therefore Ignatius condemns all those of that Diocess 3 who did not assemble together in that one place , with the rest of the Members thereof , to send up their Prayers to God , as proud , self-conceited , and justly condemnable ; because thereby they 〈◊〉 themselves of that unconceivable Benefir , that would accrew unto them by joyning in the Prayers of the whole Church 4 For if the Prayer of one or two hath so great a force with God , how 〈◊〉 more prevalent must the Prayer of the Bishop and the whole Church be ? So that if to communicate together , and to pray together , be the Marks of a Particular Church , then this Bishoprick was one . § . 5. As for the Church of Magnesia , they all assembled with the Bishop , having but 5 one Church , and 6 one Altar , 7 joyning all together in one Prayer , because 8 to have congregated elsewhere would have been against Conscience and Precept . Now how large such a Church is , where there is but one Meeting-place , and one Altar , where all communicate and pray together , is no hard matter to determine . § 6. Touching the Bishoprick of Philadelphia , its Extent may be guessed at by this , that the Members thereof 1 could do nothing without the Bishop , 2 who being their Shepherd , wherever he was , they were to follow him like Sheep , 3 receiving the Sacrament all together from him , 4 at that one Altar belonging to their Diocess ; which they might well enough do , since their Multitudes were not so great , but that on other occasions they could meet all together , as 5 to chuse a Messenger to send to the Church at Antioch in Syria . § . 7. As for the Diocess of Trallium , that could be no larger than the former ones , since it had but one Altar in it , which was correlate to its one Bishop ; so that to separate from the Altar , was the same , as to separate from the Bishop ; whence Ignatius says , that 6 He that is within the Altar is pure , that is , He that doth any thing without the Bishop , Priests and Deacons , is impure . Now let any impartial Man judge , whether all these Descriptions of those Ancient Diocesses do not forcibly constrain us to reduce them to the Rate of our modern Parishes . And if these were no greater , especially Ephesus , at which place St. Paul preached three years , we have no reason to imagin , that other Bishopricks where the Apostles never were , or at least never preach'd so long , surmounted their Bulk and Largeness . How long it was before these Diocesses swell'd into several Congregations , is not my business to determin , since it happened not within my prescribed time ; except in the Church of Alexandria ; the reason and manner whereof shall be shewn in a few Leafs more , after that I have more fully evidenced this Point , by demonstrating , that the greatest Bishopricks in the World , even in the Third Century , were no more than so many single Congregations : And if this can be proved , it is the solidest Demonstration that can be given : For the larger a Church was , and the more time it had to settle and increase its self , the greater Reason have we to expect that it should exceed all others in Numbers and Diffusiveness . Now the four greatest Diocesses , that in those days were in the World , are Antioch , Rome , Carthage , Alexandria . The three former of which , during the whole three hundred years after Christ , never branched themselves into several particular Congregations , though the latter did , as shall be hereafter shewn . § . 8. As for the Diocess of Antioch , its Members were not so many , but that 265 years after Christ , they were able to meet all in one place , of which we have this memorable Instance , that when Paulus Samosatenus the Heretical Bishop thereof , was deprived by a Synod held in that place , and Domnus substituted in his room , 1 he refused to resign the Churches House , till the Emperor Aurelian forced him to resign 2 that House : So that for above 250 Years after Christ , the whole Bishoprick of Antioch had but one Church to serve God in . § . 9. How large the Diocess of Rome was , may be conjectured by that ; 1. All the People thereof could meet together to perform Divine Service , as appears by that History of a certain Confessor called Natalis , who returning from the Theodosian Heresy , put himself into the Habit of a Penitent , threw himself at the Feet of the Clergy and Laity , as they went into their Publick Meeting-place , and so bewailed his Fault , 1 that at length the Church was touched with Compassion towards him . 2. In this Diocess there was but one Church or Meeting-place ; for when Bishop Anterus died , 2 All the Brethren met together in the Church , to choose a Successor ; which distinction or nomination of place , viz. That they met in the Church , denotes that they had but one Church all ; for if they had had more Churches than one , the Historian would have left us in the dark , as to what Church they met in , whether in St. James's , St. John's , or St. Peter's . 3. In this Bishoprick also they had but one Altar or Communion-Table , as appears from a Passage of Cyprian , who describes the Schism of Novatian a Presbyter of this Church , by 3 his erecting a Profane Altar , in opposition to the Altar of Cornelius his lawful Bishop . 4. The whole Diocess could concur together in Salutations and Letters to other Churches . Thus concludes a Letter of the Clergy of Rome to the Clergy of Carthage , 4 The Brethren which are in Bonds salute you , and the Presbyters , and the whole Church . 5. Whatever Letters were writ to that Church , were read before them all , as it was the Custom of Bishop Cornolius , 5 to read all publick Letters to his most holy and most numerous Flock . Lastly , The People of this Diocess met all together to choose a Bishop , when the See was vacant . So upon the Death of Anterus , 6 All the Brethren met together in the Church to chuse a Successor , where all the People unanimously chose Fabianus . And so after the Death of Fabianus , Cornelius was chosen Bishop of that Diocess 7 by the Suffrage of the Clergy and People . Now whether all these things put together , whether their having but one Communion-Table in their whole Diocess , as also but one Church , where they all usually met , do not unavoidably reduce this Bishoprick to the Circumference of a modern Parish , I leave every Man to judge . § . 10. The next Diocess to be considered is Carthage , which next to Rome and Alexandria , was the greatest City in the World , and probably had as many Christians in it , as either , especially if that is true , which Tertullian insinuates , that the tenth part thereof was Christian ; for he remonstrates to Scapula the Persecuting President of that City , that 8 if he should destroy the Christians of Carthage , he must root out the Tenth part thereof . But yet how many soever the Christians of that Bishoprick were , even some years after Tertullian's days , they were no more in number , than there are now in our Parishes , as is evident from Scores of Passages in the Writings of Cyprian Bishop of that Church . For , 1. The Bishop of that Diocess 9 could know every one therein . 2. The Bishop of that Diocess was the common Curator of all the Poor therein , relieving the Poor and Indigent , paying of their Debts , and aiding the necessitous Tradesmen with Money to set up their Trades . As Cyprian when he was in his exil'd State , sent Caldonius , Herculanus , Rogatianus , and Numidicus to his Church at Carthage , 1 to pay off the Debts of the indebted Members thereof , and to help those poor Mechanicks with a convenient Sum of Mony , who were willing to set up their Trades . If Cyprian's Diocess had consisted of scores of Parishes , how many Thousand Pounds must he have expended , to have paid off the Debts of all the insolvent Persons therein , and to have 〈◊〉 every poor Trader with a sufficient Stock to carry on his Employment ? 3. All the Diocess was present , when the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper was administred . So saith Cyprian , 2 We celebrate the Sacrament , the whole Brotherhood being present . 4. When Celerinus was ordained Lector or Clerk by Cyprian , he Read from the Pulpit , so that 3 All the People could see and hear him . 5. In all Ordinations , all the People were consulted , and none were admitted into Holy Orders without their Approbation , as is assured by Cyprian Bishop of this Diocess , who tells us , that it was his constant custom 4 in all Ordinations to consult his People , and with their common Counsel to weigh the merits of every Candidate of the Sacred Orders . And therefore when for extraordinary Merits he advanced one to the Degree of a Lector or Clerk , without first communicating it to his Diocess , he writes from his Exil'd State 5 to his whole Flock the Reason of it . 6. When that See was vacant , all the People met together to chuse a Bishop . Whence Pontius says , that Cyprian was elected Bishop of this Diocess 6 by the favour of the people . And Cyprian himself acknowledges , that he was chosen by 7 the Suffrage of all his People . 7. All the People of this Diocess could meet together to send Letters to other Churches ; an instance whereof we have in that gratulatory Letter still extant in Cyprian , which they 8 all sent to Lucius Bishop of Rome , on his Return from Exile . 8. All the People were present at Church-Censures , and concurred at the 9 Excommunication of Offenders . Thus Cyprian writing from his Exile , to the People of this his Diocess , about the Irregularities of two of his Subdeacons , and one of his Acolyths ; and about the Schism of Felicissimus , assures them , that as to the former , when ever it should please God to return him in Peace , 1 it should be determined by him and his Colleagues , and his whole Flock . And as to the latter , that then likewise that should be transacted 2 according to the Arbitrament of the People , and the common Counsel of them all . 9. At the Absolution of Penitents , all the People were present , who examined the Reality of the Offender's Repentance ; and if well satisfied of it , consented , that they should be admitted to the Churches Peace . Therefore when some Presbyters in a time of Persecution , had with too great 〈◊〉 and Precipitancy assoyled some of those , that through the Violence of the Persecution had succumbed , Cyprian writes them from his Exile an objurgatory Letter , commanding them to admit no more , till Peace should be restored to the Church , when those Offenders should plead their Cause 3 before all the People . And touching the same matter he writes in another place to all the People of his Diocess , that when it should please God to restore Peace to the Church , then all those matters 4 should be examined in their Presence , and be judged by them . Lastly , Nothing was done in this Diocess without the Consent of the People . So resolved Bishop Cyprian 5 from the first time I was made Bishop , said he , I determined to do nothing without the consent of my People . And accordingly when he was exil'd from his Flock , he writ to the Clergy and Laity thereof , that when it should please God to return him unto them , 6 all Affairs , as their mutual Honour did require , should be debated in common by them . Now whether all these Observations do not evidently reduce the Diocess of Carthage to the same Bulk with our Parishes , I leave to every one to 〈◊〉 : For my part , I must needs profess , that I cannot imagin , how all the People thereof could receive the Sacrament together , assist at the Excommunication and Absolution of Offenders , assemble together to elect their Bishop , and do the rest of those forementioned particulars , without confining this Bishoprick within the Limits of a particular Congregation . § . 11. As for the Diocess of Alexandria , though the numbers of the Christians therein were not so many , but that in the middle of the Fourth Century they could all , or at least most of them , meet together in one place , as I might evince from the Writings of 7 Athanasius , were it not beyond my prescribed time ; yet in the third Century they had divided themselves into several distinct and separate Congregations , which were all subjected to one Bishop , as is clearly enough asserted by Dyonisius Bishop of this Church , who mentions , 1 the distinct Congregations in the extremest Suburbs of the City . The Reason whereof seems to be this ; Those Members of this Bishoprick , who lived in the remotest parts of it , finding it incommodious and troublesom every Lord's Day , Saturday , Wednesday and Friday ( on which days they always assembled ) to go to their one usual Meeting-place , which was very far from their own Homes ; and withal being unwilling to divide themselves from their old Church and Bishop , lest they should seem guilty of the detestable Sin of Schism , which consisted in a Causeless Separation from their Bishop and Parish Church , as shall be hereafter shewn , desired their proper Bishop , to give them leave for Conveniency sake , to Erect near their own Habitations a Chappel of Ease , which should be a Daughter-Church to the Bishops , under his Jurisdiction , and guided by a Presbyter of his Commission and Appointment , whereat they would usually meet , tho' on some Solemn Occasions they would still all assemble in one Church with their one Bishop . That for this Reason these separate Congregations were introduced at Alexandria , seems evident enough ; because Dyonisius Alexandrinus saith , that these distinct Congregations were only in the 2 remotest Suburbs ; and the Christians hereof were not as yet arrived to those great numbers , but that seventy years after they could meet all together in one and the same place , as might be proved from that forementioned place of Athanasius . So that these distinct Congregations were only for the Conveniency and Ease of those who lived at a great distance from the Bishop's Church , being introduced in the third Century , and peculiar to the Bishoprick of Alexandria : All other Bishopricks confining themselves within their Primitive Bounds of a single Congregation , as we have before proved the largest of them did ; even Antioch , Rome , and Carthage . § . 12. If then a Bishoprick was but a single Congregation , it is no marvel that we find Bishops not only in Cities , but in Country Villages ; there being a Bishop constituted , where-ever there were Believers enough to form a competent Congregation ; For , says Clemens Romanus , the Apostles going forth , and 1 preaching both in Country and City , constituted Bishops and Deacons there . Much to which purpose Cyprian says , That 2 Bishops were ordained throughout all Provinces and Cities : Hence in the Encyclycal Epistle of the Synod of Antioch , it is said , That Paulus Samosatenus had many Flatterers 3 amongst the adjacent City and Country Bishops ; of this sort of Country-Bishops was Zoticus , Bishop 4 of the Village of Comane . And we may reasonably believe , That many of those Bishops , who in the Year 258 , were assembled at 5 Carthage to the number of fourscore and seven , had no other than obscure Villages for their Seats , since we find not the least notice of them in Ptolomy , or any of the old Geographers . § . 13. But let the Bishops Seats have been in any place whatever , their Limits , as hath been proved , exceeded not those of our Modern Parishes : I do not here mean , as was said before , that the Territory of some of them , was no larger ; no , I readily grant that ; for it is very probable , that in those places , where there were but few Believers , the Christians , for several Miles round , met all 〈◊〉 at the greatest place within that Compass , where probably there were most Christians , whence both the Church and its Bishop took their Denomination from that Place where they so assembled . But this is what I mean , that there were no more Christians in that Bishoprick , than there are now in our ordinary Parishes ; and that the Believers of that whole Territory met altogether with their Bishop for the Performance of Religious Services . Thus it was in the Age and Country of Justin Martyr , who describing their solemn Assemblies , writes , That 6 on Sunday all the Inhabitants both of City and Country met together , where the Lector read some Portions of the Holy Scriptures ; and the Bishop preached unto them , administred the Eucharist , and sent by the Deacons part of the Consecrated Elements to those that were absent . So that the Inhabitants both of City and Country , assembled all at the Bishop's Church , hearing him , and communicating with him , following herein the Exhortation of Saint Ignatius to the Magnesians , 7 Let nothing , saith he , be in you , that may divide you ; but be united to the Bishop , and those that preside over you : As therefore our Lord Jesus Christ did nothing without his Father , neither by himself , nor his Apostles , so do you nothing without the Bishop and Presbyters , but assemble into one Place , and have one Prayer , one Supplication , one Mind , and one Hope . CHAP. III. § . 1. What the Bishop's Office was . § . 2. Always Resident on his Cure. § . 3. How the Bishop was Chosen , Elected , or Presented by the Majority of the Parish . § . 4. Approved by the neighbouring Bishops . § . 5. Installed by Imposition of Hands . How many Bishops necessary to this Installment . § . 6. When a Bishop was promoted , he certified it to other Bishops . § . 7. A brief Recapitulation of the peculiar Acts of the Bishop . § . 1. THE Bishop's Flock having been so largely discussed , it will now be necessary to speak something of the Bishop's Duty towards them , and of the several Particulars of his honourable Office : I shall not here be tedious , since about this there is no great difference ; only briefly enumerate the several Actions belonging to his Charge . In brief therefore ; the particular Acts of his Function were such as these , viz. 1 Preaching of the Word , 2 Praying with his People , administring the two Sacraments of 3 Baptism and the 4 Lord's Supper , 5 taking care of the Poor , 6 Ordaining of Ministers , 7 Governing his Flock , 8 Excommunicating of Offenders , 9 Absolving of Penitents ; and , in a word ; whatever Acts can be comprised under those three General Heads of Preaching , Worship , and Government , were parts of the Bishop's Function and Office. I have but just named these things , because they are not much controverted ; and my Design leads me chiefly to the Consideration of those matters which have been unhappily disputed amongst us . § . 2. To the constant Discharge of those forementioned Actions , did the Primitive Bishops sedulously apply themselves , continually preaching unto their People , praying with them , and watching over them , and to that end , residing always with them ; which Incumbency or Residency on their Parishes , was deem'd so necessary , that Cyprian enumerating the Sins that brought the Wrath of God upon the Churches in that bloody Persecution of Decius , mentions the Bishops Non-Residencies as one ; 1 Their leaving their Rectories , and deserting their Flocks , and wandring about the Country to hunt after Worldly Gain and Advantage : And therefore the said Cyprian writing to the Roman Consessors , who were inveigled into the Schism of Novatian , tells them , 2 that since he could not leave his Church , and come in Person unto them , therefore by his Letters he most earnestly exhorted them to quit that 〈◊〉 Faction ; so that he look'd on his Obligation of Residency at his Church to be so binding , as that in no Case almost , could he warrant the leaving of it ; which Determination of his might be the more fix'd and peremptory , because that not long before , he was so severely tax'd 3 by the Roman Clergy , and by many of his own 4 Parish , for departing from them for a while , though it was to avoid the Fury of his Persecutors , who had already proscribed him , and would have executed him as a Malesactor , had he not by that Recess from his Church , escaped their murderous Hand . So that the Primitive Apostolick Bishops constantly resided with their Flocks , conscientiously applying themselves with the utmost Diligence and Industry to the Promotion of the Spiritual Welfare of those that were committed to their trust , employing themselves in all Acts of Piety , and Offices of Charity ; so leading a laborious and mortified Life , till either a natural , or a violent Death removed them from Earth to Heaven , where they were made Priests to the most High , and were infinitely remunerated for all their Pains and Sorrows ; and so leaving their particular Flocks on Earth , to be sed and govern'd by others , who should succeed them in their places ; which brings me in the next place to enquire , How a vacant Bishoprick was supplied , or in what manner a Bishop or Minister was elected to a Diocess or Parish ? § . 3. Now the manner of electing a Bishop , I find to be thus : When a Parish or Bishoprick was vacant through the Death of the Incumbent , all the Members of that Parish , both Clergy and Laity , met together in the Church commonly , to chuse a fit Person for his Successor , to whom they might commit the Care and Government of their Church . Thus when Alexander was chosen Bishop of Jerusalem , it was by the 5 Compulsion or Choice of the Members of that Church . And as for the Bishoprick of Rome , we have a memorable Instance of this kind in the Advancement of Fabianus to that See , upon the Death of Bishop Anterus : 6 All the People met together in the Church to chuse a Successor , proposing several illustrious and eminent Personages , as fit for that Office , whilst no one so much as thought upon Fabianus then present , till a Dove miraculously came and sate upon his Head , in the same manner as the Holy Ghost formerly descended on our Saviour ; and then all the People , guided as it were , with one Divine Spirit , cryed out with one Mind and Soul , That Fabianus was worthy of the Bishoprick ; and so straightways taking him , they placed him on the Episcopal Throne . And as Fabianus , so likewise his Successor Cornelius 7 was elected by the suffrage of the Clergy and Laity . Thus also with respect to the Diocess of Carthage , Cyprian was chosen Bishop thereof by its Inhabitants and Members , as Pontius his Deacon writes , 8 That though he was a Novice , yet by the Grace of God , and the Favour of the People , he was elevated to that sublime Dignity ; which is no more than what Cyprian himself acknowledges , who frequently owns , that he was promoted to that Honourable Charge by the 9 Suffrage of the People . § . 4. When the People had thus elected a Bishop , they presented him to the neighbouring Bishops for their Approbation and Consent , because without their concurrent Assent , there could be no Bishop legally instituted , or confirmed . Thus when the fore-mentioned Alexander was Chosen Bishop of Jerusalem , by the Brethren of that place ; he had also the 1 common Consent of the circumjacent Bishops . Now the Reason of this , I suppose , was , lest the People thro' Ignorance or Affection , should chuse an unfit , or an unable Man for that sacred Office ; it being supposed , that a Synod of Bishops had more Wisdom , Learning , and Prudence , than a Congregation of unlearned and ignorant Men , and so were better able to judge of the Abilities and Qualifications of the Person elect , than the People were . Hence we find , that sometimes the Election of a Bishop is attributed to the Choice of the Neighbouring Bishops , with the Consent and Suffrage of the People : This Custom generally prevail'd throughout Africa ; where upon the Vacancy of a See , 2 The Neighbouring Bishops of the Province met together at that Church , and chose a Bishop in the presence of the People , who knew his Life and Conversation before ; which Custom was observed in the Election of Sabinus , Bishop of Emerita in Spain , who was advanc'd to that Dignity by the Suffrage of all the Brethren , and of all the Bishops there present . But whether the Election of a Bishop , be ascribed to the adjoining Ministers , or to the People of that Parish , it comes all to one and the same thing ; neither the Choice of the Bishops of the Voisinage , without the Consent of the People ; nor the Election of the People , without the Approbation of those Bishops , was sufficient and valid of it self ; but both concurred to a legal and orderly Promotion , which was according to the Example of the Apostles and Apostolick Preachers , who in the first Plantation of Churches , 3 Ordained Bishops and Deacons , with the Consent of the whole Church . § . 5. A Bishop being thus elected and confirmed , the next thing that followed , was his Ordination or 〈◊〉 , which was done in his own Church by the neighbouring Bishops ; as Cyprian mentions some Bishops in his time , who went to 4 a City called Capse to install a Bishop ; whither when they were come , they took the Bishop Elect , and in the presence of his Flock , Ordained , or Installed him Bishop of that Church , by Imposition of Hands , as Sabinus was 5 placed in his Bishoprick by Imposition of Hands . Therefore Fortunatus the Schismatical Bishop of Carthage , 6 got five Bishops to come and Ordain him at Carthage : And so Novatian , when he Schismatically aspired to the Bishoprick of Rome , that he might not seem to leap in Uncanonically , 7 wheedled three ignorant and simple Bishops to come to Rome , and install him in that Bishoprick by Imposition of Hands . How many Bishops were necessary to this installing of a Bishop Elect , I find not ; Three were sufficient , as is apparent from the forecited action of Novatian ; whether less would do , I know not , since I find not the least footsteps of it in my Antiquity , unless that from Novatian's sending for , and 〈◊〉 just three Bishops out of Italy , we conclude that Number to be necessary . But if there were more than Three , it was not accounted unnecessary or needless ; for the more Bishops there were present at an Installment , the more did its validity and unexceptionableness appear : Whence Cyprian argues the undeniable Legality of Cornelius's Promotion to the See of Rome , because he had 8 sixteen Bishops present at his Ordination : And for this Reason it was , that Fortunatus , the Schismatical Bishop of Carthage falsely boasted , That there were 9 Twenty-five Bishops present at his Installment . And thus in short , we have viewed the Method of the Ancients in their Election of Bishops ; we have shewn , that they were elected by the People , approved and installed by the Neighbouring Bishops ; on which Account it is , that Cyprian calls them 1 Chosen and ordained . § . 6. It may not now be amiss to mention this Custom , that when a Bishop was thus presented and advanced to a See , he immediately gave notice of it to other Bishops , especially to the most renowned Bishops and Bishopricks , as 2 Cornelius writ to Cyprian Bishop of Carthage , an Account of his being promoted to the See of Rome ; betwixt which two Churches , there was such a peculiar Intercourse and Harmony , as that this Custom was more particularly observed by them , insomuch that it was observed by the Schismatical Bishops of each Church , 3 Novatian giving notice to Cyprian , Bishop of Carthage , of his Promotion to the Church of Rome : And 4 Fortunatus advising Cornelius Bishop of Rome , of his Advancement to the Church of Carthage . § . 7. Let what hath been spoken now suffice for the peculiar Acts of the Bishop : We have proved , that there was but one Bishop to a Church , and one Church to a Bishop ; we have shewn the Bishop's Office and Function , Election and Ordination ; what farther to add on this Head , I know not : For as for those other Acts which he performed jointly with his Flock , we must refer them to another place , till we have handled those other Matters which previously propose themselves unto us : The first of which will be an Examination into the Office and Order of a Presbyter , which , because it will be somewhat long , shall be the Subject of the following Chapter . CHAP. IV. § . 1. The Definition and Description of a Presbyter ; what he was . § . 2. Inferior to a Bishop in Degree : § . 3. But equal to a Bishop in Order . § . 4. The Reason why there were many Presbyters in a Church . § . 5. Presbyters not necessary to the Constitution of a Church . § . 6. When Presbyters began . § . 1. IT will be both needless and tedious to endeavour to prove , that the Ancients generally mention Presbyters distinct from Bishops . Every one , I suppose , will readily own and acknowledge it . The great Question which hath most deplorably sharpned and sour'd the Minds of too many , is what the Office and Order of a Presbyter was : About this the World hath been , and still is most uncharitably divided ; some equalize a Presbyter in every thing with a Bishop ; others as much debase him , each according to their particular Opinions , either advance or degrade him . In many Controversies a middle way hath been the safest , perhaps in this , the Medium between the two Extremes may be the truest : Whether what I am now going to say , be the true 〈◊〉 of the Matter , I leave to the Learned Reader to determin ; I may be deceived , neither mine Years , nor Abilities , exempt me from Mistakes and Errors : But this I must needs say , That after the most diligent Researches , and impartialest Enquiries , The following Notion seems to me most plausible , and most consentaneous to Truth ; and which , with a great facility and clearness , solves those Doubts and Objections , which , according to those other Hypotheses , I know not how to answer . But yet however , I am not so wedded and bigotted to this Opinion , but if any shall produce better , and more convincing Arguments to the contrary , I will not contentiously defend , but readily relinquish it , since I search after Truth , not to promote a particular Party or Interest . Now for the better Explication of this Point , I shall first lay down a Definition and Description of a Presbyter , and then prove the parts thereof . Now the Definition of a Presbyter may be this : A Person in Holy Orders , having thereby an inherent Right to perform the whole Office of a Bishop ; but being possessed of no Place or Parish , not actually discharging it , without the Permission and Consent of the Bishop of a Place or Parish . But lest this Definition should seem obscure , I shall 〈◊〉 it by this following Instance : As a Curate hath the same Mission and Power with the Minister , whose Place he supplies ; yet being not the Minister of that place , he cannot perform there any acts of his Ministerial Function , without leave from the Minister thereof : So a Presbyter had the same Order and Power with a Bishop , whom he assisted in his Cure ; yet being not the Bishop or Minister of that Cure , he could not there perform any parts of his Pastoral Office , without the permission of the Bishop thereof : So that what we generally render Bishops , Priests , and Deacons , would be more intelligible in our Tongue , if we did express it by Rectors , Vicars , and Deacons ; by Rectors , understanding the Bishops ; and by Vicars , the Presbyters ; the former being the actual Incumbents of a Place , and the latter Curates or Assistants , and so different in Degree , but yet equal in Order . Now this is what I understand by a Presbyter ; for the Confirmation of which , these two things are to be proved . I. That the Presbyters were the Bishops Curates and Assistants , and so inferiour to them in the actual Exercise of their Ecclesiastical Commission . II. That yet notwithstanding , they had the same inherent Right with the Bishops , and so were not of a distinct specifick Order from them . Or more briefly thus : 1. That the Presbyters were different from the Bishops in gradu , or in degree ; but yet , 2. They were equal to them in Ordine , or in Order . § 2. As to the first of these ; That Presbyters were but the Bishops Curates and Assistants , inferiour to them in Degree , or in the actual Discharge of their Ecclesiastical Commission . This will appear to have been , in effect , already proved , if we recollect what has been asserted , touching the Bishop and his Office , That there was but one Bishop in a Church ; That he usually performed all the parts of Divine Service ; That he was the general Disposer and Manager of all things within his Diocess , there being nothing done there without his Consent and Approbation : To which we may particularly add , 1. That without the Bishop's leave , a Presbyter could not baptize : Thus saith Tertullian 1 The Bishop hath the Right of Baptizing , then the Presbyters and Deacons , but yet for the Honour of the Church , not without the Authority of the Bishop ; and to the same Effect , saith Ignatius , 2 It is not lawful for any one to baptize , except the Bishop permit him . 2. Without the Bishop's permission , a Presbyter could not administer the Lord's Supper . 3 That Eucharist , says Ignatius , is only valid , which is performed by the Bishop , or by whom he shall permit ; for it is not lawful for any one to celebrate the Eucharist , without leave from the Bishop . 3. Without the Bishops Consent , a Presbyter could not preach ; and when he did preach , he could not chuse his own Subject , but discoursed on those Matters which were enjoyned him by the Bishop , as 4 the Bishop commanded Origen to preach about the Witch of Endor . 4. Without the Bishop's Permission , a Presbyter could not absolve Offenders , therefore Cyprian 5 severely chides some of his Presbyters , because they dared in his absence , without his Consent and Leave , to give the Church's Peace to some offending Criminals . But what need I reckon up particulars , when in general there was no Ecclesiastical Office performed by the Presbyters , without the Consent and Permission of the Bishop : So says Ignatius , 6 Let nothing be done of Ecclesiastical Concerns , without the Bishop ; for 7 Whosoever doth any thing without the knowledge of the Bishop , is a Worshipper of the Devil . Now had the Presbyters had an equal Power in the Government of those Churches wherein they lived , how could it have been impudent and usurping in them to have perform'd the particular acts of their Ecclesiastical Function , without the Bishop's Leave and Consent ? No , it was not fit or just , that any one should preach , or govern in a Parish , without the permission of the Bishop or Pastor thereof ; for where Churches had been regularly formed under the Jurisdiction of their proper Bishops , it had been an unaccountable Impudence , and a most detestable act of Schism for any one , tho' never so legally Ordained , to have entred those Parishes , and there to have performed Ecclesiastical Administrations , without the permission of , or which is all one , in Defiance to the Bishops , or Ministers thereof ; for though a Presbyter by his Ordination had as ample an inherent Right and Power to discharge all Clerical Offices , as any Bishop in the World had ; yet Peace , Unity and Order , oblig'd him not to invade that part of God's Church , which was committed to another Man's Care , without that Man's Approbation and Consent . So then in this Sense a Presbyter was inferiour to a Bishop in Degree , in that having no Parish of his own , he could not actually discharge the particular Acts of his Ministerial Function , without leave from the Bishop of a Parish or Diocess : The Bishops were superiour to the Presbyters , in that they were the presented , 〈◊〉 , and inducted Ministers of their respective Parishes ; and the Presbyters were inferiour to the Bishops , in that they were but their Curates and Assistants . § . 3. But though the Presbyters were thus different from the Bishops in Degree , yet they were of the very same specifick Order with them , having the same inherent Right to perform those Ecclesiastical Offices , which the Bishop did , as will appear from these three Arguments . 1. That by the Bishop's permission they discharged all those Offices , which a Bishop did . 2. That they were called by the same Titles and Appellations as the Bishops were : And , 3. That they are expresly said to be of the same Order with the Bishops . As to the first of these , That by the Bishop's permission , they discharged all those Offices which a Bishop did ; this will appear from that , 1. When the Bishop ordered them , they preach'd . Thus Origen , in the beginning of some of his Sermons , tells us , That he was commanded thereunto by the Bishop , as particularly when he preach'd about the Witch of Endor ; he says , 1 The Bishop commanded him to do it . 2. By the permission of the Bishop , Presbyters baptized . Thus writes Tertullian , 2 The Bishop has the Right of Baptizing , and then the Presbyters , but not without his leave . 3. By the leave of the Bishop , Presbyters administred the Eucharist , as must be supposed in that saying of Ignatius , 3 That that Eucharist only was valid , which was celebrated by the Bishop , or by one appointed by him ; and that the Eucharist could not be delivered but by the Bishop , or by one whom he did approve . 4. The Presbyters ruled in those Churches to which they belonged , else this Exhortation of Polycarpus to the Presbyters of Philippi , would have been in vain ; 4 Let the Presbyters be tender and merciful , compassionate towards all , reducing those that are in Errors , visiting all that are weak , not negligent of the Widow and the Orphan , and him that is poor ; but ever providing what is honest in the sight of God and Men ; abstaining from all Wrath , Respect of Persons , and unrighteous Judgment ; being far from Covetousness , not hastily believing a Report against any Man , not rigid in Judgment , knowing that we are all faulty , and obnoxious to Judgment . Hence , 5. They presided in Church-Consistories together with the Bishop , and composed the executive part of the Ecclesiastical Court ; from whence it was called the Presbytery , because in it , as Tertullian says , 5 Approved Elders did preside . 6. They had also the Power of Excommunication , as 6 Rogatianus and Numidicus , Two Presbyters of Cyprian's Church , by his Order join'd with some Bishops of his Nomination , in the Excommunication of certain Schismaticks of his Diocess . But of both these two Heads , more will be spoken in another place . 7. Presbyters restored returning Penitents , to the Church's peace . Thus we read in an Epistle of Dyonisius , Bishop of Alexandria , That a certain Offender called Serapion , approaching to the time of his Dissolution , 7 Sent for one of the Presbyters to absolve him , which the Presbyter did , according to the Order of his Bishop , who had before commanded , That the Presbyters should absolve those who were in danger of Death . 8. Presbyters Confirmed , as we shall most evidently prove , when we come to treat of Confirmation : Only remark here by the way , That in the days of Cyprian , there was a hot Controversie , Whether those that were baptized by Hereticks , and came over to the Catholick Church , should be received as Members thereof by Baptism and Confirmation , or by Confirmation alone ? Now I would fain know , Whether during the vacancy of a See , or the Bishop's absence , which sometimes might be very long , as Cyprian was absent two years , a Presbyter could not admit a returning Heretick to the Peace and Unity of the Church , especially if we consider their positive Damnation of all those that died out of the Church ? If the Presbyters had not had this Power of Confirmation , many penitent Souls must have been damn'd for the unavoidable Default of a Bishop , which is too cruel and unjust to imagine . 9. As for Ordination , I find but little said of this in Antiquity ; yet as little as there is , there are clearer Proofs of the Presbyters Ordaining , than there are of their administring the Lord's Supper : 1 All Power and Grace , saith Firmilian , is constituted in the Church , where Seniors preside , who have the Power of Baptizing , Confirming , and Ordaining ; or as it may be rendred , and perhaps more agreeable to the sense of the place ; Who had the Power as of Baptizing , so also of Confirming and Ordaining . What these Seniors were , will be best understood by a parallel place in Tertullian ; for that place in Tertullian , and this in Firmilian , are usually cited to expound one another , by most Learned Men , as by the most Learned 2 Dr. Cave , and others . Now the passage in Tertullian is this ; In the Ecclesiastical Courts 3 approved Elders preside : Now by these approved Elders , Bishops and Presbyters , must necessarily be understood ; because Tertullian speaks here of the Discipline exerted in one particular Church or Parish , in which there was but one Bishop ; and if only he had presided , then there could not have been Elders in the Plural Number ; but there being many Elders to make out their Number , we must add the Presbyters to the Bishop , who also presided with him , as we shall more fully shew in another place . Now the same that presided in Church-Consistories , the same also ordained ; Presbyters as well as Bishops presided in Church-Consistories ; therefore Presbyters as well as Bishops Ordained . And as in those Churches where there were Presbyters , both they and the Bishop presided together , so also they Ordained together , both laying on their Hands in Ordination , as St. Timothy was Ordained 1 by the laying on of the Hands of the Presbytery ; that is , by the Hands of the Bishop and Presbyters of that Parish where he was Ordained , as is the constant signification of the word Presbytery , in all the Writings of the Ancients . But , 10. Though as to every particular act of the Bishop's Office , it could not be proved particularly , that a Presbyter did discharge them ; yet it would be sufficient , if we could prove , that in the general , a Presbyter could , and did perform them all . Now that a Presbyter could do so , and consequently by the Bishop's permission did do so , will appear from the Example of the great Saint Cyprian , Bishop of Carthage , who being exil'd from his Church , writes a Letter to the Clergy thereof ; wherein he exhorts and begs them 2 to discharge their own and his Office too , that so nothing might be wanting either to Discipline or Diligence . And much to the same Effect he thus writes them in another Letter , 3 Trusting therefore to your Kindness and Religion , which I have abundantly experienced , I exhort and command you by these Letters , that in my stead you perform those Offices which the Ecclesiastical Dispensation requires . And in a Letter written upon the same Occasion , by the Clergy of the Church of Rome , to the Clergy of the Church of Carthage , we find these Words towards the beginning thereof , 4 And since it is incumbent upon us , who are as it were Bishops , to keep the Flock in the room of the Pastor . If we shall be found negligent , it shall be said unto us , as it was said to our careless preceeding Bishops , in Ezekiel 34. 3 , 4. That we looked not after that which was lost , we did not correct him that wandered , nor bound up him that was lame , but we did eat their Milk , and were covered with their Wooll . So that the Presbyters were as it were Bishops , that in the Bishop's Absence kept his Flock , and in his stead performed all those Ecclesiastical Offices , which were incumbent on him . Now then if the Presbyters could supply the place of an Absent Bishop , and in general discharge all those Offices , to which a Bishop had been obliged , if he had been present ; it naturally follows that the Presbyters could discharge every particular Act and Part thereof . If I should say , such an one has all the Senses of a Man , and yet also assert that he cannot see , I should be judged a Self-contradictor in that Assertion ; for in affirming that he had all the Human Senses , I also affirmed , that he saw , because Seeing is one of those Senses . For whatsoever is affirmed of an Universal , is affirmed of every one of its Particulars . So when the Fathers say , that the Presbyters performed the whole Office of the Bishop , it naturally ensues , that they Confirmed , Ordained , Baptized , &c. because those are Particulars of that Universal . But now from the whole we may collect a solid Argument for the Equality of Presbyters with Bishops as to Order ; for if a Presbyter did all a Bishop did , what difference was there between them ? A Bishop preached , baptized and confirmed , so did a Presbyter . A Bishop excommunicated , absolved and ordained , so did a Presbyter : Whatever a Bishop did , the same did a Presbyter ; the particular Acts of their Office was the same ; the only difference that was between them was in Degree ; but this proves there was none at all in Order . 2. That Bishops and Presbyters were of the same Order , appears also , from that originally they had one and the same Name , each of them being indifferently called Bishops or Presbyters . Hence we read in the Sacred Writ of several Bishops in one particular Church , as the 1 Bishops of Ephesus , and 2 Philippi , that is , the Bishops and Presbyters of those Churches , as they were afterwards distinctly called . And Clemens Romanus sometimes mentions many Bishops in the Church of Corinth , whom at other times he calls by the Name of Presbyters , using those two Terms as Synonimous Titles and Appellations , 3 You have obeyed , saith he , those that were set over you , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 4 Let us revere those that are set over us , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which are the usual Titles of the Bishops ; and yet these in another place he calls 5 Presbyters , describing their Office , by 6 their sitting , or presiding over us . Wherefore he commands the Corinthians 7 to be subject to their Presbyters , and whom in one Line he calls 8 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Bishops . The second Line after he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Presbyters . So Polycarp exhorts the Philippians to be subject to their Presbyters and Deacons , under the name of Presbyters including both Bishops and Priests , as we now call them . The first that expressed these Church-Officers by the distinct Terms of Bishops and Presbyters , was Ignatius , who lived in the beginning of the Second Century , appropriating the Title of Bishop , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Overseer , to that Minister who was the more immediate Overseer and Governour of his Parish ; and that of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Elder or Presbyter , to him who had no particular Care and Inspection of a Parish , but was only an Assistant or Curate to a Bishop that had ; the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Bishop , denoting a Relation to a Flock or Cure , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Presbyter , signifying only a Power or an ability to take the Charge of such a Flock or Cure ; the former implying an actual discharge of the Office , the latter a power so to do . This Distinction of Titles arising from the difference of their Circumstances , which we find first mentioned in Ignatius , was generally followed by the succeeding Fathers , who for the most part distinguish between Bishops and Presbyters ; though sometimes according to the primitive Usage they indifferently apply those Terms to each of those persons . Thus on the one hand the Titles of Presbyters are given unto Bishops ; as Irenaeus in his Synodical Epistle , twice calis Anicetus , Pius , Higynus , Telesphorus , and Xistus Bishops of Rome , 1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Presbyters . And those 2 Bishops who derived their Succession immediately from the Apostles , he calls , the Presbyters in the Church ; and whom Clemens Alexandrinus in one Line calls the Bishop of a certain City not far from Ephesus , a few Lines after he calls 3 the Presbyter . And on the other hand , the Titles of Bishops are ascribed to Presbyters , as one of the Discretive Appellations of a Bishop is Pastour . Yet Cyprian also calls his Presbyters 1 the Pastors of the Flock . Another was that of President , or one set over the People . Yet Cyprian also calls his Presbyters 2 Presidents , or set over the People . The Bishops were also called Rectors or Rulers . So Origen calls the Presbyters 3 the Governours of the People . And we find both Bishops and Presbyters included under the common Name of Presidents or Prelates , by St. Cyprian , in this his Exhortation to Pomponius , 4 And if all must observe the Divine Discipline , how much more must the Presidents and Deacons do it , who by their Conversation and Manners must yield a good Example to others ? Now if the same Appellation of a thing be a good Proof for the Identity of its Nature , then Bishops and Presbyters must be of the same Order , because they had the same Names and Titles . Suppose it was disputed , whether a Parson and Lecturer were of the same Order , would not this sufficiently prove the Affirmative ? That though for some Accidental Respects they might be distinguished in their Appellations , yet originally and frequently they were called by one and the same Name . The same it is in this Case , though for some contingent and adventitious Reasons Bishops and Presbyters were discriminated in their Titles , yet originally they were always , and afterwards sometimes , called by one and the same Appellation ; and therefore we may justly deem them to be one and the same Order . But if this Reason be not thought cogent enough , the Third and last will unquestionably put all out of doubt , and most clearly evince the Identity or Sameness of Bishops and Presbyters , as to Order ; and that is , that it is expresly said by the Ancients , That there were but two distinct Ecclesiastical Orders , viz. Bishops and Deacons , or Presbyters and Deacons ; and if there were but these two , Presbyters cannot be distinct from Bishops , for then there would be three . Now that there were but two Orders , viz. Bishops and Deacons , is plain from that Golden Ancient Remain of Clemens Romanus , wherein he thus writes , 1 In the Country and 〈◊〉 where the Apostles preached , they ordained their first Converts for Bishops and Deacons , over those who should believe : Nor were these Orders new ; for for many Ages past it was thus prophesied concerning Bishops and Deacons , I will appoint their Bishops in Righteousness , and their Deacons in Faith. This place of Scripture which is here quoted , is in Isa. 60. 17. I will make thine Officers peace , and thine Exactors righteousness . Whether it is rightly applyed , is not my business to determin . That that I observe from hence is , that there were but two Orders instituted by the Apostles , viz. Bishops and Deacons , which Clemens supposes were prophetically promised long before : And this is yet more evidently asserted in another passage of the said Clemens a little after , where he says , that the 2 Apostles foreknew through our Lord Jesus Christ , that Contention would arise about the Name of Episcopacy , and therefore being endued with a perfect foreknowledge , appointed the aforesaid Officers , viz. Bishops and Deacons , and left the manner of their Succession described , that so when they died , other approved Men might succeed them , and reform their Office. So that there were only the Two Orders of Bishops and Deacons instituted by the Apostles . And if they ordained but those Two , I think no one had ever a Commission to add a Third , or to split One into Two , as must be done , if we separate the Order of Presbyters from the Order of Bishops : But that when the Apostles appointed the Order of Bishops , Presbyters were included therein , will manifestly appear from the Induction of those fore-cited Passages in Clemens's Epistle , and his drift and design thereby , which was to appease and calm the Schisms and Factions of some unruly Members in the Church of Corinth , who designed to depose their Presbyters ; and that he might dissuade them from this violent and irregular Action , amongst other Arguments he proposes to them , that this was to thwart the Design and Will of God , who would that all should live orderly in their respective places , doing the Duties of their own Stations , not invading the Offices and Functions of others ; and that for this end , that all occasions of disorderliness and confusion might be prevented , he had Instituted Diversities of Offices in his Church , appointing every Man to his particular Work , to which he was to apply himself , without violently leaping into other Mens places ; and that particularly the Apostles foreseeing through the Holy Spirit , that contentious and unruly Men would irregularly aspire to the Episcopal Office , by the Deposition of their lawful Presbyters ; therefore that such turbulent Spirits might be repressed , or left inexcusable , they ordained Bishops and Deacons where they preached , and described the manner and qualifications of their Successors , who should come after them when they were dead and gone , and be rever'd and obeyed with the same Respect and Obedience as they before were ; and that therefore they were to be condemned as Perverters of the Divine Institution , and Contemners of the Apostolick Authority , who dared to degrade their Presbyters , who had received their Episcopal Authority in an immediate Succession from those who 〈◊〉 advanced to that Dignity by the Apostles themselves . This was the true Reason for which the fore-quoted Passages were spoken , which clearly evinces , that Presbyters were included under the Title of Bishops , or rather that they were Bishops ; For to what end should Clemens exhort the Schismatical Corinthians to obey their Presbyters , from the consideration of the Apostles Ordination of Bishops , if their Presbyters had not been Bishops ? But that the Order of Presbyters was the same with the Order of Bishops , will appear also from that place of Irenaeus , where he exhorts us 1 to withdraw from those Presbyters , who serve their Lusts , and having not the fear of God in their hearts , contemn others , and are lifted up with the Dignity of their first Session ; but to adhere to those who keep the Doctrine of the Apostles , and with their Presbyterial Order are inoffensive , and exemplary in sound Doctrine , and an holy Conversation , to the Information and Correction of others ; for such Presbyters the Church educates , and of whom the Prophet saith , I will 〈◊〉 thee Princes in Peace , and Bishops in Righteousness . Now that by these Presbyters , Bishops are meant , I need not take much pains to prove ; the precedent Chapter positively asserts it ; the Description of them in this Quotation , by their enjoying the Dignity of the first Session , and the application of that Text of Isaiah unto them , clearly evinces it . No one can deny but that there were Bishops , that is , that they were superiour in degree to other Presbyters ; or , as Irenaeus styles it , honoured with the first Session ; but yet he also says , that they were not different in Order , being of the Presbyterial Order , which includes both Bishops and Presbyters . To this Testimony of Irenaeus I shall subjoin that of Clemens Alexandrinus , who tho' he mentions 2 the Processes of Bishops , Presbyters and Deacons , from which some conclude the Bishops Superiority of Order ; yet the subsequent Words evidently declare , that it must be meant only of Degree , and that as to Order they were one and the same ; for he immediately adds , That those Offices are an imitation of the Angelick Glory , and of that Dispensation , which , as the Scriptures say , they wait for , who treading in the steps of the Apostles , live in the perfection of Evangelick Righteousness ; for these , the Apostle writes , shall be took up into the Clouds , ( Here he alludes to the manner of the Saints Glorification in 1 Thess. 4. 17. Then we which are alive , and remain , shall be caught up together with them in the Clouds , to meet the Lord in the Air , and so shall we ever be with the Lord ) and there first as Deacons attend , and then according to the Process , or next station of Glory , be admitted into the Presbytery ; for Glory differs from Glory , till they increase to a perfect man. Now in this Passage there are two things which manifest , that there were but two Ecclesiastical Orders , viz. Bishops and Deacons , or Presbyters and Deacons ; the first is , that he says , that those Orders were resembled by the Angelick Orders . Now the Scripture mentions but two Orders of Angels , viz. Archangels and Angels , the Archangels presiding over the Angels , and the Angels obeying and attending on the Archangels . According to this resemblance therefore there must be but Two Ecclesiastical Orders in the Church , which are Bishops or 〈◊〉 byters presiding and governing , with the Deacons attending and obeying . The other part of this Passage , which proves but two Ecclesiastical Orders , is his likening of them to the progressive Glory of the Saints , who at the Judgment Day shall be caught up in the Clouds , and there shall first as Deacons attend and wait on Christ's Judgment-Seat , and then , when the Judgment is over , shall have their Glory perfected , in being placed on the Celestial Thrones of that Sublime Presbytery , where they shall for ever be blest and happy . So that there were only the two Orders of Deacons and Presbyters , the former whereof being the inseriour Order , never sat at their 〈◊〉 Conventions , but like Servants 3 stood and waited on the latter , who 4 sat down on 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Seats in the form of a Semicircle , whence they are frequently called , Consessus Presbyterii , Or the Session of the Presbytery , in which Session he that was more peculiarly the Bishop or Minister of the Parish , sat at the Head of the Semicircle , on a Seat somewhat elevated above those of his 5 Colleagues , as Cyprian calls them , and so was distinguished from them by his Priority in the same Order , but not by his being of another Order . Thus the foresaid Clemens Alexandrinus distinguishes the Bishop from the Presbyters , by his being advanced to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or the first Seat in the Presbytery , not by his sitting in a different Seat from them : For thus he writes , 6 He is in truth a Presbyter of the Church , and a Minister of the Will of God , who does and teaches the things of the Lord , not ordained by Men , or esteemed just , because a Presbyter , but because just , therefore received into the 〈◊〉 , who although he be not honoured with the first Seat on Earth , yet shall hereafter sit down on the Twenty and Four Thrones , mentioned in the Revelations , judging the People . So that both Bishops and Presbyters were Members of the same Presbytery , only the Bishop was advanced to the first and chiefest Seat therein , which is the very same with what I come now from proving , viz. That Bishops and Presbyters were Equal in Order , but Different in Degree ; That the former were the Ministers of their respective Parishes , and the latter their Curates or Assistants . Whether this hath been fully proved , or whether the precedent Quotations do naturally conclude the Premises , the Learned Reader will easily determine . I am not conscious that I have stretched any Words beyond their natural Signification , having deduced from them nothing but what they fairly imported : If I am mistaken , I hope I shall be pardoned , since I did it not designedly or voluntarily . As before , so now I profess again , that if any one shall be so kind and obliging to give me better Information , I shall thankfully and willingly acknowledge and quit mine Error ; but till that Information be given , and the falsity of my present Opinion be evinc'd , ( which after the impartialest and narrowest Enquiry , I see not how it can be done ) I hope no one will be offended , that I have asserted the Equality or Identity of the Bishops and Presbyters as to Order , and their difference as to Preeminency or Degree . § . 4. Now from this Notion of Presbyters , there evidently results the Reason why there were many of them in one Church , even for the same Intent and End , tho' more necessary and needful , that Curates are now to those Ministers and Incumbents whom they serve , it was found by Experience , that variety of Accidents and Circumstances did frequently occur both in times of Peace and Persecution ; the Particulars whereof would be needless to enumerate , that disabled the Bishops from attending on , and discharging their Pastoral Office ; therefore that such Vacancies might be supplied , and such Inconveniencies remedied , they entertained Presbyters or Curates , who during their Absence might supply their Places , who also were helpful to them , whilst they were present with their Flocks , to counsel and advise them ; whence Bishop Cyprian assures us , that he did all things by the 7 Common Council of his Presbyters . Besides this , in those early days of Christianity , Churches were in most places thin , and at a great distance from one another ; so that if a Bishop by any Disaster was Incapacitated for the Discharge of his Function , it would be very difficult to get a neighbouring Bishop to assist him . To which we may also add , that in those times there were no publick Schools or Universities , except we say the Catechetick Lecture at Alexandria , was one for the breeding of young Ministers , who might succeed the Bishops as they died ; wherefore the Bishops of every Church took care to instruct and elevate some young Men , who might be prepared to come in their place when they were dead and gone . And thus for these and the like Reasons most Churches were furnished with a competent number of Presbyters , who helpt the Bishops while living , and were fitted to succeed them when dead . § . 5. I say only , most Churches were furnished with Presbyters , because all were not , especially those Churches which were newly planted , where either the Numbers or Abilities of the Belîevers were small and inconsiderable : Neither indeed were Presbyters Essential to the Constitution of a Church ; a Church might be without them , as well as a Parish can be without a 〈◊〉 now ; it was sufficient that they had a Bishop ; a Presbyter was only necessary for the easing of the Bishop in his Office , and to be qualified for the succeeding him in his Place and Dignity after his Death . For as 〈◊〉 writes , 8 Where there are no Presbyters , the Bishop alone administers the two Sacraments of the Lord's Supper and Baptism . § . 6. As for the time when Presbyters began , to me it seems plain , that their Office was even in the Apostolick Age , tho' by their Names they were not distinguished from Bishops till sometime after . The first Author now extant , who distinctly mentions Bishops and Presbyters , is Ignatius Bishop of Antioch , who lived in the beginning of the Second Century : But without doubt before his time , even in the days of the Apostles , where Churches increased , or were somewhat large , there were more in Holy Orders than the Bishops of those Churches . We read in the New Testament of the Bishops of Ephesus , Acts 20. 28. and Philippi , Philip. 1. 1. which must be understood of what was afterwards distinctly called Bishops and Presbyters . So likewise we read in St. Timothy , 1 Tim. 4. 14. of a Presbytery , which in all the Writings of the Fathers , for any thing I can find to the contrary , perpetually signifies the Bishop and Presbyters of a particular Church or Parish . And to this 〈◊〉 may add what Clemens Alexandrinus Reports of St. John , that he went into the neighbouring Provinces of Ephesus , 9 Partly that he might constitute Bishops , partly that he might plant new Churches , and partly that he might appoint such in the number of the Clergy , as should be commanded him by the Holy Ghost . Where by the Word Clergy , being oppos'd to Bishops , and so consequently different from them , must be understood either Deacons alone , or which is far more probable , Presbyters and Deacons . CHAP. V. § . 1. The Order and Office of the Deacons . § . 2. Subdeacons what ? § . 3. Of Acolyths , Exorcists , and Lectors ; thro' those Offices the Bishops gradually ascended to their Episcopal Dignity . § . 4. Of Ordination . First , of Deacons . § . 5. Next of Presbyters ; 〈◊〉 Candidates for that Office presented themselves to the Presbytery of the Parish where they were Ordained . § . 6. By them examined about 〈◊〉 Qualifications , viz. Their Age. § . 7. Their Condition in the World. § . 8. Their Conversation . § . 9. And their Vnderstanding . Humane Learning needful . § . 10. Some Inveighed against Humane Learning , but condemned by Clemens Alexandrinus . § . 11. Those that were to be Ordain'd Presbyters , generally pass'd thro' the Inferiour Offices . § . 12. When to be ordained , propounded to the People for their Attestation . § . 13. Ordain'd in , but not to a particular Church . § . 14. Ordain'd by the Imposition of Hands of the Presbytery . § . 15. The Conclusion of the first Particular , concerning the Peculiar Acts of the Clergy . § . 1. NExt to the Presbyters were the Deacons , concerning whose Office and Order I shall say very little , since there is no great Controversie about it ; and had it not been to have rendred this Discourse compleat and entire , I should in silence have pass'd it over . Briefly therefore , their original Institution , as in 〈◊〉 6. 2. was to serve Tables , which included these two things , A looking after the Poor , and an attendance at the Lord's Table . As for the Care of the Poor , Origen tells us , that the 1 Deacons dispensed to them the Churches Money , being employed under the Bishop to inspect and relieve all the Indigent within their Diocese : As for their Attendance at the Lord's Table , their Office with respect to that , consisted in preparing the Bread and Wine , in cleansing the Sacramental Cups , and other such like necessary things ; whence they are called by Ignatius 2 Deacons of Meats and Cups , assisting also , in some places at least , the Bishop or Presbyters in the Celebration of the Eucharist , 3 delivering the Elements to the Communioants . They also preached , of which more in another place ; and in the 4 Absence of the Bishop and Presbyters baptized . In a word , according to the signification of their Name , they were as Ignatius calls them , 5 the Churches Servants , set apart on purpose to serve God , and attend on their Business , being constituted , as Eusebius terms it , 6 for the Service of the Publick . § . 2. Next to the Deacons were the Subdencons , who are mentioned both by 7 Cyprian and 8 Cornelius . As the Office of the Presbyters was to assist and help the Bishops , so theirs was to assist and help the Deacons . And as the Presbyters were of the same Order with the Bishop , so probably the Subdeacons were of the same Order with the Deacons , which may be gathered from what we may suppose to have been the Origin and Rise of these Subdeacons , which might be this , That in no Church whatsoever , was it usual to have more than Seven Deacons , because that was the original Number instituted by the Apostles ; wherefore when any Church grew so great and numerous , that this stinted Number of Deacons was not sufficient to discharge their necessary Ministrations , that they might not seem to swerve from the Apostolical Example , they added Assistants to the Deacons , whom they called Subdeacons or Under Deacons , who were employed by the Head or Chief Deacons , to do those Services in their stead and room , to which , by their Office , they were obliged . But whether this be a sufficient Argument to prove the Subdeacons to be of the same Order with the Deacons , I shall not determine , because this Office being now antiquated , it is not very pertinent to my Design , I only offer it to the Consideration of the Learned , who have Will and Ability to search into it . § . 3. Besides those forementioned Orders , who were immediately consecrated to the Service of God , and by him commission'd thereunto , there were another sort of Ecclesiasticks , who were employed about the meaner Offices of the Church , such as 9 Acolyths , 1 Exorcists and 2 Lectors , whose Offices , because they are now disused , except that of the Lector , I shall pass over in silence , reserving a Discourse of the Lector for another place ; only in general , these were Candidates for the Ministry , who by the due discharge of these meaner Employs , were to give Proof of their Ability and Integrity , the Bishops in those days not usually arriving per Saltum to that Dignity and Honour ; but commonly beginning with the most inferiour Office , and so gradually proceeding thro' the others , till they came to the supreme Office of all , as Cornelius Bishop of Rome , 3 Did not presently leap into the Episcopal Throne , but first passed thro' all the Ecclesiastical Offices , gradually ascending to that Sublime Dignity . The Church in those happy days , by such a long Tryal and Experience , using all possible Precaution and Exactness , that none but fit and qualify'd Men should be admitted into those Sacred Functions and Orders , which were attended with 〈◊〉 dreadful and tremendous a Charge . And this now brings me in the next place , to enquire into the Manner and Form of the Primitive Ordinations , which I chuse to discourse of in this place , since I shall find none more proper for it throughout this whole Treatise . § . 4. As for the various Senses and Acceptations which may be put on the Word Ordination , I shall not at all meddle with them ; that Ordination that I shall speak of is this , the Grant of a Peculiar Commission and Power , which remains indelible in the Person to whom it is committed , and can never be obliterated or rased out , except the Person himself cause it by his Heresie , Apostacy , or most extremely gross and scandalous Impiety . Now this sort of Ordination was conferred only upon Deacons and Presbyters , or on Deacons and Bishops , Presbyters and Bishops being here to be consider'd as all one , as Ministers of the Church-Universal . As for the Ordination of Deacons , there is no great Dispute about that , so I shall say no more concerning it , than that we have the manner thereof at their first Institution in Acts 6. 6. which was , that they were Ordained to their Office by Prayer and Imposition of Hands . § . 5. But as for the Ordination of Presbyters , I shall more distinctly and largely treat of the Manner and Form thereof , which seems to be as follows . Whosoever desired to be admitted into this Sacred Office , he first proposed himself to the Presbytery of the Parish where he dwelled and was to be Ordained , desiring their Consent to his designed Intention , praying them to confer upon him those Holy Orders which he craved . Now we may suppose his Petition was to the whole Presbytery , because a Bishop alone could not give those Holy Orders , as is most evident from Cyprian , who assures us , that 4 all Clerical Ordinations were performed by the Common Counsel of the whole Prebytery . And therefore when upon a 5 most urgent and necessary occasion he had been forced to ordain one , but a Lector without the Advice and Consent of his Presbytery , which one would be apt to think was no great Usurpation , he takes great pains ( Ep. 24. p. 55. ) to justifie and excuse himself for so doing . § . 6. Upon this Application of the Candidate for the Ministry , the Presbytery took it into their Consideration , debated his Petition 6 in their Common Council , and proceeded to examine whether he had those Endowments and Qualifications which were requisite for that Sacred Office. What those Gifts and Qualifications were , touching which he was examined , may be reduced to these Four Heads , his Age , his Condition in the World , his Conversation , and his Understanding . As for his Age ; It was necessary for him to have lived some time in the World , to have been of a ripe and mature Age ; for they ordained no Novices , or young Striplings : That was the Practice of the Hereticks , whom Tertullian jeers and upbraids with Ordaining 7 Raw and Vnexperienced Clerks . But as for the Orthodox , they took care to confer Orders on none , but on such as were well stricken in years ; observing herein the Apostolick Canon in 1 Tim. 3. 6. Not a Novice , lest being lifted up with Pride , he fall into the Condemnation of the Devil . But yet if any young Man was endued with extraordinary Grace and Ability , the fewness of his Years was no Obstacle to his Promotion , that being superseded by the Greatness of his Merit ; as we find in the case of Aurelius in Cyprian , who tho' 8 young in years , yet for his eminent Courage and 9 Excellency , was graced with Ecclesiastical Orders : And such an one , I suppose , was the Bishop of Magnesia in the times of Ignatius , which gave occasion to that Exhortation , to the People of that Diocese , 1 not to despise their Bishop's Age , but to yield him all due Respect and Reverence . § . 7. As for his Condition in the World ; he was not to be entangled with any mundane Affairs , but to be free from all secular Employments , and at perfect Liberty to apply himself wholly to the Duties of his Office and Function . This also was founded on that other Apostolick Canon in 2 Tim. 2. 4. 2 No man that warreth , entangleth himself with the affairs of this life , that 〈◊〉 may please him who hath chosen him to be a Soldier . Which Words , saith Cyprian , if spoken of all , How much more ought not they to be entangled with Secular Troubles and Snares , who being busied in Divine and Spiritual things , cannot leave the Church , to mind earthly and worldly actions ? Which Religious Ordination , as he goes on to write , was emblematiz'd by the Levites under the Law ; for when the Land was divided , and possessions were given to eleven Tribes , the Levites who waited upon the Temple and Altar , and the Sacred Offices thereof , had no share in that Division ; but the others till'd the ground , whilst they only worshipped God , and received Tenths of the others Encrease for their Food and Sustenance ; all which hapned by the Divine Authority and Dispensation , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 who waited on Divine Employments , should not be withdrawn therefrom , or be forced either to think of , or to do any Secular Affairs : Which fashion , as he there continues to write , is now observed by the Clergy , that those who are promoted to Clerical Ordinations , should not be impeded in their Divine Administrations , or iucumbred with secular Concerns and Affairs , but as Tenths , receiving Subscriptions from the Brethren ; depart not from the Altar and Sacrifices , but night and day attend on Spiritual and Heavenly Ministrations . These words were spoken on the occasion of a certain Bishop called Geminius Victor , who at his Death made a certain Presbyter , called Geminius Faustinus Trustee of his last Will and Testament , which Trust Cyprian condemns as void and null , 3 Because a Synod had before decreed , that no Clergyman should be a Trustee , for this Reason , because those who were in Holy Orders ought only to attend upon the Altar and its Sacrifices , and to give themselves wholly to Prayer and Supplication . It was a Blot in the Hereticks Ordinations , that they 4 Ordained such as were involved in the World , and embarass'd with Carnal and Secular Concerns . § . 8. As for the Conversation of the 〈◊〉 to be Ordained , he was to be 5 humble and meek , of an unspotted and exemplary Life . So says Cyprian , 6 In all Ordinations we ought to choose Men of an unspotted Integrity , who worthily and holily offering up Sacrifices to God , may be heard in those Prayers which they make for the safety of their Flock : For it is written , God heareth not a Sinner ; but if any one be a Worshipper of him ; and doth his Will , him he heareth . Wherefore before they were Ordained , they were proposed to the People for their Testimony and Attestation of their holy Life and Conversation : But of this we shall speak more in another place : Only it may not be improper to remember here , that this is also an Apostolick Canon , in 〈◊〉 Tim. 3. 2 , 3 , 7. A Bishop then must be Blameless , the Husband of one Wife , vigilant , sober , of good Behaviour , given to hospitality , apt to teach , not given to Wine , no Striker , not guilty of filthy Lucre , but Patient , not a Brawler , not Covetous . Moreover he must have a good report of them which are without , lest he fall into Reproach , and the snare of the Devil . § . 9. As for the understanding of the Person to be Ordained , he was to be of a good Capacity , fit and able duly to teach others . This is also another of the Apostolick Canons in 2 Tim. 2. 15. Study to shew thy self approved unto God , a Workman that needeth not to be ashamed , rightly dividing the Word of Truth . And in 1 Tim. 3. 2. A Bishop must be apt to teach , which implies an Ability of teaching , and a 〈◊〉 of rightly understanding , apprehending , and applying the Word of God ; to which end Humane Learning was so conducive , as that Origen pleads not only for its usefulness , but also for its necessity , especially for that part of it , which we call Logick , to find out the true Sense and Meaning of the Scripture , as appears from this following Digression , which he makes concerning it , in one of his Commentaries , 7 How is it possible , saith he , that a Question either in Ethicks , Physicks , or Divinity , should be understood , as it ought , without Logick ? You shall hear no Absurdity from those who are skill'd in Logick , and diligently search out the signification of words ; whereas many times , thro' our ignorance in Logick , we greatly err , not distinguishing Homonymies , Amphibolies , the different Vsages , Properties and Distinction of Words , as some from the Ignorance of the Homonymy of the word World , have sell into wicked Opinions touching its Maker , not diseerning what that signifies in 1 John 5. 19. The World lies in wickedness ; where they understanding by the World , the frame of Heaven and Earth , and all Creatures therein , blaspheme the Creator thereof , by affirming , that the Sun , Moon and Stars , which move in so exact an Order , lie in Wickedness . So also thro' the same Ignorance they know not the true Sense of that Text in 1 John 30. This is the Lamb of God , which taketh away the Sins of the World. Neither of that in 2 Cor. 5. 19. God was in Christ reconciling the World to himself : Wherefore if we would not err about the true sense of the Holy Scripture , it is necessary that we understand Logick , which art of 8 Logick , the foresaid Father thinks , is recommended to us by Solomon in Prov. 10. 17. He that refuseth Reproof , or Logick , as he rendreth it , erreth . Clemens Alexandrinus also stifly asserts the Utility of Humane Learning , where he says , 9 That it is profitable to Christianity for the clear and distinct Demonstrations of its Doctrine , 1 in that it helps us to the more evident understanding of the Truth . And in particular for Logick , he gives it high Encomiums , as that 2 it is a hedge to defend the Truth from being prod down by Sophisters , that 3 it gives us great light duly to understand the Holy Scriptures , that 4 it is necessary to confute the Sophisms of Hereticks . And in general , for all sorts of Learning he tells us , 5 that it keeps the way of Life , that we be not deceived or circumvented , by those that endeavour to draw us into the way of sin . So that he thinks Philosophy and the Liberal Arts 6 came down from Heaven unto Men. But should I produce all the Passages in this Father , concerning the Utility and Excellency of Humane Learning , I must transcribe several Pages in Folio , which if the Reader has a Curiosity to view , he may especially take notice of these Places , Stromat . lib. 1. Pag. 209 , 210 , 211 , 212 , 213 , 214 , 215 and Stromat . lib. 6. Pag. 471 , 472 , 473 , 474 , 475 , 476 , 477. § . 10. It is true , there were some in those days , of whom Clemens 〈◊〉 complains , 7 who dreaded Philosophy , lest it should deceive them , as much as Children did Hobgoblins . Because they saw by too lamentable experience , that many Learned Mens Brains were so charmed , or intoxicated with Philosophical Notions , as that they laboured to transform them into Christian Verities , and so thereby became Authors of most pestilent and damnable Heresies , which is particularly observed by Tertullian , with respect to the Hereticks of his time , who in this account calls 8 the Philosophers , the Patriarchs , of Hereticks . Therefore they accused Philosophy it self , as 9 the Production of some evil Inventor , introduced into the World for the ruin and destruction of Mankind . Even Tertullian himself , for this reason had an extream Pique against Philosophy , and violently decry'd it , especially Logick , as inconsistent with true Christianity , as may be seen at large in his Book , De Prescriptione adversus Haereticos , p. 70 , 71 But to this Objection Clemens Alexandrinus replies , that if any Man had been deceived and misled by Philosophy , 1 that that proceeded not from Philosophy , but from the wickedness of his Nature ; for whosoever has Wisdom enough to use it , he is able thereby to make a larger and a more demonstrative Defence of the Faith than others . And concerning Logick in particular , he tells them , that as for Eristick , jangling Logick , for impertinent and contentious Sophisms , which he elegently calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 2 the Shadows of Reason ; he disliked it as much as they , and frequently 3 inveighs against it : But as for the 〈◊〉 substantial part of it , he could not but deem it profitable and advantagious , since 4 it helps us to find out the Truth , 5 enables us the better to understand the Scriptures , and 6 shews us how to refel the Sophisms and cunning arguments of the Hereticks . But besides this sort of Objectors , there were others , of whom Clemens Alexandrinus speaks , who condemned Learning on this account , because it was 7 humane , unto whom that Father answers , that 8 was most unreasonable , that Philosophy only should be condemned on this account , and that the meanest Arts besides , even those of a Smith and Shipwright , which are as much Humane , should be commended and approved ; that 9 they did not rest here and go no farther , but having got what was useful and profitable from it , they ascended higher unto the true Philosophy , 1 making this humane Philosophy a Guide unto , or , a Preparatory for the true Philosophy . These were the Sentiments of this Learned Father touching the Utility and Excellency of Humane Learning , with respect to the Interpretation of Scripture , the finding out and defending of the true Faith and Doctrine , and such like things , which were the very Heart and Soul of the Presbyters Function and Employ ; from whence we may rationally collect , that it was needful , amiable , and profitable in a Presbyter : I do not say that it was absolutely necessary , for it is apparent that a great part of the ancient Presbyters were not skill'd in it ; but I say that it was very useful and advantageous , and they prized and esteemed those Presbyters , who were vers'd in it , especially those of them who were Arch-Presbyters or Bishops , who , if possible , were to be well read in those parts of Learning , which were proper to confirm the Articles of Christianity , and to confute the Enemies thereof . This is plainly insinuated by Origen , when he says , 2 That the Holy Scriptures exhort us to learn Logick , in that place , where it is said by Solomon , He that refuseth reproof , or Logick , as he understandeth it , erreth ; and that therefore he that instructeth others , ( the Greek Word more particularly denotes the Bishop ) ought to be able to convince Gain-sayers . § . 11. Upon this Examination of the Candidates for the Ministry ; and their Approbation by the Presbytery , the next thing that follow'd was their being declared capable of their desired Function , to which they were very seldom presently advanced , but first gave a Specimen of their Abilities in their discharge of other inferiour Ecclesiastick Offices , and so proceeded by degrees to the Supreme Function of all , as Cornelius Bishop of Rome , 3 did not presently leap into his Office , but passing thro' all the Ecclesiastical Employments , gradually ascended thereunto . And as Aurelius , a Member of the Church of Carthage , 4 began first with the lowermost Office of a Lector , tho' by his extraordinary Merits he deserved those that were more sublime and honourable . § . 12. That this was their constant and unalterable Practice , I dare not affirm ; I rather think the contrary , as I might easily prove , were it pertinent to my Design ; this that follows is more certain , that whether they were gradually or presently Ordained Presbyters , their Names were published or propounded to the People of that Church , where they were to be Ordained , that so , if worthy of that Office , they might have the Testimony and Attestation of the People ; or if unworthy and unfit , they might be debarred and excluded from it , 5 by which course the Crimes of the Wicked were discovered , the Vertues of the Good declared , and the Ordination became Valid and Legitimate , being examin'd by the Suffrage and Judgment of all . § . 13. If the People objected nothing against the Persons proposed , but approved their fitness for that Office ; the next thing that followed , was their Actual Ordination in that particular Church , where they were so propounded , not that they were only ordain'd for that particular Church , but in it they were ordained Ministers of the Church Universal , being at liberty , either to serve that Church , where they received their Orders , or , if they had a Legal Call , to spend their Labours elsewhere , in other Churches , as Origen was a Presbyter of Alexandria , tho' he was 6 Ordained in Palestina , by the Bishops of Caesarea and Jerusalem , and 7 Numidicus was a Presbyter of the Church of Carthage , tho' he received his Orders elsewhere . Hence the Presbyters of a Church were not confined to a set number , as the Bishop and Deacons were , but were sometimes more , sometimes less ; as fit Persons for that Office presented themselves , so were they Ordained , some of whom still remained in the same Church , where they received their Orders ; and others went and served other Churches every one going where the Providence of God did call him . § . 14. But now their formal Ordination was by Imposition of Hands , usually of the Bishop and Presbyters of the Parish where they were Ordained : For this there needs no other Proof than that Injunction of St. Paul to Timothy , 〈◊〉 Tim. 4. 14. Neglect not the Gift that is in thee , which was given thee by Prophecy , with the laying on of the hands of the Presbytery . As for Imposition of hands , it was a Ceremony that was variously used in the Old Testament , from whence it was translated into the New , and in the Primitive Church used on sundry occasions , to no purpose here to enumerate : One of those Actions was , Ordination of Church-Officers , wherein , I think , it was never omitted . Thus Novatian was Ordained a Presbyter 8 by Imposition of Hands . And the Bishops of Cesarea and Jerusalem 9 Imposed Hands on Origen to make him a Presbyter . The Imposition of Hands being the Completion of Ordination , or the Final Act thereof ; for whosoever had past through the forementioned Examination and Attestation , and consequently to that had received the laying on of Hands , he was esteemed by all , as legally Ordained , and was ever after deemed to have sufficient Power and Authority to exert and discharge the Duty and Office of the Presbytership , to which by those Actions he was advanced and promoted . § . 15. Here now I shall conclude what I designed to write , with respect to the first Particular , concerning the Peculiar Acts of the Clergy , under which I have discoursed distinctly of the Office , and Order of Bishops , Priests and Deacons , as also of several other things relating to their Charge and Dignity . As for those other Acts of theirs , which remain to be inquired into , I shall not meddle with them here ; for tho' they may have some Rapport or Connexion to this Head , yet they more properly and immediately respect the third , unto which place therefore I shall refer their Discussion and Examination . CHAP. VI. § . 1. The Peculiar Acts of the Laity proposed to be discoursed of . What were the Qualifications of Church-Membership . § . 2. The People , in some Cases , had Power to depose their Bishops . § . 3. The Conjunct Acts of the Clergy and Laity proposed to be discoursed of . All Ecclesiastical Affairs were managed by their joint Endeavours . § . 1. HAving in the former Chapters treated of the Peculiar Acts of the Clergy , I come now in this to speak something to the Peculiar Acts of the Laity , and to enquire into those Actions and Powers , which they exerted distinctly by themselves . And here it may not be amiss first of all to make an Enquiry into the Constitution of the Laity , that is , how and by what means they were first admitted to be Members of a Church , by Vertue of which Membership they were made Partakers of all those Powers , which we shall hereafter mention . Now for Answer hereunto , in general , 1 all those that were baptized , were look'd upon as Members of the Church , and had a right to all the Priviledges thereof ; except they had been guilty of grofs and scandalous Sins , as Idolatry , Murder , Adultery , and such like ; for then they were cast out of the Church , and not admitted again , till by a Penitent and holy Deportment they had testified their Grief and Sorrow for their unholy and irregular Actions ; for as Origen saith , 2 We do our utmost , that our Assemblies be composed of good and wise Men. So that 3 none who are admitted to our Congregations , and Prayers , are vitious and wicked , except very rarely it may happen , that a particular bad . Man may be concealed in so great a number . But since the greatest part of Christians were adult Persons at their Conversion to Christianity , and admission into Church-Fellowship and Society , therefore we must consider the Prerequisites of Baptism , since that Sacrament gave them a Right and Title to that admission or reception . Now those Persons who designed to leave Heathenism and Idolatry , and desired to be Members of a Christian Church , were not presently advanced to that degree , but were first continued a certain space of Time in the rank of the Catechumens , or the Catechised ones : These were Candidates of Christianity , who were to stay some time in that Order for these two Reasons : The one was , That they might be catechised and instructed in the Articles of the Christian Faith , from whence they were called Catechumens : And the other was , 4 that they might give demonstrations of the reality of their Intentions , by the Change of their Lives , and the Holiness of their Conversations . Whilst they were in this Estate , or rather in a Preparatory thereunto , 5 they were first privately instructed at home , till they understood the more Intelligible Principles of Christianity , and then they were admitted into the first Rank of Catechumens , who are called by Tertullian 6 Edocti , or , those that are taught . These were permitted 7 to come into the Church where they stood in a place by themselves , 8 and were present at the Sermons , which were adapted to their Capacities , being Discourses of the Ordinary and less mysterious Truths of the Gospel . If they behaved themselves well in this Rank , then they were advanced to the 9 Superior Rank of the 1 Perfecti , or , Perfect , as Tertullian calls them , who stayed not only at the Lessons and Sermons , but also at the Prayers , which were the conclusion of the first Service , and in a little time were baptized , and tarried with the Faithful at the Celebration of the Eueharist , or the Second Service . This was the manner of 〈◊〉 amongst the Ancients ; none in those days were hastily advanced to the higher Forms of Christianity , but according to their Knowledge and Merit gradually arrived thereunto , being first instructed at home , then admitted to the Didactick part of the Publick , and then to the Supplicative part thereof . It was the wicked Policy of the Hereticks 2 Indifferently to pray and hear with all , making no difference between the Faithful or the Catechumens : But the True Church distinguished and permitted not the Catechumens to enjoy the Priviledges of the Faithful , till they had in a Sense merited them , which was , when thro' a considerable time of Trial they had evidenced the sineerity of their Hearts , by the Sanctity and Purity of their Lives , and then , as Origen saith , 3 we initiate them in our Mysteries , when they have made a Proficiency in Holiness , and according to the utmost of their power , have reformed their Conversations . When they had changed their Manners , and rectified their Irregular Carriages ; then they were washed with the Water of Baptism , and not before ; for as Tertullian saith , 4 We are not baptized , that we may ceafe to sin , but because we have already ceased . As soon as they were baptized , they commenced Members of the Church Universal , and of that Particular Church , wherein they were so baptized , and became actual Sharers and Exerters of all the Priviledges and Powers of the Faithful . § . 2. Now what the distinct and separate Powers of the Faithful were , must be next considered ; several of them , to make the Discourse under the former Head complete , we 〈◊〉 there , as their Election and choice of their Bishops , their Attestation to those that were Ordained , and such like , which will be unnecessary and tedious to repeat here ; and others of them cannot be well separated from their Conjunct Acts with the Clergy , but must with them be discoursed of in the next Head , so that there will be little or nothing to say here of their Discretive and Particular Acts , save , that as they had Power to elect their Bishops , so if their Bishops proved afterwards scandalous and grosly wicked in Life , or at least Heretical in Doctrine , and Apostates from the Faith , they had Power to depose them , and to chuse others in their rooms . This I must be forced also to mention in another place , so that for the Proof of it I shall urge only the Case of Martialis and Basilides , two Spanish Bishops , who for Apostacy and Idolatry , were deserted by their Parishes , who Elected Felix and Sabinus Bishops in their steads . After this Deposition Martialis and Basilides claim'd the Exercise of their Episcopal Authority , but their Parishes denied it to them ; and that they might not seem to act by a Power , which belonged not unto them , they sent to several Bishops in Africa , to know their Judgment thereupon , who being convened in a Synod Anno 258 , whereof Cyprian was President , approved and commended their Proceedings , assuring them , 5 That it was according to the Divine Law , which was express , that none but those that were holy and blameless should approach God's Altar ; That if they had continued to have communicated with their Profane Bishops , they would have been Accessaries to their Guilt and Villany , and would have contradicted those Examples and Commands in Scripture , which oblige a People to separate from their wicked and ungodly Ministers ; That they had not acted irregularly in what they had done ; since as the People had the chief Power of choosing worthy Bishops , so also of refusing those that were unworthy : And many other such like Passages are to be found in that Synodical Epistle , which 〈◊〉 assert the Peoples Power to depose a wicked and Scandalous Bishop . But however , tho' the People had such a Power appertaining to them , yet being subject to be guided by Giddiness , Envy or Pride , where Churches were regularly associated , and their Circumstances did permit it , they did not by vertue of their power alone , upon their own single Judgment depose their Bishop ; but that their Actions might be the more Authentick and Unquestionable , they had their Complaints heard , and the whole Affair examined by the Synod to which they belonged , or by some other Bishops , who , if their Accusations were just and valid , might concur with them in the Deposition of their Bishop , and in the Election of a new one : And from hence it is , that we find the Power of Deposing Bishops ascribed to Synods , 6 as Paulus Samosatenus Bishop of Antioch , was deprived by a Synod held in that place , and 7 Privatus Bishop of Lambese was deposed by a Synod of ninety Bishops . The same Method being observed in the Deposition of a Bishop , as in his Election . As a Bishop was elected by the People , over whom he was to preside , and by the neighbouring Bishops , so was he deposed by the same ; both which things seem to be intimated in that Passage of the forementioned Synodical 〈◊〉 , wherein it is said , 8 That the People chiefly has Power either to chuse worthy Bishops , or to refuse unworthy ones . The word chiefly implying , that besides the People , some others were necessary to concur with them either in the Election or Deprivation of a Bishop ; and those were the neighbouring Bishops , or to speak more properly , that Synod to which they appertained ; of which Synods , of their Power and Authority , I shall discourse more largely elsewhere . § . 3. Having thus briefly dispatched the Second Head , I now proceed to handle the Third , which respects the Conjunct Acts of the 〈◊〉 and Laity : In answer whereunto , I find , that , in general , all things relating to the Government and Policy of the Church , were performed by their joint Consent and Administrations , 9 the People were to do nothing without the Bishop : And on the contrary , 1 he did nothing without the knowledge and consent of his People . 2 When any Letters came from Foreign Churches , they were received , and read before the whole Church , and 3 the whole Church agreed 〈◊〉 common Letters to be sent to other Churches . And so for all other matters relating to the Policy of the Church , they were managed 4 by the common advice and Counsel of the Clergy and Laity , both concurred to the Discharge of those Actions , to recite every particular Act whereof would be extremely tedious and fruitless . Wherefore in speaking hereunto , I shall confine my self to those of their Complex Acts , that regarded the Discipline of the Church , which being an Answer to the Second Part of our Enquiry , viz. An Enquiry into the Discipline of the Primitive Church , shall be the Subject of the following Chapter . CHAP. VII . § . 1. The Necessity , Quality , and Excellency of Discipline . Six things propounded to be handled . 1. For what Faults Offenders were censured . 2. Who were the Judges that censured . 3. The manner of their Censures . 4. What their Censures were . 5. The Course that Offenders took to be absolved . 6. The manner of their Absolution . § . 2. Censures were inflicted for all sorts of Crimes , especially for Idolatry . § . 3. The whole Church were the Judges that composed the Ecclesiastical Consistory . The Executive Power lodg'd in the Clergy , and the Legistative both in Clergy and Laity . In difficult Points some neighbouring Bishops assisted at the Decision of them . § . 4 The manner of their Censures . § . 5. Their Censures consisted in Excommunications , and Suspensions ; the dreadfulness thereof . § . 6. The Course that Offenders took to be absolved : They first lay groveling and weeping at the Church Doors . § . 7. Then admitted into the Rank of the Penitents . Their Behaviour during their time of Penance . § . 8. How long their Penance was . In some Cases the fixed Period anticipated ; when ended , the Penitents were examined by the Court , and if approved , then Absolved . § . 9. The manner of their Absolution . They came into the Church with all Expressions of Sorrow , publickly confessed the Sin for which they had been censured . The Church was tenderly affected with their Confession . § . 10. After Confession they were absolved by the Clergies Imposition of Hands . § . 11. Then admitted to the Churches Peace . The Clergy generally restored only to Lay Communion . § . 1. AS all Governments are necessitated to make use of Laws , and other Political Means , to preserve their Constitution . So the Church of Christ , which has a certain Government annexed to it , that it may preserve its self from Ruine and Confusion , has certain Laws and Orders for the due Regulation of her Members , and Penalties annexed to the Breaches thereof . But herein lies the difference between the one and the other ; The Penalties and Executions of the former , are like its Constitution , purely Humane and Carnal ; but those of the other are Spiritual ; as Religion was at first received by Spiritual and Voluntary , and not by Carnal and Involuntary means : for as Tertullian says , 5 It is not Religion , to force a Religion , which ought to be willingly , not forcibly received . So by the same means it was continued , and the Penalties of the Breach of it were of the same Nature also . The Churches Arms were Spiritual , consisting of Admonitions , Excommunications , Suspensions , and such like , by the weilding of which she Governed her Members , and preserved her own Peace and Purity . Now this is that which is called Discipline , which is absolutely necessary to the Unity , Peace , and being of the Church ; for where there is no Law , Government or Order , that Society cannot possibly 〈◊〉 , but must sink in its own Ruins and Confusions . To recite the numerous Encomiums of Discipline , that are interspers'd in the Writings of the Ancients , would be an endless Task : Let this one suffice out of Cyprian , 6 Discipline , says he , is the Keeper of Hope , the Stay of Faith , the Captain of Salvation , the Fewel and Nutriment of a good Disposition , the Mistress of Vertue , that makes us perpetually abide in Christ , and live to God , and tend towards the Heavenly and Divine Promises . This to follow is saving , but to despise and neglect is deadly . The Holy Ghost speaks in Psal. 2. 12. Keep Discipline , lest the Lord be angry , and ye perish from the right way , when his wrath is kindled but a little against you . And again , in Psal. 50. 16. But unto the Sinner God said , What hast thou to do to declare my Law , and to take my Judgments into thy Mouth ? Thou hatest Discipline , and castest my Words behind thee . And again we read in Wisdom 3. 11. He that casteth off Discipline is unhappy . And by Solomon we have received this command from Wisdom , in Prov. 3. 11. My Son , forget not the Discipline of the Lord , nor faint when thou art corrected ; for whom the Lord loveth he correcteth . But if God corrects whom he loves , and corrects them that they may amend ; Christians also , and especially Ministers , do not hate , but love those whom they correct , that they may amend , since God hath also soretold our Times in Jer. 3. 15. And I will give you Pastors after mine own Heart , and they shall seed you in Discipline . Now this is that Discipline , viz. The Power and Authority of the Church exerted by her , for her own Preservation , in the censuring of her offending Members , that I am now to Discourse of ; for the clearer apprehension whereof these six Queries must be examined into , 1. For what Faults Offenders were censured . 2. Who were the Judges that censured . 3. The manner of their Censures . 4. What their Censures were . 5. The Course that Offenders took to be Absolved . And , 6. The manner of their Absolution . § . 2. As to the first of these , For what Faults Offenders were censured . I answer , for 7 Schism , 8 Heresie , 9 Covetousness , 1 Gluttony , 2 Fornication , 3 Adultery , and for 4 all other Sins whatsoever , none excepted ; nay , the holy and good Men of those days were so zealous against Sin , that they used the strictest Severities against the least appearances of it , not indulging or sparing the least Branch of its pestiferous Production , but smartly punishing the least sprout of it , it s lesser Acts , as well as those that were more scandalous and notorious . Cyprian writes , that not only 5 Gravissimae & extrema delicta , The greatest and most heinous Crimes , but even Minora Delicta , The Lesser Faults were punished by their Ecclesiastical Courts , so cutting off Sin in its Bud , and by the Excision of its lesser Acts and Ebullitions , preventing its more gross and scandalous Eruptions . That particular Sin which they most severely punished , and through the frequency of Persecutions had numerous Objects of , was Apostacy from the Truth , or a lapsing into Idolatry , which Crime was always 〈◊〉 with the extremest Rigour ; of which Ninus , Clementianus and Florus were sad Instances , who tho' they had for some time couragiously endured their Persecutions and Torments , yet at last , thro' the violence thereof , and the weakness of their Flesh , unwillingly consenting to the Heathen Idolatries , were for that Fault forced to undergo three years Penance ; and had it not been for their ancient Merits , must have underwent it much longer , as may be seen at large in the 53d Epistle of Cyprian . And thus by these and such like severe and rigorous Courses , those primitive Virtuoso's endeavoured to prevent sin , and to make all the Professors of the Christian Religion truly holy and pious ; for as Origen saith , 6 We use our utmost Endeavours , that our Assemblies be composed of wise and honest Men. § . 3. As for the Judges that composed the Consistory or Ecclesiastical Court , before whom offending Criminals were convened , and by whom censured , they will appear to have been the whole Church , both Clergy and Laity ; not the Bishop without the People , nor the People without the Bishop , but both conjunctly constituted that Supreme Tribunal , which censured Delinquents and Transgressors , as will be evident from what follows . All the Power that any Church-Court exerted , was derived from that Promife and Commission of Christ , in Matth. 16. 18 , 19. Thou art Peter , and upon this Rock will I build my Church , and the Gates of Hell shall not prevail against it . And I will give unto thee the Keys of the Kingdom of Heaven , and whatsoever thou shalt bind on Earth , shall be bound in Heaven ; whatsoever thou shalt loose on Earth , shall be loosed in Heaven . Now this Power some of the Ancients mention , as given to the Bishops . Thus Origen writes , 7 That the Bishops applyed to themselves this Promise that was made to Peter , teaching , That they had received the Keys of the Kingdom of Heaven from our Saviour , that so whatsoever was bound , that is , condemned by them on Earth , was bound in Heaven ; and whatsoever was loosed by them , was also loosed in Heaven ; which , says he , may be Orthodoxly enough applyed to them , if they hold Peter's Confession , and are such as the Church of Christ may be built upon . And so also says Cyprian , 8 The Church is founded upon the Bishops , by whom every Ecclesiastical Action is governed . Others of the Ancients mention this Power , as given to the whole Church , according to that in Matth. 18. 15 , 16 , 17 , 18. If thy Brother shall trespass against thee , go and tell him his Fault between thee and him 〈◊〉 if he shall hear thee , thou hast gained thy 〈◊〉 but if he will not hear thee , take with thee one or two more , that in the mouth of two or three Witnesses every Word may be established ; and if he shall neglect them , tell it unto the Church ; but if he neglect to hear the Church , let him be unto thee as an Heathen and a Publican . Verily , I say unto you , Whatsoever ye shall bind on Earth shall be bound in Heaven , and whatsoever ye shall loose on Earth shall be loosed in Heaven . By the Church here is to be understood , the whole Body of a particular Church or Parish , unto which some of the Fathers attribute the Power of the Keys , as Tertullian , 9 If thou fearest Heaven to be shut , remember the Lord gave its Keys to Peter , and by him to the Church . And Firmilian , 1 The Power of remitting Sins is given to the Apostles , and to the Churches which they constituted , and to the Bishops who succeeded them . Now from this different attribution of the Power of the Keys , we may infer this , That it was so lodged both in Bishops and People , as that each had some share in it : The Bishop had the whole Executive , and part of the Legislative Power ; and the People had a part in the Legislative , tho' not in the Executive . As for the Executive Power , by which I understand the formal Pronunciation of Suspensions and Excommunications , the Imposition of Hands in the Absolution of Penitents , and such like ; that could be done by none , but by the Bishop , or by Persons in Holy Orders Deputed and Commission'd by him , as the Sequel will evince . But as for the Legislative , Decretive , or Judicatorial Power , that 〈◊〉 both to Clergy and Laity , who conjunctly made up that Supreme Consistorial Court , which was in every Parish , before which all Offenders were tried ; and , if found Guilty , sentenced and condemned . Now that the Clergy were Members of this Ecclesiastical Court , is a thing so evidently known and granted by all , as that it would be superfluous to heap up many Quotations to prove it , so that I shall but just confirm it , after I have proved that which may seem more strange ; and that is , That the Laity were Members thereof , and Judges therein , being Sharers with the Clergy in the Judicial Power of the Spiritual Court : And this will most evidently appear by the consideration of these following Testimonies : The first shall be out of that place of Clemens Romanus , where he writes , 2 Who will say according to the Example of Moses , If Seditions , Contentions and Schisms are hapned because of me , I will depart , I will go wheresoever you please , and I will do what are enjoyned me by the People , so the Church of Christ be in Peace . So Origen describes a Criminal as appearing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 3 Before the whole Church . And Dyonisius Bishop of Alexandria in his Letter to Fabius Bishop of Antioch , speaks of one Serapion , that had fallen in the Times of Persecution , who had several times appeared before the Church , to beg their Pardon , but 4 no one did ever take any notice of him . But Cyprian is most full in this matter , as when two Subdeacons , and an Acolyth of his Parish , had committed some great Misdemeanors , he professes that he himself was not a sufficient Judge of their Crimes , but 4 they ought to be tried by all the People . And concerning Felicissimus the 〈◊〉 , he writes to his People from his Exile , that , if it pleased God , he would come to them after Easter , and then that 5 Affair should be adjusted according to their Arbitrement and Common Counsel . And in another place he condemns the rash Precipitation of some of his Presbyters in admitting the Lapsed to Communion , because of some Pacificatory Libels obtained from the Confessors , and charges them to admit no more till Peace was restored to the Church , and then they should 6 plead their Cause before the Clergy , and before all the People . And concerning the same matter , he writes in another Letter to the People of his Parish , 7 That when it should please God to restore Peace to the Church , and reduce him from his Exile , that then it should be examined in their Presence , and according to their Judgment . So that the Consistory Court was composed of the People , as well as of the Bishop , each of whom had a negative Voice therein . On one side , the Bishop could do nothing without the People . So when several returned from the Schism of Fortunatus , and Bishop Cyprian was willing to receive them into the Churches Peace , he complains of the unwillingness of his People to admit them , and the great difficulties he had to obtain their Consent , as he thus describes it in his Letter to Cornelius Bishop of Rome , 8 O my dear Brother , if you could be present with me , when those Men return from their Schism , you would wonder at what pains I take to perswade our Brethren to be patient , that laying aside their Grief of Mind , they would consent to the healing and receiving of those that are sick ; I can scarce 〈◊〉 , yea , I extort a Grant from my People , that such 〈◊〉 received to Communion . And on the other side , the People could do dothing without the Bishop ; as when one of the three Bishops that 〈◊〉 Ordained Novatian , came back to the Church and desired admission , the People alone could not receive him , without the Consent of the Bishop 〈◊〉 , for else they would not have 9 so earnestly press'd him 〈◊〉 his permission , as we find they did . Thus then we have viewed the Members of the Spiritual Court , and have proved that they were all the Members , or the whole Body of the Church , Clergy as well as Laity , and Laity as well as Clergy ; 〈◊〉 one without the other , but both together . But now forasmuch as the People were encumbred with earthly business , and it was not possible that they could constantly give their attendance , and narrowly search into every thing that should be brought before them : Therefore we may suppose , that the Members of the Presbytery , who , as was said before , under the Head of Ordination , were to be free from all Worldly Cares and Employments , were appointed as a Committee to prepare matters for the whole Court. An instance whereof we meet with in Maximus , Vrbanus , Sidonius , and some others , that had joined in the Schism of Novatian , who being sensible of their Fault , 1 Came into the Presbytery , and desir'd the Churches Peace ; the Presbytery accepted of their Submission , and proposed it to the whole Church , who readily embraced it . So that the Presbytery prepared matters for the whole Court , which Court was the Supreme Tribunal within the Limits of that Parish , before whom all matters that there occurred , were tried , and by whom all were judged ; only when any great and difficult points were decided , 't is probable it was the custom to desire the Bishops of the neighbouring Parishes to come over , and assist there in presence , that so their Censures might be the freer from any imputation of Partiality or Injustice . Thus when a nice Affair was to be determined at Rome , Cornelius 2 desired five Bishops to assist , that so what they did might be firm and indisputable . § . 4. Having thus found out the Members of the Ecclesiastical Tribunal , the next thing to be consider'd , is the manner and Form of their Proceedings in the Exercise of their Judicial Power and Authority , which by Tertullian is described to be after this manner : When at their general Assemblies the other parts of Divine Worship were ended , 3 then followed Exhortations , Reproofs , and a Divine Censure ; for the Judgment is given with great weight , as amongst those that are sure , that God beholds what they do ; and this is one of the highest Preludiums and Forerunners of the Judgment to come , when the Delinquent is banished from the Communion of Prayers , Assemblies , and all Holy Commerce . Approved Elders preside there , who obtained that Honour by Testimony , not by Price . So that when the Consistory was sat , the Bishop and his assisting Presbyters , here called Approved Elders ; but commonly the Presbytery presided and moderated all things there proposed and debated . Then the Offenders , if possible , were actually brought before them , ( tho' the non-appearance of the Criminals was no impediment to their Proceedings ) for notwithstanding they condemned them , and censured them not only for those Crimes , for which they were cited to appear , but also for their Contumacy and Stubbornness , as Cyprian writes , 4 the Proud and Obstinate are killed with the Spiritual Sword , whilst they are cast out of the Church ; and 5 those that are stubborn and fear not God , but go off from the Church , let no Man accompany . But yet , I say , if possible , the Offenders personally appeared , that so their Crimes might be objected to them , to which they were to plead , as Cyprian says , that the Lapsed 6 were to plead their Cause before the Clergy and the whole Church . Then the Court consider'd the Defendant's Plea , as Cyprian writes , 7 that all things were debated in common amongst them . And if the Bishop and Majority of the Court judged their Defence insufficient , they were voted by their common Suffrage to be condemned and censured , as Cyprian writes , that 8 whoever was excommunicated , it was by the Divine Suffrages of the People . The Delinquent being thus cast , or found Guilty , the next thing that succeeded , was the formal Declaration of the Sentence of the Court , which was pronounced , as Tertullian intimates in that fore-quoted Passage , by one of the presiding Elders , that is , either by the Bishop or a Presbyter Commission'd by him , the manner of which Pronunciation seems also from that Passage to be thus : He that passed the formal Sentence on the Criminal , first began with Exhortations ; that is , as we may reasonably suppose , he exhorted the Faithful to use all diligent Care and Fear to avoid those Sins and Crimes , which had brought the Offenders before them to so lamentable and fatal Condition . Then followed Reproofs , which were sharp Rebukes and Reprehensions to the Delinquents for their foul Miscarriages and enormous Practices , setting forth the Evil , Villany and Misery of them ; That they were provoking to God , grievous to the Faithful , scandalous to Religion , and in fine , ruining and pernicious to themselves ; in that it rendred them obnoxious to that Divine Censure , which then immediately , as the Conclusion of all , he formally pronounced on them . Which brings me to the Consideration of the Fourth Query , viz. What the Primitive Censures were ; of which , in the following Section . § . 5. Now in answer hereunto ; as the Church , so her Arms were Spiritual ; her Thunderbolts 〈◊〉 in Suspensions and Excommunications , in ejecting and throwing out of the Church her scandalous and rotten Members , not permitting a re-induction of them , till by visible signs of Repentance they had satisfied for their Crimes and Villanies . Various are the Appellations that are given to the Sentence of Excommunication in the Writings of the Ancients . By Dionysius Alexandrinus it is called , 9 A driving away from the Church . By Tertullian , 1 A casting out from the Churches Communion , and 2 a driving from Communion . By Cyprian , 3 A Separation from the Church , 4 An Ejection out of the Church , 5 A killing with the Spiritual Sword , and many other such like Terms occur in the Fathers , all tending to describe the Fearfulness and Misery of an Excommunicated State : So tremendous was it , that whosoever was in that condition , was look'd upon as accursed by God , and really was so by Men , who esteem'd him as a Limb of Satan , and a Member of the Devil , shunning his Company as they did the Plague , or any other infectious Disease . 6 Those , says Cyprian , that are Proud , and fear not God , but go off from the Church , let no Man accompany . And therefore Irenaeus speaking concerning the Hereticks , who were all Excommunicated , says , 7 that according to the Command of Paul , we must avoid them ; and John forbids us so much as to wish them God speed , since by so doing we communicate with their Evil Works . And Tertullian in that forementioned place writes , 8 That the Delinquent was banished from the Communion of Prayers , Assemblies , and all holy Converse ; being look'd upon as one unworthy of humane Society , cast out of the Church of God here ; and if impenitently dying in that condition , as certainly excluded the Kingdom of God hereafter . For as Origen writes on Matth. 18. 18. on which Text Excommunication is founded , 9 He that is condemned and bound by the Church on Earth , remains bound , none in Heaven unloosing him . § . 6. No wonder then that Men in their right Senses were affrightned at the tremendous Misery of an Excommunicated Condition , and that when through their corrupt Natures and wicked Practices they had incurred that Sentence , they never left Fasting . Watching , Weeping , and the endurance of the severest Courses of Mortification , till they were absolved from it , and reinstated in God and the Churches Favour . Which brings me in the next place to search into the Course that Offenders took to be received into the Church again , the usual Method whereof seems to have been thus : All those that desired to be delivered from that miserable state , in the first place in a most penitent and humble manner came weeping and crying unto the Church-doors , where they lay groveling on the Ground , prostrating themselves at the Feet of the Faithful as they went into Church , and begging their Prayers to God for them . The Behaviour of these Men is thus elegantly express'd by the Clergy of the Church of Rome in a Letter to Cyprian , 1 Let them , say they , knock at the Church-doors , but not break them ; let them come to the Threshold of the Church , but not . pass over it ; let them watch at the Gates of the Celestial Tents , but armed with Modesty , by which they may remember they were Deserters ; let them resume the Trumpet of their Prayers , but not to sound an Alarm to Battle ; let them arm themselves with the Darts of Modesty , and retake that Shield , which by their Apostacy they lost , that so they may be armed , not against the Church , which grieves at their Misery , but against their Adversary the Devil ; a modest Petition , a bashful Supplication , a necessary Humility , and an Industrious Patience will be advantagious to them ; let them express their grief by their Tears , and their sorrow and shame for their Crimes by their Groans . So Tertullian , in the same manner describes one in this state , 2 by lying in Sackcloth and Ashes , by having a squalid Body , and a dejected Soul , by fasting , praying , weeping , groaning and roaring night and day ; by throwing himself at the Clergies feet , and kneeling before the Faithful , begging and desiring their Prayers and Pardon . § . 7. If the Ecclesiastical Court thought their Repentance to be real , and those external Expressions of Sorrow and Grief to proceed from suitable Affections of Heart , then they began to encline to some Terms of Remission and Reconciliation , and gave the Delinquents some hopes of it , by admitting them to come into the Church , and to stay at some part of Divine Service , but not at the whole of it , to communicate with the Faithful , till they had for a long space of time , which they then imposed on them , by their humble and modest Carriage gave good Proofs of their Sorrow and Repentance . This fixed Time of Tryal was called , the Time of Penance , during which the Penitent , as he was now called , appeared in all the Formalities of Sorrow , with a course Habit , and a dejected Countenance , continually fasting and praying , lamenting and bemoaning the greatness and aggravations of his Sin and Wickedness , as may be seen in sundry places of the Fathers , all which to transcribe would be very tedious ; wherefore I shall content my self with Translating a few Elegancies pertinent to this purpose , out of Cyprian's Book De Lapsis , wherein he thus inveighs against those , who in a state of Penance indulged themselves in the Delights and Enjoyments of the Flesh , 3 Can we think that that Man weeps with his whole Heart , and with-Fastings , Tears , and Sighs beseeches God , who from the very first day of his Offence daily frequents the Baths , who indulging to his gluttonous Appetite this Day , vomits up his undigested Crudities the next day , and does not communicate of his Meat and Drink to the Necessities of the Poor ? He that goes gay and jocund , how doth he bewayl his Death ? Does that Woman weep and mourn , who spends her time in putting on splendid Garments , and does not think upon the Garment of Christ , which she lost ? Who seeks after precious Ornaments and rich Jewels , and does not bewail the loss of the Heavenly and Divine adorning ? Altho' thou puttest on exotick Garbs and silken Garments , thou art naked ; altho' thou beautifiest thy self with Gold and Pearls , without the Beauty of Christ thou art deformed : And thou who dyest thine Hair , now leave it off in this time of Penance ; and thou who paintest thine Eyes , wash it off with thy Tears . If thou shouldst lose any one of thy dear Friends by Death , thou wouldst sorrowfully weep and howl , and express the greatness of thy Sorrow by thy disregarded Face , mourning Garments , neglected Hair , cloudy Countenance , and dejected Visage . Why , O Wretch , thou hast lost thy Soul , and wilt not thou bitterly weep , and continually lament ? 4 Now therefore pray and supplicate more earnestly , pass the Day in weeping , the Night in watching and crying , both Night and Day in Tears and Lamentations , prostrate your selves upon the Ground , roll your selves in dust and ashes ; after having lost the Garment of Christ , have no cloathing here ; having tasted the Devil's Meat , chuse now to fast . § . 8. How long these Penitentiary Stations were , cannot be defined , since they differed according to the Quality of the Offence and the Offender , according to the Circumstance of Time , and the Will and Pleasure of the 〈◊〉 Court who imposed them ; some were in the state of Penance two Years , some three , some five , some ten , some more , some even to their Lives ends ; but how long and rigorous soever their Penance was , they were patiently , humbly , and thankfully to endure it the whole time , being not absolved , till they had undergone 5 the legal and full time of Satisfaction . It is true indeed , that in some extraordinary Cases the Prudence of the Church saw fit to dispense with the usual length and Severity of their inflicted Discipline , as in 6 Case of Death , 7 of an approaching Persecution , or , when a great multitude , and eminent leading Persons were cencerned in the same Offence ; as in the case of Trophimus , which may be seen in the 52d Epistle of Cyprian . Besides these , the Confessors claimed the Privilege of restoring Penitents before the usual time ; which irregular and unreasonable Practice of theirs caused great Disturbances to the Church of Carthage in the Days of Cyprian , which may be seen at large in several Epistles extant in the beginning of his Works . But laying aside these unusual Circumstances , the fixed Period of Penance was never anticipated ; but how long and severe soever it was , the Penitent chearfully submitted to it . When the appointed Time of Penance was ended , the Penitent applyed himself to the Ecclesiastical Court for Absolution , who 8 examined his Demeanours and Actions , which if they approved and liked , they then proceeded to the formal assoyling of him , of which in the following Sections . § . 9. On the appointed Day for Absolution , the Penitent , or he that was now to be absolved , came into the Church mourning and weeping , and expressing all external Indications of his Internal Sorrow : As when Natalis , a Roman Confessor , was absolved for his joyning with the Theodotian Hereticks , he came into the Church , as it is related by an ancient 〈◊〉 Christian , 9 covered with Sackcloth and Ashes , throwing himself at the Feet of the Clergy and Laity , and with Tears in his Eyes begging their pardon and forgiveness . It being looked upon as very proper , that they should be admitted into the Church 1 by Tears , not by Threats ; by Prayers , and not by Curses . Hence at this time for the greater Demonstration of their Sorrow and Humility , they were to make a publick Confession of their Sin , styled by them Exomologesis , which was , as Cyprian saith , 2 A Confession of their great and heinous Crime , and was a necessary Antecedent to Absolution , inasmuch as it was the Source and Spring of all true Repentance . For as Tertullian observes , 3 Out of Confession is born Repentance , and by Confession comes Satisfaction . And in many places of 4 Cyprian the necessity of Confession is asserted ; for as Tertullian says , 5 Confession as much diminishes the Fault , as Dissimulation aggravates it ; Confession is the Advice of Satisfaction , Dissimulation of Contumacy . And therefore he condemns those , who thro' shame deferred from Day to Day the Publication of their Sin , as 6 more mindful of their shamefacedness , than of their Salvation : Like those who have a Disease in their Secret Parts , through shame conceal it from the Chyrurgeons , and so with their Modesty die and perish . Confession therefore being so necessary , the greatest Offenders were not exempted from it ; as when Philip the Emperor , as Eusebius calls him , or rather Philip a Prefect of Egypt , would have joyned with the Faithful in the Churches Prayer , Bishop Babylas denied him admission , because of his enormous Crimes ; nor would he receive him , till he had made 7 a Publick Confession of his Faults . And accordingly when one of those Bishops that Schismatically Ordained Novatian , returned as a Penitent , he came into the Church weeping , and 8 Confessing his Sin ; where we may observe , that it is said in the singular Number , his Sin , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which intimates , that the Penitent's Confession was not only general , or for all his Sins in the gross ; but it was particular , for that special Sin for which he was censured ; consonant whereunto Cyprian , as before quoted , writes , that the Penitent 9 confessed his most great and heinous Sin ; that is , that Sin for which he was so severely punished . This Confession of the Penitents was made with all the outward Signs of Sorrow and Grief , which usually so affected the Faithful , as that they sympathized with them in mourning and weeping . Whence Tertullian exhorts the Penitent not through shame to conceal , but from a true Godly Disposition , to confess his Fault before the whole Church , and to weep and mourn for it , 1 since they , being his Brethren , would also weep with , and over him . And so from the same Consideration , Cyprian exhorted the Lapsed to this Penitent Confession , 2 with our Tears , saith he , joyn your Tears ; with our Groans couple your Groans . § . 10. As soon as Confession was over , then followed the formal Absolution , which was thus : The Person to be absolved , kneeled down before the Bishop and the Clergy , who put their Hands upon his Head , and bless'd him ; by which external Ceremony the Penitent was declaratively and formally admitted to the Churches Peace . Thus Cyprian writes , that they 3 received the Right of Communion by the Imposition of Hands of the Bishop and his Clergy . And that 4 no one can be admitted to Communion , unless the Bishop and Clergy have imposed Hands on him . This being accounted the third and last general Requisite for the reconciling of Offenders , the two former being the undergoing a state of Penance , and a publick Confession of their Sin ; all which three are frequently mentioned together as such by Cyprian , as where he 5 says , Let Offenders do Penance a set space of time , and according to the Order of Discipline , let them come to Confession , and by Imposition of Hands of the Bishop and Clergy , let them receive the Right of Communion . And in other places he complains of the irregular and unadvised Actions of some of his Presbyters , that they admitted some of the Lapsed to Communion , 6 before they had undergone a duc Penance , made a Publick Confession of their Sin , and had Hands imposed on them by the Bishop and Clergy . § . 11. After the Penitents were absolved by imposition of Hands , then they were received into the Communion of the Faithful , and made Partakers again of all those Priviledges , which by their Crimes they had for a while forfeited : Only when an offending Clergy man was absolved , he only was restored to Communion as a Lay-man , but never re-admitted to his Ecclesiastical Dignity . Thus when one of the Schismatical Bishops , that Ordained Novatian , returned to the Church , he was deprived of his Ecclesiastical Office , and admitted only to 7 Lay-Communion . So likewise Apostate or Lapsed Bishops were never restored again to their Office. The Reasons whereof may be seen in the 64th Epistle of Cyprian . And therefore Basilides a lapsed Bishop 8 would have been extremely glad , if the Church would but have permitted him to communicate as a Layman . But yet I suppose that for every Fault Clergymen were not deprived of their Orders , but only according to the Greatness of their Crimes , and the Aggravation of them , since I find that Maximus a Presbyter of the Church of Rome , who had been deluded into the Schism of Novatian , was upon his Submission 9 restored by Cornelius , to his former Office . CHAP. VIII . § . 1. Of the Independency of Churches . § . 2. Of the Dependency of Churches . § . 3. Of Synods , and the several kinds of them . § . 4. How often Synods were convened . § . 5. Who were the Members of Synods . § . 6. By whose Authority Synods were convened . § . 7. When convened , the manner of their Proceedings , a Moderator first chosen , what the Moderator's Office was . § . 8. Then they entred upon Business , which had relation either to Foreign Churches , or their own ; with respect to Foreign Churches , their Acts were only advising . § . 9. With respect to their own Churches obliging . The End and Power of Synods enquired into . § . 1. TO that large Discourse of the Primitive Discipline , which was the Subject of the preceding Chapter , it will be necessary to add this Observation , that all those judicial Acts were exerted in and by every single Parish , every particular Church having Power to exercise Discipline on her own Members , without the Concurrency of other Churches ; else in those places where there might be but one Church for several Miles round , which we may reasonably suppose , the Members of that Church must have travelled several , if not Scores of Miles , to have had the consent of other Churches , for the Punishment of their Ofsenders : But there is no need to make this Supposition , since it was decreed by an African Synod , 1 that every one's Cause should be heard where the Crime was committed , because that to every Pastor was committed a particular Portion of Christ's Flock , which he was particularly to rule and govern , and to render an account thereof unto the Lord. And so another African Synod , that decreed the Rebaptization of those that were Baptized by Hereticks , thus conclude their Synodical Epistle to Pope Stephen , who held the contrary , 2 Whereas we know that some Bishops will not relinquish an Opinion , which they have embraced , but keeping the Bond of Peace and Concord with their Colleagues , will retain some proper and peculiar Sentiments , which they have formerly received ; to these we offer no violence , or prescribe any Law , since every Bishop has in the administration of his Church , free liberty to follow his own Will , being to render an account of his Actions unto the Lord. After these two Synodical Determinations , it might be thought needless to produce the single Testimony of Cyprian , but that it shews us not only the practice of the Bishops of his Age , but also of their Predecessors . 3 Amongst the ancient Bishops of our Province , saith he , some thought that no Peace was to be given to Adulterers , for ever excluding them from the Communion of the Church ; but yet they did not leave their Fellow-Bishops , or for this break the Vnity of the Catholick Church ; and those that gave Peace to Adulterers , did not therefore separate from those that did not , but still retaining the Bond of Concord , every Bishop disposed and directed his own Acts , rendring an account of them unto the Lord. Thus every Church was in this Sense independent ; that is , without the Concurrence and Authority of any other Church ; it had a sufficient Right and Power in its self to punish and chastise all its delinquent and offending Members . § . 2. But yet in another Sense it was dependent , as considered with other Churches , as part of the Church Universal , 4 There is but one Church of Christ , saith Cyprian , divided through the whole World into many Members , and one Episcopacy diffused through the numerous Concord of many Bishops . A Particular Church was not the whole Church of Christ , but only a Part or Member of the Universal one ; and as one Member of the natural Body hath a regard to all the other Members thereof , so a particular Church , which was but one Member of the Universal , had relation and respect to the other Members thereof . Hence tho' the Labours and Inspections of the Bishops were more peculiarly confined to their own Parishes , yet as Ministers of the Church Universal , they employed a general kind of Inspection over other Churches also , observing their Condition and Circumstances , and giving unto them an account of their own state and posture ; as Cyprian inspected that of Arles , giving this as his Reason for it , that 5 altho' they were many Pastors , yet they were but one Flock , and they ought to congregate and cherish all the Sheep , which Christ redeemed by his Blood and Passion . And the Clergy of the Church of Rome thanked Cyprian , that he had acquainted them with the state of the Church in Africa ; for say they , 6 We ought all of us to take care of the Body of the whole Church , whose Members are distended through various Provinces . If the Bishop of one Church had any difficult Point to determine , he sent to another Bishop for his Advice and Decision thereof . As when Dyonisius Bishop of Alexandria had a critical Cause to determine , he sent to Xystus Bishop of Rome , 7 to know his Opinion and Counsel therein . And so when there was some difference at Carthage about the Pacificatory Libels of the Martyrs , Cyprian writ to the Church of Rome for their Advice therein . For saith he , 8 Dearly beloved Brethren , both common Reason and Love require , that none of these things that are transacted here , should be kept from your Knowledge , but that we should have your Counsel about Ecclesiastical Administrations . In these , and in many other such like Cases , which would be needless to enumerate , there was a Correspondence between the particular Churches of the Universal one . § . 3. But that that chiefly deserves our 〈◊〉 , was their Intercourse and Government by Synodical Assemblies , that is , by a Convocation of Bishops , Presbyters , Deacons , and Deputed Lay-men of several particular Churches , who frequently met together to maintain Unity , Love and Concord , to advise about their common Circumstances and Conditions , to regulate all Ecclesiastical or Church-Affairs within their respective Limits , and to manage other such like things , of which I shall more largely treat in the end of this Chapter . That which must be spoken of in this Section is , the several kinds or sorts of Synods , the most august and supreme kind whereof , was an Universal or 〈◊〉 Synod , which was a Congregation of the Bishops and Deputies of as many Churches as would please to come from all Parts of the World : Of this sort I find but one within my limited space of the first three Hundred Years after Christ , and that was the 9 Council of Antioch , that condemned Paulus Samosatenus . Or if this will not pass for a General Council , there was no such one before that of Nice , which was held Anno 325. and so there was no one of this kind within that time to which I am confined . But those Synods , which were very frequent within my prescribed time , were Provincial Synods , that is , as many particular Churches as could conveniently and orderly associate themselves together , and by their common Consent and Authority dispose and regulate all things that related to their Polity , Unity , Peace , and Order . What extent of Ground , or how many particular Churches each of such Synods did contain , cannot be determined ; their Precincts were not alike in all places , but according as their Circumstances and Conveniencies would permit ; so they formed themselves into these Synodical Assemblies , and were governed in common by those Synods , who were called the Synods of such or such a Province : As we read in Cyprian of the 1 Province of Arles , and the Bishops therein . And Cyprian frequently speaks of the Bishops of his Province , as the Bishops 2 in our Province , and 3 throughout our Province , and 4 throughout the Province : And tells us , that 5 his Province was very large , and that it was 6 the custom of his Province , and almost all other Provinces , that upon the Vacancy of a Parish , the neighbouring Bishops of that Province should meet together at that Parish to Ordain them a new Bishop . § . 4. How often these Provincial Synods were convened , is uncertain , since that varied according to their Circumstances , and their 〈◊〉 Customs . Firmilian Bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia writes , that in his Province 7 they met every Year . And whosoever will consider the frequent Synods that are mentioned in Cyprian , will find that in his Province they met at least once , and sometimes twice or thrice a Year . § . 5. As for the Members that composed these Synods , they were Bishops , Presbyters , Deacons , and Deputed Laymen in behalf of the People of their respective Churches . Thus at that great Synod of Antioch , that condemned Paulus Samosatenus , there were present 8 Bishops , Presbyters , Deacons , and the Churches of God , that is , Laymen that represented the People of their several Churches . So also we read in an ancient Fragment in Eusebius , that when the Heresie of the Montanists was fix'd and preach'd , 9 the Faithful in Asia met together several times to examine it , and upon examination condemned it . So also when there were some Heats in the Church of Carthage about the Restitution of the Lapsed , Cyprian writes from his Exile , that the Lapsed should be patient till God had restored Peace to the Church , and then there should 1 be convened a Synod of Bishops , and of the Laity who had stood firm during the Persecution , to consult about , and determine their Affairs . Which Proposition was approved by Moses and Maximus , and other Roman Confessors , who liked the consulting 2 of a Synod of Bishops , Presbyters , Deacons , Confessors , and the standing Laity , as also did the whole Body of the Clergy of the Church of Rome , who were willing , that that Affair 3 of the Lapsed should be determined by the common Counsel of the Bishops , Presbyters , Deacons , Confessors , and the standing Laity . And thus at that great Council held at 〈◊〉 , Anno 258. there were present Eighty Seven 4 Bishops , together with Presbyters , Deacons , and a great part of the Laity . § . 6. If it shall be demanded by whose Authority and Appointment Synods were assembled . To this it will be replyed , That it must necessarily have been by their own , because in those Days there was no Christian Magistrate to order or determine those Affairs . § . 7. When a Synod was convened , before ever they entred upon any Publick Causes , they chose out of the gravest and renownedst Bishops amongst them , one , or sometimes two , to be their Moderator or Moderators ; as at the Council held at Carthage , Anno 258. 5 Cyprian was Moderator or Prolocutor thereof . And so we read of the Prolocutors of several Synods , that were assembled in divers parts of the World , to determine the Controversies concerning Easter : As 6 Victor Bishop of Rome was Prolocutor of a Synod held there . Palmas Bishop of Amastris Moderator of a Synod held in Pontus ; and Irenaeus Bishop of Lyons of another in France . 7 Polycrates Bishop os Ephesus presided over a Synod of Asiatick Bishops ; and 8 at a Convocation in Palestina there were two Moderators , viz. Theophilus Bishop of Caesarea , and Narcissus Bishop of Jerusalem . The Office and Duty of a Moderator was to preside in the Synod , to see all things calmly and fairly debated and decreed ; and at the conclusion of any Cause , to sum up what had been debated and urged on both sides , to take the Votes and Suffrages of the Members of the Synod ; and last of all , to give his own . All this is evident in the Proceedings of the Council of Carthage , which are extant at the end of Cyprian's Works , Cyprian being Moderator of that Council : After all things were read and finished relating to the Question in hand , sums up all , telling the Synod what they had heard , and that nothing more remained to be done , but the Declaration of their Judgment thereupon . Accordingly thereunto the Bishops gave their respective Votes and Decisions ; and last of all Cyprian , as President , gave in his . § . 8. When the Moderator was chosen , then they entred upon the consideration of the Affairs that lay before them , which may be consider'd in a two-fold respect , either as relating to Foreign Churches , or to those Churches only of whom they were the Representatives . As for foreign Churches , their Determinations were not obligatory unto them , because they were not represented by them ; and so the chiefest matter they had to do with them , was to give them their Advice and Counsel in any difficult Point , which they had proposed to them ; as when the People of Astorga and Emerita in Spain had written to some African Churches for their Advice , what to do with their two Bishops , who had lapsed in Times of Persecution . This Case was debated in a Synod held Anno 258 , whose Opinion thereupon is to be seen in their Synodical Epistle , extant at large amongst the Works of Cyprian . Epist. 68. p. 200. § . 9. But with respect unto those particular Churches , whose Representatives they were , their Decrees were binding and obligatory , since the Regulation and Management of their Affairs was the general End of their Convening . Various and many were the particular Ends of these Synodical Conventions , as for the prevention of Injustice and Partiality in a Parish Consistory : As suppose , that such a Consistory had wrongfully and unrighteously censured one of their Members , what should that censured Person do , unless appeal to the Synod to have his Cause heard there , as Felicissimus did , who after he was excommunicated by his own Parish , of which Cyprian was Bishop , 6 had his Cause heard before a Synod , who ratified and confirmed the Sentence of Excommunication against him . And therefore we may suppose it to be for the prevention of Partiality and Injustice ; that in Lesser Asia 7 Offenders were usually absolved by the Synod , which met every Year . Synods also were assembled for the examining , condemning , and excommunicating of all Hereticks within their Limits , that so the Faithful might avoid and shun them : As Paulus Samosatenus was condemned by the 8 Council of Antioch , for resolving of all difficult Points that did not wound the Essentials of Religion , or had relation unto the Discipline of the Church , as when there was some Scruple about the Time of baptizing of Children , a 9 Synod of Sixty Six Bishops met together to decide it . And so when there were some Disputes concerning the Martyrs Power to restore the Lapsed , 1 Synods were to be assembled to decide them . But why do I go about to reckon up Particulars , when as they are endless ; let this suffice in general , that Synods were convened for the Regulation and Management of all Ecclesiastical Affairs within their respective Jurisdictions , as Firmilian writes , that in his Country 2 the Bishops and Presbyters met together every Year , to dispose those things which were committed to their charge . Here they consulted about the Discipline , Government , and External Polity of their Churches , and what means were expedient and proper for their Peace , Unity and Order , which by their common Consent they enacted and decreed to be observed by all the Faithful of those Churches whom they did represent . He who denies this , must be very little acquainted with the ancient Councils , especially those which were held after the Emperors became Christians . The reason why we find not more Synodical Decrees of the three first Centuries , comes not , from that they judicially determined none , or required not the observance of them ; but from that , either they were not careful , or the Fury and Violence of the Times would not permit them to transmit them down to their Successors ; or through the length of time they are lost , and scarce any thing besides the Names of such Synods are now remembred ; and of Multitudes , neither Names nor Decrees are to be found : But yet there is enough escap'd the Fury of Persecution , and the length of time to convince us , that those Synods did decree those things , which they judged expedient for the Polity , Discipline and Government of those particular Churches , that were within their respective Provinces , and required them to be observed by all the Members thereof . Thus we find these following Canons determined by several Synods in Africa , viz. That though a Delinquent had not endured the whole time of Penance , yet if he was very sick , and in danger of Death , he should be absolved . That at the approach of a Persecution , penitent Offenders should be restored to the Churches Peace . That Penance should not be hastily passed over , or Absolution be rashly and speedily given . That all lapsed and apostate Clergymen , should , upon their Repentance , be only admitted to Communion as Lay-men , and be never more capable of discharging or performing any Ecclesiastical Function . That no Clergyman should be a Curator or Trustee of a last Will or Testament . And many other such like Synodical Decrees relating to the Discipline and Polity of the Church , are to be met with in Cyprian , which were ever accounted Obligatory to all those Parishes who lived within those respective Provinces , and had their Representatives in those respective Synods ; for to what purpose else did they decree them , if it had been fruitless and ridiculous to have made frequent and wearisom Journeys , with great Cost and Pains , to have debated and determined those things , which they judged expedient for the Churches Well-being , if after all it was indifferent , whether they were obeyed , or not ? But that their Decrees were binding , is adjudged by an African Synod of Sixty Six Bishops , held Anno 254 , 3 who sharply 〈◊〉 a certain Bishop called Therapius , for breaking the Canons of a Synod , in absolving a certain Presbyter called Victor , before the time appointed by that Synod was expired . Probably the Breaker of those Canons was to have been Deposed or Suspended , or some other severe Punishment inflicted on him , since the Bishops of this Synod speak as if they had moderated the Rigour of the Canons against Therapius , in that they 9 were contented only with chiding him for his rashness , and with strictly charging him , that he should do so no more . So another Synod in Africa decreed , that 1 if any one should name a Clergy-man in his last Will and Testament for his Trustee , no Sacrifice should be offered for him after his Death . ( What the meaning of this Offering of Sacrifice after his Death is , I shall not shew here , since I must treat of it in another place . ) Accordingly when Geminius Victor Bishop of 〈◊〉 had by his last Will and Testament constituted Geminius Faustinus a Presbyter , his Trustee , Cyprian Bishop of Carthage , writ unto the Clergy and Laity of Furnis touching this matter , wherein he informs them , 2 That he and his Colleagues were very much offended that Geminius Victor had thus broke the Canons of the Synod ; but that since he had done it , he hoped they would take care that he should suffer the Penalty annexed to the Breach thereof , that in conformity thereunto they would not mention him in their Prayers , or make any Oblation for him , that so the Decree of the Bishops , which was religiously and necessarily made , might be observed by them . To these two Instances we may add that of Martialis and Basilides , two Spanish Bishops , who for their falling into Idolatry in times of Persecution , were deprived of their Ecclesiastical Functions , and adjudged never more to be admitted to the Churches Communion in any other Quality than that of Laymen , which rigorous Sentence an African Synod defends , 3 from the Authority of a General Council , who had before decreed , that such Men should only be admitted to Repentance , but be for ever excluded from all Clerical and Sacerdotal Dignities . CHAP. IX . § . 1. Of the Vnity of the Church , of Schism , defined to be a Breach of that Vnity . The Vnity of the Church , and consequently the Breach of it to be differently understood , according to the various Significations of the Word Church . § . 2. The Vnity of the Church Vniversal considered Negatively and Positively ; Negatively , it consisted not in an Vniformity of Rites , nor in an Vnanimity of Consent to the non-essential Points of Christianity . The Rigid Imposers thereof condemned as Cruel and Tyrannical . § . 3. Positively , it consisted in an harmonious Assent to the Essential Articles of Faith. The Non-agreement therein called Schism , but not the Schism of the Ancients . § . 4. How the Vnity of a Church Collective was broken ; this neither the Schism of the Ancients . § . 5. The Vnity of a particular Church consisted in two things , in the Members Love and Amity each towards other , and in the Peoples close adherence to their Bishop , or Parish Church : The Breach of the former sometimes called Schism . § . 6. The Breach of the latter , which was a causeless Separation from their Bishop , the Schism of the Ancients . In how many Cases it was lawful for the People to separate from their Bishop . § . 7. A Separation under any other Pretence whatsoever , was that which the Fathers generally and principally meant by Schism , proved so to have been . § . 8. Farther proved from Ignatius . § . 9. Exemplified in the Schism of Felicissimus and Novarian . § . 10. An Objection answered touching the Schism of Novatian . How the Schism of one particular Church affected other Churches . § . 11. A Summary and Conclusion of this Discourse concerning Schism . § . 1. HAving in the precedent Chapters discoursed of the Constitution and Discipline of the Primitive Church , I come now in this to treat of the Unity thereof , which I had a very great Inclination to search into , since by the due understanding thereof we shall the better apprehend the Notion of the Ancients concerning Schism , because that Schism is nothing else but a Breach of that Unity , as will 〈◊〉 evidently appear from the Quotations that we shall be forced to make use of in this Chapter . Now that we may know what the Breach of the Unity of the Church was , it is absolutely necessary first to know what the Unity its self was ; for till we understand its Unity , it is impossible that we should understand the Breach thereof . Now for the distinct apprehending hereof , we must remember the various Acceptations of the Word Church , as they are related in the beginning of this Treatise , and according to the different Significations thereof , so must its Unity be diversified , or be differently understood ; and according to the different manner of its Unity , so must we apprehend the Breach thereof . § . 2. If in the first place we reflect upon the Word Church , as signifying the Church Universal , or all those , who throughout the whole Earth profess Faith in Christ , then we may consider its Unity in this Sense either Negatively , wherein it did not consist ; or Positively , wherein it did consist . Negatively , It consisted not in an Uniformity of Rites and Customs ; for every particular Church was at liberty to follow its own proper Usages : One Church was not obliged to observe the Rites of another , but every one followed its own peculiar Customs . Thus with respect to their Fast before Easter , there was a great Diversity in the Observation of it , 4 in some Churches they fasted one Day , in others two , in some more , and in others forty Hours , but yet still they retained Peace and Concord , the diversity of their Customs commending the Vnity of their Faith. So also the Feast of Easter its self was variously celebrated . The Asiatick Churches kept it on a distinct Day from the Europeans , but yet still they retained 5 Peace and Love , and for the diversity of such Customs , none were ever cast out of the Communion of the Church . So likewise writes Firmilian , 6 That in most Provinces their Rites were varied according to the Diversities of Names and Places , and that for this no one ever departed from the Peace and Vnity of the Catholick Church . So that the Unity of the Church Universal consisted not in an Uniformity of Rites and Usages . Neither in the next Place did it consist in an Unanimity of Consent to the Non-essential Points of Christianity , but every one was lest to believe in those lesser matters , as God should inform him . Therefore Justin Martyr speaking of those Jewish Converts , who had adhered to the Mosaical Rites , says , that if they did this only through their Weakness and 〈◊〉 , and did not perswade other Christians to the observance of the same Judaical Customs , that 7 he would receive them into Church-fellowship and Communion . Whosoever imposed on particular Churches the observance of the former of these two things , or on particular Persons the belief of the latter , they were esteemed not as Preservers and Maintainers , but as Violaters and Breakers of the Churches Unity and Concord . An Instance of the former we have in that Controversie between the Churches of the East and West , touching the time when Easter was to be celebrated . For when Victor Bishop of Rome had Excommunicated the 〈◊〉 Churches , because they continued to observe that Feast on a different time from the Churches of the West , not only the Bishops of the adverse Party , but even those of his own side condemned him as rash , heady , and turbulent , and writ several Letters about this Affair , wherein as the Historian writes , 3 they most sharply censured him . As for the Latter , we have an instance thereof in the Controversie that was between Stephen Bishop of Rome , and Cyprian Bishop of Carthage , touching the Validity of Hereticks Baptism : For when Stephen Anathematized Cyprian , because he held the Baptism of Hereticks to be null and void , other Bishops condemned Stephen as a Breaker and Disturber of the Churches Peace . And amongst others , Firmilian a Cappadocian Bishop , vehemently accuses him as such , because that he would impose upon others the Belief of such a disputable Point , which , says he , was never wonted to be done , but 9 every Church followed their own different ways , and never therefore broke the Vnity and Peace of the Catholick Church , which now , saith he , Stephen dares to do , and breaks that Peace which the ancient Bishops always preserved in mutual Love and Honour . And therefore we find in the Acts of that great Council of Carthage convened to determine this matter , that when Cyprian summ'd up the Debates thereof , he dehorts his Fellow-Bishops from the imposing Humour and Temper of Stephen , 1 It now remains , saith he , that every one of us declare our Judgments concerning this matter , judging no Man , or removing any one from our Communion , if he think otherwise than we do ; for let none of us make himself a Bishop of Bishops , or by a Tyrannical Terror , compel his Colleagues to the necessity of obeying . So that the forcing a Belief in these lesser matters was Cruelty and Tyranny in the Imposers thereof , who for such unreasonable Practices were look'd upon as Enemies to , and Violators of the Churches Concord , being the true Schismaticks , inasmuch as they were the Cause of Schism and Division ; unto whom therefore may be applyed that Saying of Irenaeus , 2 That at the last Day Christ shall judge those who cause Schisms , who are inhumane , not having the fear of God , but prefering their own advantage before the Unity of the Church , for trivial and slight Causes rent and divide the great and glorious Body of Christ , and as much as in them lies , destroy it ; who speak Peace , but wage War , truly straining at a Gnat , and swallowing a Camel. § . 3. But Positively , The Unity of the Church Universal consisted in an Harmonious Assent to the Essential Articles of Religion , or in an Unanimous Agreement in the Fundamentals of Faith and Doctrine . Thus 〈◊〉 having recited a Creed , or a short Summary of the Christian Faith , not much unlike to the Aposiles Creed , immediately adds , 3 The Church having received this Faith and Doctrine , although dispersed through the whole World , diligently preserves it , as tho' she inhabited but one House , and accordingly she believes these things , as 〈◊〉 she had but one Soul and one Heart , and consonantly preaches and teaches these things , as tho' she had but one Mouth ; for altho' there are various Languages in the World , yet the Doctrine is one and the same ; so that the Churches in Germany , France , Asia , AEgypt or Lybia , have not a different Faith ; but as the Sun is one and the same to all the Creatures of God in the whole World : So the Preaching of the Word is a Light that enlightens every where , and illuminates all Men that would come to the knowledge of the Truth . Now this Bond of Unity was broken , when there was a Recession from , or a Corruption of the true Faith and Doctrine , as Irenaeus speaks concerning Tatian the Father of the Encratites , that as long as his Master Justin Martyr lived , he held the found Faith , but after his Death 4 falling off from the Church , he shaped that new Form of Doctrine . This Unity of the Church in Doctrine , according to Hegesippus , continued till the Days of Simeon Cleopas Bishop of Jerusalem , who was Martyred under Trajan ; but after that false Teachers prevailed , such as the 〈◊〉 , Marcionists , 〈◊〉 , and others , 5 from whom sprung false Christs , false Apostles , and false Prophets , who by their corrupt Doctrines against God and his Christ , divided the Unity of the Church . So that the Unity of the Church Universal consisted in an agreement of Doctrine , and the Corruption of that Doctrine was a Breach of that Unity , and whoever so broke it , are said to divide and separate the Unity of the Church , or which is all one , to be Schismaticks . So Irenaeus writes , that those that introduced new Doctrines , 6 did divide and separate the Unity of the Church . And Cyprian writes , that 7 the Devil found out Heresies and Sehisms , by which he might subvert the Faith , corrupt the Truth , and divide the Unity . But now for Distinctions sake the Breach of this Unity was commonly called Heresie , and the word Schism generally applyed to the Breach of the Churches Unity in another sense , of which more in the other Sections . § . 4. If in the next place we consider the Word Church collectively , as denoting a Collection of many particular Churches , in which Sense it is once used in 8 Cyprian . Then its Unity may have consisted in a Brotherly correspondence with , and affection toward each other , which they demonstrated by all outward Expressions of Love and Concord , as by receiving to Communion the Members of each other , as 9 Irenaeus mentions , was observ'd between the Churches of Rome and Asia , in mutually advising and assisting one another by Letters , or otherwise , of which there are frequent instances in the Ancients , and especially in Cyprian's Epistles , and in manifesting all other Marks and Tokens of their Love and Concord . Now this Unity was broken , when Particular Churches clash'd with each other , when from being possess'd with Spirits of Meekness , Love and Charity , they were inflamed with Hatred , Rage and Fury against each other . A sad Instance whereof we have in that Controversie betwixt Cyprian and Stephen , or rather between the Churches of Europe and Africa , touching the Validity of Heretical Baptism , wherein those good Men were so far transported with Bitterness and Rancour against each other , that they interchangeably gave such 〈◊〉 Language and invidious Epithets , as are too odious to name , which if the Reader be curious to know , he may find too much of it in Cyprian's Epistles . Or if several particular Churches had for the promotion of Peace , Unity and Order , regularly disposed themselves into a Synodical Government and Discipline , as was always done when their Circumstances and Conveniencies would permit them ; then whoever broke or violated their reasonable Canons , were censured as turbulent and factious , as it hath been evidenced in the former Chapter , and needs no farther Proof in this , because that the Schism of the Ancients was not a Breach of the Churches Unity in this Sense , viz. as denoting or signifying a Church Collective . § . 5. But Schism principally and originally respected a particular Church or Parish , tho' it might consequentially influence others too . Now the Unity of a particular Church consisted in the Members Love and Amity toward each other , and in their due Subjection or Subordination to their Pastour or Bishop : Accordingly the Breach of that Unity consisted in these two things , either in a Hatred and Malice of each other , or in a Rebellion against their Lawful Pastour , or which is all one , in a causeless Separation from their Bishop , and those that adhered to him . As for the first of these , there might be Envies and Discords between the Inhabitants of a Parish , without a formal Separation from Communion , which Jars and Feuds were called Schism ; an Instance whereof we find in the Church of Corinth , unto whom St. Paul objected in 1 Cor. 11. 18. When ye come together in the Church , I hear that there be Divisions , or as it is in the Original , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Schisms amongst you . Here there was no separate Communion , for they all came together in the Church , and yet there were Schisms amongst them , that is , Strifes , Quarrels and Discords . And as far as I can perceive from the Epistle of Clemens Romanus , which was writ to appease another Schism in the same Church of Corinth , there were then only Turmoils and Differences , without any actual Separation . But on this I shall not enlarge , because it is not what the Ancients ordinarily meant by Schism . § . 6. But that which they generally and commonly termed Schism , was a Rebellion against , or an ungrounded and causless Separation from their Lawful Pastour , or their Parish-Church . Now because I say , that a causless Separation from their Bishop was Schism , it will be necessary to know how many Causes could justifie the Peoples Desertion of their Pastour , and these I think were two , or at most three ; the first was Apostacy from the Faith , or when a Bishop renounced the Christian Faith , and through fear of Persecution embraced the Heathenish Idolatries , as was done in the case of 1 Martialis and Basilides two Spanish Bishops , and was justified by an African Synod , as is to be seen throughout their whole Synodical Epistle , still extant amongst those of Cyprian's . The second Cause was Heresie , as Irenaeus saith , 2 We must fly far off from all Hereticks . And Origen allows the People to separate from their Bishop , 3 if they could accuse him of false and 〈◊〉 Doctrine . A third Cause was a scandalous and wicked Life , as is asserted by an African Synod held Anno 258. whose Exhortations and Arguments to this purpose may be seen at large in their Synodical Epistle , still extant in Cyprian , Epist. 68. p. 200. out of which several Passages pertinent to this occasion , have been already cited in the sixth Chapter of this Treatise , to which I must refer the Reader . Of this mind also was Irenaeus before them , who writes , 4 That as for those Presbyters , who serve their Pleasures , and have not the fear of God before their Eyes , who contumeliously use others , are lifted up with Pride , and secretly commit wickedness , from 〈◊〉 such Presbyters we ought to separate . Origen indeed seems to be of another mind , and thinks that the Bishops Immorality in Life could not justifie his Parishes Separation , 5 He , saith he , that hath a care of his Soul , will not be scandalized at my Faults , who am his Bishop , but considering my Doctrine , and finding it agreeable to the Churches Faith , from me indeed he will be averse , but he will receive my Doctrine according to the Precept of the Lord , which saith , The Scribes and 〈◊〉 sit on Moses his Chair , whatever therefore they say unto you hear , and do , but according unto their Works do not , for they say and do not : That Scripture is of me , who teach what is good , and do the contrary , and sit upon the Chair of Moses as a Scribe or Pharisee ; the Precept is to thee , O People , if thou canst not accuse me of false Doctrine , or Heretical Opinions , but only beholdest my wicked and sinful Life ; thou must not square thy Life according to my Life , but do those things which I speak . Now whether Irenaeus , or an African Synod , or Origen be to be most credited , I leave the Learned to judge , tho' I think they may be both nearer reconciled than they seem to be , Irenaeus and that Synod affirming , that the People of their own Power and Authority might immediately , without the concurrent Assent of other Churches , upon the Immorality and Scandal of their Bishop , leave and desert him ; Origen restraining the People from present Execution , till they had the Authority of a Synod for so doing ; for thus he must be understood , or else he will contradict all other Writers , it being avouched by all , that Synods did depose all those Bishops that were guilty of criminal and scandalous Enormities , as Privatus Bishop of Lambese was deposed by a Synod of Ninety Bishops , 6 for his many and heinous Crimes . § . 7. But now excepting these three Causes of Apostacy , Heresie and Immorality , it was Schism in a Parish to leave their Minister , or to set up another Bishop against him ; for tho' they at first chose their Bishop , yet their Bishop being on their Choice approved and confirmed by the neighbouring Bishops , they could not dethrone him , without truly assigning one of those forementioned Causes ; for this was to gather a Church out of a Church , to erect a new Altar and a new Bishop , which could not be in one Church ; for as Cyprian writes , 7 God is one , Christ is one , the Church is one , the Rock on which the Church is built is one ; wherefore to erect a new Altar , and constitute a new Bishop , besides the one Altar and the one Bishop , is impracticable ; whosoever gathers here , scatters ; so to do is adulterous , impious , sacrilegious , mad and wicked . 8 From hence , says Cyprian , Schisms do arise , that the Bishop is not obeyed ; and it is not considered that there ought to be but one Bishop , and one Judge in a Church at a time . And 9 this is the Rise and Source of Schismaticks , that through their swelling Pride they contemn their Bishop , and so they go off from the Church , so they erect a profane Altar , and so they rebel against the Peace of Christ , and the Ordination and Vnity of God. And again , 1 From thence proceed Schisms , that the Bishop who is but one , and presides over the Church , is contemned by the proud Presumption of Men , and he that was thought worthy by God , is esteemed unworthy by Men. And again , 2 The Church is the People united to their Bishop , and the Sheep adhering to their Pastour ; the Bishop is in the Church , and the Church in the Bishop ; whosoever are not with the Bishop , are not in the Church , and those do in vain flatter themselves , who having not Peace with God's Priests , creep about , and privately communicate with some , as they think , when the Catholick Church is not divided , but connexed and coupled together by the Vnity of its agreeing Bishops . Whosoever therefore should causelesly desert his Bishop , and solicit others so to do , was a true Schismatick , since in so doing , 3 he divided a Portion of the Flock with the Bishop , separated the Sheep from their Pastour , and dissipated the Members of Christ. From these Quotations then it is apparent , that the Primitive Schism respected only a particular Church , and consisted in a Person 's Separation from Communion with his lawful Bishop without a just and authentick Cause ; when any one should set up a particular Church in a particular Church , in opposition to the lawful Bishop thereof , and should draw away the Inhabitants of that Parish from the Communion of their legal Minister , setting up distinct Meetings and 4 Conventicles , as Cyprian calls them . This was true Schism ; for as Ignatius says , whosoever so assembled 5 were not congregated legally according to the Command : And 6 whosoever officiated without the Bishop , sacrificed to the Devil . § . 8. This Notion now of Schism gives us a clear Reason , why we find in Ignatius so frequent and Pathetick Injunctions of Obedience to , and Unity with our respective Pastours , of avoiding all Divisions , and closely adhering to them ; because a deserting of them , or a separating from them , was a Commission of this horrid and detestable Sin of Schism , as will appear from these following Exhortations and Instructions of his , with which every Leaf almost of his Epistles are fraught and furnished , 7 All you of the Church of Smirna obey your Bishop as Jesus Christ did the Father , and the Presbytery as the Apostles , and honour the 〈◊〉 according to the Command of God. Let nothing of Ecclesiastical Services be done without the Bishop ; let that Communion only be esteemed valid , which is performed by the Bishop , or by one permitted by him . Wherever the Bishop is , there let the People be ; as where Jesus Christ is , there the Catholick Church is ; it is not lawful without the Bishop , or one permitted by him , to baptize or celebrate the 〈◊〉 ; this is pleasing unto God , that so whatsoever is done may be firm and Legal . 8 Have respect unto your Bishop ; as God hath respect unto you . My Soul for theirs that obey their Bishop , Presbyters and Deacons , and with them let my part in God be . 9 Let us not resist our Bishop , lest we be found Resisters of God. 1 I exhort you to do every thing in the Vnity of God , the Bishop presiding in the place of God , and the Presbyters in the place of the Council of the Apostles , and the Deacons persorming the intrusted Ministry of Jesus Christ ; let there nothing be in you that may divide you , but be united to your Bishop and Presidents : As therefore Christ did nothing without the Father , being united to him , neither by himself nor by his Apostles , so do you nothing without the Bishop and Presbyters , nor privately withdraw from them , but assemble together , having one Prayer , one Supplication , one Mind and one Hope . 2 Flee all Division ; where the Pastour is , there as Sheep follow , for there are many 〈◊〉 Wolves , that seek to carry you away , but let them have no place in your Vnity — Whoever are God's and Jesus Christ's , they are with the Bishop ; and whosoever repenting shall come to the Vnity of the Church , those shall be God's , that they may live according to Jesus Christ. Be not deceived , my Brethren , if any one follows a 〈◊〉 , or one that causeth Division and Separation , he shall not inherit the Kingdom of God. 3 Respect the Bishop , Presbyters and Deacons ; do nothing without the Bishop , Keep your Flesh as the Temple of God , Love Vnity , Avoid Schisms , be followers of Jesus Christ , as he was of his Father — Where Division and Wrath is , God dwells not ; God therefore pardons all Penitents , if they penitentially return to the Vnity of God , and the Presbytery of the Bishop . And some other such like Expressions there are in the 〈◊〉 of this Father , which evidently demonstrate Schism to be nothing else than a causeless Separation from our Parish Bishop or Minister , and a wandring after , or an Adhesion to another false and pretended Pastour . § . 9. But for the clearer Proof , that this was what the Father 's meant by Schism , it may not be altogether unnecessary to add unto these Quotations an Example or two ; for Examples more convincingly 〈◊〉 than bare Testimonies and Citations . And here let us first view the Schism of Felicissimus in the hurch of Carthage , as it is related in the 38th , 40th , and 55th Epistles of Cyprian , and we shall find it respecting only that particular Church or Parish . When Cyprian was elected Bishop of Carthage , Felicissimus and others of his Faction opposed him , but finding themselves too weak , and not powerful enough to balance his interest , they yielded to his Promotion , but yet still retained an Hatred against his Person , and waited for a more favourable opportunity and a plausible Pretence to separate from him . It pleased God that Cyprian some time after his Advancement , was forced , by reason of the Persecution , to withdraw and absent from his Flock , during which Absence that Faction made use of all means to lessen his Interest , till they had made their Party indifferently strong , and then they broke out into an open Separation from him , forming themselves into a distinct Meeting , creating a new Bishop , erecting a new Altar , and constituting a new Church . Now all this was acted in , and respected only the particular Parish of Carthage , without causing or attempting any Separation in any other Church or Parish ; and yet this Cyprian calls Schism , and Excommunicates the Actors in it as Schismaticks , and Breakers of the Unity of the Church , of his Church Actually , and of all the other Churches of the Church Universal Virtually , who like the Members of the Natural Body , are affected with the Pains and Convulsions of each other . So also the famous Schism of Novatian respected only the particular Church of Rome , being no other than his causeless Separation from Cornelius his lawful Bishop , and his erecting separate Conventicles against him , as may be read at large in those Epistles of Cyprian , that treat of this Affair , and in his Book De Vnitate Ecclesiae . § . 10. But I foresee an evident Objection against this restrained Notion of Schism , and in particular from the Schism of Novatian , which I cannot well pass over without resolving , since the Solution thereof will inform us in the manner , how the Schism of one particular Church did affect other Churches . Now the Objection may be this : If Schism respected only one particular Church , whence then comes it to pass that we read of Novatian Bishops , not only at Rome , where that Schism first began , but in several other Churches and Parishes besides ? Now to this I answer , That we must distinguish between the Schism and the Heresie of Novatian ; had Novatian been only guilty of Schism , in all probability , his Schismatical Actions , as well as all other Schisms before , would have ended in the same Church where they began , and have proceeded no farther ; but he having once engaged in his Schism , and willing to continue it , that he might have some pretence for those enormous Practices , he accused his Bishop of remitting and loosing the Reins of Discipline , in communicating with Trophimus , and others , that had Sacrificed to Idols , as may be amply seen in the 55th Epistle of Cyprian ; consequently for the Justification of this Accusation , he added this Doctrine , as the Characteristick Dogma of his Party , That the Church had no Power to absolve those who lapsed after Baptism , but were to leave them to the Tribunal of God. This was an Error in Doctrine , invidious to the Mercy of God , and injurious to the Merits of Christ , as Cyprian shews at large in his 55th Epistle . Every Error in Doctrine was called Heresie . Accordingly Novatian is branded for this as an Heretick ; whence the Confessours in their return from his Party , confessed that in adhering to them , 4 they had committed Schisms , and been the Authors of Heresies . And in the same Epistle they call Novatian 5 an Heretick , and a Schismatick . So Cyprian also accuses the said Novatian , 6 of heretical Pravity ; and calls his Error 7 a Schismatical and Heretical Error . So that Novatian's Schism was accompanied with Heresie ; which , as usual , was called after the Name of its Author ; and having many eminent Persons to abet it , and a specious shew of Sanctity and Mortification , it is no wonder that it spreads its self into many other Churches , besides that where it was first hatched ; unto which we may also add their Industrious Endeavours to proselyte Men unto their Party , 8 running about , as Cyprian writes , from House to House , and from Town to Town , to gain Companions in their Obstinacy and Error . For many of them really thinking themselves to be in the right , and believing others to be in the wrong , conceived it to be their bounden Duty to leave their Bishop , if he would not leave his Heresie , as they apprehended it to be . And probably several Bishops of the Orthodox , who were the legal Pastours of their respective Parishes , were through their own Ignorance , and those Men's fair Pretences , deluded into the same uncharitable Error with them , Of denying the Lapsed any Pardon . But we need not guess at this as only probable , since we have an Instance of it in Martian the lawful Bishop of Arles , concerning whom , Cyprian writes to Stephen Bishop of Rome , that he had received Advice from the Bishops of that Province , 9 That Martian of Arles had joyned himself unto Novatian , and had departed from the Vnity of the Church , and the Concord of the Bishops , holding that Heretical Severity , that the Consolations of Divine Pity and Fatherly Lenity , should be shut against the penitent and mourning Servants of God , who knock at the Church with Tears , Sighs and Groans , so that the wounded are not admitted to have their Wounds healed , but being left without any hope of Peace or Communion , are thrown out to the Rapine of Wolves , and Prey of the Devil . So that it was not Novatian's Schism , but his Heresie , that was diffused through other Churches ; his Schism respected only his own Church , but his Heresie , which was a Breach of the Unity of the Church Universal , respected other Churches also ; so that in answer to the forenamed Objection , we need only say this , That there was no such thing as the Objection supposes ; that is , that there were no Bishops or Followers of Novatian's Schism in other Churches , but that those that were discriminated by his Name , were the Bishops and Followers of his Heresie . But however let us suppose the worst , viz. That all Schismaticks had been Orthodox and sound in every Point of Faith , had been exemplary and pious in the discharge of every Duty , had been guilty of no Crime but their Schism from their Bishop and Parish , and yet their Schism might have influenced other Churches and Parishes too , and that I think these two ways . 1. If one or more Churches had admitted to Communion those that were Excommunicated by their own Church for Schism , that Church or Churches made themselves Partakers of those Mens Crimes , and involved themselves in the same Guilt of Division and Schism with them , as Martian , Bishop of Arles , was adjudged by Cyprian as a Schismatick , 1 Because he had joined with Novatian , when he had been before Excommunicated . I do not here mean , that a Bishop or Parish to make themselves guilty , should actually or personally communicate with the Author of the Schism himself , much less in the Church where he began his Schism , but it was enough if they joyned with his Legates or Messengers , or any of his Followers in any Church whatsoever ; and therefore neither an 2 African Synod , nor 3 Antonius an African Bishop , would communicate with the Legates of Novatian . Nor would 4 Cornelius joyn in Communion with Felicissimus a Schismatick of Carthage , when he came to Rome ; but as he was excluded from Communion in his own Church , so likewise was he in that of Rome . 2. It was the Custom when any Bishop was Elected , to send News of his Promotion to other Bishops , as 5 Cornelius did to Cyprian , that so he might have their Confirmation , and their future Letters to the Bishop of that Church , to which he was promoted , might be directed unto him , as 6 Cyprian did unto Cornelius ; which Custom of sending Messengers to other Churches , to acquaint them of their Advancement to the Episcopal Throne , was also observed by the Schismaticks , and in particular by Novatian , who 7 sent Maximus a Presbyter , Augendus a Deacon , Machaeus and Longinus unto Cyprian , to inform him of his Promotion to the See of Rome . Now if any Bishop or Church did knowingly approve the Pretensions of the Schismatical Bishop , they broke the Concord of the Church , and became guilty of Schism , as may be gathered from the beginning of an Epistle of Cyprian's to Antonius an African Bishop , wherein he writes him , 8 That he had received his Letter , which firmly consented to the Concord of the Sacerdotal Colledge , and adhered to the Catholick Church , by which he had signified , that he would not communicate with Novatian , but hold an Agreement with Bishop Cornelius . And therefore when Legates came to Cyprian , both from Cornelius and Novatian , he duly weighed who was legally Elected ; and finding Cornelius so to be , he approved his Election , 9 Directed his Congratulatory Letters unto him , 1 refused to communicate with the Schismatical Messengers of Novatian , 2 and exhorted them to quit their Schism , and to submit to their lawfully elected Bishop . So that in these two respects , the Schism of a particular Church might influence others also , involving them in the same Crime , creating Quarrels and Dissentions between their respective Bishops , and so dividing the Dischargers of that Honourable Office , whom God had made one ; for as Cyprian says , 3 As there is but one Church throughout the whole World , divided into many Members ; so there is but one Bishoprick diffused through the agreeing Number of many Bishops . § . 11. But now that we may conclude this Chapter , the Sum of all that hath been spoken concerning Schism , is , that Schism in its large Sense , was a Breach of the Unity of the Church Universal ; but in its usual and restrained Sense of a Church Particular , whosoever without any just reason , through Faction , Pride and Envy , separated from his Bishop , or his Parish Church , he was a true Schismatick ; and whosoever was thus a Schismatick , if we may believe Saint Cyprian , 4 He had no longer God for his Father , nor the Church for his Mother , but was out of the Number of the Faithful ; and though he should die for the Faith , yet should he never be saved . Thus much then shall serve for that Query , concerning the Churches Unity . The next and 〈◊〉 thing that is to be enquired into , is the Worship of the Primitive Church ; that is , the Form and Method of their Publick Services , of Reading , Singing , Preaching , Praying , of Baptism , Confirmation , and the Lord's Supper ; of their Fasts and Feasts ; of their Rites and Ceremonies , and such like , which I thought to have annexed to this Treatise ; but this being larger than I expected , and the Discourse relating to the Primitive Worship being like to be almost as large , I have for this and 〈◊〉 other Reasons , reserved it for a particular Tract by its self ; which , if nothing prevents , may be expos'd hereafter to publick View and Observation . FINIS . THE SECOND PART OF THE ENQUIRY INTO THE Constitution , Discipline , Unity & Worship , OF THE Primitive Church , That Flourished within the First Three Hundred Years after CHRIST . Faithfully Collected out of the Extant Writings of those Ages . By an Impartial Hand . LONDON , Printed for Jonathan Robinson at the Golden Lyon , and John Wyat at the Rose in St. Paul's Church-Yard . 1691. The Second Part of the Enquiry into the Constitution , Discipline , Unity and Worship of the Primitive Church . CHAP. I. § . 1. Of the Publick Worship of the Primitive Church . § . 2. In their Assemblies they began with Reading the Scriptures . Other Writings Read besides the Scriptures . § . 3. Who Read the Scriptures , from whence they were Read , and how they were Read. § . 4. Whether there were appointed Lessons . § . 5. After the 〈◊〉 of the Scriptures , there followed Singing of Psalms . § . 6. What Psalms they Sung. § . 7. The manner of their Singing . § . 8. Of Singing Men , and of Church Musick . § . 9. To Singing of Psalms succeeded Preaching . On what the Preacher discoursed : How long his Sermon was . § . 10. The Method of their Sermons . § . 11. Who Preached ; usually the Bishop , or by his Permission , any other , either Clergyman or Layman . § . 1. HAving in a former Treatise enquired into the Constitution , Discipline , and Unity of the Primitive Church ; I intend in this to enquire into the Worship thereof , which naturally divides its self into these Two Parts , Into the Worship its self , and , Into the necessary Circumstances thereof , as Time and Place , and such like ; both which I design to handle , beginning first with the Worship its self , wherein I shall not meddle with the Object thereof , since all Protestants agree in the Adoring God alone through Jesus Christ , but only speak of those Particular Acts and Services , whereby in the Publick Congregations we honour and adore Almighty God , such as Reading of the Scriptures , Singing of Psalms , Preaching , Praying , and the Two Sacraments , every one of which I shall consider in their Order , as they were performed in the Ancient Parish Churches . And First , § . 2. When the Congregation was assembled , the first Act of Divine Service , which they performed , was the Reading of the Holy Scriptures . In our Publick Assemblies , says Tertullian , 1 The Scriptures are Read , Psalms Sung , Sermons Preached , and Prayers presented . So also Just in Martyr writes , that in their Religious Assemblies , first of all , 2 The Writings of the Prophets and Apostles were read . But besides the Sacred Scriptures , there were other Writings read in several Churches , viz. The Epistles and Tracts of Eminent and Pious Men , such as the Book of 3 Hermas , called Pastor , and 4 the Epistle of Clemens Romanus to the Church of Corinth , which were read in the publick Congregations of many Churches . § . 3. He that read the Scriptures , was particularly destinated to this Office , as a Preparative to Holy Orders , as Aurelius , whom Cyprian design'd for a Presbyter , 5 was first to begin with the Office of reading . The Name by which this Officer was distinguished , was in Greek , 6 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . In Latin , 7 Lector , both which signifie in English , a Reader , or as we now call him , a Clark. The Place from whence the Clark Read , was an Eminency erected in the Church , that so all the People might see and hear him , which was called 8 Pulpitum , or a Pulpit , from which Pulpit he read the Scriptures alone , and not others alternatively with him ; it being his Office only to Read , whilst the Congregation listned to him , as Cyprian writes , that Celerinus a Lector , 9 Read the Law and the Gospel to all the People . Celerinus only read , whilst all the People attended ; and therefore when this Duty was ended , it is described only 1 by the Lectors ceasing to Read , and not by the Peoples ceasing so to do . § . 4. How much the Lector read at a Time is uncertain , since they varied according to the Circumstances of their Condition . So writes Tertullian , that 2 they Read the Scriptures according to the Quality of their present Times . And to the same purpose says Justin Martyr , that the Clark read , 3 until it was sufficient . § . 5. When the Readended , then followed the Singing of Psalms . So says Tertullian , 4 〈◊〉 Scriptures are Read , and Psalms Sung. This was a considerable Part of the Christians Service , who , as Pliny writes , met together before Day , 5 to sing an Hymn to Christ , it being useful to elevate the Mind in Heavenly Raptures of Praise and Adoration , and to raise a Pious Soul into greater Degrees of Admiration of God's Love and Bounty , whence such a Soul is described by Clemens Alexandrinus , 6 to be continually Blessing , Praising , Singing and presenting Hymns to God the Lord of all , being assisted by the Holy Spirit of God , 7 without whose Aid it was impossible to Sing either in good Rhime , Tune , Metre or Harmony . The Christians in those Days condemned only the debauched Bacchanalian Singing and Roaring , but commended the Blessing and Praising of God , 8 by Thanksgiving and Singing of Psalms . Inasmuch that it was made one 〈◊〉 Distinction of a Christian : As Tertullian inveighs against the Marriage of a Believing Woman with an 〈◊〉 , because thereby she would be hindred from discharging the Ordinances of the Gospel , amongst which he enumerates Singing of Psalms ; for then , says he , 9 What would her Husband sing to her ? or , What would she sing to her Husband ? And a little after he describes the happy Condition of that Couple , who were both Christians , in that they did both joyn together in , and exhort one another to , the vigorous Performance of God's Worship , 1 Psalms and Hymns sound between those two , and they mutually excite one another , who shall sing unto God best ; it being their daily Employment , and recurring as often as they eat their Meat . Thus faith Clemens Alexandrinus , 2 a good Christians Life , is a continued Festival , his Sacrifices are Prayers and Praises , Reading of Scriptures before Meat , and Singing of Psalms and Hymns at Meat . Hence in their Feasts and Banquers , 3 When they drank to one another , they Sung an Hymn , therein blessing God for his unexpressible Gifts towards Mankind , both as to their Bodies and Souls . I confess indeed that most of these Quotations respect only Private Singing of Psalms , and so they may seem to be somewhat alien from my purpose ; on which Account I should not have mentioned them , but have wholly passed them over in silence , had it not been to have satisfied those , who hold it unlawful to Sing any Psalms at all , in what manner soever ; for if singing in private was usual and commendable , then no doubt publick Singing was so also . § . 6. What those Psalms or Hymns were , that the Primitive Christians sung , may be a Question necessary to be resolved , which I take to be two-fold , either such as were taken out of the Holy Scriptures , and particularly out of the Book of Psalms , or such as were of their own private composing . So writes Tertullian , that after the Celebration of the Lord's Supper , 4 Every one Sung an Hymn out of the Bible , or of his own composing . As for the Singing of David's Psalms , the same Father particularly mentions the 133d Psalm , as Sung in his Days , 5 O how good and pleasant it is for Brethren to dwell together in Vnity : This thou canst not easily sing , unless when thou suppest with many . As for the Hymns that were of Private Men's Composition , it was one of the Accusations of Paulus Samosatenus , the Heretical Bishop of Antioch , 6 that he abolished those Psalms , which were wont to be Sung to the Honour of the Lord Jesus Christ , as Novel , and composed by Modern Authors , and that he appointed Women on Easter Day , in the middle of the Church , to sing Psalms in his Praise . And in the Fragment of an Anonymous Author extant in Eusebius , we find the Heresie of Artemon , who denied the Divinity of Christ , 〈◊〉 , not only by the Scriptures , and the Writings of the precedent Fathers , but also 7 by the Psalms and Hymns of the Brethren , which were formerly composed by them , wherein they praised Christ by making him a God. Such a private composed Hymn was that which Clemens Alexandrinus mentions , as one commonly known among the Christians in his Days , beginning 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Hail Light. Protreptic . p. 52. § . 7. As for the manner of the Primitive Singing , it was 8 in good Tune , and Concent , all the People bearing a part in it ; but whether all together , or Antiphonally , cannot well be determined , every Country probably following its own Mode , Singing only in General being commanded , not the particular manner or fashion of it . In a Precedent 9 Quotation mention is made of Singing , in Concent , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or with Voices altogether . In other Places the Alternative Method of Singing seems expresly to be used ; as Pliny writes , That the Christians in his time , met together before Day , 1 to Sing an Hymn to Christ by course , or , one against another . And so in that forecited Passage of Tertullian , 2 What will an Vnbelieving Husband sing to a Believing Wife ? Or what will a Believing Wife sing to an Vnbelieving Husband ? § . 8. As for Singing Men and Singing Women , I find that Paulus Samosatenus the Heretical Bishop of Antioch , abolished the old usual Hymns , and 3 appointed certain Women on Easter Day in the middle of the Church , to sing Psalms in his Praise . But whether these Singing Women were first Instituted by this Heretical Bishop , or were before his Time , I cannot tell . As for Church-Musick , for Organs , and the like , those Primitive Ages were wholly ignorant of them ; for it cannot rationally be conceived , that in those Days of continual Persecution or Violence , they could either use or preserve them ; all that they look'd after , was to Sing 4 in Rhyme , Metre , Tune and Concent , to offer up unto God the Praises of their Voices , Lips and Mouths , which Clemens Alexandrinus thinks , was Emblematized or shadowed forth by those Musical Instruments mentioned in the 150th Psalm , where , saith he , 5 We are commanded to praise God on the Psaltery , that is , on the Tongue , because the Tongue is the Psaltery of the Lord ; and to praise him on 〈◊〉 Harp , by which we must understand the Mouth ; and to praise him on the loud sounding Cymbals , by which the Tongue is to be understood , which sounds or speaks through the knocking or coition of the Lips. § . 9. When the Singing of Psalms was ended , then succeeded the Preaching of the Word . So writes Tertullian , 2 Scriptures are read , Psalms sung , and then Sermons pronounced . As for the Subject of the Preacher's Sermon , it was usually a Commentary or Explication of the Lessons that were just before read . So it was in the Time and Country of Justin Martyr , who writes , that 3 when the Reader had ended , the Bishop made a Sermon , by way of Instruction and Exhortation , to the Imitation of those excellent things which had been read . Whence Origen calls their Sermons 4 Explanations of the Lessons . And such Explanations are all his Sermons or Homilies , as whosoever reads them will easily see ; and he himself intimates as much in 5 several of them . As for the Length of their Sermons , they usually preach'd an Hour , as Origen complains of his abundance of Matter , that if he should throughly handle every part of it , it would 6 require not only the one Hour of their Assembly , but several . Therefore when the Lessons were long and copious , which sometimes consisted of several Chapters , as the Lesson which was the Subject of Origen's 15th Homily on Jeremiah , reached from the 15th Chapter and 10th Verse , to the 17th Chapter and 5th Verse . The Preacher passed over some of the Matter unmentioned , and handled the most important , or the most curious part therein . Thus in the beginning of a Sermon of Origen's , we find , that the Chapters that were read , were the 25 , 26 , 27 , and 28th Chapters of the first Book of Samuel , 7 which he complains were too large and 〈◊〉 to be all handled at once , and therefore he would only discourse of the 28th Chapter , touching the Witch of Endor , and those things related there 〈◊〉 her . § . 10. As for the manner of their Sermons , we may observe this Method in those of Origen's , that he first began with a short 〈◊〉 , and then explained Verse after Verse , or Sentence after Sentence , 〈◊〉 the Natural and Literal Signification of the Words , and then the Spiritualized or Mystical meaning of them , and concluded with a suitable Application of all , either 8 by way of Exhortation to Piety and Vertue , or by way of Dehortation from Vice and Impiety . Always accommodating their Discourses to the Capacities of their Hearers . 9 Is their Auditors were prudent and understanding , then they scrupled not to treat of the profound Mysteries of the Gospel ; but if they had attained no great measure of Knowledge , and had need of Milk , as the Apostle stiles it , then they concealed from them those deep and recondite Points . § . 11. As for the Preacher himself , it was usually the Bishop of the Parish . So saith 〈◊〉 Martyr , 1 The Bishop Preaches by way of Instruction and Exhortation , to the Imitation of those excellent things which we . Or else he desired a Presbyter , or some other fit Person to preach in his room ; without his Consent it had been Schism and Violence in any Person whatsoever to have usurped his Chair , but with his Permission any Clergyman or Layman might Preach in his Pulpit . Now that Clergymen Preach'd , no one will question , though it will be doubted , whether Laymen did : But that they did so , appears from a memorable History concerning Origen , who going from Alexandria into Palestina , by the Desire of the Bishops of that Country , publickly Preach'd in the Church , and expounded the Holy Scriptures , although he was not yet in Holy Orders . At which Action , when Demetrius Bishop of Alexandria was offended , Alexander Bishop of Jerusalem , and Theoctistus of Caesarea writ to him in defence of it , as follows , 2 Whereas you write in your Letter , that it was never before seen or done , That Laymen should preach in the presence of Bishops , therein you wander from the Truth ; for wheresoever any are found , that are fit to profit the Brethren , the Holy Bishops of their own accord ask them to Preach unto the People . So Evelpis was desired by Neon Bishop of Laranda , and Paulinus by Celsus of Iconium , and Theodorus by Atticus of Synnada , our most blessed Brethren ; and it is credible , that this is likewise done in other Places , though we know it not . But yet though Laymen Preach'd , it was not every one that did so , but only those , that were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , fit to prosit the Brethren ; and though they were never so fit , yet they did not irregularly or disorderly run about a Preaching , or discharge that Sacred Office , till they were desired by the Bishop of a Parish to do it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but stayed for the Permission and Approbation of such an one ; for without that , their Sermons and Discourses would have been but so many Acts of Schism and Faction . CHAP. II. § . 1. After Preaching all the Congregation rose up to joyn in Publick Prayers . § . 2. They prayed towards the East . Their Reasons for that Custom . § . 3. They lifted up their Hands and Eyes towards Heaven . § . 4. Whether the Minister that Officiated wore a Surplice , and therein of Ministers Habits . § . 5. Whether they Sung their Prayers , and whether they used Responsals . § . 6. Of prescribed Liturgies . The Lord's Prayer not always , but commonly used by them . § . 7. To the Lord's Prayer they added other Prayers of their own Choice or Invention , proved so to have been . § . 8. Whether their Prayers were divided into several Collects . § . 1. AS soon as the Sermon was ended , then all the Congregation rose up to present their Common and Publick Prayers unto Almighty God , as Justin Martyr writes , that when the Preacher had finished his Discourse , 1 They all rose up , and offered their Prayers unto God. Standing being the usual Posture of Praying ( at least the constant one on Sundays , on which Day they esteemed it a Sin to kneel ) whence the Preacher frequently concluded his Sermon with an Exhortation to his Auditors , to stand up and pray to God , as we find it more than once in the Conclusion of Origen's Sermons , as , 2 Wherefore standing up , let us beg help from God , that we may be blessed in Jesus Christ , to whom be Glory for ever and ever , Amen . And , 3 wherefore rising up , let us pray to God , that we may be made worthy of Jesus Christ , to whom be Glory and Dominion for ever and ever , Amen . And again , 4 Standing up let us offer Sacrifices to the Father through Christ , who is the Propitiation for our Sins , to whom be Glory and Dominion for ever and ever , Amen . § . 2. Accordingly the whole Congregation stood up , and turned their Faces towards the East , it being their Custom and Manner to pray towards that Quarter , as Tertullian writes , 5 We pray towards the East . Now the Reasons that I meet with for this Usage , may be reduced to these Three or Four. I. Out of Respect and Reverence to their Lord and Master Jesus Christ , they prayed towards the East , because the East is a Title 〈◊〉 to Christ in the Old Testament ; for that Place in Zach. 6. 12. Behold the Man whose Name is the 〈◊〉 , they Translated according to the Septuagint , 6 Behold the Man whose Name is the East , which misapprehension of the Word Branch , arose from the different Significations or Applications of the Greek Word , by which the Septuagint expressed it . In the Original Hebrew the Word is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifies an arising or sprouting out , as doth a Branch from a Root . The Word by which they rendred it in Greek , is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which in a large Sense comprehends all sorts of arising and springing out ; but strictly and generally is applyed to the arising and first appearing of the Sun , and by a Metonymy , is appropriated to the East , because the Sun arises in that Quarter . The Fathers therefore not knowing the Original , and finding Christ to be called in their Ordinary Version 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , presently concluded , that according to the usual signification of the Word , he was there termed by the Prophet , The East , whom they conceived to be so called , because 7 he was to arise like a Star : And , 8 as the Sun that arises in the East penetrates thro' the World with its warm and illuminating Rays ; So Christ the Sun of Righteousness would arise with more Warmth and Light , and pierce farther than the material Sun , even into the Depths of Mens Hearts and Minds . Hence the East is called by Tertullian , 9 A Type of Christ , and for this Reason we may very well suppose , that they prayed towards the East , as well as built their Churches toward it , which that they did , we shall shew in its proper place . II. Another Reason might be with respect to the Similitude of the Rising of the Sun , with our Spiritual arising out of the Darkness of Sin and Corruption , which I find thus expressed by Clemens Alexandrinus , 1 Let Prayers be made towards the East , because the East is the Representation of our Spiritual Nativity : As from thence Light first arose , shining out of Darkness ; so according to that Rising of the Sun , the Day of true Knowledge arose on those , who lay buried in Ignorance ; whence the ancient Temples looked towards the West , that so they who stood against the Images therein , might be forced to look towards the East . III. Origen advises to pray towards the Eastern Climate , to denote our Diligence in the Service of God , in being more forward to arise and set about it , than the Sun is to run his daily Course , for which he produces an Apocryphal Text , Wisdom 16. 28. 2 That it might be known , that we must prevent the Sun to give thee thanks , and at the Day-spring pray unto thee . IV. Another Reason for their praying towards the East , was their Opinion of the Excellency of this Quarter above others , which Argument Origen thus delivers , as well as I can Translate it . 3 Whereas there are four Climates , the North and South , the West and East , who will not acknowledge that we bught to pray looking towards the East , Symbolically representing thereby , our Souls beholdthe arising of the true Light ? If a Man , which way soever the Doors of his House are placed , would rather make his Prayers towards the Windows , saying , That the sight of the Sky hath something more peculiar 〈◊〉 it , to stir up his Affection , than his looking against a Wall. Or if it so happen , that the Windows of his House do not look towards the East , that happened from the Arbitrary Structure of the Builder , but not from Nature , which prefers the East before the other Quarters , and Nature is to be preferred before that Building . Or if any one will pray in the open Field , will he not pray rather towards the East , than towards the West ? And if in these things the 〈◊〉 is preferred before the West , why is it not so also in every other thing besides ? For these four Reasons now , but principally I suppose for the first , they usually prayed towards the East , inasmuch that for their Worshiping towards this Quarter , and for their Religious Observation of the Lord's Day , or Sunday , so called , because Dedicated to the Sun , they 4 were accused by the Heathens of Reverencing and Adoring the Sun. § . 3. The Congregation being thus turned towards the East , they put themselves into a 〈◊〉 of Prayer , stretching out their Hands , and lifting up their Eyes towards Heaven , as Clemens . Alexandrinus writes , We lift up our Head , and stretch out our Hands towards Heaven . And so Tertullian , We pray looking upto Heaven , 〈◊〉 expanded Hands , by this devout 〈◊〉 imitating 7 the lifting up of their Hearts to God in the 〈◊〉 Wherefore , as now to quicken the Peoples Devotion , the 〈◊〉 before Prayer excites them thereunto , by saying , Let us pray . So in the African Churches , in Cyprian's Days , the Minister 8 Prefac'd in his Prayer , by saying to the People , Lift up your Hearts . To which the People to testifie their Consent , answered , We lift them up unto the Lord. § . 4. After this the Minister began to Pray . But before we handle his Prayer , it may not be unnecessary to consider in what Habit he Officiated , whether in a Surplice , or no. His usual Garb was a Pallium , which is the same with what we call a 9 Cloak . This as being the most simple and plain Garment was commonly worn by the Christians ; the usual Garb throughout the whole Roman Empire was the Toga , which was more gay and splendid than the Pallium ; wherefore those who came over from Paganism to Christianity , for the Indication of their Humility and Contempt of the World , quitted the Toga as too pompous and mundane , and assumed the Pallium or Cloak , as more grave and modest ; from which change of Apparel , and renouncing of a sumptuous Habit , to embrace a poor and mean one , the Heathens derided and exposed the Christians , even to a Proverb , a Toga ad Pallium , which sarcastical Language engaged Tertullian to write a little Tract in Defence of the Cloak , which is still extant in his Writings , under the Title of De Pallio . But Salmasius and 1 Dr. Cave think this severe Habit was not worn by all 〈◊〉 , but only by those of them that lead a more austere and mortified Life , such as the Clergy , and some self-denying Personages 〈◊〉 the Laity , and that therefore it is called by Tertullian in the sorementioned Tract , Sacerdotis Habitus , or Priests Apparel , as it is in all ancient Manuscripts , and in the first Edition of Beatus Rhenanus , and not Sacer Habitus , The Holy Apparel , as it is in the later Editions . But whether it were so or no , I shall not here debate . This is sufficient for my purpose , that the Clergy usually wore a Cloak . But now , that in times of Publick Prayer , they should put a Surplice , or any other kind of Linnen Garment over their Cloaks , neither Tertullian , nor any other , speak the least Syllable of it : Instead of putting another Vestment on their Gown or Cloak , Tertullian mentions some in his Days , who at Prayers would throw off their Gown or Cloak , which he condemns as a Superstitious Affectation , and an Heathenish 〈◊〉 . So , saith he , 2 the Heathens pray to their Gods , which if 〈◊〉 . ought to have been done , would have been enjoyned by the Apostles , who have given Directions concerning the manner of Prayer ; unless some think , that when Paul had put off his Cloak at Prayer , he forgot it , and left it behind him at Carpus's . § . 5. But quitting the Habit of him that 〈◊〉 , let us return to his Prayer , which he pronounced 3 with a modest and bashful Voice , that being most proper for those , who came to acknowledge the multitude and heinousness of their Sins , and to beg God's Pardon and Grace , which is the End and Design of Prayer . Musical Singing is best agreeable to the praising and adoring of God ; 4 but our Petitions to God ought to be sent up with most fervent Prayers , with Tears , and Cries , and Groans . Doubtless the Minister so prayed , as did most affect the People , whose Mouth he was to God ; for they did not vocally 〈◊〉 with him in the Prayers , but only testified their Assent to what the Minister prayed , by saying 〈◊〉 , or So be it . Thus in the Prayer at the Celebration of the Lord's Supper , the President of the Assembly only prayed , and the People concurred with the Amen . So writes Justin Martyr , 5 The Bishop makes a long Prayer over the Elements , and when he ends , all the People present give their Approbation , by saying , Amen . And 6 When the Elements are blessed by the Minister's Prayer , and the People have approved it , by saying , Amen , Then they are distributed . And 7 the Bishop , according to his Ability , prays over the Elements , and the People give their Acclamations , saying , Amen . So that scrupulous Person mentioned by Dionysius Alexandrinus in his Epistle to Xystus , is said , 8 to have frequently heard the Eucharistical Prayer , and with the rest of the Congregation to have answered , Amen . Henricus Valesius in his Notes on this Place ; as likewise Dr. Hammond in his Annotations on 1 Cor. 14. think that St. Paul had reference to this Custom of the Peoples saying Amen , at the Conclusion of the Eucharistical Prayer in 1 Cor. 14. 16. Else when thou shalt bless with the Spirit , how shall be that Occupieth the room of the unlearned , say Amen , at thy giving of Thanks , seeing he understandeth not what thou sayest ? In which place St. Paul condemns as absurd and senseless , the Practice of some Men , who would consecrate the Sacrament in Hebrew or Syriack before Greeks , who understanding not those Tongues , could not bear their share in the Eucharistical Prayer , which consisted not in Antiphonal or Responsory Replies to the Minister , but only in saying 〈◊〉 , or , So be it , to what he had prayed . It is true indeed , that these Citations are spoken in particular of the Prayer before the Lords Supper ; but yet they may be also applyed to their Prayer after Sermon , since we have no reason to imagine , that in the one they should use Responsals , and in the other none . But that in all their Prayers the Priest only prayed , seems to be apparent , from that it was one part of his Office , to pray for the People , 9 The Priests , says Cyprian , pray for the safety of the Lord's People . And , 1 the Priests who have Sacrificed to Idols , cannot assume to themselves the Priesthood , or make any Prayer in God's sight for the Brethren . 2 Therefore those ought to be chosen into the Priesthood , whom God will hear . It was the Priest that solely pronounced the Publick Prayers without the Voices of the People : And indeed it was impossible for the People to respond , since they had no fixed publick Form of Prayer , except the Lord's Prayer , which Lord's Prayer they frequently , though not always , repeated : And then as to their other Prayers , every Bishop or Minister of a Parish , was left to his own Liberty and Ability therein . § . 6. As for the use of the Lord's Prayer , it must first be observed , that the 〈◊〉 repeating of it with other Prayers , was not esteemed necessary , but frequently it was omitted . Thus in the Heavenly Prayer of Polycarpus at the Stake , the Lord's Prayer is neither at beginning nor ending . The Conclusion of it is , 4 Lord I will praise thee , I will bless thee , I will magnifie thee , through the Eternal High Priest Christ Jesus thy beloved Son , by whom to thee , with him , and the Holy Ghost , be Glory now , and for evermore , Amen . So Clemens Alexandrinus concludes his last Book of Pedagogy , with a Prayer , which neither ends nor begins with the Lord's Prayer ; and Origen prescribing a Method of Prayer , speaks not a Word of the Lord's Prayer , but 5 advises both to begin and end with Doxology , or a giving Praise to God. In this Respect they regarded the Lord's Prayer , as given by Christ for a Pattern of all other Prayers , according to which they were to be made ; whence Cyprian calls this Prayer , 6 the Law or Rule of praying ; 7 so that to pray otherwise than that Prayer directed was Ignorance and Impiety Wherefore , says Cyprian , 8 Let every one pray to God , not only for himself , but for all the Brethren , as the Lord hath taught us to pray for all . And so writes Clemens Alexandrinus , 9 that a good Man never remembers the Affronts that are offered him , but always forgets them ; wherefore he justly prays , saying , Forgive us as we forgive others ; that is , he prays according to the Sense of the fifth Petition ; for it is the Sense , not the very Words of that Petition , that he here recites . But tho' the Repetition of the Lord's Prayer was not necessary , yet it was usual ; whence saith Origen , 1 Christ gave us a Prayer , with which he commanded us to pray unto the Father . And Tertullian writes , 2 That our Lord Jesus Christ gave to his Disciples a new Form of Prayer . Whence he calls the Lord's Prayer , 3 The Lawful Prayer . And Cyprian yet more fully writes , that 4 Christ hath given us a Form of Prayer , he hath admonished and instructed what we should pray for : He that made us live , hath taught us to pray , that whilst we offer unto the Father , the Prayer which the Son taught , we may be the more easily heard . — For what Prayer can be more Spiritual , than that which was given us by Christ , who gave us also the Holy Spirit ? And what Prayer can be more prevalent with God , than that of his Son , who is the Truth , proceeding out of his Mouth ? So that to pray otherwise than he hath taught , is both Ignorance and Impiety . Let us pray therefore , dearly beloved Brethren , as God our Master hath taught us : It is a friendly and familiar Prayer to ask God with his own , and to present the Prayer of Christ to his Ears ; the Father will acknowledge his Sons Words . When we pray , let him that dwells in the Heart , be in the Voice ; and since we have him an Advocate with the Father for our Sins , when we beg pardon for our Sins , let us use the Words of our Advocate ; and since he says , that whatsoever we shall ask of the Father in his Name , he will give it us ; how much more efficaciously shall we prevail for what we beg in Christ's Name , if we ask it in his Prayer ? To this Prayer it is that Tertullian gives this Encomium , 5 In the Compendium of a few Words , how many Declarations of Prophets , Evangelists , and Apostles ; how many Speeches , Parables , Examples and Precepts are contained ! How many Duties towards God! Honour to God in the Preface , Faith in the first Petition , Hope in the Second , Resignation in the Third , Petition for Life in the Fourth , Confession of Sins in the Fifth , Watchfulness against Temptations in the Sixth . What Wonder ! God alone could teach , how he would be prayed to . § . 7. But tho' they frequently used the Lord's Prayer , yet they did not only use that , but other Prayers also ; for immediately to the foregoing Encomium of the Lord's Prayer , Tertullian adjoyns , 6 That we may add thereunto , and offer up Prayers unto God according to the Variety of our Circumstances and Conditions . From which Passage of the said Father , we may guess their usual Method of Prayer was first to begin with the Lord's Prayer , as the Ground and Foundation of all others , and then according to their Circumstances and Conditions to offer up their own Prayers and Requests . Now that this Conjecture may appear to have some Foundation , it will be necessary to translate at large this place of Tertullian , and to shew the Introduction or Occasion of it , which was this : After this Father had , as before , Commented on , summ'd up , and magnify'd the Lord's Prayer , he concludes , that nevertheless , 7 We may add thereunto ; for since the Lord the Observer of all Humane Necessities , has in another place , after he had delivered this Prayer , said , Ask and ye shall receive : And every one has particular Circumstances to beg for ; therefore having premised the lawful and ordinary Prayer , there is place for accidental . Requests , and a Liberty of offering up other Petitions , so as they do agree with the Precepts : As far as we are from the Precepts , so far are we from God's Ears ; the remembrance of the Precepts makes way for our Prayers to Heaven , of which it is the chief . Now these other Prayers , which made up a great part of Divine Service , were not 〈◊〉 and imposed Forms , but the Words and Expressions of them were left to the Prudence , Choice and Judgment of every particular Bishop or Minister . I do not here say , that a Bishop or Minister used no Arbitrary Form of Prayer ; all that I say is , that there was none imposed : Neither do I say , that having no imposed Form , they unpremeditately , immethodically or confusedly vented their Petitions and Requests ; for without doubt they observed a Method in their Prayers ; but this is what I say , That the Words or Expressions of their Prayers were not imposed or prescribed , but every one that officiated , delivered himself in such Terms as best pleased him , and varied his Petitions according to the present Circumstances and Emergencies : Or if it be more intelligible , that the Primitive Christians had no stinted Liturgies , or Imposed Forms of Prayer . Now this being a Negative in Matter of Fact , the bare Assertion of it is a sufficient Proof , except its Affirmative can be evinced . Suppose it was disputed , whether ever St. Paul writ an Epistle to the Church of Rome , the bare Negation thereof would be Proof enough that he did not , except it could be clearly evidenced on the contrary that he did : So unless it can be proved that the Ancients had fixed Liturgies and Prayer-Books , we may very rationally conclude in the Negative , that they had none at all . Now as to these prescribed Forms , there is not the least mention of them in any of the Primitive Writings , nor the least Word or Syllable tending thereunto that I can find , which is a most unaccountable Silence , if ever such there were , but rather some Expressions intimating the contrary ; as that famous controverted place of Justin Martyr , who describing the manner of the Prayer before the Celebration of the Lord's Supper , says , That the Bishop sent up Prayers and Praises to God 8 with his utmost ability , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , that he prayed with the best of his Abilities , Invention , Expression , Judgment and the like . I am not ignorant that there is another Sense given of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or , According to his Ability . But I must needs say , that I generally , if not always found this Phrase to include personal Abilities . Thus as to the Explanation of Scripture , Origen writes , that he would expound it , 9 according to his Ability , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and that he would Comment on that Parable of the Blind Man , that was healed near Jericho , mentioned in Luke 18. 35. 1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And so on the Parable concerning the Husbandman ; 2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and on the Marriage of the King's Son , 3 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and that he would search out the Sense of the Gospel of St. John , 4 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Now what doth Origen intend , by his searching out the Sense , and expounding the meaning of the Scriptures to the utmost of his Power and Ability ? Is it a bare reading and transcribing of other Mens Works , or an Employment of his own Abilities and Studies to find out the Sense and Meaning of them ? Certainly every one will think the latter to be most probable . So as to the Argumentative Defence of the Truth , Origen promises that he would answer the Calumnies of Celsus , 5 according to his Power , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : and that he would defend and confirm his Arguments against Celsus 6 according to his Power , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : and demonstrate the Reasonableness of the Christian Religion , 7 according to his Power , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : and dispute against Celsus , 8 according to his Power , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Now whether Origen's defending the Truth , and disputing against Celsus according to his 〈◊〉 Ability and Power , consisted in a reading , or in a bare transcribing out of a Book , the written Arguments of other Men , or in an Employment of his own Abilities , Inventions and Expressions , is no difficult matter to determine . I have not found one place , wherein this Phrase of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doth not comprehend personal Abilities ; and several scores more might I cite , where it is so to be understood , which I shall omit , and mention only one more , spoken by Origen with respect to this Duty of Prayer , where it must of necessity imply personal Abilities , and that is in his Book 9 De Oratione , where he prescribes the Method and Parts of Prayer , the first whereof was Doxology ; wherein , says he , he that prays must bless God according to his Power , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , where 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , must signifie the Performer's Abilities of Judgment and Expression , because it is not spoken of prescribed Words , but of a prescribed Method of Prayer ; as if any one should desire me to inform him , how or in what Method he must pray ; I tell him , as Origen doth in this place , that first he must begin with an Invocation of God by his Titles and Attributes ; then he must proced to praise God for his Mercies and Benefits , confessing withal his Ingratitude and Unfruitfulness ; then beg pardon for past Sins , strength against future , and conclude all with praising God through Christ , and that he must do all this according to the utmost of his Ability . What could any one imagine , that I should intend by this Advice of following this Method to the utmost of his Power , but by the exerting of his own Abilities , Understanding , Memory , Invention , Expression , and the like , since I direct him not to any prescribed Words , but only to the Observation of those General Heads and Parts of Prayer . So that the Ministers Praying 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or according to the utmost of his Ability , imports the exerting his Gifts and Parts in suitable Matter and apt Expressions ; and that the Primitive Prayers were so , appears yet farther from a Passage in Origen , who thus explains that Verse in Matth. 6. But when ye pray , use not vain Repetitions as the Heathens do , 2 But when we pray , let us not Battologise , that is , use not vain Repetitions , but Theologise : But we Battologise , when we do not strictly observe our Selves , or the Words of Prayer , which we express , when we utter those things which are filthy either to do , speak , or think , which are vile , worthily reprovable , and alienated from the Purity of the Lord. Surely this Caution had been needless of strictly observing the Words that they uttered , and this Fear had been groundless of expressing themselves undecently or sinfully , if they had had a Prayer-Book to recur to ; but that they had no such Prayer-Book appears yet more evidently from Tertullian , who describing their Publick Prayers , says that 2 looking up to Heaven , they spread abroad their Hands because innocent ; uncovered their Heads , because not ashamed ; and without a Monitor , because they prayed from the Heart . Now what is to be understood by praying from the Heart , will best appean from enquiring into what is opposed to it , viz. The Praying by a Monitor . Now the praying by a Monitor , as is acknowledged by all , was praying by a Book . But thus Tertullian affirms the Primitive Christians prayed not : We do not pray , saith he , with a Monitor , reading our Prayers out of a Book . No ; but on the contrary , we pray de Pectore , from the Heart , our own Heart and Soul dictating to us , what is most proper and fuitable to be asked , having no need of any other Monitor besides . Hence their Prayers were suited to their Emergencies and present Circumstances , as Tertullian writes , that 3 having premised the Lord's Prayer , we may offer up accidental Requests and Petitions , of which occasional Requests we find some Instances , as in the sixteenth Epistle of Cyprian , where that Father assures Moses and Maximus , two Roman Confessors , 4 That he remembred them in his Publick Prayers with his Congregation . And in another Epistle where he congratulates Pope Lucius upon his Return from Banishment , he assures him , 5 That he did not cease in his publick Prayers to bless God for so great a Mercy , and to pray him that was perfect , to keep and perfect in him the glorious Crown of his Confession . And so when the Church of Carthage sent a Sum of Money to the Bishops of Numidia , for the Redemption of some Christian Captives , they desired those Bishops 6 to remember them in their publick Prayers . So that their Prayers could not be 〈◊〉 , invariable Forms , because they could add new Petitions , as their Occasions and Circumstances did require . Firmilian reports of an Exorcist Woman , that being acted by the Devil , she did wondrous Feats , taking upon her to perform Ecclesiastical Administrations , as to Baptize and Celebrate the Eucharist , the Elements whereof she Consecrated , 7 with an Invocation not to be despised , that is , as seems to be most agreeable unto the Place , and to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of Justin Martyr . The Matter , Invention and Expression of that Prayer , wherewith she consecrated the Elements , was not mean of contemptible , but indifferently well performed . So that it seems evident , that though the Method of their Prayers might in the main be the same , yet every one was left to follow his own Fancy and Expression therein . But that I may hasten to the Conclusion of this Section , it is very unlikely that they were obliged to prescribed Forms , because they never read a Syllable of their Prayers out of any Book whatsoever , which is evident from their Posture of Prayer , which was two-fold , Either with their Hands and Eyes lifted up to Heaven , or with their Eyes shut : That they prayed with their Eyes and Hands lifted up to Heaven , has been already shewn in the Third Section of this Chapter , to which I shall only add this farther Observation , that 8 they stretched out their Hands in the Figure of a Cross. That they also prayed with their Eyes shut , is evident from Origen , who having explained what is meant by that Injunction of our Saviour in Matth. 6. 5. And when thou prayest , thou shalt not be as the Hypocrites are ; for they love to pray standing in the Synagogues , and in the Corners of the Streets , that they may be seen of Men ; verily , I say unto you , they have their Rewards , thus explains the following Verse ; But thou , when thou prayest , enter thou into thy Closet , and when thou hast shut to thy Door , pray to thy Father which is in secret , and thy Father which seeth in secret , shall reward thee openly . 9 But he that is no Hypocrite , enters into the Closet of his Heart , to the Riches that are treasured up there , and shutting himself in amongst those Treasures of Wisdom and Knowledge , and not fixing his Eyes on external Objects , as looking after any thing without , and closing every Gate of the Senses , lest he should be drawn aside by them , and their Species or Fancies should creep into his Mind , he prays the Father , who never flies from , or leaves such an one , but together with the Son , dwells in him . So the same Father writes , that a true Christian prays in every place , 1 closing the Eyes of his Senses , but erecting those of his Mind . Now let them have prayed iu either of these Postures , and it is very evident that they could read in neither of them ; for it is very improbable that they could turn over the Leaves of a Book , whilst their Hands were extended towards Heaven in the Form of a Cross ; or that they could read in a Book , whilst their Eyes were lifted up , or else quite shut and closed . If therefore there had been prescribed and imposed Forms , they must of necessity have remembred them , which would have been an intolerable Load to the strongest Memory , especially to have repeated Word after Word the Prayers of their Fast Days , which must have been several Hours long , since some of their Fasts , as will be shewn in another place , were prolonged from the Morning of one Day , to the beginning of another . § . 8. There remains now but one Question more with respect to their Publick Prayers , and that is , Whether they were divided into several Collects ? To which I have not much certain to Answer ; probably on their Assemblies on Fast Days , when they continued together treble the usual time , for the Ease of the Bishop and his Assistants , they made several 〈◊〉 Prayers , and probably at their Ordinary Meetings , their Prayer after Sermon was but one entire Piece . But all this is but Conjecture , all that I find positive , is touching their Prayer , that preceded the Consecration of the Eucharistical Elements , which , as Justin Martyr writes , 2 was one long Prayer , to which the People said , Amen . CHAP. III. § . 1. Of Baptism : The Persons Baptizing . § . 2. The Persons Baptized : First , Infants . § . 3. Next , Adult Persons . The Qualifications that were required in them . § . 4. The manner of Baptism : The Person to be Baptized abjured the Devil , the World , and the Flesh , and gave his Assent to the Fundamental Articles of the Christian Faith. § . 5. A Digression concerning the Ancient Creed . The Creed commonly call'd the Apostles , not known within the first Three Hundred Years after Christ. In those Days they had other brief Summaries of Faith , agreeing in Sense , but not in Words . § . 6. All the ancient Creeds transcribed in their Original Language . § . 7. The Creed , commonly call'd the Apostles , compared with the Ancient Creeds . § . 8. How the Creed was composed . § . 1. HAving in the former Chapter discoursed of their Publick Prayers , I 〈◊〉 in the next place to consider the Two Sacraments , viz. Baptism , and the Lord's Supper . And first of all , to treat of that of Baptism , together with its Appendix and Confirmation ; for the more methodical and distinct handling whereof , I shall enquire into these three Things , viz. The Persons Baptizing , the Persons Baptized , and the manner of Baptism . First , As to the Persons Baptizing , usually they were the Bishops or Pastors of their Respective Parishes , as Justin Martyr describes Baptism as performed by the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 1 President ; and Tertullian by the Antistes , or , 2 Superintendent ; and 3 by the High Priest , who is the Bishop ; but 4 with his Permission and Consent , It was allowed to Presbyters and Deacons ; and in case of Necessity , even to Lay-men to Baptize ; but 5 never under any Necessity whatsoever was it permitted to a Woman so to do . § 2. As for the Persons that were Baptized , they were two sorts , either Infants , or Adult persons . That Infants were baptized , will be evident from this single Consideration . Baptism was always precedent to the Lord's Supper ; and none were admitted to receive the Eucharist , till they were baptized . This is so obvious to every Man , that it needs no proof : If any one doubts it , he may 〈◊〉 it clearly asserted in the Second Apology of Justin Martyr , p. 97. Children received the Eucharist in the Primitive Church , which is also a thing so well known , as that for the proof of it I shall only urge one passage of 6 Cyprian's , where he tells a long Story of a Sucking Girl , who so violently refused to taste the Sacramental Wine , that the Deacon was obliged forcibly to open her Lips , and to pour down the Consecrated Wine . Therefore it naturally follows , that Children were baptized ; for if they received that Ordinance , which always succeeded Baptism , then of necessity they must have received Baptism its self . But I needed not to have mentioned this Consideration , since Infant-Baptism is as clearly asserted in Words at length in the Primitive Writings , as a thing can possibly be . Thus Origen writes , that 7 Children are baptized for the Remission of their Sins , fer the purging away of their natural Filth , and original Impurity which is inherent in them , according to Job 15. 14. What is Man that he should be clean ? And he which is born of a Woman , that he should be Righteous ? And that of the Prophet Isaiah , chap. 4. v. 4. When the Lord shall have washed away the Filth of the Daughter of Sion , and shall have purged the Blood of Jerusalem from the midst thereof . No one is clean from the Filth ; no , though he lived but one Day upon the Earth . Wherefore because through the Sacrament of Baptism , the Uncleannesses of our Birth are purged away , therefore Children are baptized . And the same Father Commenting on that place of our Saviour , Matth. 18. 10. See that ye despise not one of these little ones , alledges this as one Reason , why we should not do so , because of the Angels that guard them , on which reason he makes this Query , 8 At what time the Angels begin their Guardianship over those little ones , whether at the time of their Birth or their Baptism ? So that little ones were Baptized ; by which little ones he means Infants and Children , as is most evident from those other Titles , which he gives them in the same Tome , as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , little Children , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Infants ; and in one place he supposes them to be 9 under three or four Years old . To these Testimonies of Origen , I might also add those of Irenaeus , Lib. 2. cap. 39. p. 137. and of Cyprian , De Lapsis , § . 7. p. 279. But I shall chuse to wave them , because I would willingly translate at length the Determination of an African Svnod , held Anno 254 , whereat were present Threescore and Six Bishops ; the occasion of which Determination was this : A certain Bishop called Fidus , had some Scruples , not concerning the Baptism of Infants , but concerning the time of their Baptism , whether they might be baptized before the Second or Third Day after their Birth , or before the Eighth Day , as it was observed with respect to Circumcision under the Mosaical Oeconomy ; the Reasons or Grounds for which his Scruples he proposed to this Synod , who having seriously examined them , 〈◊〉 decreed , That Childrens Baptism was not to be deferred to long , but that the Grace of God , or Baptism , should be given to all , and most especially unto 〈◊〉 , which Synodical Decree , because so pertinent to my purpose , I have at large transcribed as follows : Quantum vero ad cansam Infantium pertinet , quos dixisti intra secundum vel tertium diem quo nati sint constitutos baptizari non oportere ; & considerandam esse legem Circumcisionis antiquae , ut intra octavum diem eum qui natus est baptizandum & sanctificandum non putares ; longe aliud in consilio nostro omnibus visum est ; in hoc enim quod tu putabas esse faciendum , nemo consensit , sed universi potius judicavimus , nulli hominum nato misericordiam Dei & gratiam denegandam ; nam cum Dominus in Evangelio suo dicar , Filius hominis non venit animas hominum perdere , sed salvare ; quantum in nobis est , si fieri potest , 〈◊〉 anima perdenda est . Quid enim ei deest , qui semel in utero , Dei manibus formatus est ? Nobis enim atque oculis nostris , secundum dierum secularium cursum , accipere , qui nati sunt incrementum videntur : Caeterum quaecunque a Deo fiunt , Dei factoris majestate & opere perfecta sunt . Esse denique apud omnes , sive infantes , sive majores natu , unam divini muneris aequalitatem , declarat nobis divinae Scripturae fides , cum Helisaeus super Infantem Sunamitis Viduae Filium qui mortuus jacebat , ita se Deum deprecans superstravit , ut capiti caput , & faciei facies applicaretur , & superfusi Helisaei membra singulis parvuli membris & pedes pedibus jungerentur . Quae res si secundum nativitatis nostrae & Corporis qualitatem cogitetur , adulto & provecto Infans non posset . Nam & quod vestigium infantis , in primis 〈◊〉 ini diebus constituti , mundum non esse 〈◊〉 , quod unusquisque nostrum adhuc horreat exosculari , nec hoc 〈◊〉 coelestem gratiam dandam impedimento esse oportere ; scriptumest enim , omnia mundasunt mundis ; nec aliquis nostrum id debet hortere , quod Deus dignatus est facere . Nam etsi adhuc infans a partu novus eft , non ita est tamen , ut quisquam illum in gratia danda atque in pace facienda horrere debeat osculari , quando in osculo 〈◊〉 unusquisque nostrum pro sua religione ipsas adhuc recentes Dei manus debeat cogitare , quas in homine modo formato & recens nato quodammodo exosculamur , quando id quod Deus fecit , amplectimur . Nam quod in Judaica . Circumcisione carnali octavus dies observabatur , Sacramentum est in umbra atque in imagine ante 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 veniente Christo veritate completum . 〈◊〉 quia octavus dies , id est , post 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dies 〈◊〉 erat , quo Dominus 〈◊〉 , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & Circumcisionem nobis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hic dies 〈◊〉 , id est , post Sabbacum primus , & Dominicus praecessit in imagine , quae imago cessavit fuperveniente 〈◊〉 veritate , & data nobis spirituali circumcisione . Propter quod neminem putamus a gratia consequenda impediendum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lege quae iam 〈◊〉 est ; nec spiritualem circumcisionem impediri carnali 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sed omnem omnino hominem admittendum efse ad gratiam Christi , quando & Petrus in Actibus Apostolorum 〈◊〉 , & dicat , Dominus mihi dixit , 〈◊〉 communem dicendum & immundum . Caeterum si homines 〈◊〉 aliquid ad 〈◊〉 gratiae posset ; magis adultos & provectos & majores natu possent impedire peccata graviora . Porro autem si etiam gravissimis delictoribus & in Deum multum ante peccantibus , cum postea crediderint , remissa peccatorum datur , & a baptismo atque a gratia nemo prohibetur ; quanto magis prohiberi non debet 〈◊〉 , qui recens natus nihil peccavit , nisi quod secundum Adam carnaliter natus contagium mortis antique prima nativitate contraxit ? Qui ad remissam peccatorum accipiendam hoc ipso facilius accedit , quod illi remittuntur non propria , sed aliena peccata & idcirco , frater charissime , haec fuit in concilio nostra sententia , a baptismo atque a gratia Dei , qui omnibus 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 , & pius est , neminem per nos debere prohiberi . Quod cum 〈◊〉 universos observandum 〈◊〉 atque retinendum , tum magis circa 〈◊〉 ipsos & recens natos 〈◊〉 putamus , qui hoc 〈◊〉 de 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ac de divina 〈◊〉 plus merentur , quod in primo statim na 〈◊〉 suae ortu 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 flentes nihil aliud 〈◊〉 quam 〈◊〉 . As for the matter of Infants , whom , you said , were not to be Baptized within the Second or Third Day after their Nativity , or according to the Law of Circumcision within the eighth Day thereof ; it hath appeared to us in our Council quite contrary ; no one maintained your Opinion , but we all judged , That the Mercy and Grace of God was to be denied to no Man ; for since the Lord said in the Gospel , The Son of Man came not to destroy , but to save the Souls of Men ; therefore as much as lies in our Power , no Soul is to be lost ; for what is there defective in him , who has been once formed in the Womb by the Hands of God ? To us indeed it seems , that Children increase , as they advance in Years ; but yet whatever things are made by God , are perfected by the Work and Majesty of God their Maker . Besides , the 〈◊〉 Scriptures declare , that both Infants and Adult Persons have the same Equality in the Divine Workmanship : When Elisha prayed over the Dead Child of the Sunamitish Widow , he lay upon the Child , and put his Head upon his Head , and his Face upon his Face , and his Body upon his Body , and his Feet upon his Feet . This may be thought improbable , how the small Members of an Infant should equal the big ones of a grown Man ; but 〈◊〉 is expressed the Divine and Spiritual Equality , that all Men are equal , and alike , when they are made by God ; that though the encrease of our 〈◊〉 may cause an inequality with respect to Men , yet not with respect to God ; unless that that Grace , which is given to 〈◊〉 Persons , be more or less according to the Age of the Receivers ; but the Holy Ghost is given equally to all , not according to measure , but according to God's Mercy and Indulgence ; for as God is no respecter of Persons , so neither of Years ; he equally offers to all , the 〈◊〉 of his Heavenly Grace . And whereas you say , that an 〈◊〉 for the first Days after his Birth is unclean , so that 〈◊〉 one is 〈◊〉 to kiss him , this can 〈◊〉 no Impediment to his 〈◊〉 of Heavenly Grace ; for it is written , to the Pure all things are pure ; and none of us should dread that which God hath made ; for although an 〈◊〉 be newly born , yet he is not so , as that we should dread to 〈◊〉 him ; since in the 〈◊〉 of an Infant , we ought to think upon the fresh Works of God , which in a 〈◊〉 we * 〈◊〉 in an Infant newly formed and born , when we embrace that which God hath made . And whereas the 〈◊〉 Jewish 〈◊〉 was performed on the Eighth Day , that was a Type and Shadow of some future good thing , which , Christ the Truth being now come , is done away ; because the Eighth Day , or the First Day after the Sabbath , was 〈◊〉 be the Day on which our Lord should rise and quicken us , and give us the Spiritual Circumcision ; 〈◊〉 was the Carnal Circumcision on the Eighth Day , which Type is now abolished , Christ the Truth being come , and having given us the Spiritual Circumcision . Wherefore it is our Judgment , that no one ought to be debarred from God's Grace by that Law , or that the Spiritual Circumcision should be hindred by the carnal one ; but all Men ought to be admitted to the Grace of Christ , as Peter saith in the Acts of the Apostles , that the Lord said unto him , that he should call no Man common or unclean . But if any thing can hinder Men from Baptism , it will be hainous Sins , that will debar the Adult and Mature therefrom ; and if those who have sinned extremely against God , yet if afterwards they 〈◊〉 , are baptized , and no Man is prohibited 〈◊〉 this Grace , how much more ought not an Insant to be 〈◊〉 , who being but just born , is guilty of 〈◊〉 Sin , but of Original which he 〈◊〉 from Adam ? Who ought the more 〈◊〉 to be received to the remission of Sins , 〈◊〉 not his own , but others sins are remitted to him . Wherefore , dearly beloved , it is our Opinion , that from 〈◊〉 , and the Grace of God , who is merciful , kind and benign to all , none 〈◊〉 to be prohibited by us , which as it is to be observed and followed with respect to all , so especially with respect to Infants , and those that are but just born , who deserve our Help , and the Divine 〈◊〉 , because at the first instant of their Nativity , they beg it by their Cries and Tears . Apud Cyprian . 〈◊〉 . 59. § . 2 , 3 , 4. p. 164 , 165. So that here is as Formal , Synodical Decree for the Baptism of Infants as possibly can be 〈◊〉 ; which being the Judgment of a Synod , is more 〈◊〉 and cogent than that of a private Father , it being supposable , that a 〈◊〉 Father might write his own particular Judgment and Opinion , but the Determinations of a Synod or Council , denote the common Practice and Usage of the Whole Church . § . 3. It is evident then , that Infants were baptifed in the Primitive Ages ; and as for the Baptism of the Adult , that being own'd by all , it will be needless to prove it . These were 〈◊〉 grown in Years , able to judge and 〈◊〉 for themselves , who relinquished Paganism , and came over to the Christian Faith. What Qualifications were required in them previous or antecedent to Baptism I need not here relate , since I have already handled this Point in the Sixth Chapter of the former Treatise , to which I refer the Reader . In short , such as these were first instructed in the 〈◊〉 Faith , continued some time in the Rank of the 〈◊〉 , till 1 they had given good Proofs of their Resolutions to 〈◊〉 a pious , religious Life , and had protested their Assent and Consent to all the Christian Verities , and then they were solemnly baptized . Which brings 〈◊〉 to the third thing proposed , 〈◊〉 . The 〈◊〉 of Baptism , which for the main was , as 〈◊〉 . § . 4. The Person to be baptized was first asked several Questions by the Bishop , or by him that Officiated , unto which he was to give his Answer , concerning which Baptismal Questions and Answers Dionysius 〈◊〉 speaks in his Letter to Xystus Bishop of 〈◊〉 , wherein he writes of a certain sorupulous Person in his Church , who was exceedingly troubled , when he was present at Baptism , and 2 heard the Questions and Answers of those that were Baptized . Which Questions Firmilian styles , 3 the lawful and usual Interrogatories of Baptism . Now these Questions and Answers were two-fold : First , Of Abjuration of the Devil and all his Works : And , Secondly , Of a Firm Assent to the Articles of the Christian Faith. First , Of Abjuration . The Minister proposed this Question to the Party baptized , or to this Effect , Do you renounce the Devil , the World , and the Flesh ? To which he answered , Yes . So writes 〈◊〉 , 4 When 〈◊〉 are baptized , 〈◊〉 renounce the World , the Devil , and his Angels . And 5 with 〈◊〉 Mouth we have vowed to renounce the World , the 〈◊〉 and his Angels . And 6 We have renounced the Devil and his Angels . And 7 Thou hast 〈◊〉 to renounce the World , the Devil , and his Angels . And , 8 We were called to the Warfare of the Living God , when we promised in the Words of Baptism . To the same effect also says Cyprian , 9 When we were baptized , we renounced the World. And 1 We have renounced the World , its Pomps and Delights . And 2 The Servant of God has renounced the Devil and the World. And , 3 We have renounced the World , and by the Faith of Spiritual Grace have cast off its Riches and Pomps . And , 4 We 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Devil and the World. And so likewise saith Clemens Alexandrinus , that in Baptism 5 we renounced the Devil . The Second Question was , Whether the Party to be Baptized , did believe all the Articles of the Christian Faith , to which he answered , Yes , as Justin Martyr writes , 6 that those who were to be baptized , were to give their Assent to the things that were 〈◊〉 and held by them . So Cyprian writes , that at Baptism they asked the Baptised Person 's Assent to this Creed , 7 Whether he believed in God the Father , Son , and Holy Ghost , remission of Sins , and eternal Life through the Church ? And that at Baptism they asked , 8 Dost thou believe 〈◊〉 Life everlasting , and remission of Sins through the Holy Church ? These Articles of Faith to which the Baptized Persons gave their Assent , are called by Cyprian , 9 The Law of the Symbol . And by Novatian , 1 The Rule of Truth . § . 5. And here since we have mentioned the Symbol , it will be no unuseful Digression to enquire a little into the Ancient Creeds ; for as for that Creed , which is commonly called the Aposties , all Learned Persons are now agreed , that it was never composed by them , neither do I find it within my prescribed Time : But though they had not that , yet they had other Creeds very like thereunto , which contained the fundamental Articles of the Christian Faith , 〈◊〉 which all Christians gave their Assent and 〈◊〉 , and that publickly at Baptism ; whence , as before it is called by Cyprian , The Law of the Symbol ; and by Novatian , The Rule of Truth . This Creed was handed down from Father to Son , as a brief Summary of the necessary Scripture Truths , not in ipsissimis verbis , or in the same set Words , but only the Sense or Substance thereof , which is evident , from that we never find the Creed twice repeated in the same Words , no , not by one and the same Father ; which that it may the more manifestly appear , as also that we may see the Congruity and Affinity of the Ancient Creeds with our Present Creed , commonly call'd the Apostles , I shall 〈◊〉 in their Original Language all the whole Creeds , and Pieces of Creeds , that I find within my limited Bounds , which , together with the Authors wherein they are to be 〈◊〉 , are as follows . § . 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ignat. Epist. ad 〈◊〉 . p. 52. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 , lib. 1. c. 2. p. 35 , 36 , 〈◊〉 in unum Deum fabricatorem 〈◊〉 ac 〈◊〉 , & 〈◊〉 quae in eis sunt , per Christum Jesum Dei Filium , qui propter 〈◊〉 erga Figmentum suum dilectionem , 〈◊〉 quae esset ex Virgine , generationem 〈◊〉 , ipse per se hominem adunans Deo , & passus sub Pontio Pilato , & resurgens , & in claritate receptus , in gloria venturus Salvator eorum qui salvantur , & Judex eorum qui 〈◊〉 , & mittens in ignem aeternum transfiguratores veritatis , & contemptores patris sui & adventus ejus . Irenaeus , lib. 3. cap. 4. p 172. Regula est autem Fidei , ut jam hinc quid credamus , profitearur , illa scilicet , qua creditur unum omnino Deum esse , 〈◊〉 alium praeter mundi creatorem , qui universa de nihilo produxerit per verbum suum , primo omnium amissum : id verbum Filium ejus appellatum in nomine Dei , varie visum Patriarchis , in Prophetis semper auditum , postremo delatum ex spiritu patris Dei & virture in Virginem Matiam , carnem factum in utero ejus , & ex ea natum , egisse Jesum Christum , exinde proedicasse novam legem & novam promissionem Regni Coelorum , virtutes fecisse , fixum cruci tertia die resurrexisse , in coelos ereptum , sedere ad dexteram patris , misisse vicariam vim spiritus sancti , qui credentes agant , venturum cum claritate ad sumendos sauctos in vitae eternae , & promissorum coelestium fructum , & ad 〈◊〉 judicandos igni perpetuo , facta utriusque partis resuscitatione cum carnis 〈◊〉 . Haec regula a Christo — instituta nullas habet apud nos quaestiones , nisi quas haereses 〈◊〉 , & quae haereticos faciunt . 〈◊〉 . de 〈◊〉 , advers . 〈◊〉 . p. 73. Unicum quidem Deum credimus , sub hac 〈◊〉 dispensatione quam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dicimus , ut unici Dei sit & Filius Sermo ipsius , qui ex ipso processerit , per quem omnia facta sunt , & sine quo factum est nihil , hunc missum a patre in Virginem , & ex ea natum hominem & Deum , filium hominis & filium Dei , & cognominatum Jesum Christum , hunc passum , 〈◊〉 mortuum & sepultum secundum scripturas , & resuscitatum a Patre , & in coelo resumptum , sedere ad dexteram patris , venturum judicare vivos & 〈◊〉 , qui exinde miserat secundum promissionem suam a patre spiritum sanctum Paracletum , sanctificatorem fidei eorum qui credunt in patrem , & filium , & spiritum sanctum . Hanc regulam ab initio Evangelii decucurrisse , &c. Tertul. advers . Praxean . p. 316. Regula Fidei una omnino est , sola immobilis & irreformabilis credendi scilicet in unicum Deum omnipotentem , mundi conditorem , & 〈◊〉 ejus Jesum Christum , natum ex Virgine Maria , crucifixum sub Pontio Pilato , tertio 〈◊〉 resuscitatum a mortuis , receptum in coelis , sedentem nunc ad dexteram patris , venturum 〈◊〉 vivos & mortuos , per carnis etiam resurrectionem . Tertullian de Virginib . veland . p. 385. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Origen . Comment . in 〈◊〉 . Tom. 32. p. 397. Vol. 2. Unus Deus est , qui omnia creavit , atque composuit ; quique ex nullis fecit esse universa , Deus a prima creatura & conditione mundi omnium justorum , Adam , Abel , Seth , Enos , &c. & quod hic Deus in novissimis diebus , 〈◊〉 per Prophetas suos ante promiserat , 〈◊〉 Dominum 〈◊〉 Jesum Christum , 〈◊〉 quidem vocaturum Israel , secundo vero etiam gentes post perfidiam populi Israel . Hic Deus 〈◊〉 & bonus pater domini nostri Jesu Christi , Legem & Prophetas & Evangelia ipse 〈◊〉 , qui & Apostolorum Deus est , & veteris & novi Testamenti : Tum deinde quia Jesus Christus ipse qui venit , ante omnem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ex patre est : Qui cum in omnium conditione 〈◊〉 ministrasset ( per ipsum enim omnia 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) novissimis temporibus seipsum 〈◊〉 homo factus est , incarnatus est cum Deus 〈◊〉 & homo mansit quod Deus erat . Corpus assumpsit corpori nostro simile , eo solo 〈◊〉 , quod natum ex Virgine & Spiritu sancto est , & quoniam hic Jesus Christus natus & 〈◊〉 est in veritate , & non per imaginem , communem hanc mortem vere 〈◊〉 est ; vere enim a morte resurrexit , & post resurrectionem conversatus cum 〈◊〉 suis assumptus 〈◊〉 . Tum deinde honore ac dignitate Patri ac Filio sociatum tradiderunt Spiritum sanctum , in hoc non jam manifeste discernitur , utrum 〈◊〉 aut innatus . Sed inquirenda jam ista pro viribus sunt de Sacra Scriptura , & sagaci perquisitione investiganda , sane quod iste Spiritus 〈◊〉 unumquemque sanctorum vel Prophetarum , vel Apostolorum inspiravit , & non 〈◊〉 Spiritus in veteribus , alius vero in his , qui in adventu Christi inspirati sunt , manifestissime in Ecclesiis praedicatur . Post haec jam , quod anima substantiam , vitamque habens 〈◊〉 , cum ex hoc mundo discesserit , & pro 〈◊〉 meritis dispensabit , sive vitae aeternae ac 〈◊〉 haereditate potitura , si hoc ei sua 〈◊〉 praestiterint ; sive igne aeterno ac 〈◊〉 mancipanda , si in hoc eam scelerum culpa detorserit . Sed & quia erit tempus resurnectionis mortuorum , cum corpus hoc quod in 〈◊〉 seminatur surget in incorruptione , & quod seminatur in ignominia , surget in gloria . Origen . in Proaem . lib. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Credis in Deum Patrem , Filium Christum , Spiritum Sanctum , remissionem peccatorum , & Vitam AEternam per Sanctam 〈◊〉 Cyprian . Epist. 76. § . 6. p. 248. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Gregor . 〈◊〉 . § . 7. These are all the Creeds that I have met with , in which the Words are various , but generally recurring to the 〈◊〉 Sense : It would be too tedious to translate them all ; wherefore I shall sum them up in the Creed , commonly call'd the Apostles , and thereby shew their Congruity and Agreement , as also , what is in the Apostles Creed more than in these . Now the Articles of the Apostles Creed , that are to be found in the 〈◊〉 Creeds , are as follows : I believe in God the Father Almighty , Maker of Heaven and Earth , and in Jesus Christ his only Son our Lord , who was conceived by the Holy Ghost , born of the Virgin Mary , suffered under Pontius Pilate , was crucified , dead , and buried — The Third Day he rose again from the Dead , ascended into Heaven , sitteth at the Right Hand of God the Father Almighty , from whence he shall come to judge both the Quick and the Dead . I believe in the Holy Ghost , the Holy Catholick 〈◊〉 — the Forgiveness of . Here are now two Clauses of our 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , viz. He descended into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Communion of 〈◊〉 . § . 8. If we would know how they were 〈◊〉 , we must first consider how the whole Creed was framed , which I conceive was done these two ways . First , Some of the Articles were derived down from the very Days of the Apostles . Secondly , Others were afterwards added in opposition to Heresies , as they sprung up in the Church . First , Some of the Articles were 〈◊〉 down from the very Days of the 〈◊〉 , such were these , I believe in God the 〈◊〉 , ( or as the Greek Creeds read it , in one 〈◊〉 the Father , in opposition to the Polytheism of the Heathens ) and in Jesus Christ his only 〈◊〉 Son our Lord : I believe , in the Holy 〈◊〉 the Resurrection of the Body , and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , lasting . For in the Days of the 〈◊〉 as well 〈◊〉 afterwards , it was the Practice at Baptism , to demand the baptized 〈◊〉 assent 〈◊〉 the fundamental Articles of the 〈◊〉 Faith , us Philip did the 〈◊〉 ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 amongst which Fundamentals we may be 〈◊〉 they reckoned the Doctrine of the 〈◊〉 because they were baptized in the Name and Dedicated to the Service of the 〈◊〉 ; and that of the Unity of the Godhead , because , it was the great 〈◊〉 and design of their Preaching to overturn the Pagans multiplicity of Deities ; and that of the Resurrection of the 〈◊〉 , and the Life everlasting , because that was the Characteristick or Peculiar Doctrine of the 〈◊〉 Religion , by which it was eminently 〈◊〉 from other Sects and Opinions , and was the only Comfort and support of the Christians under their Sufferings and Martyrdoms , according to that of St. Paul , 1. 〈◊〉 . 15. 29. If the Dead rise not at all , why are they then baptized for the Dead ? As for the other Articles of the Creed , viz. Such as are predicated of Christ , as , His being conceived of the Holy Ghost , born of the Virgin Mary , &c. and those other two , The Holy Catholick Church , and , The Forgiveness of Sins , I conceive them to be introduced the second way , viz. in opposition to Heresies , as they sprung up in the Church , as , was conceived by the Holy Ghost , in opposition to the 〈◊〉 , Ebionites , and Cerinthians , who taught that Christ was born in the ordinary and common way as other Men and Women are : Was born of the Virgin Mary , suffered under Pontius Pilate , &c. in contradiction to the Docetae , Simonians , and others , who affirmed Christ to be a Man , not really , but only Phantastically , or in appearance ; of which Hereticks 〈◊〉 1 speaks ; and 〈◊〉 them his forementioned Creed seems particularly to be levelled , The Remission of Sins , against the Basitidians , who held that not all Sins , but only involuntary ones would be remitted ; or rather against the Novatians , who denied remission to the Lapsed : The Holy Catholick Church , to exclude thereby all 〈◊〉 and Schismaticks from being within the Pale thereof . By these two ways then was the Creed composed , and by the latter hereof were those two Articles introduced , of Christ's Descent into Hell , and of the Communion of Saints . The Communion of Saints was brought in last of all . The Descent into Hell towards the 〈◊〉 end of the Fourth Century , into the manner and occasion whereof , as also the intent and meaning of this Article , I had designed once to enquire , having made some Collections concerning it ; but finding I should be then forc'd to pass the Limits of my prescribed time , I have thought it expedient to omit it , and to return to those Points , from whence I have so long digressed . CHAP. IV. § . 1. Of Godfathers . § . 2. 〈◊〉 preceded Baptism : The Form and Reason thereof . § . 3. Next came Baptism its self : The Sacramental Water 〈◊〉 by Prayer . § . 4. The Person Baptized in the Name of the Trinity . § . 5. 〈◊〉 , or dipping , generally used . § . 6. Sometimes Perfusion , or Sprinkling . The Validity thereof considered . § . 7. After Baptism followed Prayers . § . 1. HAving in the former Chapter made a little Digression , I now return to the matter that first occasioned it , which was , the Questions proposed to the Persons to be Baptized , unto which Adult Persons answered for themselves , and Susceptors , or Godfathers , for Children . Of these Susceptors , or Sponsors , 〈◊〉 speaks , where he thus adviseth the delay of Childrens Baptism , 1 What necessity is there that Sponsors should expose themselves to danger , who through Death may 〈◊〉 of the Performance of their Promises , or may be deceived by the wicked Disposition of those they promise for ? Whether the use of Sponsors was from the Apostles Days , I cannot determine , unless the Negative may be conjectured from Justin 〈◊〉 , Tertullian's Senior by Fisty Years , who when he enumerates the Method and Form of Baptism , says not one Word of Sponsors or Godfathers , as may be seen in his Second Apology , Pag. 93 , 94. § . 2. When these Questions and Answers were ended , then followed Exorcization , the manner and end whereof was this : The Minister put his Hands on the Persons Head that was to be Baptized , and breathed in his Face , implying thereby the Exorcization , or expelling of the Devil or Evil Spirit from him , and a preparing of him for Baptism and Confirmation , when and where the good and holy Spirit was conferred and given . This Practice I find mentioned by Clemens Alexandrinus , who speaks of the 2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Exorcism before Baptism , but more fully by some of those Bishops that were present at that famous Council of Carthage , held Anno 258 in whose Determinations , Exorcization is required as previous and antecedent to Baptism . Thus in that of Crescens Bishop of Cirta , 3 I judge , saith he , that all Hereticks and Schismaticks , who would come to the Catholick Church , are not to be admitted , till they have been first Exorcized and 〈◊〉 . So also said Lucius Bishop of 〈◊〉 , 4 It is my Opinion that all Hereticks are to 〈◊〉 exorcized and baptized . And thus more clearly Vincentius Bishop of Thibaris , 5 We know Hereticks to be worse than 〈◊〉 . If therefore they would turn and come to the Lord , we have a Rule of Truth , which the Lord commanded the 〈◊〉 , saying ; Go , in my 〈◊〉 , lay on Hands , and cast out Devils , ( Mark 16. 17. ) And in another place . Go and teach all Nations , baptizing them in the Name of the Father , of the Son , and of the Holy Ghost , ( Matth. 28. 19. ) Therefore first let them come by Imposition of Hands in Exorcism , and then by the Regeneration of Baptism , that so they may be made Partakers of Christ's Promises ; but otherwise I think they cannot . From this last Determination we may observe the Reason of these Exorcisms , which arose from a misunderstanding of Christ's Valedictory Speech to his Disciples in Mark 16 , 17 , &c. In the 16th Verse of that Chapter 〈◊〉 them to go forth preaching the Gospel , and to Baptize , which was to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , perpetual Ministration to the end of the World. Then he proceeds to tell them , v. 17 , 18. that for the speedier propagation of the Gofpel , and that the Heathens 〈◊〉 the more readily embrace it , he would confer on them , and the first Preachers 〈◊〉 of , the Gift of working Miracles , that in 〈◊〉 Name they should cast out Devils , and speak with new Tongues , as they most 〈◊〉 did at the Day of Pentecost ; That they should take up Serpents , as Paul did at 〈◊〉 without receiving any Injury ; and if they 〈◊〉 any deadly thing , it should not hurt them ; They should say Hands on the Sick , and they should recover ; All which they did , as Ecclesiastical Histories 〈◊〉 testifie ; and St. Mark closes this Chapter , and his Gospel , with saying , that when the Apostles went 〈◊〉 and Preached , the Lord 〈◊〉 with them , and confirmed the Word with Signs following . So that these were extraordinary Actions 〈◊〉 promised to the 〈◊〉 and first 〈◊〉 of the Faith of Christ. But now it is evident from the forementioned Determination of Vincentius Bishop of 〈◊〉 , that in his Age , they apprehended them to be like Baptism , ordinary and standing Administrations in the Church , and so 〈◊〉 in the Sense of the fore-cited Text , introduced for an ordinary and constant Practice , that which was promised by Christ for an extraordinary and miraculous Gift . Christ promised his 〈◊〉 , the miraculous Power of casting Devils out of Bodies possessed by them : But these Fathers understood this Promise of the common Spiritual Effects of the Gospel , which , where it is believingly received , delivers that Person from the Desusion and Dominion of the Devil , under which we all naturally are , being by Nature Children of Wrath ; and for the Declaration of this invisible Freedom and Deliverance , which they all thought to be in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Baptism , they made use of this external Sign of Exorcism just before Baptism , to declare thereby , that now the unclean Devil with all his Power and Tyranny was cast out of that Person , who was now going in and by 〈◊〉 , to be 〈◊〉 to the Service of a 〈◊〉 Master , viz. of the Blessed Trinity , Father , Son , and Holy Ghost , God blessed for evermore . § . 3. When 〈◊〉 was 〈◊〉 , then came Baptism its self ; and the Person being ready to be Baptized , the Minister , by Prayer , 〈◊〉 the Water for that use , because it was not any Water , but only 6 that Water , as Sedatus Bishop of Turbo writes , which is sanctified in the Church by the Prayers of the Minister , that 〈◊〉 away Sin. It is true indeed , as Tertullian writes , 7 That any Waters 〈◊〉 Sacramentum sanctificationis consequuntur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , supervenit 〈◊〉 statim 〈◊〉 de Coelis & Baptism . p. 598. may be applyed to that use , but then God must be first Invocated , and then the Holy Ghost presently comes down from Heaven , moves upon them , and 〈◊〉 them . 〈◊〉 , saith Cyprian , 8 The Water must be first 〈◊〉 and sanctified by the Priest , that by its washing it may wash away the Sins of Man that is Baptized . § . 4. The Water being Consecrated , the Person was then Baptized in the Name of the Father , of the Son , and of the Holy Ghost . So writes Justin 〈◊〉 , 9 They are baptized in the Name of God the Father , Lord of all , and of our Saviour Jesus Christ , and of the Holy Ghost . For as Clemens 〈◊〉 says , 1 The baptized Person by this Dedication to the Blessed Trinity , is delivered from the corrupt Trinity , viz. The Devil , the World , and the Flesh , and is now Sealed by the Father , Son and Holy Ghost . This Baptizing in the Name of Trinity , Origen terms , 2 The Invocation of the Adorable Trinity . § . 5. As for the 〈◊〉 of Water employed in Baptism , that is , whether they 〈◊〉 or dipped ; to me it seems evident , that their 〈◊〉 Custom was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or dip the whole Body . When St. Barnabas describes a baptized Person by his going down into the Water , 2 We go down , saith he , into the Water full of Sin and Filth , but we ascend with Fruit and Benefit in our Hearts . And so Tertullian represents baptized Persons , as , 3 entred into the Water . And as 4 let down into the Water . And Justin Martyr describes the same 5 by being washed in Water ; and calls the place where they are baptized 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 6 a washing-place , or a Bath ; whence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 against the Baptism of Hereticks , condemns it as carnal , and as being upon that account no 〈◊〉 7 different from the Baptism or washing of the Jews , which they used as a common and ordinary Bath to wash away the 〈◊〉 of their Bodies . § . 6. But though Immersion was their usual Custom , yet Perfusion or Sprinkling was not accounted unlawful ; but in cases of necessity that was used , as in Clinic Baptism , which was , when sick Persons , whose Deaths they apprehended , were Baptized in their Beds , as 〈◊〉 8 being sick , and 〈◊〉 Death , as was 〈◊〉 , was Baptized in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Perfusion , or , Pouring on of Water . It is true indeed , this Baptism was not generally esteemed as perfect , as the more solemn Baptism ; for which Reason it was a Custom in some Churches , not to advance any to Clerical Orders , who had been 〈◊〉 Baptized ; an Instance whereof we have in the Church of Rome , where the Ordination of Novatian to be a Presbyter , was 9 opposed by all the Clergy , and by many of the 〈◊〉 , as unlawful , because of his Clinic Perfusion . But yet that they held it not altogether or absolutely unlawful to be done , appears from that on the Intreaties of the Bishop , they consented that he should be ordained , as he accordingly was : And Cyprian in a set Discourse on this Subject , declares , that he thought this Baptism to be as perfect and 〈◊〉 , as that done more solemnly by Immersion , for when one Magnus writ to him , 〈◊〉 his Opinion , whether those were 〈◊〉 baptized , who , through their 〈◊〉 , were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but only perfused or aspers'd , he 〈◊〉 . Nos quantum concipit mediocritas nostra , 〈◊〉 in nullo mutilari & 〈◊〉 posse divina beneficia , nec minus aliquid illic posse contingere , ubi plena & tota 〈◊〉 & dantis & sumentis accipitur , quod de divinis muneribus hauritur . Neque enim sic in Sacramento Salutari delictorum contagia , ut in lavacro carnali & seculari 〈◊〉 cutis & corporis 〈◊〉 , ut aphronitris , & 〈◊〉 quoque adjumentis , & Solio & Piscina opus fit , quibus ablui & mundari corpusculum 〈◊〉 . Aliter pectus credentis abluitur , aliter mens hominis per fidei merita mundatur . In Sacramentis 〈◊〉 necessitate cogente , & Deo indulgentiam suam 〈◊〉 , totum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Divina compendia . Nec quemquam movere debet , quod 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 persundi videantur aegri , cum gratiam dominicam 〈◊〉 , quando 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 per Ezechielem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 , & aspergam super vos aquam 〈◊〉 , & mundabi mini ab omnibus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & ab omnibus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vos , & dabo vobis cor novum , & Spiritum novum dabo in vobis . Item in Numeris , & homo qui 〈◊〉 immundus usque ad 〈◊〉 , hic 〈◊〉 dietertio , & die septimo & mundus erit ; si 〈◊〉 non suerit purificatus die tertio , & die septimo , non erit mundus , & exterminabitur anima illa de Israel , quoniam aqua aspersionis non est super eum sparsa . Et iterum , & locutus est Dominus ad Moysen , dicens , accipe 〈◊〉 de 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Israel , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & ita 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 purificationem 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 aqua purificationis ; & iterum , aqua aspersionis purificatio est . Unde 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quoque aquae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lavacri obtinere ; & quando haec in ecclesia 〈◊〉 , ubi sit & dantis & accipientis 〈◊〉 integra , stare omnia & consummari ac perfici posse 〈◊〉 Domini & Fidei veritate . Epist. 76. § . 9. p. 249 , 250. That as far as he could 〈◊〉 , he 〈◊〉 that the Divine Benefits could 〈◊〉 wise be 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 , nor that less thereof could 〈◊〉 , where the Divine Gifts are received with a sound and full Faith , both of Giver and Receiver : Far in Baptism , the Spots of Sin are otherwise washed 〈◊〉 , than the 〈◊〉 of the Body in a Secular and Carnal Bath is , in which there is need of a Seat to sit upon , of a Vat to wash in , 〈◊〉 Soap , and other such like Implements , that so the Body may be washed and cleansed ; but in another manner is the Heart of a Believer is the Mind of a Man purified by 〈◊〉 Merits of Christ. In the Sacraments of 〈◊〉 through the Indulgence of God in Cases of 〈◊〉 , the Divine 〈◊〉 convey the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 those that 〈◊〉 Nor let 〈◊〉 one think it strange , that the Sick , when they are Baptized , are only perfused or sprinkled , since the Scripture says , by the 〈◊〉 Ezekiel , Chap. 36. v. 25 , 26. I will sprinkle clean Water upon you , and ye shall be clean ; from all your 〈◊〉 , and from all your Idols will I cleanse you ; a new Heart also will , I give you , and a new Spirit will I put within you . Also it is said in Numbers , chap. 19. 19 , 20. And the Man which shall be 〈◊〉 to the Evening , 〈◊〉 shall 〈◊〉 purified the third Day , and the seventh Day , and 〈◊〉 shall be clean ; but if he shall not be purified the third 〈◊〉 and the seventh Day , he shall not 〈◊〉 clean , and that Soul shall be 〈◊〉 off from Israel , because the 〈◊〉 of Aspersion hath not been sprinkled on him . And again the Lord spake unto Moses , Numb . 8. v. 6 , 7. Take the 〈◊〉 from among the Children of Israel , and cleanse them ; and thus shalt thou do unto them to cleanse 〈◊〉 sprinkle Water of Purifying upon them . And again , the Water of Aspersion is Purification : From whence it appears , that sprinkling is sufficient instead of Immersion ; and whensoever it is done , if there be a sound Faith of Giver and Receiver it is perfect and complent . And a little 〈◊〉 in the same Epistle , the said Father argues the Validity of Baptizing by Sprinkling , because such as had been so Baptized , were never Baptized again . Aut si aliquis 〈◊〉 eos nihil 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 quod aqua salutari 〈◊〉 perfusi sunt , sed 〈◊〉 & vacuos esse ; non decipiantur , & si incommodum languoris 〈◊〉 & convaluerint , baptizentur . Si autem baptizari non possunt , 〈◊〉 jam baptismo 〈◊〉 sanctificati sunt , 〈◊〉 in fide sua & Domini indulgentia 〈◊〉 ? Idem Ibid. § . 10. p. 250. If , saith he , any shall think that such have not 〈◊〉 the Grace of God , but 〈◊〉 void and empty thereof , because they have been only 〈◊〉 with the Saving Laver ; Let not such then that have been so Baptized , 〈◊〉 themselves ; but 〈◊〉 they recover their Health , let them 〈◊〉 Baptized ; but if they cannot be 〈◊〉 , as having been already Sanctified with the Ecclesiastical Baptism , why then are they scandalized in their Faith , and in the Mercy of God ? So that Sprinkling or Perfusion was 〈◊〉 valid , and seems to be always used in Cases of Necessity , as Immersion was in their ordinary Publick Baptism , when as Tertullian writes , 1 they dipped the Baptized Person three times under Water , that is , dipping him once at the naming of each Person of the Holy Trinity . 2 We are , says the foresaid Father , dipped at the naming of each Person . § . 7. When Baptism was over , the Person that had been then Baptized , as Justin Martyr relates it , 3 was 〈◊〉 into the number of the Faithful , who then sent up 〈◊〉 Publick Prayers to God for all Men , for themselves , and for him that had been Baptized . After which the Baptized Person , as the said Father goes on to write , was admitted to receive the other Sacrament of the Lord's Supper with the rest of the Faithful . So that in Justin. Martyr's Age , at least in his 〈◊〉 at that Season , it seems very probable that there followed only Prayers after Baptism : But not long after his time , we meet with many other Ceremonies then used , which because they have some Relation to our present Controversies , I shall mention in the following Chapter . CHAP. V. § . 1. After Baptism followed 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 Vnction . § . 2. Then Signation , or 〈◊〉 with the Sign of the Cross. § . 3. Then 〈◊〉 of Hands , or Confirmation . § . 4. 〈◊〉 Reasons for 〈◊〉 . § . 5. For 〈◊〉 § . 6. For Imposition of Hands § . 7. 〈◊〉 immediately followed Baptism . § . 8. 〈◊〉 confirmed as well as Bishops . § . 9. Confirmation reiterated . § . 1. AS for those Rites that succeeded Baptism , and which we find first mentioned in Tertullian , they were in number three , viz. Vnction , Signation , and Imposition of Hands ; or if the Reader pleases , he may call them all by the Name of Confirmation . Touching Unction or Chrismation , 〈◊〉 thus writes , 1 As soon as we are baptized , we are 〈◊〉 with the blessed Vnction — An external carnal Vnction is poured upon us , but it spiritually advantages . And to the same purpose says his Follower Cyprian , 2 He that is baptized must of necessity be anointed , that having received the 〈◊〉 or Vnction , he may be the Anointed of God , and have him in the Grace of Christ. § . 2. Under this Crismation was comprehended Signation , or the Signing of the Baptized Person with the Sign of the Cross , which the Minister performed with this 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 . So saith 〈◊〉 , 3 The Flesh is 〈◊〉 , that the Soul may be 〈◊〉 . And then it follows , The Flesh 〈◊〉 Signed , that the Soul may be fortified . This Sign was made in the Forehead , as Cyprian observes , than King 〈◊〉 for invading the Priest's Office , 4 was smit with a 〈◊〉 on his Forehead , and mark'd by an offended God 〈◊〉 that place where those are mark'd whom God Receives . Hence he calls a Christians Forehead ; 5 A Signed Forehead ; and thus elegantly exhorts the People of 〈◊〉 in Allusion hereunto , to take unto themselves the whole Armour of God , mentioned 〈◊〉 6. 〈◊〉 . 6 To take 〈◊〉 themselves for a Covering for their Head , the 〈◊〉 of Salvation , that their Ears might be fortified against their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that their Eyes might be strengthned against the beholding of 〈◊〉 Images , that their Forehead might 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that so the Sign of God might be 〈◊〉 inviolable . So Pontius speaks of certain Confessors , who by the 〈◊〉 of their T or mentors 7 had their Foreheads marked a Second Time. It is observed by Tertullian , that the Devil strives to be God's Ape , imitating the Acts of his Worship and Service , and prescribing the fame to his Deluded Adorers , as particularly in the Idolatrous Services of 〈◊〉 as , 8 whose Priests baptized some as his Believing and Faithful Servants , and Sign'd them in their Foreheads as his 〈◊〉 . § . 3. To 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Imposition of Hands , or that which most properly we term Confirmation , which was , the Minister 〈◊〉 his Hands on the Head of the Party Baptized ; Anointed and Signed , and prayed that the Holy Ghost would be pleased to descend , and 〈◊〉 upon him : This immediately followed Signation , as that did Unction . So 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 9 The Flesh is 〈◊〉 that the Soul may be 〈◊〉 ; the Flesh is Signed , that the 〈◊〉 . The Flesh is 〈◊〉 with the 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 that the Soul may be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Spirit . And when 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is finished , 〈◊〉 Hands are imposed , with Prayers invocating and inviting the Holy 〈◊〉 . § . 〈◊〉 . Having thus briefly shewn what their Additional Acts to Baptism were , it will in the 〈◊〉 place be necessary to enquire into the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Reasons of their usage of them ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for Unction : This was taken from the 〈◊〉 Rites , 〈◊〉 it was employed in the Instalment of 〈◊〉 High Priest , to denote his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the Service of God , as Tertullian writes ; 2 This Vnction is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Jewish Dispensation , wherein the High Priest was anointed with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of an Horn , as Aaron was by Moses . So now in the times of the Gospel , all Christians being , as Tertullian says , 3 〈◊〉 to God and the 〈◊〉 . They were in 〈◊〉 thereunto 〈◊〉 by the a 〈◊〉 of Oyl to their 〈◊〉 ; 〈◊〉 , os the 〈◊〉 Father expresses it , 4 The Flesh is anointed , 〈◊〉 Soul may be consecrated . From the Spiritual Unction also of God the Son by God the Father , for which reason he was called Christ , or Anointed , they pleaded for their 〈◊〉 and external Unction , as 〈◊〉 saith , 5 Jesus is called Christ from being anointed , which Vnction was Spiritual , because whilst only a Spirit , he was anointed by the Father , as in the Acts. They are gathered 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 this City against thy Holy Son , whom thou hast 〈◊〉 ; but our 〈◊〉 is Carnal , though it spiritually profits . Cyprian adds this further Reason for this Custom of 〈◊〉 , viz. 6 He that is Baptized , must of necessity receive the 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 , that so he may be the 〈◊〉 of God , and 〈◊〉 in him the Gract of Christ. § . 5. As for Signation , or the Signing with the Sign of the Cross : By this was 〈◊〉 . That they were to be 〈◊〉 and valiant in the Cause of Christ , having their Hearts 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 , as 〈◊〉 observes , 7 The 〈◊〉 is Sign'd , 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 may be 〈◊〉 . Hence this Sign was made on an open , visible place , on their 〈◊〉 which is the Seat of 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 , implying thereby , that they 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and constantly to fight like good Soldiers under the Cross of Christ ; whence 〈◊〉 says , that as the Christians , so the 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 8 Sign'd the Foreheads of their Soldiers . § . 6. As for the very Act of Confirmation , or Imposition of Hands , that was practised from an Opinion of the Imperfection of 〈◊〉 , that that did not convey the Graces of the Holy Spirit , but only prepared Persons for the reception of them , when they should be actually bestown in the Confirmation , for as 〈◊〉 says , 9 We do not receive the Holy Ghostin Baptism , but-being 〈◊〉 therein by the 〈◊〉 , ( 〈◊〉 to the Angel that mov'd upon the 〈◊〉 at 〈◊〉 ) we are 〈◊〉 prepared for the Holy Ghost . And , 1 When our Bodies , are 〈◊〉 and blessed , then that most Holy Spirit willingly descends from the Father . And 2 at the Imposition of Hands , the Soul is illuminated by the Spirit . Cyprian in his 74th Epistle , § . 6 , 7 , 8 , 〈◊〉 somewhat largely of this Custom of Confirmation ; from whence I have observed this following 〈◊〉 of it . 3 Every one in a state of Heathenism and Idolatry was considered as dead ; wherefore when any one came from that state to the Christian Faith , he was said to live ; which Life may be compared to a natural Life : As to compleat a Natural Life ; there must be a Body 〈◊〉 a Soul , so must the same be imagin'd in a 〈◊〉 Life : As in the first Creation , God first 〈◊〉 the Body of Man , and then breathed 〈◊〉 him the Breath of Life ; first made a fit 〈◊〉 to receive the Soul , before the Soul its self 〈◊〉 framed : So in the second Creation , God first prepares the Man , before he gives his Spirit ; 〈◊〉 first makes the Man a fit Temple for the Holy Ghost , before he gives the Holy Ghost . Now the 〈◊〉 by which a Man is prepared and 〈◊〉 , is by Baptism , by which he is cleansed and purged from Sin , and fitted for the Reception of the Spirit of God , in which respect he is to be regarded as a Body : The way by which the Holy Ghost is infused , which as a living Soul must actuate and direct that prepared Body , is by Prayer and Imposition of Hands , or by Confirmation . For as Cyprian writes in the same place , 4 Baptism alone cannot purge away . Sins , or sanctifie a Man , unless he has also the Holy Ghost . That is , has received Confirmation , as it is frequently styl'd in Cyprian's Epistles . In the Decrees of the Council of Carthage , and in the Letter of Cornelius to Fabius Bishop of Antioch , extant in Eusebius , Lib. 6. cap. 43. p. 244. This being the Regeneration of the Spirit , and Baptism the Regeneration of Water , both which our Saviour affirmed to be necessary , when he said unto 〈◊〉 , John 3. 5. Except a Man be born of Water , and of the Spirit , he cannot enter into the Kingdom of God. As Nemesianus Bishop of Thubunis saith , one is not sufficient without the other , 5 the Spirit cannot 〈◊〉 without Water , nor the Water without the Spirit . Therefore it was necessary to be regenerated by both Sacraments , viz. By Baptism and by Confirmation . Wherefore , as Cyprian exhorts , we must pray , 6 That those who are yet Earthly , may become Heavenly , and be born of the Water and the Spirit . That is , be Baptized and Confirmed , which were the external Signs of 〈◊〉 from Sin , 〈◊〉 bestowing Grace , both 〈◊〉 necessary to make a compleat 〈◊〉 ; for as the same Father writes , 7 Then are 〈◊〉 truly sanctified , and fully become the Sons of God , when they are regenerated with both Sacraments , Baptism and 〈◊〉 ; according as it is written , Except a Man be born of Water and of the Spirit , he cannot enter into the Kingdom of God. So that though a 〈◊〉 was Baptized , yet they accounted his Christianity incomplete and imperfect till he was also confirmed : For which reason 〈◊〉 objects against 〈◊〉 , that he 8 could scarcely acknowledge him a complete Christian , because being baptized in his Bed , he 〈◊〉 not received Confirmation , or the Additionary Rituals to Baptism , nor did he ever 〈◊〉 receive them . Thus you see the Reasons they produced for this Usage , to fortifie which , they added some Examples of the Holy Writ , 〈◊〉 Tertullian 〈◊〉 to this purpose the Example of Jacob 〈◊〉 Genesis , who put his Hands on the Heads of Ephraim and Manaffes , and blessed them . And Cyprian urges that instance of the Apostles , Acts 8. 15. 17. where , after several of the 〈◊〉 had been baptized by Philip , Peter and James conferred the Holy Ghost on them by Imposition of Hands , 1 They had no need again to be Baptized , saith he , having been baptized by 〈◊〉 , but only what was 〈◊〉 or lacking , was performed by Peter and John , which was , that by Prayer , and Imposition of Hands , the Holy Ghost should be conferred on them , which Custom , as he there adds , is now observed by us , that those who are Baptized in the Church , are offered to the Governours thereof ; by whose Prayer and Imposition of Hands , they receive the Holy Ghost , and are compleated with the Lord's Seal . To this Practice also Firmilian refers that action of St. Paul , in Acts 19. 5. Where on those who had been only Baptized by 2 John's Baptism , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Holy Ghost by Imposition of Hands , And Cyprian applies to Confirmation the Descent of the Holy Ghost , 〈◊〉 10. 44. 3 in miraculous 〈◊〉 and Gifts of Tongues on Cornelius and his Friends , though they were not then Baptized . So much now for the Reasons of Confirmation ; all that I shall do more , is to add two or three Observations concerning it . § . 7. The first whereof is , That Confirmation was an immediate Consequent of Baptism ; it was not deferred till many Years after , but was presently administred , as Tertullian writes , 4 As soon as we come out of the Baptismal Laver , we are anointed , and then we are confirmed . Else if they had not been so soon confirmed , they must , notwithstanding their Baptism , according to their Opinions , as it hath been before demonstrated , have continued graceless , without the Adorning Gifts of the Holy Spirit , a long time , even as long as their Confirmation was delayed , which to imagine concerning them is unreasonable and uncharitable . Indeed in case of Necessity , when they had neither time nor 〈◊〉 it was waved , 〈◊〉 Immersion was with respect to Baptism ; but yet if the sick Person happened to recover , he was then to be confirmed , as is evident from the Case of Novatian , whom 〈◊〉 accuses , because 6 that when he was restored to his Health again , he was not confirmed according to the Canon of the Church . But otherwise 〈◊〉 immediately , or 〈◊〉 the same time followed 〈◊〉 . § . 8. From the former Observation there follows this , that not only the Bishop , but also his Presbyters or Curates did by his 〈◊〉 , and in his Absence confirm : For if Confirmation always succeeded Baptism , then whenever Baptism was , there was also Confirmation . Now 〈◊〉 for Baptism , we may reasonably suppose , that in a Church there were some fit to be 〈◊〉 at least once a year ; and sometimes it might happen that either the See was 〈◊〉 , or the Bishop through Persecution might be 〈◊〉 from his Flock so long a time , as Cyprian was double the space ; and if so , must no Persons have been Baptized within that time by reason of the Bishop's unavoidable Absence ? That seems a little hard , since , as was said before , they esteemed Baptism and Confirmation necessary to Salvation , and to deprive 〈◊〉 Souls of Salvation , that died within that 〈◊〉 , because they had not been confirmed by 〈◊〉 Bishop , which was impossible , would be too severe and uncharitable . Besides , that Presbyters did Baptize , we have proved already ; and since Confirmation was done at the same time with Baptism , it is very reasonable to conclude , that he that did the one , performed the other also . But , that Presbyters did confirm , will appear most evidently from this very Consideration , viz. That the Imposition of Hands 〈◊〉 Persons just after Baptism , which we call Confirmation , and the Imposition of Hands at the 〈◊〉 of Offenders , which we call 〈◊〉 , was one and the self same thing , Confirmation and Absolution being 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that we make use of , to distinguish the 〈◊〉 times of the Performances of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Ceremony . The : Thing or 〈◊〉 was not different , Imposition of Hands was used both at one and 〈◊〉 other , 〈◊〉 the same Mystical Signification , viz. The Conferring 〈◊〉 the Holy Ghost and his Graces on that 〈◊〉 : on whom 〈◊〉 were imposed . Only now to distinguish the time of this 〈◊〉 of Hands , whether after Baptism , or at the 〈◊〉 of Offenders ; these two Terms of Confirmation and 〈◊〉 are used by us , the former to signifie that used just after Baptism , and the latter , that 〈◊〉 was employed at . This now , viz. That Confirmation and 〈◊〉 were one and the self same thing , I 〈◊〉 presently prove : And then in the next 〈◊〉 I shall shew , that with the Bishop , and sometimes without the Bishop , Presbyters did Absolve by Imposition of Hands . And if these 〈◊〉 Points can be clearly manifested , it will 〈◊〉 follow that Presbyters did confirm ; for if there was no difference between Confirmation and Absolution , but only with respect to time ; and 〈◊〉 Presbyters at one time , viz. at Absolution conferred the Holy Ghost by Imposition of Hands , it is very unreasonable to deprive them of the same Power at the other time , which was at Confirmation . If Presbyters could at one Season bestow the Holy Spirit , it is very probable that they could do the same at the other also . Now as to the first Point , viz. That there was no difference between Confirmation and Absolution , but that they were one and the self same thing ; This will appear most evidently from the consideration of that famous Controversie , touching the Validity of Hereticks Baptism , between Stephen Bishop of Rome , and Cyprian Bishop of Carthage : or rather between the Churches of Europe and Africa , the Sum whereof was this , Stephen Bishop of Rome 〈◊〉 , That those who were baptized by Hereticks , and came over to the Catholick Church , should be received only by Imposition of Hands . Cyprian Bishop of Carthage contended , that besides Imposition of Hands , they should also be baptized , unless that they had been before baptiz'd by the Orthodox , in which Case Imposition of Hands should be esteemed sufficient . Now this Imposition of Hands they sometimes term that which we 〈◊〉 Confirmation , and sometimes Absolution , 〈◊〉 using either of those Expressions , and indifferently applying them , according 〈◊〉 they pleased , in one place giving it the Title of Confirmation , and in another that of Absolution , which that they did , I shall endeavour to evince , by shewing ; First , That they called this Imposition of Hands Confirmation . Secondly , That they called it Absolution . First , I shall prove that they called it Confirmation ; unto which end let us consider these following 〈◊〉 , 7 Those , says Cyprian , which are baptized without the Church , when they come unto us , and 〈◊〉 the Church which is 〈◊〉 one , they are to be baptized , because the Imposition of Hands by Confirmation , is not sufficient without Baptism , for then they are fully sanctified , and become the Sons of God , when they are born 〈◊〉 both Sacraments , 〈◊〉 as it is written , 〈◊〉 a Man be born again of the Water and of the Spirit , he cannot enter into the Kingdom of God. To the same effect says 〈◊〉 Bishop of 〈◊〉 , 7 Those 〈◊〉 greatly 〈◊〉 , who affirm that they ought only to be confirmed by Imposition of Hands , and so to be received , since it is , manifest they must be 〈◊〉 with both Sacraments in the Catholick Church . And Secundinus Bishop of Carpis determined , that 8 on Hereticks who are the Seed of Antichrist , the Holy Ghost cannot be conferred by Imposition of Hands alone in Confirmation . Stephen pleaded on his side , 9 That 〈◊〉 very Name of Christ was so advantagious to Faith and the Sanctification 〈◊〉 Baptism , that in what place soever any one was baptized in that Name , he immediately obtained the Grace of Christ. But unto this Firmilian briefly replies , That if the Baptism of Hereticks , because done in the Name of Christ , was sufficient to purge away Sins , why was not Confirmation , that was performed in the Name of the same Christ , sufficient to bestow the Holy 〈◊〉 ? And therefore it is thus eagerly argued by Cyprian , 1 Why 〈◊〉 they , saith he , ( meaning Stephen and his Party , who received Hereticks by Imposition of Hands only ) patronize Hereticks and Schismaticks , let them answer us , have they the Holy Ghost , or have they not ? If they have , why then do they lay Hands on those that are baptized by them , when they ceme over to us , to bestow on them the Holy Ghost , when they had received him before ; for if he was there , they could confer him ? But if Hereticks and 〈◊〉 have not the Spirit of God , and therefore we lay Hands on them in Confirmation , that they may here receive , what Hereticks neither have , nor can give ; it is manifest , that since they have not the Holy Ghost , they cannot give remission of Sins . That is , since they cannot Confirmtherefore they cannot Baptize . So that from these and 2 some other Passages , which to avoid tediousness I omit ; it is clear , that both Stephen and Cyprian understood by Imposition of Hands , that which we now call 〈◊〉 . Secondly , I now come to shew , that they also termed it Absolution , as will appear from these following Instances . 1 They ( says Cyprian , meaning Stephen and his Followers ) urge , that in what they do , they follow the old Custom , that was used by the Ancients when Heresies and Schisms first began , when those that went over to them , first were in the Church , and baptized therein , who when they returned again to the Church , and did Penance , were not forced to be baptized . But this , says he , makes nothing against us , for we now observe the very same ; Those who were baptized here , and from us went over to the Hereticks . if afterwards being sensible of their Error they return to the Church , we only absolve them by the Imposition of Hands , because once they were Sheep , and as wandring and straying Sheep the Shepherd receives them into his Flock ; but if those that come from Hereticks were not first baptized in the Church , they are to be baptized , that they may become Sheep ; for there is but one Holy Water in the Church , that makes Sheep . But that this Imposition of Hands was the same with Absolution , will most evidently appear from the Opinion or Determination of Stephen , and from Cyprian's Answer thereunto . Stephen's Opinion or Determination was 1 If any shall from any Heresie come unto us , let nothing be innovated or introduced besides the old Tradition , which is , that Hands be imposed on him as a Penitent . Now unto that part of this Decree which asserts the Reception of Hereticks only by Absolution , or the Imposition of Hands in Penance to be a Tradition , descended down from their Predecessors . Cyprian replies , 2 That he would observe it as a Divine and Holy Tradition , if it were either commanded in the Gospel , and the Epistles of the Apostles , or contained in the Acts , that those who came from Hereticks should not be baptized , but only Hands imposed on them for Penance , or , as Penitents ; but that for his part , 3 he never found it either commanded or written , that on an Heretick Hands should be only imposed for Penance , and so he should be admitted to Communion Wherefore he on his side concludes and determins , 1 Let it therefore be observ'd , and held by us , that all who from any Herefie are converted to the Church , be baptized with the one lawful Baptism of the Church , except those who were formerly baptized in the Church , who when they return , are to be received by the alone Imposition of Hands after Penance into the Flock , from whence they have strayed . So that these Instances do as clearly prove , that they meant by their Imposition of Hands , Absolution , as the former Instances do , that they meant Confirmation , and both of them together plainly shew and evidence Confirmation and Absolution to be the very self-same thing ; for since they promiscuously used and indifferently applyed these Terms , and that very thing , which in some Places they express by Confirmation , in others they call Absolution , it necessarily follows , that there can be no essential or specifical difference between them , but that they are of a like numerical Identity or Sameness . But , Secondly , I now come in the next place to demonstrate , that together with the Bishop , and sometimes without the Bishop , Presbyters did absolve by Imposition of Hands , That they did it , together with the Bishop , several places of Cyprian abundantly prove . Offenders , saith he , 1 Receive the right of Communion by the Imposition of Hands of the Bishop , and of his Clergy . And , 2 No Criminal can be admitted to Communion , unless the Bishop and Clergy have imposed Hands on him . And that some times they did it without the Bishop ( always understanding his leave and permission ) is apparent from the Example of Serapion , who being out of the Churches Peace , and approaching the hour of Dissolution , 3 sent for one of the Presbyters to Absolve him , which the Presbyter did , according to the Order of the Bishop , who had before given his Permission unto the Presbyters to absolve those who were in danger of Death . And as the Bishop of Alexandria gave his Presbyters this Power , so likewise did Cyprian Bishop of Carthage , who when he was in Exile , order'd his Clergy 4 to confess and absolve by Imposition of Hands , those who were in danger of Death . And 5 If any were in such condition , they should not expect his Presence , but betake themselves to the first Presbyter they could find , who should receive their Confession , and absolve them by Imposition of Hands . So that it is evident that Presbyters , even without the Bishop , did absolve Offenders , and formally receive them into the Churches Peace by Imposition of Hands . Now then , If the Imposition of Hands on Persons just after Baptism , and the Imposition of Hands at the Restitution of Offenders was one and the self-same thing ; and if Presbyters had Power and Authority to perform the latter , I see no reason why we should abridge them of the former ; both the one and the other was Confirmation ; and if Presbyters could confirm at one time , why should we doubt of their Right and Ability to perform it another time ? If it was lawful for them to impose Hands on one occasion , it was as lawful for them to do it on another . § 9. From the precedent Observation of the Identity of that which we now distinguish by the Names of Confirmation and Absolution , it necessarily results , that Confirmation was not like Baptism , only once performed , but on many Persons frequently reiterated : All Persons after Baptism were confirmed , that is , by the Imposition of Hands and Prayer , the Holy Ghost was beseeched to descend upon them , and so to fortifie them by his Heavenly Grace , as that they might couragiously persevere in their Christian Warfare to their Lives end ; but if it should so happen , as oftentimes it did , that any so confirmed should fall from the Christian Faith , and be for a time excluded the Churches Peace , when they were again admitted , Hands were again imposed on them , and the Holy Spirit again Invocated , to strengthen them with his Almighty Grace , by which they might be upheld to the Day of Salvation ; and so as often as any Man fell , and was restored to the Churches Communion , so often was he confirmed , and the Holy Ghost entreated more firmly to establish and settle him . CHAP. VI. § 1. Of the Lord's Supper : The Time when administred . § 2. Persons that received it ; none present at the Celebration thereof besides the Communicants . § 3. The manner of its Celebration : In some places the Communicants first made their Offerings . § 4. The Minister began with a Sacramental Discourse , or Exhortation : Then followed a Prayer , consisting of Petitions and Praises , which consecrated both the Elements at once . § 5. After that the Words of the Institution were read . § 6. Then the Bread was broken , and the Wine poured out , and both distributed : Diversity of Customs in the manner of the Distribution . § 7. The Posture of Receiving . § 8. After they had communicated they sung a Psalm and then concluded with Prayer , and a Collection for the Poor . § 1 : THE first of the Christian Sacraments having been so largely discussed , I now come to treat of the other , viz. The Lords Supper ; in the handling of which I shall enquire into these three things : 1. The Time. 2. The Person . And , 3. The manner thereof . First , As for the time of its Celebration : In general , it was at the conclusion of their Solemn Services , as Justin Martyr writes , 1 that after they had read , sung , preached and prayed , then they proceeded to the Administration of the Eucharist . But as for the particular part of the Day , that seems to have been according to the Circumstances and Customs of every Church . In Tertullian's Age and Country they received it 2 at Supper-time ; from which late Assembling , it is probable , that the Heathens took occasion to accuse them of putting out the Lights , and promiscuously mingling one with another . Which Accusation may be read at large in Justin Martyr's Dialogue with Tryphon , in Minutius Felix , and the Apologies of Tertullian and Athenagoras . But whether this was then their constant Season in times of Peace , I know not ; this is certain , that in times of Persecution they laid hold on any Season or Opportunity for the enjoying of this Sacred Ordinance : whence Tertullian tells us of their 1 receiving the Eucharist in their Antelucan Assemblies , or , in their Assemblies before day . And Pliny reports , that in his time the Christians 2 were wont to meet together before it was light , and to bind themselves by a Sacrament . Cyprian writes that in his Days 3 they administer'd this Sacrament both Morning and Evening . And , 4 That as Christ administer'd the Sacrament in the Evening , to signifie the Evening and end of the World. So they celebrated it in the Morning , to denote the Resurrection of their Lord and Master . All that can be gathered from hence is , That they did not deem any particular part of the Day necessary to the Essence of the Sacrament , but every Church regulated its self herein according to the Diversity of its Customs and Circumstances . § 2. As for the 〈◊〉 communicating , they were not indifferently all that professed the Christian Faith , as Origen writes , 5 It doth not belong to every one to eat of this Bread , and to drink of this Cup. But they were only such as were in the number of the faithful , 1 such as were baptized , and received both the Credentials and Practicals of Christianity . That is , who believed the Articles of the Christian Faith , and lead an holy and a pious Life . Such as these , and none else , were permitted to Communicate . Now since none but the Faithful were admitted , it follows that the Catechumens and the Penitents were excluded ; the Catechumens because they were not yet baptized , for Baptism always preceded the Lords Supper , as Justin Martyr says . 2 It is not lawful for any one to partake of the Sacramental Food , except he be baptized . The Penitents , because for their Sins they were cast out of the Church , and whilst excluded from the Peace thereof , they could not participate of the Marks and Tokens of that Peace , but were to be driven therefrom , and not admitted thereto , 3 till they had fully satisfied for their Faults , lest otherwise they should profane the Body of the Lord , and drink his Cup unworthily , and so be guilty of the Body and Blood of the Lord. Hence when the other parts of Divine Worship were ended , and the Celebration of the Eucharist was to begin , the Catechumens , Penitents , and all , except the Communicants , were to depart , as Tertullian says hereof , 1 Pious Initiations drive away the Profane . These being Mysteries which were to be kept secret and concealed from all , except the Faithful ; inasmuch as to others the very method and manner of their Actions herein were unknown , which was observed by the Pagans , who objected to the Christians the Secrecy of their Mysteries , which Charge Tertullian does not deny , but confessing it , answers , 2 That that was the very Nature of Mysteries to be concealed , as Ceres's were in Samothracia . § 3. The Catechumens with others being gone out , and none remaining but the Faithful , the Celebration of the Eucharist next followed ; which brings me to the Inquiry of the Third thing , viz. The manner of the Celebration thereof . But before I meddle therewith , I shall briefly premise this Observation , viz. That in some places , as in France and Africa the Communicants first made their Offerings , presenting according to their Ability , Bread , or Wine , or the like , as the first Fruits of their Encrease , 3 It being our Duty , as Irenaeus writes , to offer unto God the first Fruits of his Creatures , as Moses saith , Thou shalt not appear empty before the Lord. 1 Not as if God wanted these things , but to shew our fruitfulness and gratitude unto him . Wherefore Cyprian thus severely blam'd the Rich Matrons for their scanty Oblations , 2 Thou art rich and wealthy , saith he , and dost thou think duly to celebrate the Lord's Supper , when thou refusest to give ? Thou who comest to the Sacrament without a Sacrifice , what part canst thou have from the Sacrifice which the Poor offer up ? These Offerings were employed to the Relief of the Poor , and other Uses of the Church ; and it seems probable that a sufficient Quantity of that Bread and Wine was presented to the Bishop , or to him that officiated , to be employed for the Sacramental Elements , whose Consecration next succeeded , which in the main was after this following Manner . § 4. It is very likely , that in many places the Minister first began with an Exhortation or Discourse touching the Nature and end of that Sacrament , which the Congregation were going to partake of , that so their Hearts might be the more elevated and raised into Heavenly Frames and Dispositions . This may be gathered from the History of an Exorcist Woman , related by Firmilian , who took upon her to per. form many Ecclesiastical Administrations , as to Baptize and Celebrate the Lord's Supper , which last she did 1 without the wonted Sermon , or , Discourse . Which seems to intimate , that in those days it was customary in Lesser Asia , and perhaps at Carthage too , for the Minister to make a Speech or Exhortation before the Participation of the Sacrament . But whether this Practice was universal , or more ancient than 〈◊〉 , I cannot determin ; this that follows was , viz. A Prayer over the Elements by him that Officiated , unto which the People gave their Assent , by saying Amen . This Prayer is thus described by Justin Martyr , 2 Bread and Wine are offered to the Minister , who receiving them gives Praise and Glory to the Lord of all through the Son , and the Holy Ghost , and in a large manner renders particular Thanks for the present Mercies ; who when he hath ended his Prayers and Praise , all the People say Amen . And 3 when the Minister hath thus given Thanks , and the People said Amen , the Deacons distributed the Elements . And again , 1 Bread and Wine are offered to the Minister , who to the utmost of his Abilities sends up Prayers and Praises , and the People say Amen , and then the Consecrated Elements are distributed . From this Description by Justin Martyr of the Sacramental Prayer , we may observe these few things pertinent to the matter in hand . I. That there was but one long Prayer antecedent to the Distribution of the Elements : For he says , That the Minister having received the Bread and Wine , he offered up Prayers and Praise unto God in a large manner ; and when he had ended , the People said Amen . II. That this long Prayer consisted of two Parts , viz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as he calls them , that is , Petition and Thanksgiving ; in the former they prayed for the Peace of the Church , the Quiet of the World , the Health of their Emperors , and in a Word , for all Men that needed their Prayers , as it is represented by Tertullian , 2 We pray , saith he , for the Emperors , for all that are in Authority under them , for the State of the World , for the Quiet of Affairs , and for the Delay of the Day of Judgment . In the latter they gave God thanks for sending Christ , and for the Institution of that comfortable Sacrament , desiring his Blessing on , and Consecration of the Elements then before them . III. That by this one Prayer both the Elements were consecrated at once ; for he says , That the Minister took both Elements together , and blessed them , and then they were distributed . He did not consecrate them distinctly , but both together . § 5. After Prayer was ended , they read the Words of Institution , that so the Elements might be consecrated by the Word , as well as by Prayer . Whence Origen calls the Sacramental Elements 1 The Food that is sanctified by the Word of God and Prayer . And that is hallowed by the Word of God , and Prayer . And 〈◊〉 writes , 2 That when the Bread and Wine perceive the Word of God , then it becomes the Eucharist of the Body and Blood of Christ. § 6. The Elements being thus Consecrated , the Minister took the Bread , and brake it , 3 The Bread which we break , or , or the broken Bread , as it is styled by Irenaeus , and then gave it to the Deacons , who distributed it to the Communicants , and after that the Cup , which the Deacons in the like manner delivered . So it was in Justin Martyr's time and Country , 1 The Element , saith he , being blessed , the Deacons give to every one present of the Consecrated Bread and Wine . But in Tertullian's Time and Country the Minister , and not the Deacons , distributed the Elements , 2 We receive , saith he , from no ones Hands but the Bishops . And yet at the same Place not many years after , 3 The Deacons offered the Cup to those that were present . So that herein there was a Diversity of Customs ; in some places the Deacons delivered the Elements , in others the Bishop , or the Minister that consecrated them . But whether it was done either by Bishop or Deacons , it seems probable , that which of them soever did it , they delivered the Sacramental Bread and Wine particularly to each Communicant . I find but one Example to the contrary , and that was in the Church of Alexandria , where the Custom was to permit the People to take the Bread themselves from the Plate , or Vessel wherein it was consecrated , as is insinuated by 1 Clemens Alexandrinus ; but in most other Churches it is likely that the Elements were particularly delivered to every single Communicant . So it was in the Country of Justin Martyr , where 2 the Deacons gave to each one of the consecrated Bread and Wine . So at Carthage in the time of Cyprian , 3 The Deacons offered the Cup to those that were present . In the time of which Father it was usual for Children and Sucking Infants to receive the Sacrament , unto whom it was necessary particularly to deliver the Elements , since it was impossible for them to take it orderly from the Hands of others : And therefore when a little sucking Girl refused to taste the Sacramental Wine , 4 The Deacon violently forc'd it down her Throat . So it was also at Rome , as appears from what Cornelius reports of his Antagonist Novatian , that 5 when he administer'd the Sacrament , and divided and gave to each Man his part ; with his two Hands he held those of the Receiver , saying to him , Swear unto me by the Body and Blood of the Lord Jesus Christ , that thou wilt never leave my Party , to return to that of Cornelius ; so forcing the miserable Receiver , instead of saying Amen , to say , I will not return to Cornelius . § 7. As for the Posture of receiving , at Alexandria the Custom was to 2 stand at the Table , and receive the Elements , which may be supposed to have been 〈◊〉 this manner : The Bread and Wine being consecrated , the Communicants came up in order to the Communion Table , and there standing received the Elements , and then returned to their places again . But whether this was universal I know not , or whether any other postures were used , I cannot determin ; only as for kneeling , if the Sacrament was Celebrated on the Lords Day , as usually it was , or on any other Day between Easter and Whitsontide , then no Church whatsoever kneeled ; for as Tertullian writes , 3 On the Lords Day we account it a Sin to worship kneeling , which custom we also observe from Easter to Whitsontide . § 8. The Elements being thus blessed , distributed , and received , they afterwards sung an Hymn or Psalm to the Praise and Glory of God , as Tertullian writes , 1 Then every one sings an Hymn to God , either of his own Composition , or out of the Holy Scriptures . Then followed for a Conclusion a Prayer of Thanksgiving to God Almighty for his inestimable Grace and Mercy ; as the same Tertullian saith , 2 Prayer concludes this Feast . To which was subjoined a Collection for the Poor . When as Justin Martyr reports , 3 Every one that was able and willing gave according to his Ability , and that that was gathered , was committed to the care of the Bishop , who relieved therewith the Orphans and Widows , the Sick and Distressed , Prisoners , Travellers , Strangers , and in a Word , all that had need thereof . CHAP. VII . § 1. Of the Circumstances of Publick Worship . § 2. Of the Place thereof : In Times of Peace fixed Places for that end , metonymically called Churches . § 3. How those Churches were built . § 4. No Holiness in those Places . § 5. Of the Time of Publick Worship . § 6. The First Day of the Week an usual Time. § 7. Celebrated with Joyfulness , esteemed holy , and spent in an holy manner . § 8. Their Reasons for the Observation of this Day . § 9. The usual Title of this Day , The Lord's Day . § 10. Sometimes called Sunday , but never the Sabbath-Day . § 11. Saturday another Time of Publick Worship . § 1. HItherto I have spoken of the several particular Acts of the Publick Worship of the Ancients : I now come , according to my propounded Order , to enquire into the necessary Circumstances thereof . By which I mean such things as are inseparable from all humane Actions , as Place and Time , Habit , and Gesture . As for Habit , as much of that as is Controverted , I have spoken to already in that Chapter , where I discoursed of the Ministers Habit in Prayer . And as for Gesture , I have already treated of Worshipping towards the East . And of their Posture at the Reception of the Lord's Supper . There is nothing more disputed with reference thereunto , besides the bowing at the Name of Jesus , and the worshipping towards the Communion Table ; but both these being introduced after my prescribed time , viz. above three hundred years after Christ , I shall say nothing to them , but pass on to the Discussing of the two remaining Circumstances of Publick Worship , viz. Place and Time. § 2. First . As for Place : This all will readily grant to be a necessary Circumstance of Divine Worship ; for if we serve God , it is impossible , but that it must be in one place or other . Now one Query with respect hereunto may be , Whether the Primitive Christians had determined fixed Places for their Publick Worship ? Unto which I answer , That usually they had ; though it is true indeed , that in times of Persecution , or when their Circumstances would not permit them to have one usual sixed Place , they met where-ever they could , 1 in Fields , Deserts , Ships or Inns : Yet in times of Peace and Serenity they chose the most setled convenient Place that they could get , for the Performance of their Solemn Services ; which place , by a Metonymy , they called the Church . Thus at Rome , the place where the Christians met , and chose Fabian for their Bishop , was 2 the Church . At Antioch Paulus Samosasatenus Bishop thereof , ordered certain Women to sing Psalms to his Praise 1 in the midst of the Church . At Carthage the Baptized Persons renounced the Devil and all his Works . 2 in the Church And thus 3 Fertullian very frequently calls their definite places for Divine Worship Churches . § 3. As for the Form of these Churches , or the Fashion of their Building , I find this Description of them in Tertullian , 4 The House of our Dove like Religion is simple , built on high and in open View , respecting the Light as the Figure of the Holy Spirit , and the East as the representation of Christ. The meaning whereofis , that their Churches were erected on high and open places , and made very light and shining , in imitation of the Holy Ghost's Descent upon the Apostles at the Day of Pentecost , who came down with Fire , or Light upon them ; and that they were built towards the East , in resemblance of Christ , whom they apprehended in Scripture to be called the East , concerning which Title , and the reason thereof , I have already discoursed in that Head concerning praying towards the East , unto which place , to avoid repetition , I refer the Reader . § 4. But tho' they had these fixed Places or Churches for Conveniency and Decency , yet they did not imagin any such Sanctity or Holiness to be in them , as to recommend or make more acceptable those Services that were discharged therein , than if they had been performed elsewhere ; for as Clemens Alexandrinus writes , 1 Every place is in Truth holy , where we receive any knowledge of God. And as Justin Martyr saith , 2 Through Jesus Christ we are now all become Priests to God , who hath promised to accept our Sacrifices in every , or in any part of the World. And therefore in times of Persecution , or such like Emergencies , they scrupled not to meet in other places ; but where-ever they could securely joyn together in their Religious Services , there they met , though it were 3 in Fields , Deserts , Ships , Inns or Prisons , as was the Case and Practice of Dionysius Bishop of Alexandria . So that the Primitive practice and Opinion with respect to this Circumstance of Place was , That if the State of their Affairs would permit them , they had fixed Places for their Publick Worship , call'd Churches , which they set apart to that use , for Conveniency and Decencies sake ; but not attributing unto them any such Holiness , as thereby to sanctifie those Services that were performed in them . I know nothing more with respect to Place , that requires our Consideration : I shall therefore now proceed to enquire into the Time of Publick Worship , under which will be comprehended the Primitive Fasts and Feasts . § 5. Time is as necessary a Circumstance to Religious Worship as Place ; for whilst we are in this World , we cannot serve God at all times , but must have some determinate time to serve him in : That God's People therefore under the Law might not be left at an uncertainty when to serve him , it pleased the Almighty to institute the Sabbath , the Passover , and other Feasts , at which times they were to congregate and assemble together , to give unto God the Glory due unto his Name , And for the same end under the Evangelical Administration there are particular Days and Seasons appointed for the Publick and Solemn Worship of the Glorious and Eternal Lord , according to the Sayings of Clemens Romanus , God hath required us to serve him . 1 in the appointed times and seasons . For which Reason we ought to serve him 2 at those determinated times . That so worshipping him 1 at those Commanded Seasons , we may be blessed and accepted by him . § 6. Now the principallest and chiefest of these prescribed Times was the first Day of the Week , on which they constantly met together to perform their Religious Services . So writes Justin Martyr . 2 On the Day that is called Sunday , all both of the Country and City assemble together , where we preach and pray , and discharge all the other usual parts of Divine Worship . Upon which account those parts of God's Publick Worship are styled by Tertullian 3 The Lord's Days Solemnities . Aurelius , who was ordained a Lector , or a Clark , by Cyprian , is described in the Execution of his Office , 4 by reading on the Lord's Day . And Victorinus Petavionensis represents , 5 this day , as an usual time , wherein they received the Lord's Supper . Which was observed by the Heathen in Minucius Felix , who mentions the Christians 6 assembling to eat on a Solemn Day . And Pliny reports , that the Christians in his time met together 1 on an appointed day , to sing Praises unto Christ , as a God , and to bind themselves by a Sacrament . § 7. This was the Day which Clemens Alexandrinus calls 1 the Chief of Days , our Rest indeed ; Which they observed as the highest and supremest Festival , 2 On Sunday we give our selves to Joy , saith Tertullian . And before him St. Barnabas , 4 We keep the Eighth Day with Gladness . And Ignatius , 5 We observe the Lord's Day , banishing every thing on this day that had the least tendency to , or the least appearance of Sorrow and Grief ; inasmuch that now they 6 esteemed it a Sin either to fast or kneel : Even the Montanists themselves , those rigid Observers of Fasts and Abstinences 7 Abstained from Fasting on this most glad and joying day . This day they accounted Holy , as Dionysius Bishop of Corinth , in his Letter to the Church of Rome , saith , 1 To day being the Lord's Day , we keep it holy . The way wherein they sanctified it , or kept it holy , was the employing of themselves in Acts of Divine Worship and Adoration , especially in the Publick Parts thereof , which they constantly performed on this day , as has been already proved ; and in that forementioned Letter , where Dionysius Bishop of Corinth , writ unto the Church of Rome , that that day being the Lord's Day , they kept it holy . The manner of sanctifying it is immediately subjoined , 2 In it , saith he , we have read your Epistle , as also the first Epistle of Clemens . And Clemens Alexandrinus writes , 3 That a true Christian , according to the Commands of the Gospel , observes the Lords Day , by casting out all 〈◊〉 Thoughts , and entertaining all good ones , glorifying the Resurrection of the Lord on that day . § 8. The Reafon why they observed this Day with so much Joy and Gladness , was , that they might gratefully commemorate the glorious Resurrection of their Redeemer , that happened thereon . So writes St. Barnabas , 1 We keep the eighth day with gladness , on which Christ arose from the Dead . So says Ignatius , 2 Let us keep the Lord's Day , on which our Life arose through 〈◊〉 . And so says Clemens Alexandrinus , 3 He that truly observes the Lord's Day , glorifies therein the Resurrection of the Lord. Justin Martyr relates that 4 On Sunday the Christians assembled together , because it was the first Day of the Week , on which God out of the confused Chaos made the World , and Jesus Christ our Saviour arose from the Dead ; for on Fryday he was Crucified , and on Sunday he appeared to his Apostles and Disciples , and taught them those things that the Christians now believe . And to the same purpose Origen adviseth his Auditors to pray unto Almighty God , 5 especially on the Lord's Day , which is a Commemoration of Christ's Passion ; for the Resurrection of Christ is not only celebrated once a year , but every seven days . § 9. From hence it was , that the usual Appellation of this Day both by the Greek and Latin Churches , was The Lords Day . So it is styled by Clemens Alexandrinus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 1 the Lords Day . And amongst the Latins , by Victorinus Petavionensis , Dies Dominicus , 2 the Lords Day . As also by an 3 African Synod , And by 4 Tertullian . Sometimes it is simply called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and , Dominicus , that is , the Lords , without the addition of the Word Day , as it is thus called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by 5 Ignatius . And Dominicus by 6 Cyprian . § 10. So that the Lords Day was the common and ordinary Title of this blessed and glorious Day ; though sometimes in compliance with the Heathens , that they might know what Day they meant thereby , they called it in their Phrase , Sunday , so termed because Dedicated to the Sun. Thus Justin Martyr informing the Heathens of the Time and Manner of the Christians Assemblies tells them 1 That on the Day called Sunday they met together for their Religious Exereises . And , That on Sunday they assembled together . And so Tertullian upon the same occasion lets the Heathens know that the Christians 2 indulged themselves on Sunday to Mirth and joyfulness . But though they so far complyed with the Heathens as to call this Sunday , yet I do not find that they ever so far indulged the Jews as to call it the Sabbath Day ; for through all their Writings , as may be especially seen in 5 Tertullian , and 9 Justin Martyr , they violently declaim against Sabbatizing , or keeping the Sabbath Day , that is , the Judaical Observation of the Seventh Day , which we must always understand by the Word Sabbatum in the Writings of the Ancients , not the Observation of the first Day , or the Lords Day ; for that was constantly celebrated , as it has been already proved , and by those who condemn the Observance of the Sabbath Day , the Sanctification of the Lord's Day is approved and recommended , as by Justin Martyr and Tertullian in those Passages already cited , unto which we may add that clear Passage of Ignatius , 1 Let us no longer Sabbatize , but keep the Lords Day , on which our Life rose . Or as it is more fully expressed in his interpolated Epistle , 2 Instead of Sabbatizing , let every Christian keep the Lords Day , the Day on which Christ rose again ; the Queen of Days , on which our Life arose , and Death was conquered by Christ. § 11. So that their not Sabbatizing did not exclude their keeping of the Lords Day nor the Christian , but only the Judaical Observance of the Sabbath , or Seventh Day ; for the Eastern Churches , in compliance with the Jewish Converts , who were numerous in those Parts , performed on the Seventh Day the same publick Religious Services that they did on the First Day , observing both the one and the other as a Festival . Whence Origen enumerates 3 Saturday as one of the four Feasts solemnized in his time ; though on the contrary , some of the Western Churches , that they might not seem to Judaise , fasted on Saturday , as Victorinus Petavionensis writes , 1 We use to fast on the Seventh Day . And , It is our custom then to fast , that we may not seem with the Jews to observe the Sabbath . So that besides the Lord's Day , Saturday was an usual Season whereon many Churches solemnized their Religious Services . As for those other times , in which they Publickly assembled for the Performance of Divine Worship , they will fall under the two General Heads of Times of Fasting and Times of Feasting , of which in the following Chapters . CHAP. VIII . § Of the Primitive Fasts , two-fold , Occasional and Fix'd , Of Occasional Fasts , what they were , and by whom appointed . § 2. Of fixt Fasts , two-fold , Weekly and Annual : Wednesdays and Fridays weekly Fasts ; till what time of the Day observed , and why observed . § 3. One necessary Annual Fast , viz. Lent. Why they fasted at Lent , and how long lasted . § 4. Of the manner of their Fasts . Three sorts of Fasts , viz. Statio , Jejunium , and Superpositio . What those several Kinds were , and at what times observed . § 1. IN this Chapter I shall make an Enquiry into the Primitive Fasts , which may be considered in a two-fold respect , either as Occasional , or Fixt . Occasional Fasts were such , as were not determined by any constant fixed Period of Time , but observed on extraordinary and unusual Seasons , according as the Variety and Necessity of their Circumstances did require them . Thus in Times of Great and Imminent Danger either of Church or State , when by their Sins they had kindled God's Wrath and Fury against them , that they might divert his Vengeance , and appease his offended Majesty , they appointed set Days and Times for the Abasing of themselves before the Lord , for the seeking of his Face by Prayer and Fasting , abstaining from the Food of their Bodies , and practising all external Acts of Humiliation , as so many Indications of the internal Contrition of their Hearts and Souls . So Cyprian in the time of a sharp Persecution advised his Flock 1 To seek to appease and pacifie the Lord , not only by Prayers , but by Fastings , and by Tears , and by all kind of Intreaties . And when the same Father foresaw an approaching Persecution , he writ to Cornelius Bishop of Rome , 2 That since God was pleased in his Providence to warn them of an approaching Fight and Tryal , they ought with their whole Flocks diligently to fast and watch , and pray , to give themselves to continual Groans , and frequent Prayers ; for those are our Spiritual Arms , that make us firmly to stand and persevere . Tertullian jeers the Heathens , 3 That in times of Danger or great necessity , after they had voluptuously and sensually glutted themselves , they then ran to the Capitol , and with all outward Signs of Humility , deprecated Gods Judgments , and implored his mercy , whilst in the mean time they were Enemies unto him , But , says he , We on such Emergencies and Occasions abstain from all things , give our selves wholly to fasting , roll our selves in Sackcloth and Ashes ; thus incline God as it were to repent , to have Mercy and Compassion upon us ; for by this way God is honoured . These Occasional Fasts were appointed by the Bishops of every Church , as they saw fit and necessary . So writes Tertullian , 1 The Bishops are wont to ordain Fasts for their Churches , according as the Circumstances of the Churches require . § 2. The next sort of Fasts were set or fixed ones , that is , such as were always observed at the same Time and Season ; and these again were two fold , either Weekly or Annual . First , Weekly . These were kept every Wednesday and Friday , as Clemens Alexandrinus relates that 1 they fasted on every Wednesday and Friday . These Fasts were commonly called Stations , in allusion to the Military Stations , or the Soldiers standing , when on the Guard. Thus Tertullian mentions 2 Their Stationary Days . And writes that 3 Wednesdays and Fridays were Stations . On these Stationary Days their Fasts ended 4 at three a Clock in the Afternoon ; whence they are called by Tertullian , 5 The half Fasts of Stations . Though some on Fridays lengthened out their Fasts 6 till Evening . Why they fasted on Wednesday rather than on any other Day of the Week , I cannot find ; but on Friday they chose to fast 7 because Christ was Crucified thereon . § 3. The next sort of fixed Fasts is such as are annual , of which kind they had but one , viz. Lent. And indeed besides this , they had no other necessary fixed Fast , 〈◊〉 Weekly nor Yearly ; the Faithful were not strictly obliged to the observation of any other , as will be evident from what follows . It is true , they fasted Wednesdays and Fridays , but this was ex Arbitrio , of their own Free Will and Choice , not ex imperio , of Command or Necessity . For when the Montanists , began to impose as a Duty other stinted Fasts , they were for so doing branded as Hereticks , 1 Who , saith Apollonius concerning Montanus , is this new Doctor ? His Works and Doctrin evidently declare him , this is he that teaches the Dissolution of Marriages , and prescribes Fasts . And for the same Practice they were accused by the Orthodox , for 2 Galaticising , or committing the Error of the Galatians in observing Days , and Months , and Years . But that the Ancients esteemed Lent to be the only necessary fixed Fast , and any other , even the Stationary Days to be indifferent , will appear most evidently from this ensuing Passage of Tertullian , Tertullian being now a Montanist , and defending their prescribed Fasts against the Orthodox , thus jeeringly exposes the Opinions of his Adversaries with respect to the necessary determined times of Fasting . 3 Forsooth , saith he , they think that according to the Gospel , those days are to be prescribed Fasts , wherein the Bridegroom was takeu away , ( i.e. Lent ) and those to be the only Fasts of Christians , the Legal and Prophetical Fasts being abolished ; and that for others we may indifferently fast , according to our Will , not out of necessity or command , but according to our Circumstances and conditions , and that so the Apostles abserved , commanding no other fixed and common Fasts besides this ; no , not the Stationary Days , which indeed they keep on Wednesdays , and Fridays , and do all observe , but yet not in obedience to any Command , or to the end of the Day , but Prayers are concluded at three a Clock in the Afternoon , according to the Example of Peter in the Acts. So that from hence it is evident , That the Orthodox apprehended themselves to be free from the necessary Observation of the Stationary Fasts , and to be only strictly obliged to fast on those Days , wherein the Bridegroom was taken away ; or on Lent , from which Periphrasis of Lent we may collect both the Reason and the Duration thereof . First , the Reason thereof , or the Ground on which they founded the necessity of this Fast , and that was on that saying of Christ , in Matth. 9. 15. The Days will come when the Bridegroom shall be taken from them . This they imagined to be an Injunction of Christ to all his Followers , to fast at that time , when the Bridegroom should be taken away . The Bridegroom they esteemed to be Christ , the time when he was taken away , his Crucifixion , Death , and continuing under the Power of Death to the instant of his Resurrection , during which time they thought themselves by the forementioned Command obliged to fast . Secondly , From hence we may observe the Duration of this Fast , or how long it was continued , and that was , from the time that Christ the Bridegroom was taken away , to the time that he was restored again , that is , from his Passion to his Resurrection . Now according to their Various Computations of the beginning and end of Christ's being taken away , so was the Duration of their Fast ; some might reckon from Christ's Agony in the 〈◊〉 , others from his being betrayed by Judas . 〈◊〉 again from his being fastned to the Cross , and others from his being actually dead ; and so according to these Diversities of Computations were their Fasts either lengthened or shortned . This we may probably suppose to be the occasion of the different Observations of this Fast with respect to its Duration , as we find it in Irenaeus , 1 Some , says he , esteem , that they must fast but one Day , others two , others more , and some allow to this Fast forty Hours . Which last space of Time seems to have been their general and common Allowance : Whence this Fast , was afterwards called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or , Quadragesima , that is , not a Fast of Forty Days , in imitation of Christ's Fasting in the Wilderness , but a Fast of Forty Hours , beginning at Friday Twelve a Clock , about which time Christ was dying , and ending Sunday Morning , when Christ arose . So that from Twelve a Clock Good Friday , as we call it , when Christ the Bridegroom was taken away , they fasted , in obedience to his Command , as they imagined , till Sunday Morning , when he was found again by his Resurrection , at which time they forgot their Sorrow and Mourning , concluded their Fast , and began the joyful Festival of Easter , or of Christs Resurrection . § 4. As for the manner of their Fasts , we may observe them to be of three sorts , viz. Statio , Jejunium , and Superpositio ; Station , Fasts , and Superposition ; all which three are at once mentioned by Victorinus Petavionensis , 1 We fast , says he , till the ninth hour , or till evening , or their is a Superposition till the next morning . I. There was the Fast of Stations , which ended at Three a Clock in the Afternoon , or at the Ninth Hour , as it is called in the forecited Passage of Victorinus Petavionensis . This sort of Fasting was used on 〈◊〉 and Fridays , which Days , as we have shewn before were called Stationary Days , and on them Divine Services were ended at Three a Clock in the Afternoon , for which Reason Montanising Tertullian 2 terms them , The Half Fasts of Stations . II. The next sort was strictly called Jejunium , or a Fast ; which according to the 〈◊〉 place of Victorinus Petavionensis , lasted till Evening : Of this sort , it is probable , their Occasional Fasts were , as Tertullian writes , 3 In times of necessity and danger we dry up our selves with Fasting , abstain from all Meat , roll our selves in Dust and Ashes , and by these means cause God to have mercy upon us . Though it is also likely , that in times of more eminent Danger they extended these Fasts unto that of Superposition . The Second sort of Fasts was observed by some on Fridays , who turned the Station into a Fast , as Victorinus Petavionensis writes , 1 On Friday , in Commemoration of the Lord's Passion , I either keep a Station , or observe a Fast. III. The last sort of Fasts was called Superposition , or , as by the Greeks , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which lasted till the Morning of the next Day , according to that of Victorinus Petavionensis , 2 Let Superposition be done till the next Day . As for the times when this Fast was observed , I find that in some of the Western Churches they so kept every Saturday throughout the Year , fasting thereon till Midnight , or till the beginning of Sunday Morning , as Victorinus Petavioniensis says , 3 Let Superposition be done on Saturday , lest we should seem to observe the Jewish Sabbath . But not only in these , but in other Churches also , they so fasted on Easter Eve , or on the Saturday preceeding that Sunday , which being Lent , was so necessary and usual , that Tertullian enumerating those particular Acts of Divine Worship , that a Christian Woman could not freely perform , if married to a Pagan Husband , reckons this as one , 1 That on Easter Eve she could not stay up , and watch that Night : But to please her Husband , must be diverted from this necessary Fast , that usher'd in the Glorious Festival of Easter , which brings me in the next place to enquire into this , and their other Feasts , of which in the ensuing Chapter . CHAP. IX . § 1. Of the Primitive Feasts , two-fold , Occasional , and Fix'd , § 2. Of Easter . § 3. Of Whitsunday . § 4. Of Christmas : On what Day of the Year Christ was born . § 5. Of Epiphany . § 6. Besides these no other Feasts in Commemoration of Christ , the Virgin Mary , or the Apostles . The Apostles not called Saints in the Primitive Writings . § 7. Festivals in Commemoration of the Martyrs : Observed on the Annual Day of their Martyrdom . Persons appointed to take an exact Account of the Day of their Decease . § 8. Why those Festivals were observed . The Day of the Martyrs Death termed their Birth days . § 9. The Place where these Festivals were Solemnized : Of the Buryingplace of the Ancients . § 10. The manner of the Observation of these Festivals . § 1. AS the Primitive Fasts were two-fold , so likewise were their Feasts , either Occasional , or Fixed . As for those that were Occasional , I shall pass them over , because not controverted , and come immediately to enquire into their Fixed Feasts , which , as their Fasts , were also two-fold , either Weekly or Annual . Of their Weekly Feasts , which were Sundays , and in the Oriental Churches Saturdays , I have already discoursed , so that there only remains an Enquiry into their Annual Feasts , which , befides the Martyrs Festivals , were two , viz. Easter and Whitsunday , or at most Three , viz , Easter , Whitsunday , and Christmass , of each of which in their Order . § 2. I begin with Easter , as being the antientest Feast of all , concerning which Tertullian writes , 1 We Celebrate Easter in the first Month every Year . Cyprian mentions their 2 Easter Solemnities . And Origen reckons 3 Easter as one of the four Festivals observed in his time . But that they Solemnized Easter , is a thing so well known , that it will be unnecessary to prove it , especially since every one knows , or at least might easily know , those sharp Contests and Debates that were in the Church about the time when it should be kept ; the whole Affair hath been at large related by several Hands in our own Tongue ; amongst others , by the most learned Dr. Cave , in his Apostolici , in the Life of Irenaeus , to which I refer the Curious , contenting my self with giving a very brief Account of the Controversie , which was this : The Churches of the Lesser Asia kept their Easter the same day that the Jews kept their Passover , on what day of the Week soever it happen'd . The Church of Rome , with other Churches , kept it the Lords Day after . This Diversity of Customs created a violent Disorder and Confusion amongst the Christians ; for the Church of Rome would impose their Usages on the Churches of the Lesser Asia , unto which the latter peremptorily refused to submit . To appease these Heats and Storms , Polycarp Bishop of Smirna came to Rome to confer with Anicetus Bishop of that Church about it , who 〈◊〉 , that every Church should be left to follow its own Custom , as accordingly they were to the times of Pope Victor , who revived this Controversie , and was so turbulent and imperious , as that he excommunicated the Asiaticks , for refusing to comply with the Church of Rome in this matter , condemning them as Hereticks , loading them with the long and frightful Name of Tessareskaidekatitae , or , Quartodecimani , so called because they kept their Easter Quarta Decima Luna , upon the Fourteenth Day after the appearance of the Moon , or at the Full Moon , on what Day soever it happened . But however the Asiaticks stood their Ground , and still maintained their old Custom , till the Council of Nice , Anno 325. by their Authority decided this Controversie , decreeing , that throughout the whole Christian World , Easter should be observed not on the Day on which the Jewish Passover fell , but on the Lord's Day ensuing , as it was ever after observed and followed . § 3. The next Feast that was observed was Whitsunday , or Pentecost , in Commemoration of the Holy Ghosts Descent on the Apostles , which also was very ancient , being mentioned several times by 1 Tertullian ; and reckon'd by Origen for one of the 2 four Festivals observed in his time , the other Three being Sundays , Saturdays , and Easter . § 4. As for Christmass , or the time of Christs Nativity , there is a Passage in Clemens Alexandrinus , which seems to intimate , that it was then observed as a Festival : For speaking of the Time when Christ was born , he says , that those who had curiously search'd into it , affixed it to the 25th Day of the Month Pachon . But the Basilidian Hereticks held otherwise , 3 who also observed as a Feast , the Day of Christs Baptism . From which Words who also , if that be the meaning of the Words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 one might be apt to infer , that the meaning of Clemens Alexandrinus was , that the Basilidians not only feasted at the time of Christs Nativity , but also at the time of his Baptism . But whether this Interpretation will hold , I leave to the Learned Reader to determin . On the contrary , there are other Considerations , which more strongly insinuate , that this Festival was not so early solemnized , as that when Origen reckons up the Feasts observed in his Age , he mentions not one Syllable of Christmas ; and it seems improbable that they should Celebrate Christs Nativity , when they disagreed about the Month and Day when Christ was born . Clemens Alexandrinus reckons 2 from the Birth of Christ to the Death of Commodus , exactly one hundred ninety four Years , one month , and thirteen days ; which years must be computed according to the Nabonassar , or Egyptian Account , who varied from this in our year , in that they had only 365 days in a year , never taking notice of the odd Hours , or Quadrant of a Day , that every fourth Year makes a whole Day , and are accordingly by us then added to the Month of February , which maketh the Bissextile or Leapyear . So that though the Egyptians always begun their Year with the first day of the Month Thoth , yet making no Account of the Annual odd Hours , that Month wandereth throughout the whole Year : And whereas now the first Day of that Month is the first Day of our March , about Seven Hundred Years hence , it will be the first of September ; and after Seven Hundred Years more , or near thereabouts , it will come to the first of March again . Wherefore that we may reduce unto our Style this Calculation of Clemens Alexandrinus , we must deduce , for those odd Hours which are not accounted , one Month and Eighteen Days , and so reckoning the Birth of Christ from the Death of Commodus , which happened on the first Day of January , to be One Hundred Ninety Four Years , wanting five or six Days , it will appear that Christ was born on the 25th or 26th of the Month of December , according to the Julian Account , which is the Epoch we follow . But as the same Father farther writes in the same place , 1 There were some , who more curiously searching after the Year and Day of Christs Nativity , affixed the latter to the 25th of the Month Pachon , Now in that Year in which Christ was born , the Month Pachon commenced the twentieth Day of April : So that according to this Computation Christ was born the 16th Day of May. Nay , there were yet some other ingenious Men , as the same Father continues to write , 2 that assigned Christ's Nativity to the 24th or 25th of the Month Pharmuthi , which answers to our 16th or 17th of April : So that there were Diversities of Opinion concerning the Time of Christs Birth , which makes it very probable , that there was then no particular Feast observed in Commemoration of that Glorious and transcendent Mercy . § 5. There is yet another Feast called by us Epiphany , wherein there is a Commemoration of Christs Baptism , which I find to have been peculiarly Solemnized by the Basilidian Hereticks . For thus Clemens Alexandrinus reports it to be a particular Custom of theirs , 1 to keep as a Festival the day of Christs Baptism . The Day on which Christ was baptized , 2 they said to be the fifteenth of the Month Tyby , in the fifteenth Year of the Reign of the Emperor Tiberius , which answers to our One and Thirtieth of December ; or as others imagin'd it , 3 On the Eleventh of the Month Tyby , which was the Seven and Twentieth of our December . § 6. Besides these forementioned Festivals , there were none others observed to the Honour of the blessed Jesus , nor of the Virgin Mary , nor of the Holy Apostles and Evangelists ; and which may be a little observable , it is very seldom , if ever , that the Ancients give the Title of Saints to those Holy Persons , but singly style them , 1 Peter , 2 Paul , 3 John , &c. not St. Peter , St. Paul , or St. John. § 7. But now there was another sort of Festivals , which every Church Celebrated in the Commemoration of its own Martyrs , which was , on the Anniversary Day of their Martyrdoms : They assembled together , where they recited the Martyrs Glorious Actions , exhorted to an Imitation of them , and blessed God for them . So says Cyprian , 4 The Passions of the Martyrs we Celebrate with an Anniversary Commemoration . And so writes Tertullian , 5 Vpon the Annual Day of the Martyrs Sufferings , we offer Thanks to God for them . When this Practice began , cannot certainly be determined ; it is first found mentioned in the Letter of the Church of Smirna to the Church of Philomilium , touching the Death of Polycarp , wherein they write , 6 That they had gathered up his Martyr'd Bones and buried them in a decent place , where , say they , if possible , we will meet to celebrate with Joy and Gladness the Birth-day of his Martyrdom . Hence that they might be certain of the very day of the Martyrs Sufferings , there were some appointed to take an exact Account of them , and faithfully to register them , that so there might be no mistake . Thus Cyprian writ from his Exile to the Clergy of his Church , 1 That they should take special care , exactly to note down the very day of the Martyrdom of the Faithful , that so they might be commemorated amongst the Memories of the Martyrs , and to signifie to him the precise time of their departure to a glorious Immortality , that so he might also celebrate it . § 8. The Reasons for which they observed these Festivals , we find in the forementioned Letter of the Church of Smirna , wherein they write 2 That they would meet to celebrate with Joy and Gladness the Martyrdom of Polycarp , for the Commemoration of those who had already gloriously striven , and for the Confirmation and Preparation of others by their Examples . So that their Design was two-fold , to animate and encourage others to follow the glorious Examples of those Heroick Martyrs , who were commemorated before their Eyes , and to declare the Honour and Veneration , that they had for those invincible Champions of Jesus Christ , who by their Martyrdoms were now freed from all their Miseries and Torments , and Translated to a blessed and glorious Immortality , in an happy manner experiencing the Truth of that Scripture in Ecclesiastes 7. 1. That the day of a Man's Death is better than the day of his Birth . Whence the Time of the Martyrs Deaths was usually termed their Birth-Day , because then was a Period of all their Grief and Trouble , and a beginning of their everlasting Bliss and 〈◊〉 . Thus in the forementioned Letter of the Church of Smirna concerning the Death of Polycarp , they write , 2 That they would meet to celebrate with joy and gladness the Birth-day of his Martyrdom . And so Tertullian says , that 3 they annually commemorated the Birth-days of the Martyrs ; that is , their Deathdays ; as he writes in another place concerning St. Paul , 1 That he was born at Rome , when he suffered Martyrdom there . § 9. As for the Place where these Anniversary Solemnities were performed , it was at the Tombs of the Martyrs , who were usually buried with the rest of the Faithful , in a distinct place from the Heathens , it being their Custom to interr the Christians by themselves , seperate from the Pagans ; accounting it an hainous Crime , if possibly it could be prevented , to mingle their Sacred Ashes with the defiled ones of their Persecuting and Idolatrous Neighbours . Wherefore in the Ratification of the Disposition of Martialis Bishop of Astorga by an African Synod held Anno 258 , this was one of the Articles alledg'd against him , 2 That he had buried his Sons after the Pagan manner , in Gentile Sepulchres , amongst Men of another Faith. And for this Reason it was , that the surviving Christians would run upon ten thousand Hazards , to collect the scattered Members of the Dead Martyrs , and decently to inter them in the common Repository of the Faithful . As when Emilian the barbarous Prefect of Egypt , forbad any , under Severe Penalties , to entomb the Dead Bodies of the murdered Saints , and seduously watched if any would durst to do it . Yet 〈◊〉 a Deacon of Alexandria 1 resolutely ventured upon it ; And it is applauded by the Historian as an Act of Religious Boldness and Freedom , whereby Asturias a Roman Senator rendred himself renouned , in that when 2 he saw the Martyrdom of Marinus at Caesarea , he took his martyred Body , cloathed it with a precious Garment , bore it away on his own Shoulders , and magnificently and decently 〈◊〉 it . And in a Letter from the Christians of Lyons and Vienna in France to the Churches of 〈◊〉 , concerning their sore and grievous Persecutions , we find them passionately complaining of the Inhumane Cruelty of their Persecutors , 3 that neither Prayers nor Tears , neither Gold nor Silver , could prevail with them , to permit them to collect the dead Bodies of their murthered Brethren , and decently to 〈◊〉 them . As on the other hand , the Faithful or the Church of Smirna rejoyced , that they had gotten the most precious Bones of Polycarp , which they buried 1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 decebat , where they ought , as Valesius renders it ; that is , as seems most probable , at the common Burying Place of the Christians . Now it was at these Tombs and Sepulchres that the Memories of the Martyrs were solemnized . Thus in the forecited Letter of the Church of Smirna to the Church of Philomilium , they write , that 2 in that place where they had interr'd the Bones of Polycarp , they would by the Blessing of God assemble together , and celebrate his Martyrdom ; which was a Practice so usual and constant , as that the Heathens observed it : So that as on the one hand , under the Persecution of Valerian , AEmilian the Prefect of Egypt threatned Dionysius Alexandrinus and his Fellow-Sufferers , that for their Obstinacy and 〈◊〉 , as he termed it , he would send them into Lybia , to a desert place called Cephro , 3 where they should not meet together , or go to those places called Cemeteries . That is , the places where the Martyrs and the rest of the Faithful were buried ; so on the other hand when Galienus Valerian's Son restored Peace to the Churches , he published an express Edict 1 for returning to the Christians the Cemeteries that were taken from them . § 10. If in the next place it shall be enquired , how they observed these Festival Days . I answer , that they did not , according to the fashion of the Heathens , spend them in Riot and Debauchery , in Bacchanalian Revellings and Luxury , but in Religious Exercises and Employments , in Prayers and Devotions . 2 He , saith Origen , truly keeps a Festival , who does what he ought to do , always praying , and by his Prayers offering up unbloody Sacrifices unto God. The Solemnites of these Feast Days were not Drunkenness and Gluttony , but Acts of Piety and Charity . Now they publickly assembled , as the Church of Smirna writes in her Letter concerning the Death of Polycarp , 3 to commemorate the Martyrs Courage and Triumphs , and to exhort and prepare others to the same glorious and renowned Actions . Or as Tertullian expresses it , 4 now they offered Oblations . as Cyprian , 1 They offered Oblations and Sacrifices ; that is , they offered Thanks and Praise to God , that had given Grace to those Martyrs , to Seal his Truths with their Blood , and in evidence of their Gratitude distributed of their Substance to the Poor and 〈◊〉 . CHAP. X. § 1. Of the Rights and Ceremonies : The difference between them . § 2. Of Ceremonies : Many used by the Ancients , which through various ways crept into the Church . § 3. Of Rites : Every Church followed its own Rites without imposing them on any other . § 4. The Members of every Church obliged to observe the Rites of that Church where they lived . § 5. The Conclusion of this Enquiry , with an earnest Perswasion to Peace , Vnity and Moderation . § 1. HAving in the precedent Chapters enquired into the several Parts of Divine Worship , and the Circumstances thereof , I now come to close up all with a brief Appendix concerning Rites and Ceremonies , by which I mean two different things : By Rites , I understand such Actions as have an 〈◊〉 Relation to the Circumstances or manner of Worship : As for Instance . The Sacrament was to be received in one manner or other , but whether from the Bishop or Deacon , that was the Rite . Lent was to be observed a certain space of Time , but whether One Day , or Two Days , or Three Days , that was the Rite thereof . So that Rites 〈◊〉 necessary Concomitants of the Circumstances of Divine Worship , Appendages to them ; or , if you rather please , you may call them Circumstances themselves . By Ceremonies , I mean such Actions as have no regard either to the Manner or Circumstances of Divine Worship , but the Acts thereof may be performed without them ; as for instance , In some Churches they gave to Persons 1 when they were baptized , Milk and Hony. And , 2 Before they prayed , they washed their Hands . Now both these Actions I call Ceremonies , because they were not necessary to the Discharge of those Acts of Divine Worship , unto which they were affixed ; but those Acts might be performed without them ; as Baptism might be entirely administred without the Ceremony of giving Milk and Hony , and Prayers might be presented without washing of Hands . Now having explained what I intend by those two Terms of Rites and Ceremonies , let us in the next place consider the Practice of the Primitive Church with reference thereunto . And first for Ceremonies . § 2. It is apparent that there were many of that kind crept into the Church , of whom we may say , that from the beginning they were not so : For when 2 the Quire of the Apostles was dead , till which time , as Hegesippus writes , the Church remained a pure and unspotted Virgin ; then the Church was gradually 〈◊〉 and corrupted , as in her Doctrin , so also in her Worship , an Infinity of Ceremonies by degrees insensibly sliding in , very many of which were introduced within my limited time , as 1 the eating of Milk & Hony after Baptism , the abstaining from Baths the Week after , 2 the washing of their Hands before Prayer , their sitting after Prayer , and many other such like , which through various ways and means winded themselves into the Church ; as some came in through Custom and Tradition ; one eminent Man perhaps invented and practised a certain Action , which he used himself , as Judging it fit and proper to stir up his Devotion and Affection ; others being led by his Example performed the same , and others again imitated them , and so one followed another , till at length the Action became a Tradition and Custom , after which manner those Ceremonies were introduced , 3 of tasting Milk and Hony after Baptism , of abstaining from the Baths the whole ensuing Week , of not kneeling on the Lords Day , and the space between Easter and Whitsuntide , of the Signing of themselves with the Sign of the Cross in all their Actions and Conversations , concerning which and the like , Tertullian writes , That there was no Law in Scripture for them , but that Tradition was their Author , and Custom their Confirmer . Of which Custom we may say what Tertullian says of Custom in general , that 1 commonly Custom takes its rise from Ignorance and Simplicity , which by Succession is corroborated into use , and so vindicated against the Truth : But our Lord Christ hath called himself Truth , and not Custom ; wherefore if Christ was always , and before all , then Truth was first and ancientest ; it is not so much Novelty as Verity that confutes Hereticks : Whatsoever is against the Truth is Heresie , although it be an old Custom . Others again were introduced through a wrong Exposition or Misunderstanding of the Scripture ; so were their Exorcisms before Baptism , and their Unctions after Baptism , as in their proper places hath been already shewn . Finally , Others crept in through their Dwelling amongst the Pagans , who in their ordinary Conversations used an Infinity of Superstitions ; and many of those Pagans , when they were converted to the Saving Faith , Christianiz'd some of their innocent former Ceremonies , as they esteemed them to be ; either 〈◊〉 them deceut and proper to stir up their Devotion , or likely to gain over more Heathens , who were offended at the plainness and nakedness of the Christian Worship of which sort were 1 their washing of Honds before Prayer , their sitting after Prayer , and such like . Concerning which Tertullian affirms , that they were practised by the Heathens . So that by these and such like Methods it was , that so many Ceremonies imperceptibly slid into the Ancient Church , of some of which Tertullian gives this severe Censure , 2 That they are deservedly to be condemned as vain , because they are done without the Authority of any Precept , either of our Lord , or of his Apostles ; that they are not Religious , but Superstitius , affected and constrained , curious rather than reasonable , and to be abstained from because Heathenish . § 3. As for the Rites and Customs of the Primitive Church , these were indifferent and arbitrary ; all Churches being left to their own Freedom and Liberty to follow their peculiar Customs and Usages , or to embrace those of others , if they pleased ; from whence it is , that we find such a variety of Methods in their Divine Services , many of which 〈◊〉 be observed in the precedent part of this Discourse ; as , some received the Lords Supper at one time , others at another ; Some Churches received the Elements from the Hands of the Bishop , others from the Hands of the Deacons ; some made a Collection before the Sacrament , others after ; some kept Lent one Day , some two days , and others exactly forty Hours ; some celebrated Easter on the same Day with the Jewish Passover , others the Lords Day after ; and so in many other things one Church differed from another , as Firmilian writes , that 1 at Rome they did not observe the same Day of Easter , nor many other Customs which were practised at Jerusalem ; and so in most Provinces many Rites were varied according to the Diversities of Names and Places . So that every Church followed its own particular Customs , although different from those of its Neighbours , it being nothing necessary to the Unity of the Church , to have an Uniformity of Rites ; for according to Firmilian , the Unity of the Church consisted 1 in an unanimity of Faith and Truth , not in an Uniformity of Modes and Customs ; for on the contrary , the Diversity of them , as Irenaeus speaks with reference to the Fast of Lent 2 did commend and set forth the Vnity of the Faith. Hence every Church peaceably followed her own Customs , without obliging any other Churches to observe the same ; or being obliged by them to observe the Rites that they used ; yet still maintaining a loving Correspondence , and mutual Concord each with other ; as Firmilian writes , that 3 in most Provinces many Rites were varied according to the Diversities of Names and Places ; but yet , saith he , never any one for this broke the Peace and Vnity of the Church . One Church or Bishop did not in those days Anathematize another for a disagreement in Rites and Customs ; except when Victor Bishop of Rome , through his Pride and Turbulency , excommunicated the Asiatick Bishops for their different Observation of Easter from the Church of Rome ; which Action of his was very ill resented by the other Bishops of the Christian Churches , and condemned by them as alien from Peace and Unity , and contrary to that Love and Charity , which is the very Soul and Spirit of the Gospel ; even the Bishops of his own Party , that celebrated Easter on the same Day that he did , censured his 〈◊〉 and violence , as unchristian and uncharitable , and writ several Letters , wherein 1 they severely checkt him , as Eusebius reports , in whose time they were extant , all which are now lost , except the Fragment of an Epistle , written by Irenaeus , and other Bishops of France , wherein 2 they affirm , that Victor was in the right with respect to the time of Easter , that it ought to be celebrated , as he said , on the Lords Day , but that yet he had done very 〈◊〉 to cut off from the Vnity of the Church those that observed it otherwise ; that it had never been known , that any Churches were excommunicated for a disagreement in Rites , 〈◊〉 of which there was not only in the time of Easter 〈◊〉 self , but in the Fast that preceded it : Some fasted one day , others more ; some forty hours , which variety of Observations began not first in our Age , but long before us in the times of our Ancestors , who yet preserved Peace and Vnity amongst themselves , as we now do ; for the Diversity of 〈◊〉 commended the Vnity of Faith : And as for this 〈◊〉 concerning the time of Easter , the Bishops which governed the Church of Rome before Soter , viz. Anicetus , Pius , Higynus , Telesphorus , and Xystus , they never celebrated it the same time with the 〈◊〉 , neither would they permit any of their People so to do ; but yet they 〈◊〉 kind and 〈◊〉 to those who came to them from those 〈◊〉 , where they did otherwise observe it , and never any for this Cause were thrown out of the Church ; even your Predecessors , though they did not keep it , yet they sent the Eucharist to those that did keep it ; and when in the times of Anicetus , blessed Polycarp came to Rome , and there were some Controversies between them , they did not seperate from one another , but still maintained Peace and Love : And though Anicetus could never perswade Polycarp , nor Polycarp Anicetus to be of each others mind , yet they communicated one with another ; and Anicetus in Honour to Polycarpus , permitted him to Consecrate the Sacrament in his Church , and so they departed in mutual love and kindness ; and all the Churches , whether observing , or not observing the same Day , retained Peace and Vnity amongst themselves . § 4. But though one Church could not oblige another to a Conformity in Rites and Customs , yet a particular Church or Parish could enforce its own Members to such a Conformity , an instance whereof we meet with in that famous Controversie about the Time of Easter . It was the Custom of the Asiaticks to celebrate that Feast at the Full Moon , or at the same time with the Jewish Passover , on whatsoever day of the Week it happened . It was the manner at Rome to observe it the Lords Day after , and both these Churches quietly followed their several Usages , without imposing them on each other . But yet the Churches of Asia permitted none of their Members to solemnize it after the Roman manner ; neither did the Churches of Rome , or of the West , license any of their Inhabitants to celebrate it after the Asiatick manner ; for if either of them had granted any such thing , there must have ensued Confusion and Disorder , to have seen Easter differently observed in one and the same Church ; whilst some Members of a Parish where Fasting , to behold others Feasting , would have been a perfect Ataxy and Irregularity : Therefore though Anioetus Bishop of Rome retained Peace and Unity with Foreign Churches , that differed from him as to the Time of Easter , without obliging them to a Compliance with the Roman Custom ; yet he peremptorily required it of the Members of his own Church , and 1 would never permit them to Solemnize that Feast on the same time with the Asiaticks . So that though every Church had the Liberty to use what Rites she pleased , yet every particular Member had not , but was obliged to observe the Manners and Customs of that Church where he lived , or where he occasionally communicated . A Church Collectively , or the Majority 〈◊〉 a Church with their Bishop could change their old Customs , and introduce new ones , as was done in the Affair of Easter , the Asiaticks at length submitting to the Roman Usage ; but till that was done , every particular Member was required to follow the old Customs of that Church , to which he belonged , and not to bring in any Innovations or new Rites , because , as was said before , that would beget Tumults and Disorders , and the Persons so acting would be guilty of that Strife and Contention , which is condemned by those Words of the Holy Apostle 1 Cor. 11. 16. But if any Man seem to be contentious , we have no such custom ; neither the Churches of God. Which is , as if the Apostle had said , If any Men , either to shew their Wit , or to head and strengthen a Party , will contradict what we have said , and affirm it to be decent and comely , either for Men to pray covered , or Women uncovered , This should silence such Contentious Opposers , that there is no such Rite or Custom in any of the Churches of God , but their Practice is the very same with what we have directed unto , and therefore to that they ought peaceably and quietly to submit and yield . Thus now I have finished this Enquiry , and have as far as I could , search'd into what was first proposed . If I have not illustrated any Point , as clearly as might be expected , the reason is , because I found nothing farther pertinent thereunto in those Writings to which I am confined ; if I had , I should freely have mentioned it . Whether I have been mistaken in the Sense and Meaning of any Passage , I must leave unto my Readers to judge ; all that I can say is , that I am not conscious to my self of any wilful and designed Mistakes , having throughout this whole Discourse endeavoured deavoured to find out the plain and naked Truth , without being byass'd to any Party or Faction whatsoever ; and that if any one shall be so kind and favourable as to convince me of any Slips or Errors , which I may have committed through Inconsideration , or want of a due Understanding , I shall thankfully acknowledge them , and willingly renounce and leave them . § 5. What hath been related concerning the Constitution , Discipline , Unity and Worship of the Primitive Church shall suffice , I have nothing more to add , but mine earnest Intreaty and Persuasion unto all those , into whose Hands this little Treatise shall fall , to imitate and follow the Primitive Christians in their Moderation and the Peaceableness of their Temper and Disposition . In those happy days the Christians were so eminent above all other Sects for their mutual Love and Charity , that the Heathens observed it with astonishment , and cried out with Admiration , 1 Behold , how they love one another ! 2 We are , saith Tertullian , ready to die for each other ; and we call one another Brethren , because we acknowledge one and the same God the Father , and have been sanctified by the same holy Spirit , and have been brought from the same state of Ignorance , to the light of the same marvellous . Truth . But alas ! 1 How is the Gold become 〈◊〉 How is the most fine Gold changed ! How is that Love and Charity now turned into Malice and Cruelty ! Pity , Compassion , and Tender-heartedness have left the World , and Envy , Hatred and Rancour are succeeded in their Places ; Love is now exploded as ungenteel and mean , Charity is condemned as abject and base , whilst Hatred , Revenge and Fury are esteemed as Noble and Generous . But , O Lord , how loug ? Shall Malice and Envy , Wrath and Pride for ever ride Triumphant and uncontrolled ? When 〈◊〉 thou , O Prince of Peace , and God of Love , heal our Breaches , and compose our Differences , and cause us 2 with all lowliness and meekness , and long-suffering to forbear one another in Love , endeavouring to keep the Vnity of the Spirit in the bond of Peace ? We have too too long unnaturally quarrelled already , and to the Dishonour of God , and the Scandal of Religion , have most unchristianly abused each other : I speak not this only of one Party , but of all ; we have all been guilty as to this matter , we have all erred and gone astray from the most Holy Commandment , and have been deficient every one of us in this great and necessary Duty of Love and Unity : We have loathed Concord , and loved Jarrs and Divisions , and have been always back-biting , persecuting and maligning one another to this very day , never at all remembring that we were Brethren , and Professors of the same blessed and glorious Religion . But what shall I say ? This Theme is too harsh and displeasing ; if it is an unpleasant Work to rip up those uncharitable Actions , may they be buried in perpetual silence and oblivion , and never more be remembred , so as to stir up Anger and Revenge , but only so as they may produce in us all Humility , Repentance , and mutual Forgiveness ; let us now with our Floods of Penitential Tears at once quench God's Anger for our past Divisions , and the Flames of our present Fire and Heats , that so there may be no Fuel for future Contentions ; and being grieved that we have played the Fool so long , we may now the more firmly resolve by the Grace of God to do so no more , that so however infamous we have been heretofore for our blind Zeal and unaccountable Animosities , we may for the time to come be highly renowned and conspicuous for our ardent Love and fervent Charity , 1 Putting away all bitterness and Wrath , and Anger , and Clamour , and evil speaking , with all Malice , being kind to one another , tender-hearted , forgiving one another , even as God for Christs sake hath forgiven us , 2 Putting on ( as the Elect of God , holy and beloved ) Bowels of Mercy , kindness , humbleness of mind , meekness ; long suffering , 〈◊〉 one another , and forgiving one another . Certain I am , we need no Arguments to induce us hereunto ; both the necessity and Facility of Love and Unity require it at our hands ; its necessity is evident from hence , that whilst we spend our Zeal and Heat about these inconsiderable matters , the very Foundations of Faith and Morals are attack'd and shaken , Atheism increases , Immorality prevails , and those damnable Heresies , which for many Ages have been silenced and abandoned , are now revived by Men of a corrupt Faith , who take an occasion from the Lawlesness and Licentiousness of this present Age , to vent those cursed Tenents , which eradicate and destroy all Religion ; it is to be feared , that unless we hasten to compose our Differences about the Skirts and Fringes of Religion , the very Vitals and Essentials thereof will be corroded and devoured by Heresie and Profaneness . And as for these and the like Reasons the necessity of an Union or Comprehension is manifest on the one Hand , so the Facility of such an Union is as apparent on the other hand ; for , thanks be to God , our differences are neither about Faith nor Manners ; we all believe in one and the same God , hope to be saved by one and the same Redeemer , desire to be sanctified by one and the same Sanctifier , receive one and the same Scriptures , assent to the same Doctrins , and acknowledge the necessity of the same Duties : Our Disputes are only about lesser matters , about Modes and Forms , about Gestures and Postures , and such like inferiour matters , about which it should grieve a wise Man to quarrel , and which with the greatest ease in the World might be composed and setled , if managed by Men of Prudence and Moderation ; and such Men , t is hoped , are the Reverend Bishops advanced by their Majesties , whose Promotion to those Places of Dignity and Trust many honest and peaceable Men look upon as a good Omen and Prognostick of our Future Union and happy Establishment . With these two Considerations let us remember those solemn Vows and Engagements which we made to Almighty God , and to one another in the day of our late Distress ; how we then vow'd and promised , that if God would be pleased to deliver and rescue us , we would forget our Differences , and mutually condescend and abate of our Rigour and Severity : Wherefore now since God hath so wonderfully saved us , let us not be so perfidious and faithless , as to neglect to perform what we then obliged our selves unto ; but let us willingly and conscientiously discharge it , lest God bring severer Judgments on us then ever , and at once utterly destroy us both Root and Branch , for our Lying , Perjury and Hypocrisie . Many other such cogent Arguments I might 〈◊〉 produce ; but that I may avoid too great Prolixity and Tediousness , I shall urge but one more , which is , that unless we have an uniting Spirit , and a peaceable Disposition , we are no true Christians , we unjustly arrogate that glorious Name ; for the very Soul of Christianity is Love and Charity , 1 The Kingdom of God , saith the Apostle , is not Meat and Drink , not zealous Disputes and Strifes about lesser Points , but righteousness , and peace , and joy in the Holy 〈◊〉 ; for he that in these serveth Christ , is acceptable to God , and approved of Men. It is an Absurdity and a meer Contradiction , for a Man to say that he is Religious , and yet to be malicious and uncharitable . Our Saviour flatly tells us , that 2 by this all Men shall know that we are his Disciples , if we have Love one to another . We may talk what we please of Religion , and profess what we list ; the Word of God is plain , that whosoever hath not Love and Charity , is no Christian ; but to allude to that of Christ , John 10. 1. He is a Thief and a Robber , he hath not the Spirit of God abiding and dwelling in him ; for 3 The Fruit of the Spirit is Love , Joy , Peace , Long suffering , Gentleness , Goodness , Faith , Meekness , Temperance . And 4 The Wisdom from above is peaceable , gentle , and easie to be entreated , full of mercy and good Fruit. So that the very Soul and Spirit of Christianity consists in Unity , Love , and Amity . Wherefore let my Intreaties be prevalent with you to endeavour for a mutual Compliance and Comprehension , as you have any Regard to the Honour of God , and the Credit of Religion ; as you would hinder the Growth of Damnable Errors , and abominable Debaucheries , and do what in you lies to prevent the Ruin and Damnation of Multitudes of poor Souls ; nay , as you would secure your own Salvation , and be able with Confidence to appear at the dreadful and impartial day of Judgment , let me conjure you in the Name of God 1 to love one another with a pure Heart forvently , 2 to follow after Righteousness , Godliness , Faith , Love , Patience , Meekness ; to forget and pardon all former Injuries and Affronts , 3 doing nothing for the time to come , through Strife or Vain-Glory , but in lowliness of Mind , each esteeming others better than themselves , doing all things without Murmurings or Disputings , 4 avoiding all foolish and unlearned Questions , knowing that they do but gender Strifes , behaving your selves like the Servants of the Lord , who must not strive , but be gentle unto all Men , apt to teach , patient , mutually complying with each other , doing all things unto Edification , labouring after Peace and Unity , that so we may at length 5 with one mind and one mouth glorifie God , even the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ. And for the Accomplishment of this blessed and glorious Design , let us above all things avoid Pride and Vain-glory , which , as it is to be feared , hath had no small share both in the causing and increasing of our Divisions : We have been so stiff and self-conceited , and stood so much upon the pitiful Punctilio's of Honour , that we have refused to condescend to one another , or to join in a way of Comprehension , or mutual Relaxation , which seems to be the only way left for Union and Agreement , if ever we hope , or intend to have it . Wherefore let me address my self unto you in the Words of the Reverend and Moderate Bishop Hall , 1 Men , Brethren and Fathers help , for Gods sake put to your Hands to the Quenching of this common Flame , the one side by Humility and Obedience the other by Compassion , both by Prayers and Tears . And as he , so let me 2 beg for Peace as for Life by your Filial Piety to the Church of God , whose Ruins follow upon our Divisions , by your Love of God's Truth , by the Graces of that one blessed Spirit , whereby we are all informed and quickened , by the precious Blood of that Son of God , which was shed for our Redemption , be inclined to Peace and Love , and though our Brains be different , yet let our Hearts be one . Let us all endeavonr by a Compliance and a Comprehension to promote Love and Charity , Peace and Unity , that so being Children of Peace , and obedient Subjects of the Prince of Peace , the God of Peace may Bless us with Peace , Quiet and Serenity here , and at the end of our Days receive us into his Eternal Peace , and everlasting Rest ; which God of his infinite Mercy grant may be the Portion of us all , through the Merits of his only Son our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ. Amen , and Amen . POSTCRIPT . BEcause some Practises and Customs mentioned in the precedent Treatise , were not from the first Plantation of Christianity , but were afterwards introduced ; and others might not be universal , but only followed in some particular Churches , it will not be unnecessary to add a Table of the Names , Age , and Country of those Fathers , and of their Contemporaries , who have been cited by us , that so we may guess at the time when such Customs were brought in , and know the Places where they were chiefly practised . Names . Countries . Age. Several Synods held in Africa between Anno Christi 250 & 260. Alexander Bishop of Jerusalem , Anno 228 Anonymus apud Euseb. lib. 5. cap. 16. p. 182. Lesser Asia , 170 Anicetus Bishop of Rome , 154 The Synodical Letter of — the Council of Antioch , held Anno 265 Apollinaris Bishop of 〈◊〉 in Lesser Asia , 170 Apollonius —   200 Asturius — Palastina , 260 Aurelius — Carthage , 〈◊〉 Artemon —   196 Babylas Bishop of Antioch , 246 Saint Barnabas   50 Basilides the Heretick Alexandria , 134 Basilides a Bishop in Spain , 258 Celerinus — Carthage , 253 Letters of the Clergy of Rome , to the Clergy of Carthage , writ between . Anno 250 , & 〈◊〉 Clemens Bishop of Rome , 70 Clemens of Alexandria , 204 Cornelius Bishop of Rome , 252 Crescens Bishop of Certa in Africa , 258 Cyprian Bishop of Carthage , 250 Dionysius Bishop of Corinth , 172 Dionysius Bishop of Alexandria , 260 Eusebius a Deacon of Alexandria . 259 Fabianus Bishop of Rome , Anno 236 Firmilian Bishop of Caesarea in Cap padoeia , 250 Fortunatus a Schismatic in Africa , 255 Fortunatus Bishop of Thucabori in Africa , 258 Gregory Bishop of Neoearsarea , 250 Ignatius Bishop of Antioch , 109 Irenaeus Bishop of Lyons , 184 Justin Martyr . Samaria , 155 Lucius Bishop of Thebeste in Africa , 258 Names . Countries . Age. A Letter of the Churches of Lyons and Vienne . to the Churches of Asia , Anno 177 Minucius Felix Rome , 230 Martialis a Bishop in Spain , 258 Natalis Rome , 210 Nemesianus Bishop of Thubunic in Africa , 258 Novatian Rome , 252 Origen a Presbyter of Alexandria , 230 Palmas Bishop of Amastris in Pontus , 196 Paulus Samosatenus Bp. of Antioch , 265 Plinius an Heathen .   110 Polycarpus Bishop of Smirna , 140 Polycrates Bishop of Ephesus , 196 Pontius a Deacon of Carthage , 260 Privatus Bishop of Lambese in Africa , 254 Sabinus Bishop of Emerita in Spain , 258 Sedatus Bishop of Turbo in Africa , 258 Secundinus Bishop of Carpis in Africa , 258 An Epistle of the Church of Smirna to the Church of Philomilium , 168 Stephen Bishop of Rome , 258 Tatianus Syria , 180 Tertullian a Presbyter of Carthage , 200 Theoctistus Bishop of Caesarea in Palaestina , 228 Theophilus Bishop of Caesarea in Palaestina , 196 Victor Bishop of Rome , 196 Victorinus Petavionensis Hungary , 290 Vincentius Bishop of 〈◊〉 in Africa 258 Zoticus Bishop of Comane in Lesser Asia 168 Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A47424-e140 * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Stromat . lib. 2. p. 263. Notes for div A47424-e900 1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Lib. 1. cap. 2. p. 34. 2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Lib. 1. cap. 3. p. 36. 3 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Apud Euseb . lib. 6. c. 25. p. 226. 4 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Apud Eus. l. 4. c. 15. p. 131. 5 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Epistad Herm. apud Euseb. lib. 7. c. 10. p. 256. 6 Ea quae est in quoque loco Ecclesia . Lib. 2. c. 56. p. 158. 7 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Apud Euseb . lib. 7. c. 11. p. 259. 8 Ubi tres , Ecclesia est . Exhort . ad Castitat . p. 457. 9 Ecclesia Romana , Cyprian . Epist. 31. §. 3. p. 70. 1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . ad Smirn. p. 1. 2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Idem . Ibid. p. 8. 3 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Origen contr . Celsum ; lib. 3. c. 129. 4 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Epist. Synod . Antioch . apud Euseb. lib. 7. cap. 30. p. 281. 5 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Paedag. lib. 3. c. 11. p. 189. 6 Adeant ad limen Ecclesiae . Apud Cyprian . Epist . 31. §. 7. p. 71. 7 De praescript . advers . Haeret. p. 90. De Corona Militis , p. 336. And very often in his Book De Virginibus Velandis . 8 De Orat. §. 20. p. 132. 9 In Provinciâ Africà & Numidiâ Ecclesiam Domini , Epist. 71. §. 4. p. 214. 1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Apud Euseb. lib. 7. c. 5. p. 251. 2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Lib. 1. c. 3. p. 36. 3 Ecclesiis Asiae & Phrygiae . Adversus Praxeam , p. 314. 4 Per Graeciam Ecclesiae . De Virgin. Veland . p. 386. 5 Christus sibi sponsabat ecclesiam . Advers . Marcion . lib. 4. p. 196. 6 Spirituales nuptias Ecclesiae & Christi . Exhort . ad Castitat . p. 455. 7 Ecclesia ad figuram imaginis filii ejus coap tetur . Lib. 4. c. 72. p. 308. 8 Conversos ad ecclesiam Dei , Lib. 3. c. 46. p. 229. 9 Confugere ad Ecclesiam . Lib. 5. c. 17. p. 342. 1 Ab Ecclesiâ Christi recessisti . De carne Christi , p. 13. 2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Comment . in Mat. Tom. 13. p. 304. Vol. 1. 3 Ecclesiam suam . Adversus Marcion . lib. 5. p. 255. 4 Haereses Ecclesiam lacessentes . De praescript . advers . Haeret. p. 69. 5 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Contra Cels. lib. 3. p. 128. 6 Ea quae ex gentibus est 〈◊〉 , Lib. 4. c. 37. p. 271. 7 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ad Philadelph . p. 52. 8 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Padag . lib. 2. c. 1. p. 104. 9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Apud 〈◊〉 . lib. 7. cap. 30. p. 279. 1 Ecclesia vero Christus . Tertullian . de 〈◊〉 , p. 382. 2 Epist. Eccles. Smirn. ad Eccles. Philomil . apud 〈◊〉 . lib. 4. c. 15. p. 134. 3 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Clem. Roman . Epist. 1. ad 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . 1. 4 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Epist. 1. ad Cor. p. 53. 5 Homil , 11. in Jerem. p. 113 , 114. 〈◊〉 . 1. 2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Epist. 1. ad Corinth . p. 54. 3 Smirnaeorum Ecclesia habens Polycarpum ab Johanne conlocatum , Romanorum Clementem à Petro ordinatum . De 〈◊〉 script . advers . Haeret. p. 80. 4 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Epist. 1. ad Cor. p. 2. 5 Unus in Ecclesia ad 〈◊〉 Sacerdos . Epist. 55. §. 6. p. 138. 6 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ad Fabium . Antioch . apud Euseb. lib. 6. c. 43. p. 244. 7 Edant origines ecclesiarum suarum , evolvant 〈◊〉 Episcoporum 〈◊〉 , ita per successiones ab initio decurrentem , ut 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 aliquem ex 〈◊〉 vel Apostolicis 〈◊〉 , qui tamen cum 〈◊〉 perseveraverit , habuerit autorem & antecessorem . Hoc enim modo Ecclesiae Apostolicae census suos deserunt , sicut Smirnaeorum Ecclesia habens Polycarpum ab Johanne conlocatum 〈◊〉 , sicut Romanorum Clementem à Petro ordinatum proinde utique exhibent , quos ab Apostolis in Episcopatum constitutos , 〈◊〉 seminis traduces habeant . De praescript . advers . 〈◊〉 p. 78. 8 Eam traditionem quae est ab Apostolis , quae per Successiones Presbyterorum in 〈◊〉 custoditur , provocamus eos . Lib. 3. c. 2. p. 170. 9 Lib. 3. c. 3. p. 170 , 171. 1 A pastore oves , & filios 〈◊〉 parente 〈◊〉 . Cypr. Epist. 38. §. 1. p. 90. 2 Episcopus , Praepositus , Pastor , Gubernator , Antistes , Sacerdos . Epist. 69. §. 5. p. 208. 3 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . De 〈◊〉 , §. 35. p. 34. 1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . Rom. Epist. 1. p. 62. 2 Smirnis Ecclesia . Irenaeus lib. 3. c. 3. p. 171. 3 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ignat. Epist. 4. p. 〈◊〉 . 4 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Idem Epist. 5. p 〈◊〉 . 5 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Idem ibidem , p. 45. 6 〈◊〉 in Smirnis ecclesia constitutus episcopus . Iren. l. 3. c. 3. p. 171. 1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Apud Euseb. lib. 5. c. 24. p. 193. 2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , lib. 2. c. 24. p. 66. 3 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , lib. 3. c. 4. p. 73. 4 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , lib. 3. c. 4. p. 74. 5 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lib. 4. c. 〈◊〉 . p. 144. 6 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , lib. 7. cap. 3. p. 251. 1 Apud Euseb. lib. 4. c. 15. p. 129. 2 Epist. 1. 〈◊〉 Cor. p. 1. 3 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Apud Euseb. lib. 5 , cap. 18. p. 185. 1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Apol. 2. p. 98. 2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Epist. ad 〈◊〉 . p. 6. 3 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Epist. ad Tralles . p 48. 4 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Epist. ad Smirn. p. 6. 5 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Epist. ad Philadelph . p. 40. 6 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Epist. ad Magnes . p. 33. 7 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Epist. ad Ephes. p. 20. 1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Epist. ad Philad . p. 41. 2 Sacramenti veritatem fraternitate omni praesente celebramus . Epist. 63. §. 12. p. 177. 3 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Apolog . 2. p. 98. 4 Nec de aliorum manu quam de praesidentium sumimus . De 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , p. 338. 5 〈◊〉 . de oratione , p. 661. 6 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Epist. ad Philadelph . p. 40. 7 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibid. 8 Contemptis episcopis , & Dei Sacerdotibus derelictis constituere 〈◊〉 aliud altare . De Unitat. Ecclesiae , §. 15. p. 301. 9 Profanum altare 〈◊〉 . Epist. 67. §. 2. p. 198. 1 Aliud altare constitui , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 novum 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 unum altare , & unum sacerdotium , non potest . Epist. 40. §. 4. p. 93. 2 Altare profanum . Epist. 65. §. 4. p. 193. 3 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Epist. ad Tralles . p. 50. 4 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Epist. ad Ephes. p. 20. 5 Sub Antistis contestamur nos renunciare diabolo & pompae . De Coron . Milit. p. 336. 6 Non nifi in Ecclesia praepositis licere baptizare . Epist. 73. §. 6. p. 220. 7 Potestatem baptizandi Episcopis dedit . Act. Concil . Carth. apud Cyprian . 〈◊〉 . 445. 8 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Apolog. 2. p. 99. 9 Epist. ad Polycarp . p. 12. 1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Comment . in Matth. Tom. 13. p. 335. Vol. 1. 2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Epist. 1. ad Cor. p. 69. 3 Plebe universâ . Cyprian . Epist. 28. §. 2. p. 64. 4 Acturi causam apud plebem universam . Epist . 10. §. 4. p. 30. 5 Sine petitu & conscientiâ 〈◊〉 . Apud Cyprian . Epist. 59. §. 1. p. 164. 6 De universae fraternitatis suffiagio . Apud Cypr. Epist. 68. §. 6. p. 202. 7 Apud nos quoque & fere per provincias universas tenetur , ut ad eam plebem cui praepositus ordinatur , episcopi ejusdem Provinciae 〈◊〉 quique conveniant , & episcopus deligatur plebe 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . 8 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Apud Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 28. p. 229. 1 Ordinationes Sacerdotales non nisi sub populi assistentes Conscientiâ fieri oportere , ut plebe praesente , vel detegantur malorum crimina , vel bonorum merita praedicentur , & sit Ordinatio 〈◊〉 & legitima , quae omnium Suffragio & Judicio 〈◊〉 examinata . Apud Cyprian . Epist. 68. §. 4. p. 201. 2 In OrdinationibusClericis , Fratres charislimi , solemus vos ante consulere , & mores , ac merita fingulorum communi concilio ponderare . Ad Plebem Universam Epist. 33. p. 76. 3 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Clemens Romanus Epist. 1. ad Cor. p. 57. 1 Sanctissimae atque amplissimae plebi 〈◊〉 . Cyprian . Epist. 55. §. 21. p. 144. 2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Epist. Synod . 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 Euseb. lib. 7. cap. 30. p. 279. 3 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Clem. Rom. Epist. 1. p. 1. 4 Fraternitas omnis . Cyprian . Epist. 58. §. 2. p. 163. 5 Secundum 〈◊〉 quoque vestrum , ea quae agenda sunt disponere pariter & limare poterimus . Ad Plebem Epist. 40. §. 7. p. 94. 6 Tune examinabuntur singula praesentibus & judicantibus vobis . Ad Plebem Epist. 12. §. 1. p. 37. 7 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . ad Philad . p. 45. 1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Epist. ad 〈◊〉 . p. 6. 2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Epist. ad Polycarp . p. 13. 3 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. Ibidem , p. 15. 4 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 , p. 13. 5 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibidem , p. 13. 6 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Epist. ad Polycarp , p. 12. 7 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ihidem , p. 12. 8 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibidem , p. 13. 1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Epist. ad 〈◊〉 . p. 20 , 29. 2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibid. p. 20. 3 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibidem , p. 20. 4 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Epist. ad Ephes. p. 20. 5 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Epist. ad Magnes . p. 34. 6 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibid. p. 34. 7 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibidem . p. 33. 8 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibidem , p. 32. 1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Epist. ad Philadelph . p. 40. 2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibidem , p. 40. 3 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Epist. ad Philadelph . p. 40. 4 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibid. p. 41. 5 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 , p. 45. 6 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Epist. ad Tralles . p. 〈◊〉 . 1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Apud 〈◊〉 . Lib. 7. cap. 30. p. 282. 2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibidem . 1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Anonym . apud 〈◊〉 . lib. 5. cap. 28. p. 197. 2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Apud Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 28. p. 229. 3 Profanum altare erigere . Epist. 67. §. 2. p. 198. 4 Salutant vos fratres , qui sunt in vinculis , & Presbyteri , & tota Ecclesia . Apud Cyprian . Epist. 3. §. 3. p. 12. 5 Sanctissimae atque amplissimae plebi , legere te semper literas 〈◊〉 . Cyprian . Epist. 55. §. 21. p. 144. 6 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Apud Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 28. p. 229. 7 Cleri ac Plebis Suffragio . Cyprian . 〈◊〉 . 67. §. 2. p. 198. 8 Quid ipsa Carthago passura est , decimanda a te . Ad Sca 〈◊〉 , p. 450. 9 Ut omnes optimè nossem . Cyprian . Epist. 38. §. 1. p. 90. 1 Ut expungeretis necessitates fratrum nostrorum sumptibus , si qui etiam vellent suas artes exercere , additamento quantum satis esset , desideria eorum 〈◊〉 . Idem Ibidem 2 Sacramenti veritatem 〈◊〉 omni praesente celebramus . Epist. 63. §. 12. p. 177. 3 Plebi Universae , Epist. 34. §. 4. p. 81. 4 In ordinationibus Clericis , fratres charissimi , solemus vos ante consulere , & mores ac merita 〈◊〉 communi consilio ponderare . Epist. 〈◊〉 . ad Clerum & Plebem . p. 76. 5 Plebi Universae . Epist. 34. p. 80. 6 Plebis favore . In vita Cypriani . 7 Populi universi Suffragio . Epist. 55. §. 7. p. 139. 8 Vicarias vero pro nobis ego & Collegae , & Fiaternitas omnis has ad vos literas 〈◊〉 . Apud Cyprian . Epist. 58. §. 2. p. 163. 9 Secundum vestra divina 〈◊〉 conjurati . Epist. 40. ad 〈◊〉 , §. 1. p. 92. 1 Et cum plebe ipsa universa . Epist. 28. §. 2. p. 64. 2 Secundum arbitrium quoque vestrum , & omnium 〈◊〉 commune Consilium . Epist. 40. ad Plebem , §. 7. p. 94. 3 Acturi apud Plebem universam causam suam . Epist. 10. §. 4. p. 30. 4 Examinabuntur singula praesentibus & judicantibus vobis . Epist. 12. ad Plebem , §. 1. p. 37. 5 A primordio episcopatus mei statuerim nihil sine consensu Plebis 〈◊〉 privata sententia gerere . Epist. 6. §. 5. p. 17. 6 De iis quae vel gesta sunt , vel gerenda , sicut honor 〈◊〉 . poscit , in commune tractabimus . Epist. 6. §. 5. p. 17. 7 Apolog. ad Constant. 1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Advers . 〈◊〉 apud Euseb. lib. 7. cap. 11. p. 260. 2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Vide ut antea . 1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Epist. 1. ad Corintn . p. 54. 2 Per omnes Provincias , & per urbes singulas ordinati sunt Episcopi , Epist . 52. §. 16. p. 119. 3 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Apud Euseb. lib. 7. cap. 30. p. 〈◊〉 . 4 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Anonym . apud Euseb. lib. 5. cap. 16. p. 182. 5 Concil . Carthag . apud Cyprian . p. 443. 6 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Apolog . 2. p. 98. 7 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Epist. ad Magnes . p. 33. 1 Origen . in 〈◊〉 . Hom. 3. 2 Justin. Martyr . Apol. 2. p. 98. 3 Tertul. de Baptism . p. 602. 4 Idem de Coron . Milit. p. 338. 5 Justin Martyr . Apol. 2. p. 99. 6 Firmilian . apud Cypr. Epist. 75. §. 6. p. 237. 7 Tertul. Apol. cap. 39. p. 709. 8 Cypr. Ep. 38. §. 2. p. 90. 9 Idem Ep. 10. §. 2. p. 30. 1 Episcopi derelictâ cathediâ , plebe desertâ , per alienas Provincias oberrantes , negotiationis questuosae 〈◊〉 aucupari , De Lapsis , §. 4. p. 278. 2 Nos Ecclesiâ derelictà , 〈◊〉 exire , & ad vos venire non possumus . Epist. 44. §. 2. p. 102. 3 Epist. 3. apud Cyprian . p. 11. 4 Pontius in vita Cypriani . 5 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Euseb , lib. 6 , cap. 11. p. 212. 6 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 28. p. 229. 7 Episcopo Cornelio — Cleri ac plebis suffragio ordinato . Cyprian . Epist. 67. §. 2. p. 198. 8 Judicio Dei , & plebis favore ad Officium Sacerdotii , & Episcopatus Gradum , ad huc Neophytus - electus est . In Vita Cypriani . 9 Populi universi suffragio . Epist. 55. §. 7. p. 139. Populi suffragium . Epist. 55. §. 6. p. 138. Suffragium vestrum , Epist. 406 §. 1. p. 92. 1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 11. p. 212. 2 Apud nos , & fere per Provincias universas tenetur , ut ad Ordinationes rite celebrandas , ad cam plebem cui praepositus ordinatur , Episcopi ejusdem Provinciae proximi quique conveniant , & Episcopus deligatur , plebe praesente , quae singulorum vitam plenissime novit , & uniuscujusque actum de ejus Conversatione perspexit . Quod factum videmus in Sabini Ordinatione , ut de universae fraternitatis Suffragio , & de Episcoporum judicio Episcopatus ei deferetur . Synod . African . apud Cyprian . Epist . 68. §. 6. p. 202. 3 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Clem. Roman . Epist. 1. ad Corinth . p. 57. 4 In Capsensi Civitate propter Ordinationem Episcopi essetis , Epist. 53. §. 1. p. 131. 5 Episcopatus ei deferretur , & manus ei imponeretur . Apud Cyprian . Epist. 68. §. 6. p. 202. 6 Quinque Pseudo-episcopi Carthaginem venerint , & Fortunatam sibi dementiae suae socium constituerint . Cyprian . Epist. 55. §. 12. p. 140. 7 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Cornel. apud Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 43. p. 243. 8 Episcopo in Ecclesia à sedecim Coepiscopis facto . Epist. 52. §. 16. p. 119. 9 Jactare viginti quinque Episcopos affuisse . Cyprian . Epist. 55. §. 12. p. 140. 1 Delecti , ordinati . Epist . 41. §. 2. p. 97. 2 Tu te Episcopum factum literis nunciares . Cyprian . Epist. 42. §. 4. p. 99. 3 Venerunt ad nos missi à Novatiano Maximus Presbyter , &c. Cyprian . Epist. 41. §. 1. p. 96. 4 Ad te Legati à Fortunato missi . Idem Epist. 55. §. 18. p. 143. 1 Baptismum dandi habet jus — Episcopus , dehinc Presbyteri & Diaconi , non tamen sine Episcopi auctoritate propter Ecclesiae honorem . De Baptism . p. 602. 2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Epist. ad Smirn. p. 6. 3 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Epist. ad Smirn. p. 6. 4 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Homil. de Engastrym . p. 28. Vol. 1. 5 Aliqui de Presbyteris , nec Evangelii , nec loci sui memores , sed neque futurum Domini Judicium , neque nunc sibi praepositum Episcopum cogitantes , quod nunquam omnino sub Antecessoribus factum est , cum contumeliâ & contemptu praepositi totum sibi vendicent . Epist. 10. §. 1. p. 29. Vide etiam Epist. 11. §. 1. p. 32. & Epist. 12. §. 1. p. 37. 6 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . ad Smirn. p. 6. 7 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Idem ibid. p. 7. 1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Hom. de Engastrym . p. 28. Vol. 1. 2 Baptismum dandi habet jus - Episcopus , dehinc Presbyteri & Diaconi , non tamen sine Episcopi auctoritate . De Baptism . p. 602. 3 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Epist. ad Smirn. p. 6. 4 Epist. ad Philip. §. 5. Thus 〈◊〉 by Dr. Cave , in the Life of St. Polycarp , p. 127. 5 Probati praesident Seniores . Apol. c. 39. p. 709. 6 Vid. Cyprian . Epist. 38. & 39. p. 90. & 92. 7 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ad Fabium Antioch . apud Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 44. p. 246. 1 Omnis potestas & gratia in Ecclesiâ constituta sit ubi praesident majores 〈◊〉 , qui & baptizandi , & manum imponendi & ordinandi possident potestatem . Apud Cyprian . Epist. 75. §. 6. p. 237. 2 Primitive Christianity . Part 3. cap. 5. p. 379. 3 Probati praesident Seniores . Apol. c. 39. p. 709. 1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 1 Tim. 4. 14. 2 Fungamini illic & vestris partibus ac meis , ut nihil vel ad disciplinam , vel ad diligentiam desit . Epist. 5. §. 1. p. 15. 3 Fretus ergo & dilectione & religione 〈◊〉 , quam satis novi , his literis & hortor , & mando , ut vos — vice 〈◊〉 fungamini circa gerenda ea , quae administratio religiofa deposcit . Epist. 6. §. 2. p. 17. 4 Et cum incumbat nobis qui videmur praepositi esse , & vice pastoris 〈◊〉 gregem , si negligentes inveniamur , dicetur nobis quod & antecessoribus nostris dictum est , qui tam negligentes praepositi erant : quoniam perditum non requisivimus , & errantem non correximus , & claudum non colligavimus , & 〈◊〉 eorum edebamus , & lanis eorum operiebamur . Apud Cyprian . Epist. 3. §. 1. p. 11. 1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 20. Actor . v. 28. 2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 1. Phil. 1. 3 Epist. 1. ad Corinth . p. 2. 4 Ibidem , p. 30. 5 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibid. p. 62. 6 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibid. p. 69. 7 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibid. p. 73. 8 Ibidem , p. 58. 1 Apud Euseb. lib. 5. cap. 24. p. 193. 2 Qui in ecclesiâ sunt Presbyteri — qui cum episcopatus successione , &c. lib. 4. cap. 43. p. 277. 3 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Apud Euseb . lib. 5. cap. 24. p. 193. 1 Pastores ovium . Epist. 11. §. 1. p. 33. 2 Praepositi . Ibidem . 3 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Comment in Matth. Vol. 1. p. 246. 4 Et cum omnes omnino disciplinam tenere oporteat , multo magis Praepositos & Diaconos curare hoc 〈◊〉 est , qui exemplum & documentum caeteris de conversatione & moribus suis 〈◊〉 . Epist. 62. §. 2. p. 169. 1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Epist. 1. ad Corinth . p. 54. 2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibidem , p. 57. 1 Presbyteri qui serviunt suis voluptatibus , & non praeponunt timorem Dei in cordibus suis , sed contumeliis agunt reliquos , & principalis consessionis tumore elati sunt — ab omnibus igitur talibus absistere oportet , adhaerere vero his , qui & Apostolorum sicut praediximus , doctrinam custodiunt , & cum Presbyterii Ordine Sermonem sanum , & Conversationem sine offensâ praestant ad informationem & correctionem reliquorum — Tales Presbyteros nutrit Ecclesia , de quibus & Propheta ait , & dabo principes tuos in pace , & Episcopos tuos in 〈◊〉 . Lib. 4. c. 〈◊〉 . p. 278. 2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . 6. p. 481. 3 Videt & ordinationes , sive stationes ministrorum ejus . Diaconorum , ut mihi videtur , ordinem memorat astantium divino ministerio . 〈◊〉 . 2. in Cantic . Cantic . Origen . 4 Nobiscum sedeat in Clero . Cyprian . Epist. 35. p. 84. 5 Collegis meis . Epist. 28. §. 2. p. 64. 6 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Stromat . lib. 6. p. 480. 7 Communi Consilio . Epist . 24. p. 55. 8 Ubi Ecclesiastici Ordinis non est consessus , & offert , & tingit Sacerdos , qui est 〈◊〉 solus . 〈◊〉 . ad Castiat . p. 457. 9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Apud . 〈◊〉 . lib. 3. cap. 23. p. 92. 1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Comment . in 〈◊〉 . Tom. 16. p. 443. Vol. 1. 2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Epist. ad Tralles . p. 48. 3 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . Martyr . Apolog. 2. p. 97. 4 Baptismum dandi habet jus Episcopus dehinc Presbyteri & Diaconi . Tertul. de Bapt. p. 602. 5 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Epist. ad 〈◊〉 . p. 48. 6 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Lib. 2. cap. 1. p. 38. 7 Hypodiaconum Optatum . Epist. 24. p. 55. 8 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Apud Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 43. p. 244. 9 Naricum Acoluthum . Cyprian . Epist. 36. p. 87. 1 Unus de exorcistis vir probatus . 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 Cypr. Ep. 75. §. 10. p. 238. 2 Hos lectores constitutos . Cyp. Ep. 34. §. 4. p. 81. 3 Non iste ad Episcopatum subito 〈◊〉 , per omnia 〈◊〉 officia promotus — ad Sacerdotii sublime fastigium cunctis Religionis gradibus ascendit . Cypriar . Epist. 52. §. 4. p. 115. 4 Communi Consilio omnium nostrum . Epist. 24. p. 55. 5 Necesse fuit — necessitate urgente promotum est . Ibidem . 6 Communi Consilio . Epist. 24. apud Cypr. p. 55. 7 Nunc Neophytos conlocant . 〈◊〉 praescript . adv . Haeret. p. 89. 8 In annis ad huc novellus . Cypr. Epist. 33. p. 76. 9 Merebatur — Clericae Ordination is — gradus & incrementa — non de annis suis , sed de meritis aestimandus . Ibidem . 1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . Epist. ad Magnes . p. 31. 2 Nemo militans Deo obligat se molestiis Saecularibus , ut possit placere ei cui se probavit . Quod cum de omnibus dictum sit , quantò magis molestiis & laqueis Saecularibus obligari non debent , qui divinis rebus & spiritualibus occupati , ab Ecclesia recedere , & ad terrenos & saeculares actus vacare non possunt , cujus ordinationis & religionis formam Levitae prius in lege tenuerunt , ut cum terram dividerent , & possessiones partirentur undecem Tribus , Levitica Tribus , quae Templo & Altari , & Ministeriis Divinis vacabat , nihil de illa divisionis portione perciperet , sed aliis terram colentibus , illa tantum Deum coleret , & ad victum atque alimentum suum ab undecem Tribubus de sructibus qui nascebantur , decimas reciperet . Quod totum fiebat de auctoritate & dispositione divinâ , ut qui operationibus divinis insistebant , in nullâ re avocarentur , nec cogitare aut agere saecularia cogerentur . Quae nunc ratio & forma in Clero tenetur , ut qui in Ecclesia Domini Ordinatione Clerica promoventur , in nullo ab administratione Divina avocentur , nec molestiis & negotiis saecularibus alligentur , sed in honore sportulantium fratrum tanquam Decimas ex fructibus accipientes , ab Altari & Sacrificiis non recedant , sed die ac nocte Coelestibus rebus & Spiritualibus serviant . Epist. 66. §. 1 , 2. p. 195. 3 Cum jampridem in Consilio Episcoporum statutum sit , ne quis de Clericis & Dei Ministris tutorem vel curatorem testamento suo constituat , quando singuli Divino Sacerdotio honorati , & in Clerico Ministerio constituti , non nisi Altari & Sacrificiis deservire , & precibus atque orationibus vacare debeant . Idem Ibidem . 4 Nunc Saeculo obstrictos concolant . Tertul. de Praescript . adv . Haeret. p. 89. 5 Humiles & mites . Cyprian Epist. 38. §. 1. p. 90. 6 In Ordinationibus Sacerdotum non 〈◊〉 immaculates & integros antislites eligere debemus , qui sancte & digne Sacrificia Deo offerentes , audiri in precibus possint , quas faciunt pro Plebis Dominicae incolumitate , cum scriptum sit , Deus peccatorem non audit , sed siquis Deum coluerit , & voluntatem ejus 〈◊〉 , illum audit . Epist. 68. §. 2. p. 201. 7 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Tom. 1. Comment . in Genes . p. 16 , 17. Vol. 1. 8 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Contra 〈◊〉 , lib. 6. p. 279. 9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Stiom . lib. 1. p. 207. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibidem . p. 233. 2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Stromat . lib. 6. p. 472. 3 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibidem . 4 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Stromat . lib. 1. p. 234. 5 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibid. p. 210. 6 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Stromat . lib. 1. p. 210. 7 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Str. lib. 6. p. 472. 8 Haereticorum Patriarchae Philosophi . Advers . Hermog . p. 266. 9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Clemens Alexand. Strom. l. 4. p. 204. 1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Stromat . lib. 1. p. 204. 2 Stromat . lib. 6. p. 500. 3 Stromat . lib. 1. p. 205 , 211 , 212 , 215. and lib. 6. p. 472 , 500. 4 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . lib. 1. p. 233. 5 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Stromat . lib. 6. p. 472. 6 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Stromat . lib. 1. p. 234. 7 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Stromat . lib. 6. p. 〈◊〉 . 8 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibidem . p. 476. 9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibidem . p. 475. 1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Stromat . lib. 1. p. 207. 2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Contra Celsum , 〈◊〉 . 6. p. 279. 3 Non 〈◊〉 ad Episcopatum subito pervenit , per omnia ecclesiastica officia promotus — ad Sacerdotii sublime fastigium cunctis religionis 〈◊〉 ascendit . 〈◊〉 . Epist. 52. §. 4. p. 115. 4 Merebatur talis Clericae Ordinationis ulteriores gradus & incrementa majora , sed interim placuit ut ab Officio 〈◊〉 incipiat . Idem Epist. 33. p. 77. 5 Ordinationes Sacerdotales non nisi sub Populi assistentis conscientiâ fieri oportere , ut plebe praesente vel detegantur malorum crimina , vel bonorum merita praedicentur , & sit ordinatio justa & legitima , quae omnium suffragio & judicio fuerit examinata . Cyprian . Epist. 68. §. 4. p. 201. 6 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . lib. 6. c. 8. p. 209. 7 Numidicus Presbyter adscribatur Presbyterorum Carthaginensium numero . 〈◊〉 . Epist. 35. p. 84. 8 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Cornel. apud Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 43. p. 245. 9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Apud Euseb. lib. 6. c. 8. p. 209. 1 Per Baptisina Spiritus sanctus accipitur , & sic a baptizatis & Spiritum sanctum 〈◊〉 ad bibendum calicem Domini pervenitur . Cyprian . Ep. 63. §. 5. p. 175. 2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Contra 〈◊〉 , lib. 3. p. 143. 3 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Origen contra 〈◊〉 , lib. 4. p. 178. 4 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Idem Ibidem , p. 142. 5 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Idem Ibidem , p. 142. 6 De Praescript . adv . Haeret . p. 89. 7 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Origen contia Celsum , lib. 3. p. 〈◊〉 . 8 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Idem 〈◊〉 , p. 143. 9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Idem Ibidem . p. 142. 1 De 〈◊〉 . advers . Haeret. p. 89. 2 Quis Catechumenus , quis fidelis incertum 〈◊〉 ; pariter audiunt , pariter orant . Tert. de Praescript . advers . Haeret. p. 88. 3 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Contra 〈◊〉 , lib. 3. p. 147. 4 Non ideo abluimur , ut delinquere desinamus , sed quia desinivimus . 〈◊〉 Poenitentia , p. 379. 5 Desiderio vestro divina praecepta respondent quibus jampridem mandantur voce coelesti , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quos & quales oporteat 〈◊〉 altari — in Levitico praecipit Dominus & 〈◊〉 Homo , in quo fuerit macula & vitium non accedet offerre dona Deo — nec sibi plebs blandiatur quasi immunis 〈◊〉 contagio delicti 〈◊〉 , cum Sacerdote peccatore communicans — Propter quod plebs obsequens praeceptis dominicis . & Deum metuens , a peceatore praeposito separare se debet , nec se ad Sacrilegi Sacerdotis Sacrificia miscere ; quando ipsa maxime habeat 〈◊〉 vel eligendi dignos 〈◊〉 , vel indignos 〈◊〉 . Epist. 68. apud Cyprian . §. 1 , 3 , 4. p. 200 , 201. 6 Apud Euseb. lib. 7. cap. 30. p. 282. 7 Nonaginta 〈◊〉 sententia condemnatum . Cyprian . Epist. 55. §. 11. p. 140. 8 〈◊〉 ipsa maximè habeat 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 eligendi 〈◊〉 Sacerdotes , vel indignos recusandi . Apud Cypr. Epist. 68. §. 4. p. 201. 9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 . Epist. ad 〈◊〉 . p. 47. 1 2 3 Vicarias vero pro nobis , ego , & Collegae , & Fraternitas omnis , has ad vos literas mitimus . 〈◊〉 , Ep. 58. §. 2. p. 163. 4 In commune tractabimus . 〈◊〉 . Epist. 6. §. 5. p. 17. 5 Nec Religionis est cogere Religionem , quae sponte suscipi debeat , non vi . Ad Scapulam , p. 447. 6 Disciplina custos spei , retinaculum fidei , Dux itineris salutaris , fomes ac nutrimentum bonae indolis , magistra 〈◊〉 , facit in Christo manere semper ac jugiter Deo vivere , & ad promissa coelestia & divina praemia 〈◊〉 . Hanc & sectari salubre est , & aversari ac negligere letale . 〈◊〉 Psalmis loquitur Spiritus sanctus Continete Disciplinam , ne forte irascatur 〈◊〉 , & pereatis à via recta , cum exaiserit cito ira ejus super vos . Et iterum ; peccatori autem dixit Deus , ad quid exponis justificationes meas , & assumis testamentum meum per os ruum ? Tu autem odisti Disci . plinam , & abjecisti Sermones meos retro . Et denuo legimus : Disciplinam quia abjicit , infelix est . Et de Salomone mandata Sapientiae monentis accipimus : Fili ne neglexeris disciplinam Domini , nec defeceris ab eo correptus . Quem enim diligit Dominus corripit . Si autem Deus quem diligit , corripit , & ad hoc corripit , ut emendet , fratres quoque & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , non oderunt ; sed diligunt eos quos corripiunt ut emendent ; quando & Deus per 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 praedixerit , & tempora nostra significaverit , 〈◊〉 & dabo vobis pastores secundum cor meum , & pascent vos pascentes cum Disciplina . De 〈◊〉 & Habitu Virginum , §. 1. p. 265 , 266. 7 So was 〈◊〉 in Cyprian . Epist. 38. §. 2. p. 90. 8 Euseb. lib. 5. c. 16. p. 181. 9 Origen . Hom. 7. in Jerem . p. 94. Vol. 1. 1 Origen . Ibidcm . 2 Cyprian . Ep. 52. §. 13. p. 118. 3 Cyprian . Ep. 38. §. 2. p. 90. 4 Origen contra Celsum , lib. 3. p. 142. 5 Epist. 12. §. 1. p. 37. 6 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Contra Celsum , lib. 3. p. 143. 7 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Commentar . in Matthaeum , Tom. 12. p. 279. Vol. 1. 8 Ecclefia super Episcopos constituatur ; & omnis actus Ecclesiae , per eosdem praepositos gubernetur . Epist. 27. §. 1. p. 62. 9 Si clausum putas Coelum , memento claves ejus hic Dominum Petro , & per eum Ecclesiae reliquisse . Scorpiac . p. 612. 1 Potestas remittendorum peccatorum Apostolis data 〈◊〉 , & Ecclesi is quas illi â Christo missi . constituerunt , & Episcopis qui eis Ordinatione vacariâ successerunt . Apud Cyprian . Epist. 75. §. 14. p. 240. 2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . 1. ad 〈◊〉 . p. 69. 3 Comment . in Mat. Tom. 13. p. 335. Vol. 1. 4 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Euseb. lib. o. c. 44. p. 246. 4 Haec 〈◊〉 tractanda 〈◊〉 , & limanda plenius ratio — cum plebe ipsa universa . Epist. 28. §. 2. p. 64. 5 Secundum arbitrium quoque vestrum & omnium nostrum Commune Consilium — ea 〈◊〉 agenda sunt disponere pariter , & limare poterimus . Epist. 40. § 1. p. 94. 6 Acturi & apud nos , & apud plebem universam causam suam . Epist. 10. §. 4. p. 30. 7 Cum pace nobis omnibus à Domino prius data , ad Ecclesiam regredi caeperimus , tunc examinabuntur singula praesentibus ac judicantibus vobis . Epist. 12. ad 〈◊〉 , §. 1. p. 37. 8 O si posses , Frater charissime , iuic interesse 〈◊〉 , cum pravi 〈◊〉 & perversi de Schismate revertuntur , videres quis mihi 〈◊〉 sit persuadere patientiam Fratribus nostris , ut 〈◊〉 dolore sopito 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 curandisque conseutiant ; vix 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 extorqueo , ut tales 〈◊〉 admitti . Epist. 55. §. 17. p. 143. 9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Cornel. apud 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . 6. cap. 43. p. 244. 1 In Presbyterium venerunt — Quod erat consequens , omnis hic actus populo fuerit insinuandus . 〈◊〉 . Epist. 46. §. 2 , 3. p. 104 , 105. 2 Adfuerunt Episcopi quinque — ut firmato consilio , quid circa personam eorum observari deberet , consensu omnium 〈◊〉 . Cornel. ad 〈◊〉 . Epist. 46. §. 2. p. 104. 3 Ibidem etiam exhortationes , castigationes , & censura divina ; nam & judicatur magno cum pondere , ut apud certos de Dei conspectu , 〈◊〉 futuri judicii praejudicium est , fi quis ita deliquerit , ut à communicatione orationis , & conventus , & omnis sancti commercii relegetur . Praesident probati quique Seniores , honorem istum non precio sed testimonio adepti . Apolog. cap. 39. p. 709. 4 Spirituali gladio superbi & contumaces necantur , dum de ecclesia ejiciuntur . Epist. 62. §. 3. p. 170. 5 Contumaces & Deum non timentes , & ab Ecclesia in totum recedentes , nemo comitetur . Epist . 64. §. 4. p. 191. 6 Acturi & apud nos , & apud Plebem universam causam suam , Epist. 10. §. 4. p. 30. 7 In commune tractabimus . Epist. 6. §. 5. p. 17. 8 Secundum vestra divina suffragia conjurati . Epist. 40. ad Plebem . §. 1. p. 92. 9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Apud Euseb. l. 7. c. 7. p. 253. 1 Ab Ecclesiae Communicatione abjectus . De Praescript . advers . Haeret. p. 95. 2 A Communicatione depellere . De Monogam . p. 477. 3 Ab Ecclesia separati , Epist. 38. §. 2. p. 90. 4 De Ecclesia se pellerent . Epist. 40. §. 1. p. 92. 5 Spirituali gladio necantur . Epist. 62. §. 3. p. 170. 6 Contumaces & Deum non timentes , & ab Ecclesia in totum recedentes , nemo comitetur . Epist . 65. §. 4. p. 191. 7 Quos Paulus jubet nobis devitare , Joannes enim non Ave nobis eis 〈◊〉 volens . Qui enim 〈◊〉 , inquit , eis Ave , communicat operibus eorum nequissimis . Lib. 1. cap. 13. p. 63. 8 A communicatione orationis & conventus , & omnis sancti commercii relegetur . Apol. c. 39. p. 709. 9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Comment . in Matth. Tom. 13. p. 336. Vol. 1. 1 Pulsent sane fores , sed non utique confringant ; adeant ad limen Ecclesiae , sed non utique transiliant . Castrorum coelestium excubent portis , sed armati modestia , qua intelligant se desertores fuisse . Resumant precum suarum tubam , sed qua non bellicum clangant . Arment se quidem modestiae telis , & quem negando mortis metu fidei demiserant , clypeum resumant , sed ut contra hostem Diabolum vel nunc armati non contra Ecclesiam , quae illorum dolet casus , armatos 〈◊〉 esse credant . Multum illis proficiet petitio modesta , postulatio verecunda , humilitas necessaria , patientia non otiosa ; mittant legatos pro suis doloribus lacrymas ; advocatione fungantur ex intimo pectore prolati gemitus , dolorem probantes cominissi criminis & pudorem , Epist. 31. apud Cyprian . §. 7. p. 71. 2 Sacco & cineri incubare , corpus sordibus obscurare , animum 〈◊〉 dejicere , — 〈◊〉 preces alere , 〈◊〉 , lachrymari , & mug re dies noctesque — Presbyteris advolvi , & caris Dei adgeniculari , omnibus fratribus 〈◊〉 deprecationis suae iujungere . De Foenitentia , p. 381. 3 Lamentari eum putamus ex toto corde jejuniis , fletibus , planctibus Dominum deprecari ; qui ex primo criminis die lavacra quotidie celebrat , qui epulis affluentibus pastus , & 〈◊〉 largiore distentus , cruditates suas postridie ructat , nec cibos & potus suos cum pauperum necessitate communicat ? Qui hilaris ac laetus incedit , quomodo mortem suam deflet ? An illa ingemiscit & plangit , cui vacat cultum pretiosae vestis induere , nec indumentum Christi , quod perdidit , cogitare ? Accipere pretiosa ornamenta & monilia elaborata , nec Divini & Coelestis ornatus damna deflere ; tu licet indumenta 〈◊〉 & vestes sericas induas , nuda es ; auro te licet & margaritis gemmisque 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 Christi decore deformis es . Et quae capillos tuos inficis , vel nunc in doloribus desine , & quae nigri pulveris ductu oculorum liniamenta 〈◊〉 , vel nune lacrymis oculos tuos ablue . Si quem de tuis charis mortali exitu perdidisses , ingemisceres dolenter , & fleres : Facie inculta , veste mutata , neglecto capillo , vultu nubilo , ore dejecto indicia maeroris 〈◊〉 , animam tuam misera perdidisti — 〈◊〉 non 〈◊〉 plangis , non jugiter ingemiscis ? §. 24 , 〈◊〉 . p. 285. 4 Orare oportet impensius & rogare , diem luctu transigere , vigiliis noctes ac fletibus ducere , tempus omne lachrymosis lamentationibus occupare , stratos solo adhaerere cineri , in cilicio & sordibus volutari : post indumentum Christi perditum , nullum hic jam velle veslitum : post Diaboli cibum malle jejunium . §. 28. p. 286. 5 Legitimum & plenum tempus satisfactionis . Cyprian . Epist. 59. §. 1. p. 164. 6 Urgere exitus coeperit . Apud 〈◊〉 . Epist. 13. §. 1. p. 39. 7 Lapsis pacem dandamesse , & eos ad praelium , quod imminet , armari & 〈◊〉 oportere . Apud Cyprian . Epist. 54. §. 1. p. 132. 8 Inspecta vita ejus qui agit poenitentiam . Cypr. Epist. 12. §. 1. p. 37. 9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Apud Euseb. l. 5. c. 28. p. 197. 1 Non minis sed precibus & lamentationibus . Cypr. Ep. 55. §. 18. p. 143. 2 Exomologesin 〈◊〉 - 〈◊〉 atque extremi delicti . Epist. 11. §. 1. p. 32. 3 Satisfactio confessione disponitur , confessione poenitentia noscitur . De Poenitentia , p. 380. 4 Epist. 10. §. 2. p. 30. Epist. 11. §. 1. p. 32. 5 Tantum relevat confessio delictum , quantum dissimulatio exaggerat ; 〈◊〉 enim satisfactionis consilium est , dissimulatio contumaciae . De Poenitentia , p. 380. 6 Pudoris magis memores quam Salutis velut illi qui in partibus verecundioribus corporis contractâ vexatione , conscientiam medentium vitant , & ita cum erubescentia sua pereunt . De 〈◊〉 , p. 382. 7 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Apud 〈◊〉 . lib. 6. cap. 34. p. 232. 8 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Cornel . apud 〈◊〉 . lib. 6. c. 43. p. 243. 9 Exomologesin gravissimi atque extremi delicti . Epist. 11. §. 1. p. 32. 1 Ergo cum te ad fratrum genua protendis — aeque illi cum super te lacrymas agunt . De Poenitentia , p. 382. 2 Cum lacrymis nostris vestras lacrymas jungite ; cum nostro gemitu , vestros gemitus copulate . De Lapsis , §. 27. p. 285. 3 Per impositionem manus Episcopi & Cleri jus communicationis accipiunt . Epist. 10. §. 2. p. 30. 4 Nec ad Communicationem venire quis possit , nisi prius illi & ab Episcopo & Clero manus 〈◊〉 imposita . Epist. 12. §. 1. p. 37. 5 Agant peccatores poenitentiam justo tempore , & secundum disciplinae ordinem ad exomologesin veniant , & per impofitionem manus Episcopi & Cleri jus communicationis accipiant . Epist. 10. §. 2. p. 30. 6 Ante actam poenitentiam , ante Exomologesin gravissimi atque extremi delicti factam , ante manum ab Episcopo & Clero in poenitentiam impositam , offerre lapsis pacem , & Eucharistiam dare audeant . Epist. 〈◊〉 . §. 1. p. 32. and almost the same words are repeated , Epist. 12. §. 1. p. 37. 7 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . apud Euseb . lib. 6. cap. 43. p. 243. 8 Satis sibi gratulans , si sibi vel Laico communicare contingeret . Apud Cyprian . Epist. 68. §. 7. p. 202. 9 Maximam Presbyterum locum suum agnoscere jussimus . Cornel. apud Cyprian . Epist. 46. §. 4. p. 105. 1 Statutum sit omnibus nobis , & aequum sit pariter ac justum , ut unius cujusque causa illic audiatur , ubi est crimen admissum , & singulis pastoribus 〈◊〉 gregis sit 〈◊〉 quam regat unusquisque & gubernet rationem sui actus Domino rediturus . Apud 〈◊〉 . Epist. 55. §. 16. p. 142. 2 Caeterum scimus quosdam quod semel imbiberint nolle deponere , nec propositum suum facile mutare , sed salvo inter Collegas pacis & concordiae vinculo , quaedam propria , quae apud se semel sint usurpata , 〈◊〉 qua in re nec nos vim cuiquam facimus , aut legem damus , cum habeat in Ecclesiae administratione voluntatis suae arbitrium liberum 〈◊〉 praepositus , rationem actus sui Domino redditurus . Apud Cyprian . Epist. 72. §. 3. p. 217. 3 Apud antecessores nostros quidam de Episcopis 〈◊〉 in provincia nostra dandam pacem moechis non putaverunt & in totum poenitentiae locum contra adultetia clauserunt , non 〈◊〉 a Coepiscoporum suorum collegio recesserunt , aut Catholicae Ecclesiae unitatem vel duritiae vel censurae suae obstinatione ruperunt , ut quia apud alios adulteris pax dabatur , qui non dabat de Ecclesia separaretur , manente concordiae vinculo & perseverante Catholicae Ecclesiae individuo Sacramento , actum suum disponit & dirigit unusquisque Episcopus , rationem propositi sui Domino redditurus . Epist. 52. §. 13. p. 118. 4 Cum sit a Christo una Ecclesia per totum mundum in multa membra divisa , item episcopatus unus Episcoporum multorum concordi 〈◊〉 diffusus . Epist. 52. §. 13. p 118. 5 Nam etsi pastores multi sumus , unum tamen gregem pascimus , & oves universas quas Christus sanguine suo & passione quaesivit , colligere & fovere debemus . Epist. 67. §. 6. p. 199. 6 Omnes enim nos decet pro co pore totius Ecclesiae , cujus per varias quasque provincias membra digesta sunt , excubare . Apud Cypr. Epist. 30. §. 4. p. 67. 7 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 Euseb. lib. 7. cap. 9. p. 254. 8 Et dilectio communis & ratio exposcit , fratres charissimi , nihil conscientiae vestrae subtrahere de his quae apud nos geruntur , ut sit nobis circa utilitatem ecclesiasticae administrationis commune consilium . Epist. 29. p. 66. 9 Apud Euseb. lib. 7. cap. 30. p. 279. 1 Coepiscopis nostris in eadem provincia 〈◊〉 tutis . Epist. 67. §. 1. p. 198. 〈◊〉 provincia nostra . st . 52. §. 13. p. 118. Per provinciam noam . Ep. 42. §. 2. p. 99. 4 Per provinciam . Epist. 55. §. 18. p. 143. 5 Latius fusa est nostra provincia . Epist. 45. §. 2. p. 103. 6 Apud nos & fere per provincias universas tenetur . ut — ad eam 〈◊〉 cui 〈◊〉 ordinatur Episcopi ejusdem provinciae proximi quique conveniant . Epist. 68. §. 6. p. 202. 7 Per singulos annos in unum conveniamus . Apud Cypr. Epist. 75. §. 3. p. 236. 8 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ex Epist. Synod . apud Euseb. l. 7. c. 30. p. 279. 9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . &c. Apud Euseb. lib. 5. cap. 16. p. 181. 1 Ut Episcopi plures in unum convenientes , praesente & 〈◊〉 plebedisponere omnia consilii communis religione possimus . Epist. 14. §. 2. p. 41. 2 Consultis omnibus Episcopis , Presbyteris , Diaconibus , Confessoribus , & ipsis stantium Laicis . Apud Cyprian . Epist. 26. §. 4. p. 60. 3 Collatione consiliorum cum Episcopis , Presbyteris Diaconis , Confessoribus , pariter ac stantibus Laicis sacta , lapsorum tractare rationem . 〈◊〉 Cyprian . Epist. 31. §. 5. p. 70. 4 Episcopi plurimis — cum Presbyteris & Diaconibus , praesente etiam plebis maxima parte . Act. Concil . Carthag . apud Cyprian . p. 443. 5 Act. Concil . Carthag . ad Calcem oper . Cypr. 6 Apud Euseb. lib. 5. cap. 23. p. 190 , 191. 7 Apud Fuseb . lib. 5. cap. 24. p. 191. 8 Apud Euseb. lib. 5. cap. 23. p. 190. 6 Literas ad te collegae nostri manu sua subscriptas miserunt , qui auditis eis , quid senserint , & quid pronunciaverint , ex eorum literis disces . Cyp. Epist. 42. §. 5. p. 99. 7 Per singulos annos conveniamus — ut lapsis fratribus per poenitentiam medela quaeratur . Firmil . apud Cyprian . Epist. 75. §. 3. p. 236. 8 Euseb. lib. 7. c. 30. p. 279. 9 Apud Cyprian . Epist. 59. p. 162. 1 In unum convenientes — disponere omnia possimus . Apud Cypr. Epist. 14. §. 2. p. 41. 2 Ut per singulos annos seniores & praepositi in unum conveniamus ad disponenda ea quae curae nostrae commissa sunt . Apud Cyprian . Epist. 75. §. 3. p. 236. Statueramus — Si periculum infirmitatis urgeret , pacem sub ictu mortis acciperent . Apud Cyprian . Epist. 54. §. 1. p. 132. Censuimus — Pacem dandam esse , & eos ad praelium , quod imminet , armari & instrui oportere . Ibidem . Ante legitimum & plenum tempus satisfactionis — pax ei concederetur . Cyprian . Epist. 59. §. 1. p. 164. Decreverit ejusmodi homines ad poenitentiam quidem agendam posse admitti , ab Ordinatione autem Cleri atque Sacerdotali honore 〈◊〉 . Apud Cyprian . Ep. 68. §. 7. p. 202. Statutum sit , ne quis de Clericis & Dei ministris tutorem vel curatorem testamento suo constituat . Apud Cypr. Epist. 66. §. 1. p. 195. 3 Victori antequam poenitentiam plenam egisset , 〈◊〉 Therapius , pacem dederit , quae res nos sàtis mover , recessum esse à decreti nostri auctoritate . Apud Cypr. Epist. 59. §. 1. p. 164. 9 Satisfuit objurgare Therapium — quod temere hoc fecerit , & instruxisse ne quid tale de caetero faciat . Ibidem . 1 Censuerunt ne quis frater excedens , ad tutelam vel curam Clericum nominaret , ac si quis hoc fecisset , non offerretur pro eo , nec Sacrificium pro dormitione ejus celebraretur . Apud Cypr. Epist. 66. § 2. p. 195. 2 Graviter commoti sumus ego & collegae mei - & ideo Victor , cum contra formam nuper in concilio à Sacerdotibus datum , Geminium Faustinum Presbyterum ausus sit tutorem constituere , non est quod pro dormitione ejus apud vos fiat oblatio , aut deprecatio aliqua nomine ejus in Ecclesia frequentetur , ut Sacerdotum decretum 〈◊〉 & necessariè factum servetur à nobis . Ibidem , §. 1 , 2. p. 195. 3 Maximè cum jampridem decretum est ejusmodi homines ad poenitentiam quidem agendam posse admitti , ab ordinatione autem cleri atque sacerdotali honore prohiberi . 〈◊〉 Cypr. Ep. 68. §. 8. p. 202. 4 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . apud Euseb. 〈◊〉 . 5. cap. 24. p. 193. 5 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Idem Ibidem . 6 In plurimis provinciis multa pro locorum & nominum diversitate variantur , nec tamen propter hoc ab Ecclesiae Catholicae pace atque unitare aliquando 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 est . Apud Cyprian . Epist. 75. §. 5. p. 237. 7 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Dialog . cum Tryphon . p. 266. 3 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Euseb. lib. 5. c. 24. p. 193. 9 Multa pro locorum & nominum diversitate variantur , nec tamen propter hoc ab Ecclesiae Catholicae pace atque unitate aliquando discessum est . Quod nunc Stephanus ausus est facere , tumpens adversum vos pacem , quam semper antecessores ejus vobiscum amore & honore mutuo custodierunt . 1 Superest ut de hac ipsa re singuli quid sentiamus , proferamus , neminem judicantes , aut à jure communionis aliquem , si diversum senserit amoventes . Neque enim quisquam nostrum Episcopum se esse Episcoporum constituit , aut tyrannico terrore ad obsequendi necessitatem collegas suos adigit . Concil . Carthag . apud Cyprian . p. 443. 2 Judicabit 〈◊〉 qui Schismata operantur , qui sunt immanes , non habentes Dei dilectionem , 〈◊〉 utisitarem potius considerantes , quam unitatem Ecclesiae , propter modicas & quaslibet causas magnum & gloriosum corpus Christi conscindunt & dividunt , & quantum in ipsis est , 〈◊〉 , pacem loquentes & bellum operantes , 〈◊〉 liquantes culicem & camelum transglutientes . Lib. 4. cap. 62. p. 292. 3 Hane igitur praedicationem & hanc fidem adepta Ecclesia , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in universo mundo diligentes conservat , 〈◊〉 in una eademque 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : Ae 〈◊〉 iis fidem habet , acsi unam animam unumque 〈◊〉 idem cor haberet : 〈◊〉 uno 〈◊〉 haec praedicat , docet 〈◊〉 tradit , acsi uno ore praedita esset . Quamvis 〈◊〉 dissimilia sint in mundo genera linguarum , una tamen eademque est vis traditionis ; nec quae constitutae sunt in Germania Ecclesiae aliter credunt aut tradunt , nec quae in Hispaniis , neque in Galliis , neque in Oriente , neque in AEgypto , neque in Lybia , aut in medio orbis terrarum fundatae sunt . Sed quemadmodum Sol creatura Dei unus & idem est in universo mundo . ita & 〈◊〉 veritatis ubique lucet , & illuminat omnes homines qui ad notionem veritatis venire volunt . Lib. 1. cap. 3. p. 36. 4 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Apud 〈◊〉 . lib. 4. cap. 29. p. 〈◊〉 . 5 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Apud Euseb. lib. 4. cap. 22. p. 143. 6 Scindunt & separant unitatem Ecclesiae . Lib. 4. cap. 43. p. 278. 7 Diabolus Haereses invenit & Schismata , quibus subverteret fidem , veritatem corrumperet , scinderet unitatem . De Unitate Ecclesiae §. 2. p. 296. 8 In provincia Africa & Numidia Ecclesiam Domini . Epist. 71. §. 4. p. 214. 9 Apud Euseb. lib. 5. cap. 24. p. 193. 1 Basilidem & Martialem libellis Idololatriae commaculatos — Episcopatum 〈◊〉 , & Sacerdotium Dei administrare non oportere . Epist. Synod . apud Cyprian . Epist. 68. §. 1. p. 200. 2 Oportet longe fugere ab 〈◊〉 . Lib. 1. cap. 13. p. 63. 3 Si habueris accusationem doctrinae 〈◊〉 , & alienorum ab 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 4 Qui vero Presbyteri serviunt suis voluptatibus , & non praeponunt 〈◊〉 Dei in cordibus luis , sed contumeliis agunt reliquos , & principalis consessionis tumore elati sunt , & in absconfis agunt mala — ab omnibus talibus absistere 〈◊〉 . Lib. 4. cap. 44. p. 278. 5 Qui curam habet vitae suae , non meis delictis qui videor in Ecclesia praedicare scandalizabitur , sed ipsum dogma considerans , & pertractans Ecclesiae sidem , à me quidem aversabitur , doctrinam vero suscipiet secundum 〈◊〉 Domini , qui ait , supra Cathedram Moysi sederunt Scribae & Pharisaei , omnia enim 〈◊〉 vobis 〈◊〉 audite & facite , juxta autem opera illorum nolite facere ; dicunt quippe & non faciunt : iste sermo de me est , qui bona doceo , & contraria gero & sum sedens supra cathedram Moysi quasi Scriba & Pharisaeus ; praeceptum tibi est , O Popule , 〈◊〉 non habueris accusationem Doctrinae 〈◊〉 , & alienorum ab Ecclesia dogmatum , conspexeris vero meam culpabilem vitam , atque peccata , ut non habeas juxta dicentis vitam tuam instituere , sed ea facere quae loquor . Homil. 7. in Ezechiel . 6 Ob multa & gravia delicta . Cyprian . Epist. 55. §. 11. p. 140. 7 Deus unus est , & Christua unus , & una Ecclesia , & Cathedra una super Petrum Domini voce fundata ; aliud altare constitui , aut Sacerdotium novum fieri praeter unum altare & unum Sacerdotium non potest : Quisquis alibi collegerit , spargit , adulterum est , impium est , quodcunque humano furore instituitur , ut dispositio divina violetur . Epist. 40. §. 4. p. 93. 8 Neque enim aliunde nata sunt schismata , quam inde quod Sacerdoti Dei non obtemperatur , nec unus in Ecclesia ad tempus Sacerdos , & ad tempus Judex vice Christi 〈◊〉 . Epist. 55. §. 6. p. 138. 9 Hi sunt ortus atque conatus Schismaticorum malè 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 placeant , ut praepositum superbo 〈◊〉 contemnant , 〈◊〉 de Ecclesia receditur , sic altare profanum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sic contra 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & ordinationem atque unitatem Dei rebellatur . Epist. 65. §. 4. p. 193. 1 Inde Schismata & Haereses 〈◊〉 sunt , & oriuntur , dum Episcopus qui unus est , & Ecclesiae praeest , superba quorundam praesumptione contemnitur , & homo dignatione Dei honoratus indignus hominibus judicatur . Epist. 69. §. 4. p. 208. 2 Illi sunt Ecclesia plebs Sacerdoti adunata , & pastori suo grex adhaerens , unde scire debes Episcopum in Ecclesia esse , & Ecclesiam in Episcopo , & si qui cum Episcopo non sunt , in Ecclesia non esse , & frustra sibi blandiri eos , qui pacem cum Sacerdotibus Dei non habentes obrepunt , & latentur apud quosdam communicare se credunt , quando Ecclesia , quae Catholica una est , 〈◊〉 non sit , neque divisa , sed sit utique connexa , & cohaerentium sibi invicem Sacerdotum glutino copulata . Epist. 69. §. 7. p. 209. 3 Cum Episcopo portionem plebis dividere , id est , à pastore oves , & filios à parente separare , & Christi membra dissipare . Epist. 38. §. 1. p. 90. 4 Conventicula sibi diversa 〈◊〉 . De 〈◊〉 . Eccles. §. 10. p. 299. 5 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ad 〈◊〉 . p. 2. 6 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . ad 〈◊〉 . p. 7. 7 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Epist. ad 〈◊〉 . p. 6. 8 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . ad 〈◊〉 . p. 14. 9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ad 〈◊〉 . p. 20. 1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . ad Magnesios , p. 33. 2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . ad 〈◊〉 . p. 40. 3 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . ad Philadelph . p. 43. 4 Commisisse se Schismata , & haeresis auctores fuisse . Cyprian . Epist. 46. §. 1. p. 104. 5 Schismatico & 〈◊〉 homine . Ibidem §. 3. p. 105. 6 Haereticae pravitatis . Epist. 47. §. 1. p. 107. 7 Schismaticus & haereticus error . Epist. 51. §. 2. p. 111. 8 Ostiatim per multorum domos , vel oppidatim , per quasdam civitates discurrentes , obstinationis suae & erroris scissi sibi quaerant comites . Epist. 41. §. 2. p. 97. 9 Martianus Arelate consistens Novatiano se conjunxerit , & à Catholicae Ecclesiae unitate , atque à corporis nostri & Sacerdotii consensione discesserit , tenens Haereticae praesumptionis durissimam pravitatem , ut servis Dei poenitentibus & dolentibus , & ad Ecclesiam lachrymis & gemitu & dolore pulsantibus , divinae pietatis & lenitatis paterna solatia & subsidia claudantur , nec ad fovenda vulnera admittantur vulnerati , sed sine spe pacis & communicationis relicti ad luporum rapinam & praedam Diaboli projiciantur . Epist. 67. §. 1. p. 198. 1 Cum Novatianus ipse , quem sequitur , olim abstentus & hostis Ecclefiae judicatus sit . Epist. 67. §. 2. p. 198. 2 Et cum ad nos in Africam legatos misisset , optans ad communicationem nostram admitti , hinc sententiam retulerit , se foris esse coepisse , nec posse à quoquam nostrum sibi communicari . Cypr. Ep. 67. §. 2. p. 198. 3 Cum Novatiano te non communicare . Idem Epist. 52. §. 1. p. 113. 4 Felicissimum rejectum à te illic esse . Cyprian . Epist. 55. §. 1. p. 137. 5 Tuas literas legimus . Cyprian . Epist. 42. §. 1. p. 99. 6 Literas nostras ad te direximus . Cyprian . Epist . 42. §. 1. p. 99. 7 Venerunt ad nos , missi à Novatiano Maximus Presbyter & Augendus Diaconus , & Machaeus quidam , & Longinus . Cyprian . Epist . 41. §. 1. p. 96. 8 Accepi literas tuas , concordiam collegii Sacerdotalis firmiter obtinentes & Catholicae Ecclesiae cohaerentes , quibus significasti cum Novatiano 〈◊〉 non communicare , sed cum Cornelio Coepiscopo nostro unum tenere consensum . Epist. 52. §. 1. p. 113. 9 Literas nostras ad 〈◊〉 direximus . Epist. 42. §. 1. p. 99. 1 A communicatione eos nostra statim cohibendos . esse censuimus . Epist. 41. §. 1. p. 96. 2 Nec mandare desistimus , ut perniciosa dissensione deposita — agnoscant , Episcopo 〈◊〉 facto , alium constitui nullo modo posse . Ibid. §. 2. p. 97. 3 Cum sit à Christo una Ecclesia per totum mundum in multa 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 item 〈◊〉 unus 〈◊〉 multorum concordi numerositate 〈◊〉 . Epist . 52. §. 16. p. 119. 4 Alienus est — habere jam non potest 〈◊〉 patrem , qui 〈◊〉 non habet matrem ; tales etiam si occisi in confessione nominis suerint , macula 〈◊〉 nec sanguine abluitur . De Unit. Eccles. §. 5. & 12. p. 297. & 300. Notes for div A47424-e32540 1 Scripturae leguntur , Psalmi canuntur , adlocutiones 〈◊〉 , & Petitiones delegantur . De 〈◊〉 , c. 3. p. 530. 2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Apolog. 2. p. 98. 3 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Euseb. lib 3. c. 3. p. 〈◊〉 . 4 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Euseb. lib. 3. c. 〈◊〉 . p. 88. 5 Placuit ut ab Officio lectionis incipiat . Epist. 33. p. 77. 6 Just. Martyr . Apol. 2. p. 98. 7 Tertul. de Praescript . advers . 〈◊〉 . p. 89. 8 Cyprian . Epist. 33. p. 77. & Epist. 34. §. 4. p. 81. 9 Plebi Universae — legat Praecepta & Evangelium Domini . Epist. 34. §. 4. p. 81. 1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . Martyr . Apolog. 2. p. 98. 2 Cogimur ad literarum divinarum Commemorationem , siquid praesentium temporum qualitas aut praemonere cogit aut recognoscere . Apolog. cap. 39. p. 709. 3 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Apolog . 2. p. 98. 4 Scripturae leguntur , Psalmi canuntur . De Anim. cap. 3. p. 530. 5 Carmen Christo , quasi Deo dicere . Epist. ad 〈◊〉 . 6 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Stromat . lib. 6. p. 483. 7 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. Origen . de Orat. §. 6. p. 7. 8 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Clem. Alex. Paedag . lib. 2. c. 4. p. 121. 9 Quid maritus suus illi ? Vel marito quid illa cantabit ? Ad Uxor . lib. 2. p. 431. 1 Sonant inter duos Psalmi & Hymni , & mutuò provocant , quis melius Deo suo canet ? Ibidem , p. 433. 2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Stromat . lib. 7. p. 523. 3 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Stromat . lib. 6. p. 475. 4 Quisque de Scripturis Sanctis , vel de proprio ingenio provocatur in medium Deo canere . Apolog . c. 39. p. 710. 5 Vide quam bonum & quam jueundum habitare Fiatres in unum : Hoc tu psallere non facile 〈◊〉 , nisi quo tempore cum compluribus coenas . Advers . Psychy . cos de Jejunio . p. 650. 6 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Act. Concil . 〈◊〉 . apud Euseb. lib. 7. c. 30. p. 281. 7 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Lib. 5. cap. 28. p. 196. 8 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Origen . de Oratione , §. 6. p. 7. 9 Origen . de Orat. §. 6. p. 7. 1 Carmen 〈◊〉 dicere secum invicem . Epist. ad Trajan . 2 Quid Maritus suus illi ? Vel marito quid illa cantabit ? Ad Uxor . lib. 2. p. 431. 3 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . lib. 7. cap. 30. p. 281. 4 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Origen . de Oratione , §. 6. p. 7. 5 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . lib. 2. c. 4. p. 121. 2 Scripturae leguntur , Psalmi canuntur , ad locutiones proferuntur . De Anima , c. 3. p. 530. 3 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Apolog . 2. p. 98. 4 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Contra Celsum , lib. 3. p. 142. 5 Homil. de Engastrym . And Homil. 17. in Jerem . 6 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Homil de 〈◊〉 . p. 29. 7 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Hom. de 〈◊〉 . p. 28 , 29. 8 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Origen . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . lib. 3. p. 142. 9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Idem , 〈◊〉 , p. 143. 1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Apolog. 2. p. 98. 2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Apud Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 19. p. 222. 1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Apolog. 2. p. 98. 2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Hom. 19. in Jerem. Vol. 1. p. 198. 3 Quapropter consurgentes deprecemur Dominum , ut digni efficiamur — Christo Jesu , cui est Gloria & Imperium in Saecula Saeculorum . Amen . Homil. 2. in Cantic . 4 Surgentes per Christum Sacrificia Patri Offeramus , ipse enim propitiatio est pro peccatis nostris , cui est Gloria & Imperium in Saecula Saeculorum . In 〈◊〉 . Homil . 1. 5 Nos ad Orientis Regionem precari . Apolog. c. 16. p. 688. 6 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . Martyr . Dialog . cum Tryphon . p. 334. 7 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Idem , 〈◊〉 , p. 334. 8 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . p. 350. 9 〈◊〉 Christi figuram . Advers . Valentin . p. 284. 1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Stromat . lib. 7. p. 520. 2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . De 〈◊〉 , §. 20. p. 127. 3 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . De Oratione , §. 21. p. 133 , 134. 4 Inde suspicio , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nos ad 〈◊〉 Regionem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Apol : 16. p. 688. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . Iib. p. p. 510. . 7 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. Origen . de Orat. §. 20. p. 128. 8 Sacerdos 〈◊〉 Orationem Praefatione praemissa , parat Fratrum 〈◊〉 dicendo , Sursum corda , & responder 〈◊〉 , Habemus ad Dominum . Cyprian . de Orat. Dominic . §. 22. p. 316. 9 Pallio nihil expeditius — quippe tota molitio ejus operire est solutim , id est , uno circumjectu — ita omnia hominis simul contegit . Tertul. de Pallio , p. 490. 1 Primitive Christianity , Part 2. c. 3. p. 47. 2 Quorundam positis penulis Orationem facere : sic enim adeunt ad idola nationes : quod utique 〈◊〉 fieri 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 qui de habitu Orandi docent , comprehendissent , nisi si qui putant Paulum penulam suam in Oratione penes Carpum reliquisse . D. Oratione , p. 659. 3 Modestis precibus orare . Cyprian . de Orat. Dominic . §. 2. p. 309. 4 Enixis precibus , lacrymis , ingemiscamus , preces , gemitus , lachrymae . Cyprian . Epist. 8. p. 23. 5 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Apolog . 2. p. 97. 6 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibid. p. 97. 7 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibid. p. 98. 8 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Apud 〈◊〉 . lib. 7. c. 9. p. 255. 9 In precibus quas faciunt pro Plebis Dominicae incolumitate . Epist. 68. §. 2. p. 201. 1 Qui idolis sacrificando sacrilega Sacrificia fecerunt , Sacerdotium Dei sibi vindicare non possunt , nec ullam in conspectu ejus precem pro Fratribus facere . Epist. 64. §. 2. p. 190. 2 Oportet eos ad Sacerdotium deligi , quos à Deo 〈◊〉 audiri . Epist. 68. §. 3. p. 201. 4 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Apxd Euseb. lib. 4. c. 15. p. 133. 5 Dc Oratione , §. 22. p. , 134 , 135. 6 Orandi legem . De Unit . Ecclesiae , §. 11. p. 299. 7 Ut aliter orare quam docuit , non ignorantia sola sit , sed & culpa . De Orat. Dominic . §. 1. p. 309. 8 Unusquisque oret Deum non pro se tantum , sed pro omnibus fratribus , sicut Dominus orare nos docuit . Epist. 8. §. 6. p. 24. 9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Strom. 〈◊〉 . 7. p. 537. 1 Quâ patrem — nos jussit orare . In Isaiam , Homil . 1. 2 Novam orationis formam determinavit . De Oratione , p. 657. 3 Legitima Oratio . De suga in 〈◊〉 . p. 436. 4 Orandi ipse formam dedit , ipse quid precaremur monuit & 〈◊〉 : Qui 〈◊〉 vivere , docuit & 〈◊〉 — ut dum prece & oratione quam filius docuit , apud patrem loquimur , facilius audiamur — Quae 〈◊〉 potest esse magis spiritualis Oratio , quam quae verè à 〈◊〉 nobis data est , à quo nobis & Spiritus 〈◊〉 missus est ? Quae verè magis apud Patrem precatio , quam quae à filio , qui 〈◊〉 veritas , de ejus ore prolata est ? Ut 〈◊〉 orare quam docuit , non ignorantia sola sit sed & culpa — Oremus itaque fratres dilectissimi , sicut Magister Deus docuit . Amica & Familiaris 〈◊〉 est Deum de suo rogare ad aures ejus ascendere 〈◊〉 orationem , 〈◊〉 pater filii sui verba : cum precem 〈◊〉 , qui habitat intus in pectore , ipse sit & in voce : & cum ipsum 〈◊〉 apud patrem 〈◊〉 pro peccatis mostris quando peccatores pro 〈◊〉 nostris petimus , advocati 〈◊〉 verba premamus . Nam cum dicat , quia quodcunque petierimus à Patre in nomine ejus , dabit nobis : quantò efficacius 〈◊〉 quod 〈◊〉 in Christi nomine , si petamus 〈◊〉 oratione ? De 〈◊〉 . Dominic . §. 1 , 2. p. 309. 5 Compendiis paucorum verborum , quot attinguntur edicta 〈◊〉 , Evangeliorum , Apostolorum , Sermones Domini , Parabolae , exempla , praecepta , quot simul expunguntur Officia Dei , honor in patre ; fides , testimonium in nomine , oblatio obsequii in voluntate , commemoratio spei in Regno , petitio vitae in pane , exomologesis debitorum in deprecatione , sollicitudo tentationum , in postulatione tutelae . Quid mirum ! Deus solus docere potuit , ut se vellet 〈◊〉 . De Orat. p. 659. 6 Posse nos super adjicere — & sunt quae petantur pro 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . De Oratione , p. 659 7 Posse nos super adjicere . Quoniam tamen Dominus prospector humanarum necessitatum seorsim post traditam 〈◊〉 Disciplinam , 〈◊〉 , inquit , & 〈◊〉 , & sunt quae 〈◊〉 , pro 〈◊〉 cujusque , praemisia legitima & ordinaria Oratione quasi fundamento , accidentium jus est desideriorum , jus est 〈◊〉 extrinsecus petitiones , cum memoria tamen 〈◊〉 : Ne quantum à 〈◊〉 tantum ab 〈◊〉 Dei longè simus . Memoria 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sternit ad Coelum quorum praecipuum est , 〈◊〉 . p. 659. 8 Apolog. 2. p. 98. 9 Com. in Matth. Tom. 17. p. 487. Vol. 1. 1 Com. in Matth. Tom. 16. p. 429. Vol. 1. 2 〈◊〉 . Tom. 17. p. 463. 3 Ibid. Tom. 17. p. 474. 4 Com. in Johan . Tom. 1. p. 5. Vol. 2. 5 Contra Celsum . lib. 〈◊〉 . p. 2. 6 Ibid. lib. 1. p. 36. 7 Ibid. lib. 6. p. 265. 8 Ibid. lib. 7. p. 〈◊〉 . 9 §. 22. p. 134. 2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 De Oratione , §. 10. p. 63. 2 Illue suspicientes Christiani manibus expansis , quia innocuis , capite nudo , quia non erubescimus , denique sine monitore , quia de pectore oramus . Apolog. c. 30. p. 703. 3 Praemissa legitima & ordinaria orarione , accidentium jus es desideriorum . De Orat. p. 659. 4 Et quando in Sacrificiis precem cum plurimis facimus . Epist. 〈◊〉 . §. 1. p. 44. 5 Hic quoque in Sacrificiis atque in Orationibus nostris non cessantes Deo — gratias agere , & orare pariter , ac petere , ut qui perfectus 〈◊〉 atque perficiens , custodiat & perficiat in vobis confessionis vestrae gloriosam coronam . Epist. 58. §. 2. p. 163. 6 In mentem habeatis in Orationibus vestris , & eis vicem boni operis in Sacrificiis & precibus repraesentetis . Epist. 60. §. 4. p. 167. 7 Invocatione non contemptibili . Apud Cypr. Ep. 75. §. 10. 〈◊〉 138. 8 Expandimus manus & dominica passione modulantes & orantes consitemur Christo. Tertul. de Orat. p. 659. 9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . De Orat. §. 9. p. 62 , 63. 1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Contia Celsum , lib. 7. p. 362. 2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Apolog. 2. p. 97. 1 Apolog. 2. p. 97. 2 De 〈◊〉 . Milit. p. 336. 3 Summus Sacerdos qui est Episcopus . De Baptism . p. 602. 4 Dehinc Presbyteri & Diaconi , non tamen sine Episcopi auctorirate — Laicis etiam jus est — 〈◊〉 in necessitatibus . Ibidem , p. 602 , 603. 5 Mulier non tingendi jus sibi pariet . Ibid. p. 603. 6 Diaconus reluctanti licet , de Sacramento Calicis infudit . De Lapsis , §. 20. p. 284. 7 Parvuli baptizantur in Remissionem peccatorum ; Quorum peccatorum ? Vel quo tempore peccaverunt ? Aut quomodo potest ulla lavacri in parvulis ratio subsistere , nisi juxta illum seusum de quo paulo ante diximus , nullus mundus à sorde , nec fi unius diei quidem fuerit vita ejus super terram ? Et quia per Baptismi Sacramentum nativitatis sordes deponuntur , propterea baptizantur & parvuli . In Lucam . Homil. 14. 8 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Comment . in Mat. Tom. 13. p. 331. Vol. 1. 9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibid. p. 321. * This they speak with reference to their Custom of Saluting one another at the Conclusion of their publick 〈◊〉 . 1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. Just. Mart. Apol. 2. p. 93. 2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Apud Euseb. lib. 7. 〈◊〉 . 9. p. 254. 3 Usitata & Legitima verba interrogationis . Apud Cyprian . Epist. 75. §. 10. p. 238. 4 Contestamur 〈◊〉 renunciare Diabolo & Pompae & Angelis 〈◊〉 . De 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , p. 336. 5 〈◊〉 nos 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 & Angelis ejus ore nostro 〈◊〉 . De Spectac . p. 583. 6 Renunciavimus Diabolo & Angelis ejus . De 〈◊〉 . p. 618. 7 Pactus 〈◊〉 renunciare Diabolo , & Pompae & Angelis ejus . Lib. de 〈◊〉 . c. 17. p. 554. 8 Vocati sumus ad militiam Dei vivi , jam 〈◊〉 cum in Sacramenti verba spondimus . Ad Martyr . p. 367. 9 Saeculo renunciaveramus cum baptizati sumus . Epist. 7. §. 5. p. 20. 1 Mundi pompis & deliciis jam tunc renuncravimus . De Hab. Virg. §. 6. p. 267. 2 Dei servus — Diabolo jam renunciarat & Saeculo . De Lapsis , §. 6 , p. 279 . 3 Saeculo renunciavimus & Divitias ejus & 〈◊〉 pas fide gratiae spiritualis 〈◊〉 . De Orat. Dom. § : 14. p. 213. 4 Diabolo & Mundo renunciavimus . De Bono 〈◊〉 , §. 7. p. 365. 5 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Theod. Epist. p. 573. 6 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. Apolog . 2. p. 93. 7 Symbolo baptizare , nosse Deum Patrem , Filium Christum , Spiritum Sanctum , credis remissionem peccatorum , & vitam aeternam per Sanctam Ecclesiam ? Epist. 76. §. 6. p. 248. 8 Credis in vitam aeternam , & remissionem peccatorum per sanctam Ecclesiam ? Epist. 70. §. 2. p. 211. 9 Symboli legem . Epist. 76. §. 6. p. 248. 1 Regula veritatis . De 〈◊〉 inter Opera 〈◊〉 p. 493. 1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . ad Smirn. p. 2. 1 Quid 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 est sponsores etiam periculo ingeri , qui & ipsi per mortalitatem 〈◊〉 promissiones suas possunt , & proventu malae indolis falli ? De Baptism . p. 603. 2 Theodot . Epirom . p. 573. 3 Censeo omnes Haereticos & Schismaticos qui ad Catholicam Ecclesiam voluerint venire , non ante ingredi , nisi 〈◊〉 & baptizati prius fuerint . Apud 〈◊〉 . p. 445. 4 Haereticos — censeo 〈◊〉 & baptizandos esse . Ibid. 〈◊〉 . 447. 5 Haereticos scimus pejores esse quam ethnicos , si ergo conversi ad Dominum venire voluerint , habemus utique regulam veritatis , quam Dominus praecepto divino mandavit Apostolis , dicens : 〈◊〉 in nomine meo , 〈◊〉 imponite , Daemonia expellite ; & alio loco , ite , docete gentes ; baptizantes eos in nomine Patris & Filii , & Spiritas sancti ; ergo primo per manus impositionem in exorcismo ; secundo per Baptismi regenerationem , tune possunt ad Christi pollicitationem venire : alius autem fieri censeo non debere . Ibid. p. 447. 6 Aqua . Act. Concit . 〈◊〉 . apud Cyprian . p. 446. 7 Omnes Aquae de 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 8 〈◊〉 ergo mundari & sanctificari 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Sacerdote ut possit Baptismo suo peccata hominis qui baptizatur 〈◊〉 Epist. 70. §. 2. p. 〈◊〉 . 9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Apolog. 2. p. 94. 1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Theod. Epitom . p. 573. 2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Comment . in Johan . Vol. 2. Tom. 〈◊〉 . p. 124. 2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . Cathol . §. 9. p. 235. 3 Aquam 〈◊〉 De Spectaculis , p. 583. 4 In aqua demissus . De Baptismo . p. 597. 5 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Apolog. 2. p. 94. 6 Ibidem ut supra . 7 Nihil differt a Judaeorum Baptismo , quo sic illi utuntur , & 〈◊〉 tanquum communi & vulgari lavacro tantum sordes laventur . Apud Cyprian . Ep. 75. §. 11. p. 239. 8 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Cornel. ad 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apud Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 43. p. 244. 9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ex 〈◊〉 . Cornel. ad . Fabium Antioch apud Euseb . lib. 6. cap. 43. p. 245. 1 Ter mergitamur . De Coron . Milit. p. 336. 2 Nec semel , sed ter , ad singula nomina in personas singulas tingimur . Advers . 〈◊〉 . p. 229. 3 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Apolog. 2. p. 97. 1 Egressi de lavacro perungimur benedicta Unctione — in nobis carnaliter currit 〈◊〉 . sed spiritualiter proficit . De Baptism . p. 599 , 600. 2 Ungi quoque necesse est eum , baptizatus sit , ut accepto Chrismate , id est , Unctione , esse Unctus Dei , & habere in se gratiam Christi possit . Epist. 70. §. 3. p. 211. 3 . 4 Leprae 〈◊〉 in fronte maculatus 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 parte corporis 〈◊〉 offenso Domino , ubi signantur qui Dominum 〈◊〉 . De Unit. Eccles. § 16. p. 301. 5 Frons cum Signo . De Lapsis , § 1. p. 277. 6 Accipiamus quoque ad 〈◊〉 capitis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ut 〈◊〉 aures , ne . 7 Confessores frontium notatarum secunda inscriptione signatos . In Vita Cypriani . 8 Tingit & ipse quosdam , utique credentes & fideles suos : expiationem delictorum de lavacro repromittit ; & sic initiat 〈◊〉 , signat illic in frontibus milites suos . De Praescript . advers . Haeret. p. 87. 9 Caro ungitur , ut anima 〈◊〉 : caro 〈◊〉 , ut & 〈◊〉 muniatur ; caro manus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ut & anima spiritu 〈◊〉 . De 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 31. 〈◊〉 manus 〈◊〉 , per 〈◊〉 advocans & invitans Spiritum sanctum . De Baptism . p. 600. 2 De 〈◊〉 Disciplina , quâ ungi 〈◊〉 de 〈◊〉 in Sacerdotio solebant , ex quo Aaron à Moyse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . De Baptism . p. 660. 3 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 Sacerdotes sumus ? 〈◊〉 est , Regnum quoque nos & Sacerdotes Deo & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fecit . 〈◊〉 . ad Castitat . p. 457. 4 Caro ungitur , ut 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . De 〈◊〉 . Carnis . p. 31. 5 Christus dictur à 〈◊〉 quod est unctio , quae Domino nomen accomodavit , facta Spiritualis , quia Spiritus unctus est à Deo patre , 〈◊〉 in Actis : Collecti sunt enimvero in 〈◊〉 civitate adversus 〈◊〉 filium 〈◊〉 quem 〈◊〉 : Sic & in nobis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sed spiritualiter proficit . De Bapt. p. 〈◊〉 . 6 Ungi quoque necesse est eum , qui 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ut accepto 〈◊〉 , id est , Unctione , esse 〈◊〉 Dei , & habere in se gratiam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Epist. 70. § 3. p. 211. 7 Caro signatur , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 muniatur . De 〈◊〉 . Carnis . p. 31. 8 Signat illic in frontibus 〈◊〉 suos . 〈◊〉 adv . Haeret. p. 87. 9 Non quod in aquis Spiritum Sanctum consequamur , sed in aqua 〈◊〉 sub . De 〈◊〉 p. 〈◊〉 . 1 Tunc ille 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 super 〈◊〉 & benedicta corpora libens à 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibid. p. 600. 2 Caro manus 〈◊〉 adumbratut , ut & anima spiritu illuminetur . De 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 , p. 31. 3 Non per manus impositionem quis nascitur , quando accipit Spiritum Sanctum , sed in baptismo , ut Spiritum jam natus accipiat , sicut in primo 〈◊〉 Adam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ante enim 〈◊〉 eum 〈◊〉 , & tunc 〈◊〉 in faciem ejus flatum vitae , nec 〈◊〉 potest accipi 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 prius 〈◊〉 qui 〈◊〉 §. 8. p. 230. 4 Peccata 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & 〈◊〉 sanctificare aqua 〈◊〉 non potest , 〈◊〉 habeat & Spiritum sanctum , § 7. p. 230. 5 Neque 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sine aqua onerari porest , neque aqua sine Spiritu — utioque Sacramento debere 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Ecclesia Catholica . Act. Concil . 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 Cyprian . p. 444. 6 Ut qui adhuc sunt prima 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , incipiant 〈◊〉 coelestes , ex Aqua & Spiritu nati . De 〈◊〉 . Dominic . § 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 7 〈◊〉 enim demum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & esse 〈◊〉 Dei possunt , si Sacramento utroque nascantur , cum scriptum sit , 〈◊〉 quis natus fuerit ex Aqua & Spiritu , non 〈◊〉 introire in regnum Dei. Epist. 62. § 1. p. 216. 8 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 F. b. Antioch . 〈◊〉 Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 〈◊〉 . p. 244. nepotes suos ex Joseph Esrem & Manassem . Iacob 〈◊〉 inipositis & 〈◊〉 manibus 〈◊〉 . De 〈◊〉 . p. 600. 1 Quia legitimum & ecclesiasticum , baptismum consecuti fuerant , 〈◊〉 eos ultra non oportebat : Sed tantummodo quod deerat id a Petro & Johanne 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ut oratione 〈◊〉 eis habita , & manu imposita , invocaretur & 〈◊〉 super eos Spiritus sanctus . Quod nunc quoque apud 〈◊〉 geritur , ut qui in 〈◊〉 baptizantur , 〈◊〉 Ecclesiae offerantur , & per nostram 〈◊〉 ac manus 〈◊〉 Spiritum Sanctum consequantur , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Epist. 73. § 8. p. 230. 2 Eos qui ab Johanne baptizati fuerint , 〈◊〉 missus esset 〈◊〉 Domino Spiritus Sanctus baptizavit denuoSpirituali 〈◊〉 , & sic eis 〈◊〉 imposuit , ut acciperent 〈◊〉 sanctum . Apud Cyprian Epist. 75. § 7. p. 237. 3 Invenimus hoc esse ab Apostolis custoditum , ut 〈◊〉 domo CorneliiCenturionis super Ethnicos qui illic aderant , Fidei calore ferventes , descendisserSpiritusSanctus , &c. Epist. 75. § 1. p. 216. 4 Egressi de lavacro perungimur benedicta Unctione — 〈◊〉 manus imponitur . De 〈◊〉 . p. 599. p. 600. 6 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Apud Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 〈◊〉 . p. 244. 7 〈◊〉 qui sint foris extra Ecclesiam tincti — quando ad 〈◊〉 , atque ad Ecclesiam quae una est , venerint , baptizari 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 quod 〈◊〉 sit eis manum 〈◊〉 ad accipiendum Spiritum Sanctum , nisi accrpiant & Ecclesiae 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 enim demum 〈◊〉 sanctificari & esse 〈◊〉 Dei possunt , 〈◊〉 Sacramento utroque 〈◊〉 , cum scriptum 〈◊〉 , nisi quis natus 〈◊〉 ex Aqua & Spiritu non 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in regnum 〈◊〉 . Epist. 72. § 〈◊〉 p. 216. 7 Male sibi quidam interpretantur , ut 〈◊〉 quod per manus 〈◊〉 Spiritum sanctum 〈◊〉 , & sic recipiantur , cum manifestum sit utroque Sacramento debere eos renasci in Ecclesia Catholica . Act-Concil . 〈◊〉 . apud Cyprian . p. 444. 8 Super filios alienos , &c Soboles Antichristi 〈◊〉 Sanctum per manus impositionem 〈◊〉 non posse descendere . Act. Concil . Carthag . apud Cyprian . p. 446. 9 Sed in multum , inquit , proficit nomen Christi ad fidem & baptismi Sanctificationem ut quicunque & ubicunque in nomine Christi baptizatus fuerit , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 gratiam Christi , quando huic Ioco breviter occurri possit , & 〈◊〉 , quoniam si in 〈◊〉 Christi valuit foris baptisma ad hominem purgandom , in 〈◊〉 Christi nomine valere illic potuit & manus 〈◊〉 ad accipiendum Spiritum Sanctum . Apud Cyprian Epist. 75. § 16. p. 240. 1 Qui Haereticis sive Schismaticis 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 nobis habeant 〈◊〉 Spiritum Sanctum , an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ? Sihabent , cur illic 〈◊〉 , quando ad nos veniunt , manus imponitur ad 〈◊〉 Spiritum 〈◊〉 , cum jam utique 〈◊〉 acceptus sit ubi si fuit , dari potuit ? Si autem 〈◊〉 cuncti Haeretici & Schismarici non habent Spiritum Sanctum , & ideo apud nos manus imponitur , ut hic accipiatur , quod illic nec 〈◊〉 , nec dari potest : manifeslum est nec remissionem peccatorum dari 〈◊〉 eos posse , quos 〈◊〉 Spiritum sanctum non habere . Epist. 76. § 8. p. 249. 2 Cyprian . Epist. 73. § 8. p. 270. & § 19. p. 224. Epist . 74. § 6 , 7 , 8. p. 230. 〈◊〉 apud Cyprian . Epist. 75. § 7. p. 237. & § 11. p. 239. 1 Et dicunt se in hoc veterem consuetudinem sequi , quando apud veteres Haereseos & Schismatum prima adhuc fuerint initia , ut hi illic essent , qui de Ecclesia recedebant , & hic baptizati prius fuerant : quos tamen ad Ecclesiam revertentes , & poenitentiam agentes , necesse non erat baptizare , quod nos quoque hodie observamus , ut quos constet hic baptizatos esse , & à nobis ad Haereticos tranfisse , si postmodum peccato suo cognito & errore digesto , ad veritatem et matricem redeant , satis sit in poenitentiam manum imponere : ut quia ovis jam fuerat , hanc ovem abalienatam & errabundam in ovile suum pastor recipiat . Si autem qui ab Haereticis venit , baptizatus in Ecclesia prius non fuit , sed alienus in totum & profanus venit : baptizandus est , ut ovis fiat , quia una est aqua in Ecclesia sancta quae oves faciat . Epist. 71. § 2. p. 214. 1 Si quis ergo à quacunque Haeresi venerit ad nos , nihil innovetur , nisi quod traditum est , ut manus illi 〈◊〉 in poenitentiam . Apud Cyprian . Epist. 74. § 1. p. 229. 2 Si ergo autem evangelio praecipitur , aut in Apostolorum Epistolis , aut Actibus continetur , ut à quacunque Haeresi venientes non baptizentur , sed tantum manus illis imponatur in Poenitentiam , observetur haec divina & sancta traditio . Ibid. § 2. p. 229. 3 Retro nusquam omnino praeceptum eft , neque 〈◊〉 , ut Heretico tantum manus in poenitentiam imponatur , & sic ei communicetur . Ibid. § 4. p. 229. 1 Observetur itaque à nobis & tenetur — ut omnes qui ex quacunque Haeresi ad Ecclesiam convertuntur , Ecclesiae unico legitimo baptismo baptizantur , exceptis his qui baptizati in Ecclesia prius fuerant , & sic ad Haereticos transierant , hos enim oportet , cum redeant , acta poenitentia per manus impositionem solam recipi ; & in ovile , unde erraverant , à Pastore restitui . Ibidem § 16. p. 232. 1 Per impositionem manus Episcopi & Cleri jus communicationis accipiunt . Epist. 10. § 2. p. 30. 2 Nec ad communicatition em venire quis possit , nisi prius illi & ab Episcopo & Clero manus fuit imposita . Ep. 12. § 1. p. 37. 3 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ex Epist. Alexand. apud Euseb . lib. 6. cap. 44. p. 246. 4 Si premi infirmitate aliqua & periculo coeperint , exomologesi facta , & manu eis a vobis in poenitentiam imposita . Epist. 14. § 1. p. 41. 5 Si incommodo aliquo infirmitatis periculo occupati fuerint , non expectata praesentia nostra apud Presbyterum quemcunque praesentem — Exomologesin facere delicti sui possint ; ut manu eis in poenitentiam imposita , veniant ad Dominum cum pace . Epist. 13. § 1. p. 39. 1 Apolog. 2. pag. 97. 2 In tempore victûs . De Coron . Milit. p. 337. 1 Eucharistiae Sacramentum etiam antelucanis coetibus . De Coron . Milit . p. 338. 2 Ante lucem convenire — seque Sacramento obstringere . Epist. ad Trajan . 3 In matutinis Sacrificiis — cum ad coenandum venimus , mixtum calicem offerimus . Epist. 63. § 12. p. 177. 4 Christum offerre oportebat circa vesperam diei , ut hora ipsa Sacrisicii oftenderet occasum & vesperam mundi — Nos autem resurrectionem Domini mane celebramus . Ibidem . 5 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 in Joan. Vol. 2 Tom. 28. p. 345. 1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Just. Martyr . Apolog. 2. p. 97. 2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Apolog. 2 p. 97 , 98. 3 Ante actam poenitentiam — offerre lapsis pacem , & Eucharistiam dare , id est , sanctum Domini corpus profanare audeant , cum scriptum sit ; Qui ederit panem , aut biberit calicem Domini indignè , reus erit Corporis & Sanguinis Christi . Cyprian . Epist . 11. § 1. p. 32. 1 Piae initiationes arceant prosanos . Apolog. cap. 7. p. 674. 2 Ex forma omnibus mysteriis silentii fides adhibeatur , Samothracia & Eleusinia reticentur . Apolog . cap. 7. p. 674. 3 Offerre igitur oportet Deo primitias ejus creaturae , sicut & Moyses ait , non apparebis vacuus ante conspectum Domini Dei tui . Lib. 4. c. 34. p. 262. 1 Non quasi indigenti , sed ut ipsi nec infructuosi nec ingrati sint . Lib. 4. cap. 32. p. 261. 2 Locuples & dives es , & Dominicum celebrare te credis , quae Corbonam omnino non respicis ? Quae in Dominicum sine Sacrificio venis , quae partem de Sacrificio quod pauper obtulit , sumis ? De Opere & Eleemosyn . § 14. 354. 1 Sine Sacramento solitae praedicationis . Apud Cypr. Epist. 75. § 10. p. 238. 2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Apolog. 2. p. 97. 3 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. Ibid. 1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibid p. 98. 2 Oramus pro Imperatoribus , pro ministris eorum ac potestatibus , pro statu Saeculi , pro rerum quiete , pro mora finis . Apolog . cap. 39. p. 709. 1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Com. in Matth. Vol. 1. p. 254. 2 Quando mixtus calix & fractus panis percipit verbum Dei , fit Eucharistia sanguinis & corporis Christi . Lib. 5. cap. 4. p. 318. 3 Panis quem frangimus — fractus panis . Lib. 5. cap. 4. p. 318. 1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Apolog. 2. p. 97. 2 Nec de aliorum manu , quam praesidentium sumimus . De Coron . Milit. p. 338. 3 Calicem Diaconus offerre praesentibus coepit . Cyprian . de Lapsis , § 20. p. 283. 1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Stromat . lib. 1. p. 198. 2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Apol . 2. p. 98. 3 Calicem Diaconus of ferre praesentibus coepit . Cyprian . de 〈◊〉 , § 20. p. 283. 4 Diaconus — 〈◊〉 licet de Sacramento calicis infudit . Ibid. p. 284. 5 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Apud Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 43. p. 245. 2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ex 〈◊〉 . Dionys. Alexan. apud Euseb. lib. 7. cap. 43 p. 245. 3 Die Dominico — nefas ducimus — de geniculis adorare , eadem immunitate die Paschae in Pentecosten usque gaudemus . De Coron . Milit. p. 340. 1 Quisque de Scripturis Sanctis , vel de proprio ingenio , provocatur in medium Deocanere . Apol. cap. 39. p. 710. 2 Oratio convivium dirimit . Ibidem . 3 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Apol. 2. p. 98 , 99. 1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Dionys. A. lex . apud Euseb. lib. 7. c. 22. p. 268. 2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Euseb. lib. 6. c. 29. p. 239. 1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Apud Euseb. lib. 7. c. 30. p. 281. 2 In Ecclesia . Tertul. de Coron . Milit. p. 336. 3 In Lib. de Virgin. Veland . 4 Nostrae columbae domus simplex , etiam in aeditis semper & apertis , et ad lucem , amat figuram Spiritus sancti , Orientem Christi figuram . Advers-Valentintan . p. 284. 1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Stromat . lib. 7. p. 520. 2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Dialog . cum Tryphon . p. 344. 3 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Dyonis . Alexand . apud Euseb. lib. 7. cap. 22. p. 268. 1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Epist. 1. ad Corinth . p. 52. 2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibid. 1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibid. p. 53. 2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. Apolog. 2. p. 98. 3 Dominica Solennia . De Anima . c. 3. p. 530. 4 Dominico legit . Cyp. Epist. 33. p. 77. 5 Die Dominico cum gratiarum actione ad panem exeamus . De Fabric . Mundi apud D. Cave , p. 103. 6 Ad 〈◊〉 Solenni die coeunt . p. 26. 1 Essent 〈◊〉 stato die ante lucem convenire , carmenque Christo quasi Deo dicere secum invicem , seque Sacramento obstringere . Epist. ad Trajan . 1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Stromat . lib. 6. p. 492. 2 Diem Solis laetitia indulgemus . Apolog. cap. 16. p. 〈◊〉 . 4 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Epist. Cathol . § 11. p. 244. 5 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ad 〈◊〉 . p. 35. 6 Die dominico jejunium nesas ducimus , vel de geniculis adorare . Tertul. de Cor. Mil. p. 339. 340. 7 Quantula est enim apud nos interdictio ciborum duas in anno Hebdomadas Xerophagiarum nec totas , exceptis scilicet Sabbatis & Dominicis offerimus Deo. Tertullian de Jejuuio , p. 651. 1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Apud Euseb. lib. 4. cap. 23. p. 145. 2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibidem . 3 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Strom. lib. 7. p. 535. 1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Epist. Catholic . § 11. p. 244. 2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Epist. ad Magnes . p. 35. 3 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Stomat . lib. 7. p. 535. 4 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Apolog. 2. p. 99. 5 Maxime in Dominica die , quae passionis Christi Commemoratrix est ; neque enim resurrectio Domini semel in Anno , & non semper post septem dies celebratur . In Isaiam . Homil. 5. 1 Strom. lib. 5. p. 437. & lib. 7. p. 535. 2 De Fabric . Mund. apud Dr. Cave , Hist. literar . p. 103. 3 Dies dominicus . Apud Cyprian . Ep. 53. § 3. p. 164. 4 Dominicum diem . De Idolat . p. 623. 5 Ad Magnes . p. 35. 6 Epist. 33. p. 77. 1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Apolog. 2. p. 98 , & 99. 2 Diem Solis laetitiae indulgemus . Apolog. c. 16. p. 688. 5 Advers . Judaeos . 9 Dial. cum Tryphon . 1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Epist. ad Magnes . p. 35. 2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Epist. interpol . ad Magnes . p. 149. 3 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Cont. Cels. lib. 8. p. 392. 1 Die septima — solemus superponere — Parasceve superpositio fiat , ne quod cum Judaeis Sabbatum observare videatur . De Fabric . Mun. apud D. Cave . p. 103. 1 Ad placandum atque exorandum Dominum , non voce sola , sed & jejuniis , & lachrymis , & omni genere deprecationis ingemiscamus . Epist. 8. § 1. p. 22. 2 Quoniam providentia Domini monentis instruimur — appropinquare 〈◊〉 certaminis & agonis nostri diem , jejuniis , vigiliis , orationibus insistere , cum omni plebe non desinamus , incumbamus gemitibus assiduis & deprecationibus crebris , haec sunt enim nobis arma coelestia ; quae stare & perseverare fortiter faciunt . Epist. 57. § 3. p. 159. 3 Denique cum ab imbribus aestiva , hyberna suspendunt , & annus in cura est , vos quidem quotidie pasti , statimque pransuri , balneis & cauponis & lupanaribus operati , Aquilicia Jovi immolatis , Nudipedasia populo denunciatis Coelum apud Capitolium quaeritis , nubila de 〈◊〉 expectatis , aversi ab ipso & Deo & Coelo . Nos vero jejuniis aridi , & omni continentia aspersi 〈◊〉 omni vitae fruge dilati , in sacco & cinere volutantes , invidia Coelum tundimus , Deum tangimus , & cum misericordiam extorserimus , Jupiter honoratur . Apolog. cap. 40. p. 711. 1 Episcopi universae Plebi mandare jejunia assolent — ex aliqua solicitudinis ecclesiasticae causa . De Jejun . c. 13. 1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Strom. lib. 7. p. 534. 2 Stationum dies . De Orat. p. 661. 3 Stationibus quartam & sextam Sabbati dicamus . De Jejunio , p. 651. 4 Non ultra nonam detinendum . Tertul. de Jejun . p. 648. 5 Stationum Semijejunia . Ibid. p. 650. 6 Jejunium facimus . Victor . Petav. apud D. Cave , p. 103. 7 Ob Passionum Domini . Victor . Petav. ubi antea . 1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Apud Euseb. lib. 5. cap. 18. p. 184. 2 Galatis nos 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 aiunt Observatores dierum , & mensium & annorum . Tertul. de jejun . p. 645. 3 Certè in evangèlio illos dies 〈◊〉 determinatos putant , in quibus ablatus est sponsus : & hosesse jam solos legitimos jejuniorum Christianorum abolitis legalibus , & propheticis vetustatibus , — Itaque de caetero indifferenter jejunandum ex arbitrio , non ex imperio novae disciplinae pro temporibus & causis uniuscujusque : Sic & Apostolos observasse , nullum aliud imponentes jugum certorum & in commune omnibus obeundorum jejuniorum : proinde nec stationum , quae & ipsae suos quidem dies habeant quartae feriae & sextae , passim tamen currunt , neque sub lege praecepti neque ultra supremam diei , quando & orationes fere hora nona concludat de Petri exemplo quod actis refertur , De Jejunio , p. 645. 1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Apud Euseb. lib 5. cap. 24. p. 393. 1 Usque ad horam nonam jejunamus , usque ad vesperam , aut superpositio usque in alterum diem fiat . De Fabric . Mun. apud D. Cave , p. 103. 2 Stationum semijejunia . De Jejun . p. 650. 3 Denique cum ab imbribus aeftiva , &c — Nos jejuniis aridi , & omni 〈◊〉 aspersi — 〈◊〉 Coelum tundimus . Apolog . cap. 40. p. 711. 1 Ob Passionem Domini Jesu Christi aut Stationem do , aut jejunium facimus . De Fabric . Mund. apud D. Cave , p. 103. 2 Superpositio usque in alterum diem fiat . D. Fabric . Mundi apud D. Cave , p. 103. 3 Parasceve superpositio fiat , ne quod cum Judaeis Sabbatum observare videamur . Ibid. p. 103. 1 Quis Solennibus Paschae abnoctantem securus sustinebit . Ad Vxor. lib. 2. p. 429. 1 Pascha celebramus annuo circulo in mense primo . De Jejun . p. 651. 2 Solennia Paschae . Epist . 53. § 2. p. 131. 3 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Contra Cel sum , lib. 8. p. 392. 1 De Coron . Milit. p. 340. De Baptism . p. 604. & De Idololatria , p. 623. 2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Contra Celsum . lib. 8. p. 392. 3 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Strom. lib. 1. p. 249. 1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Contra Celsum . lib. 8. p. 392. 2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Strom. lib. 1. p. 249. 1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibid. p. 249. 2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibid. p. 249. 1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Strom. lib. 1. p. 249. 2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibid. p. 249. 3 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibid. 1 A Petro ordinatum . Tertul. de Praescript . advers . Haeret. p. 78. 2 Tunc Paulus , &c. Idem . Scorpiac . advers . Gnostic . p. 615. 3 Ab Johanne conlocatum . Idem de Praescript advers . Haeret p 78 4 Martyrum Passiones & dies anniversaria commemoratione celebramus . Epist. 34. § 3. p. 80. 5 Oblationes pro defunctis , pro 〈◊〉 annua die facimus . De Coron Milit. p. 339. 6 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Apud Euseb. lib. 4. cap. 15. p 135. 1 Dies eorum , quibus excedunt , 〈◊〉 , ut commemorationes eorum inter memorias Martyrum celebrare possimus — Significet mihi dies quibus in carcere beati fratres 〈◊〉 ad immortalitatem gloriosae mortis exitu 〈◊〉 , & celebrentur hic a nobis oblationes & Sacrificia ob commemorationes eorum Epist. 37 § 2. p 87 , 88. 2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Apud Euseb . lib. 4. cap. 15. p. 135. 1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Apud 〈◊〉 . lib. 4. cap. 15. p. 135. 2 Oblationes pro defunctis , pro natalitiis annua die facimus . De Coron Milit. p 339. 1 Tunc Paulus civitatis Romanae consequitur nativitatem , cum illic Martyrii renascitur generositate . Scorpiac adv . Gnostic . p. 615. 2 Filios — exterarum gentium more apud profana Sepulchra depositos , & alienigenis consepultos . Apud Cyprian . Epist. 68. § 7. p 202. 1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Dionys. Alexand. apud 〈◊〉 . lib. 7. c. 11. p. 61. 2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Euseb. lib. 7. cap. 16. p. 264. 3 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Apud Euseb. lib. 5. cap. 1. p. 169. 1 Apud Euseb. lib. 4 cap. 15 p 135. 2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Apud Euseb. lib. 4. cap. 15. p. 135. 3 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Dion . Alex. apud Euseb. lib. 7. cap. 11. p. 258. 1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Apud . Euseb. lib. 7. cap. 13. p. 262. 2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Contra Celsum , lib. 8. p. 392. 3 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Apud Euseb. lib. 4. cap. 15. p. 135. 4 Oblationes facimus . De Coron Milit. 〈◊〉 339. 1 Celebrentur hic a nobis oblationes & Sacrificia Epist. 37. § 2. p. 88. 1 Suscepti lactis & mellis concordiam proegustamus . Tertul. de Coron . 〈◊〉 . p. 337. 2 Manibus ablutis — Orationem obire . Idem De Oratione , p. 659. 2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Apud 〈◊〉 . lib. 3. cap. 32. p. 〈◊〉 . 1 Suscepti lactis & mellis concordiam praegustamus , exque ea die lavacro quotidiano per totam 〈◊〉 abstinemus . Tertul . de Coron Milit. p. 337. 2 Manibus ablutis — orationem obire — adsignata oratione assidendi mos est quibusdam Idem de Orat. p 659 660. 3 Suscepti lactis & 〈◊〉 concordiam praegustamus , exque ea die 〈◊〉 quotidiano per totam hebdomadem 〈◊〉 — Die Dominico nefas ducimus de geniculis adorare , eadem 〈◊〉 a die Paschae in 〈◊〉 usque gaudemus ad 〈◊〉 atque promotum , ad omnem aditum & exitum — quacunque nos 〈◊〉 exercet frontem crucis signaculo terimus . Harum & aliarum ejusmodi Disciplinarum si legem expostules 〈◊〉 nullam invenies , 〈◊〉 tibi praetendetur auctrix , consuetudo confirmatrix . Idem de Coron Milit. p 337 , 340 , 341. 1 Fere consuetudo initium ab aliquà 〈◊〉 vel simplicitate sortita in usum per successionem corroboratur , & ita adversus veritatem vindicatur , sed Dominus noster Christus veritatem se , non 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Si semper Christus & prior omnibus aequè veritas sempiterna & antiqua res — Haereses non tam novitas quam veritas revincit , quodcunque adversus veritatem sapit hoc erit Haeresis , etiam vetus consuetudo . De Virgin . Veland . p. 385. 1 Manibus ablutis — orationem obire — adsignata oratione assidendi mos — gentilibus adaequant . De Orat. p. 659 , 660. 2 Quibus merito vanitas exprobanda est , siquidem sine ullius aut Dominici aut Apostolici praecepti auctoritate fiunt , hujusmodi enim non Religioni , sed Superstitioni deputantur , affectata & coacta & curiosi potius quam rationalis officii . Certe vel eo coercenda quod gentilibus adaequent . De Orat. p. 659. 1 Circa celebrandos dies Paschae , & circa multa alia divinae rei Sacramenta videat esse apud alios aliquas diversirates , nec observari illic omnia aequaliter , quae Hierosolymis observantur , secundum quod in caeteris quoque plurimis provinciis multa pro locorum & nominum diversitate variantur . Apud Cyprian Epist. 75. § 5. p. 237. 1 Fidei & veritatis unanimitatem . Apud Cypr. Epist. 75. § 2. p. 236. 2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Apud Euseb . lib. 5. c. 24. p. 193. 3 Plurimis provinciis multa pro locorum & nominum diversitate variantur , nec tamen propter hoc ab Ecclesiae Catholicae pace atque unitate 〈◊〉 discessum est . Apud Cyprian . Epist. 75. § 5. p. 237. 1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Lib. 5. cap. 24. p. 192. 2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Apud Euseb. lib. 5. cap. 24. p. 192 , 193. 1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Iren. apud Euseb . lib. 5. cap. 24. p. 193. 1 Vide , inquiunt , ut invicem se diligunt . Tertul . Apolog. cap. 39. p. 709. 2 Pro alterutro mori sant parati — 〈◊〉 nos vocamus — quia unum patrem Deum 〈◊〉 , qui unum Spiritum biberunt sanctitatis , qui de uno utero ignorantiae 〈◊〉 ad unam lucem expiraverunt veritatis . Ibidem , p. 709. 1 Lam. 4. v. 1. 2 Ephes. 4. 2 , 3. 1 Ephes. 4. 32 , 33. 2 Colos. 3. 12 , 13. 1 Rom. 14. 17 18. 2 John. 13. 35. 3 Gal. 5. 22. 23. 4 James 3. 17. 1 1 Pet. 1. 22. 2 1 Tim. 6. 11. 3 1 Phil. 3. 14. 4 2 Tim. 2. 23 , 24. 5 Rom. 15. 5. 1 Passion Sermon . 2 Ibid.