A quiet and sober reckoning vvith M. Thomas Morton somewhat set in choler by his aduersary P.R. concerning certaine imputations of wilfull falsities obiected to the said T.M. in a treatise of P.R. intituled Of mitigation, some part wherof he hath lately attempted to answere in a large preamble to a more ample reioynder promised by him. But heere in the meane space the said imputations are iustified, and confirmed, & with much increase of new vntruthes on his part returned vpon him againe: so as finally the reconing being made, the verdict of the Angell, interpreted by Daniel, is verified of him. There is also adioyned a peece of a reckoning with Syr Edward Cooke, now L. Chief Iustice of the Co[m]mon Pleas, about a nihil dicit, & some other points vttered by him in two late preambles, to his sixt and seauenth partes of Reports. Parsons, Robert, 1546-1610. 1609 Approx. 1543 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 387 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A09106 STC 19412 ESTC S114160 99849388 99849388 14530 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A09106) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 14530) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 898:2) A quiet and sober reckoning vvith M. Thomas Morton somewhat set in choler by his aduersary P.R. concerning certaine imputations of wilfull falsities obiected to the said T.M. in a treatise of P.R. intituled Of mitigation, some part wherof he hath lately attempted to answere in a large preamble to a more ample reioynder promised by him. But heere in the meane space the said imputations are iustified, and confirmed, & with much increase of new vntruthes on his part returned vpon him againe: so as finally the reconing being made, the verdict of the Angell, interpreted by Daniel, is verified of him. There is also adioyned a peece of a reckoning with Syr Edward Cooke, now L. Chief Iustice of the Co[m]mon Pleas, about a nihil dicit, & some other points vttered by him in two late preambles, to his sixt and seauenth partes of Reports. Parsons, Robert, 1546-1610. [40], 688, [16] p. Printed at the English College press] Permissu superiorum, [Saint-Omer : M.DC.IX. [1609] Dedication signed: P.R., i.e. Robert Parsons. In part a reply to Morton's "A preamble unto an incounter with P.R. the author of the deceitfull treatise of mitigation". Identification of printer from STC. Includes index. Reproduction of the original in Harvard University. Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). 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Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Morton, Thomas, 1564-1659. -- Preamble unto an incounter with P.R. the author of the deceitfull treatise of mitigation -- Controversial literature -- Early works to 1800. Coke, Edward, -- Sir, 1552-1634. -- Reports. 6-7 -- Controversial literature -- Early works to 1800. Catholics -- England -- Early works to 1800. 2002-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-04 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-06 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2002-06 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-07 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A QVIET AND SOBER RECKONING VVITH M. THOMAS MORTON somewhat set in choler by his Aduersary P. R. CONCERNING Certaine imputations of wilfull falsities obiected to the said T. M. in a Treatise of P. R. intituled Of Mitigation , some part wherof he hath lately attempted to answere in a large Preamble to a more ample Reioynder promised by him . But ●eere in the meane space the said imputations are iustified , and confirmed , & with much increase of new vntruthes on his part returned vpon him againe : So as finally the Reckoning being made , the Verdict of the Angell , interpreted by Daniel , is verified of him . Daniel 5. vers . 27. Appensus es in statera , & inuentus es minus habens . You haue byn weighed in the ballance , & are found to want weight . There is also adioyned a peece of a Reckoning with Syr Edward Cooke , now L. Chief Iustice of the Cōmon Pleas , about a Nihil dicit , & some other points vttered by him in two late Preambles , to his sixt and seauenth Partes of Reports . Permissu Superiorum . M. DC . IX . THE STATE OF THE QVESTION handled in this Booke . MAISTER Thomas Morton vpon the yeare 1606. tooke vpon him to write a malicious Dis●o●erie against Catholicks , and their doctrine about Rebellion presently vpon the powder-treason : and the Pamphlet was soone after confuted and returned vpon himselfe by the Moderate Answerer : he replyed with a discourse intituled , A full Satisfaction : adding therunto another Treatise against Equiuocation . To this opposed himselfe P. R. Author of the Treatise tending to Mitigation : and handled in the same both the one and other subiect , charging him further with many foule faultes of witting falsehood ; wherunto M. Morton hath exhibited now lastly a large new Preamble , with promise of another booke to follow in time , that is to say , he hath presented a great head without a body ; and this with no small signes of extraordinary impatience . For pacifying wherof P. R. hath takē the paines to reuiew o●●er againe the accompts , and findeth him farre more faultie then before . For that in lieu of clearing old debts , he contracteth new , and in excusing former falsities , he multiplieth many other . So as now , The chiefe question commeth to be , Whether M. Mort. ( in the cause he defendeth ) can write truely or no : & whether his falshood therin be volūtary or necessarie , or rather both : that is to say , voluntary in respect of himselfe , that might haue omitted them : and nec●ssarie in regard of his cause , that could not be defended without them● and consequently in different respects , both voluntary and necessary . In which point M. Morton holdeth the negatiue , I the affirmatiue . The Reader shall see the proofes of both sides . A BRIEF NOTE OF THE CHAPTERS VVHICH ARE set forth more largely in the end of this Booke , with their seuerall Paragraphes . THE first conteyneth the Answere to M. Morton his first Inquiry , about the VVit , Learning , Memorie &c. of his Aduersary P.R. 2 The second answereth the secōd Inquiry , about some points touching the subiect of Rebellion and Equiuocation . 3 The third hādleth a part of the third Inquiry about many falsities obiected by M. Morton against Cardinall Bellarmine . 4 The fourth discusseth like imputations of falsities obiected by him against his Aduersary P. R. 5 The fift examineth how substātially M. Morton endeauoureth to ●●●are himselfe from many wilfull vntruthes , obiected against him by P.R. 6 The sixt layeth forth a great number of vntruthes , obiected to M. Morton , which he pretermitteth without answere or mention . 7 The seauenth , wherin are hādled diuers other sorts of voluntary omissions of M. Morton , aswell in defending himself , as the credit of his Clients commended vnto him ; and namely of Syr Edward Cooke , now Lord Chiefe Iustice. 8 The eight treateth diuers seuerall points with the sayd Syr Edward Cooke , about two new Prefaces of his lately set forth in print . 9 The ninth , returning to M. Morton againe , layeth togeather another choice number of new falsities and falshoods made in excuse of the old . 10 The tenth and last handleth twelue new Challenges made by M. Morton , after the Victory lost . There is added for an Appendix in the end , a Case of Equiuocation newly written from England to be resolued , about the false Oath of two Ministers : VVherin there is mention also made of D. Kings Sermon at the Court , vpon the fi●th of Nouember 1608. Cyprian . lib. 4. Ep. 9. A pud prophanos & extra Ecclesiam positos , esse aliud non potest , nisi mens praua , & fallax lingua , odia venenata , & sacrilega mendacia . Idem lib. 1. Ep. 3. ad Cornelium . Haec est verè dementia , non cogitare , nec sentire , quòd mendacia non diu fallant ; noctem tamdiu esse , quamdiu illucescat dies : clarificato autem die , & sole obo●to , luci tenebras & caliginem cedere . Hilarius lib. de Trinit . Haeretici cùm stultè mentiantur , stultiùs tamen in mendacij sui defensione sapiunt . THE EPISTLE DEDICATORY TO THE VNIVERSITIES OF ENGLAND . MVCH more then one yeare is not yet past ( learned Coūtry-men ) since I presēted vnto you a Treatise , intituled of Mitigation , in answere of an other most bitterly writtē by M. Thomas Morton Mini●●er , about Rebellion & Equiuocation . In which Treatise of myne , besydes the two said poynts of principall argument handled at large ( especially the later , as more capable of varietie in the Treatise therof ) a great multitude of falsities were layd open , as vttered by M. Morton ; and those so frequent , grosse , and palpable , as they must needes be thought to haue beene both willfull and witting : the censure wherof notwithstanding , I was content to remitt vnto yow , as presuming more of the integrity of your iudgments in poynts of learning , and matter of fact , then distrusting the sequele of your vnequall , affections , by reason of our difference in religion . 2. This Treatise M. Morton perusing & fynding himselfe , as it seemeth , not a litle strayned therein , was carried therby into so great & exorbitant a streame of passion , as neyther he could stay himsel●e from answering somewhat out of hand ( therby to preuēt the Readers preiudice , as himselfe confesseth ) nor yet daring to ioyne yssue vpon my booke and argument therof as it lay ; did after a strange new fashion● deuise to set forth a Preamble ( for some present remedy ) accompanied with a promise of a larger booke , & Reioynder to ensue afterwards . And I do call this a strange deuise , not only , for that I haue not seene the same often practized by any writer lightly , except Syr Edward Cooke ( who perhaps by this mans imitation hath answered of late with a Preface of lesse then foure leaues in quarto , his Aduersaries booke of more then two hundred against him : ) but also for that in this Preamble , which inlargeth it selfe to aboue two hundred & twentie pages , there is not the tenth part bestowed vpō the two chiefe Questions of Rebellion , & Equiuocation , but rather vpon other matters & subiects framed by himselfe of n●w , whe●of th● most may ius●ly be de●med wholy impertinent . 3. As for example , to p●●termitt his two ●pistles , the one to my L. of Salis●urie , the ot●er to my selfe ( wherof I may chance to haue occasion to speake more in my next ensuing Epistle to him ) he d●uideth this whole Preamble into three seuerall parts , which he termeth Inquiries . I do deuide ( saith he ) this Preāble into three Inquiries : The first is , what sufficiency & excellency there is in P. R. to make so great an insultatiō : the second , whether he may be thought a sufficient Proctor in this case or no : the third , whether he hath sufficiently performed his taske , eyther for the defence of his cause , or iustification of his cōscience ; with a Challenge against him for them both . 4. This is the diuisiō of his Worke , wherby I doubt not , but you will discouer also the vani●ie , though I should say nothing therof . For ●hat he being pressed with a Worke of such ●eight , as the argument of my former booke did import , & vrged therin , not only with an ouerthrow of his whole cause , but charged furthermore with a monstrous number of playne wilfull vntruthes , not possible , as they seemed , to be answered , or excused ; the iudicious Reader will easily consider , whether this were a tyme to tryfle as he doth , making himselfe an Inquisitour ( without commission ) & to ●rame his first Inqui●y of the sufficiency & excellency of his Aduersarie , and to spend eyght whole Paragraphes , as he doth , therin : Inquiring first of his witt , then of his memorie , thirdly of his learning in Logicke , fourthly of his skill in Greeke & Hebrue , fifthly of his kind of charitie , sixtly of his modestie , with other like poynts , spēding large discourses vpon euery one of them . Is there any man ( I say ) so simple or sottish , as not to see the impertinency of this manner of proceeding ? 5. His other two Inquiries are as wisely imploied , and prosecuted as this . For that the second , Whether P. R. may be iudged a competent Aduocate or no , is but a silly discourse , conteyning not full two leaues in all : and the argumēt therof is a ridiculous Dialogue feigned between the Mitigator , and the Answerer● The third cōprehēdeth the rest of the booke ( which is , of foure partes , three ) which may be not vnfittely deuided into the termes of offensiue and d●fensiue warres . For that first to impresse some opinion of manhood in defending himselfe from the imputations layd against him of wilfull falshoods , he taketh vpon him ( quite from the argument of the controuersy in hand ) to impugne others of like dealing , as namely Cardinall Bellarmine , my selfe , and others : and then hauing made this florish , he cōmeth lastly to his owne defence , in fourteene vntruthes layd against him , and culled by himselfe out of more then fourty obiected by his aduersary , and no one of them well dissolued by him , as after will appeare . And after all ●his , he imagining the feild to r●mayne wholy to himselfe , he concludeth all with a new vaunt and fresh Challēge in the ninteenth , and last Paragraph of this his booke , phantasying himselfe to haue had the victory in euery thing that he hath taken in hād to treat . And this being the sūme of M. Mort. new worke , I shall breifly lay forth to your iudgment the methode which I haue thought good to vse for his confutation . 6. First I haue bin content to follow him into those follyes of his first Inquiry , about my wit , memory , learning ; skill in Logicke , and the like , confessing willingly the mediocrity therof in all things : but yet shewing by the substance of the po●nts handled , if I be not de●eyued , that if M. Mortons wit had byn excel●ent , or learning eminēt , he would neuer haue ●yn drawen to haue leapt ouer grauer matters , to handle such light toyes as these be . For what ●mporteth me the disestimatiō , which M. Mort. ●rofesseth of my wit , memory , or learning ; for ●o much as the things themselues that are handled ( wherin wit and learning are to be shewed ) will be better witnesses , and of more credit with the prudent Reader , then eyther his or my bare wordes or vaunts ? Wherfore to them I remit me . 7. In the second place , I haue had pacience in like manner ( for without pacience it could not be done ) to peruse ouer his second Inquirie consisting of a meere idle fancy and fiction of a Dialogue ( as hath bene said ) deuised betweene me , & his Aduersary the Moderate Answerer , as though he had fallen out about answering his booke : and me he bringeth in speaking very rudely and vnciuilly thus : Nay , I haue not beene arrogant , but thou hast beene rash and pr●cipitant . For is thou by thy former Answere mig●test haue beene thought sufficient for a reply , what needed such posting to me beyond the seas , for a supply of a more exact , and learn●d Reioynder ? Thus goeth his fiction , and it is a very fiction indeed . For the truth is , that when I began my Treatise of Mitigation against M. Mortons fi●st exasperating discouery , I knew of no other that was in hand to answere the same : as more largely I haue shewed in the third Chapter of my sayd Treatise . 8. Moreouer he feigneth vs to reason togeather about itching and scratching , as though the Moderate Answerer had vsed these wordes : I thinke yow are troubled which the dis●ase of s●me of our Catholicke lawy●rs , of whome you haue said , they itch to be doing and answering M. Attorney : this was also my disease , but I after found a scratch , and so may you . Wherby he seemeth to insinuate as you see , a certayne threat of scratching his aduersarie , w●en other weapons of more force do faile him . But this I haue answered afterwards in due place , & shewed , that aswell these scratches ( meant perhaps of those scolding skirmishes before mentioned about witt , m●morie , learning , and the like ) as also deeper wounds of conuiction of falshoods , and manifest impostures , are like to fall vpon himselfe : and that in so euident a sort , as all the standers by may cleerly see it , and take compassion on him , and of his māner of fight : wherof I am content to make your selues also , my learned Countrymē , both Iudges and vmpires . 9. Wherfore fynding so litle substance in these two former Inquiries ( for what is added and brought in by me in the second , which are but two particuler cases only concerning our subiect and argument of Rebellion and Equiuocatiō , was borrowed frō the third to make vp some matter wherof to treate : ) I do passe to the said third Inquirie , wherin one only exploit being requi●ed on M. Mortons behalfe , two are attempted , ●ut with very euill successe in them both . The ●xploit required was , that for so much as M. Morton in this his last Preamblatory reply by abā●oning the principall argument and subiect of ●ur former controuersy , had changed the whole state of the Question by occasion of great multitudes of witting vntruthes obiected against him , he should now haue gone roundly to the matter , and directly , plainly , & substantially haue answered the said imputations : but I foūd him to take a farre other course , allowing to himselfe a more large feild to walke and florish in . And this was first , to seeke out , what likelihood or appearance of falsities he could fynd in any Roman writer whatsoeuer : then of what Popes in particuler ; then of Councels , & their Interpreters : after this againe , against Cardinall Bellarmine , and that in diuers kindes , as namely for calumniating his aduersaries for false allegation of the Fathers , for differing in his opinions frō sundry writers of his owne religion , wherof notwithstanding no one can be proued as after you will see . 10. Fynally then after all this , he falleth vpon my selfe , pretending to shew that in fourteen seuerall poynts at least he hath taken me tardy , which if he could proue , ( as in no one he can ) yet all this while , as you see , he walketh without the list of our controuersy cōcerning the defence of his owne falshoods , which he driueth of as long as may be , according to the fashion of those that hauing many deepe woundes are loath to discouer them , or haue them handled . Wherfore this poynt of his owne defence or excuse , which was first in his intention ( for this was the cause that made him so hastily to shape out this Preamble ) was the last in execution , as least gustfull vnto him : and so he dispatcheth it only in one Paragraph , of ninteene , that he hath in this Preamble , to wit the eyghtenth only : and by all liklyhood would haue pretermitted it wholy if handsomely he might . 11. But perhaps you will imagin , that he hath holpen somewhat his cause by seeking these diuerticles frō the purpose , in that he hauing weakned first his aduersaries credit may find better passage to the defence of his owne . But indeed this reckoning falleth not out so , but rather the quite contrary , for that not being able when it commeth to the tryall to fas●en any one vntruth vpon his aduersary , I meane in that nature that it may be thought witting and willing , which is our only question ; he commeth by cōsequence to confirme , and authorize extraordinarily the credit of their integrity in their writings , who haue not giuen place to any least touch of iust reprehension in that behalfe : and by this meanes contrary to his meaning he becōmeth their Encomiast or Prayser , who endeauored to be their calumniatour , rectum ab errore , as oftentimes by Gods prouidence it falleth out . ●2 . Wherfore I seeing M. Morton take this ●ourse , after I had examined the first two In●uiries in two seuerall Chapters of mine , I was ●orced to bestow seauen or eight more vpon his ●hird . Wherfore the first is to answere all the ●articuler obiections , which he hath against other Catholick writers , namely Card. B●llarmine and others . The second , for answering the like obiections , and calumniations made by him against my selfe in fourteene seuerall imputations layd against me . The third , how insufficiently M. Mort. defēdeth himself in other fo●rteen charges produced against him , which he thought good to choose out as defensible amongst a farre greater nūber . The fourth how he pretermitteh more then other twice fourteene , farre more vrgent and eminent then the rest , without euer so much as once mentioning them . The fifth contayneth sundry other important omissiōs or pretermissiōs of his , aswell in slipping ouer matters belonging to himselfe , as to the defence of sundry Clients of his , whome he ought to haue defended , especially Syr Edward Cooke now L. Chiefe iustice of the Cōmon Pleas : with whome there is made a peece of a ●euerall reckoning in like manner in a seuerall Chapter , aswell about some things of his set forth before , as also concerning two new Prefaces lately published and prefixed to the sixt and seauēth parts of his Reports . The seauenth , how in place of clearing himself from aboue fourty old imputatiōs of falshood , he is cōuinced of more thē fifty new , superadded to the former . And fynally , my eyght Chapter , ( which is the tenth and last as they lye in order ) doth handle new strange vauntes and challenges of M. Morton , after all this battery , as though nothing had byn sayd against him : wherin I can commend nothing , but his courage , remitting the rest to your better discretions , when ye shall haue read both parts , this being the summe of our whole Concertation . 13. There remayneth to say a word or two , cōcerning the reason of the tytle of this my Answere , which is , A quiet & sober Reckoning : wherof I know that your Wisedomes will easily ghesse the cause , but much more will haue seene it , if ye haue perused ouer this Preāble of M. Morton which is so bitter and sharpe , and ouer eager in many places , as doth easily shew that the man was in great choler when he wrote it . And though I could alleage many exorbitāt speaches of his to this effect throughout the whole booke , yet the beginning and ending shall only serue for proofe therof : the beg●nning , for that he bestoweth seauen or eyght whole Paragraphs of his first Inquiry ( as already I haue sayd ) to examine my wit , memory , skill in Logicke , ignorāce in Gre●ke and H●brue , modes●y , charity , and the like , which hardly could p●oceed but from impatience . The last Paragraph also of his new challenges declareth the same more aboundātly where he auouching me first to be a man without all conscience , lame in hands , dumbe in ●peach , dead in sense & feeling of all cōtrition ; ●e passeth on to the most extrauagant , and ridi●ulous termes of impatience , that euer I read in ●y Author , that valued his owne credit , or you eyther perhaps . For he saith , that if he do ●ot manifest me to be so malignant , as if the Capital letters P. R. did iustly betoken Princeps Rabularum : and so vayne , as if they signifyed Phormio Romanista : so dissolute in my cause , as if they might be interpreted Praeuaricator Rasus : so impudently vniust , as that they might import Persidiae Reus : then is he content that his Treatises be purged with fyre , and himselfe challēged to a Recantation . And will ye not take pitty of this mans passion ? Or can ye meruayle , why I tooke this tytle of A quiet and sober Reckoning ? 14. Truly , if I should haue suffered my selfe to be c●rryed away with the same passion , & with the like impatience haue returned him an Answere in his owne veyne , & character of writing ; you do easily see , wherunto this contention would haue growne : but I haue thought best to endeauour the pacification of M. Mortons choler , by a more moderate kynd of conferēce , if it may be , where heat of wordes layd asyde , the truth of matters may peaceably and more calmely be cōsidered . Wherin ( as before I said ) though I may haue iust cause to suspect your affections : yet can I not distrust your iudgements in a matter of such apparent euidency , as this is , now committed vnto you . Wherin Christ Iesus direct you , to the discouery of that truth in Religion , which only can saue vs all . And so to his protection I commit yow , this 19. of December , 1608. Your louing Countreyman , wishing you all good , that is truly good . P. R. THE EPISTLE ADMONITORY TO M. r THOMAS MORTON . IF your self had not giuen me the example ( M. Morton ) by wryting to me a seuerall Epistle , termyng it Preamblatorie , it is likely I should not haue troubled you with this Admonitory of mine , as hauing wrytten sufficiently in my precedent Dedicatorie to our two Vniuersyties , concerning the subiect of this our whole Cōtrouersy . But for so much as you doe fyrme & subscribe your said letter thus : Yours to warne , and to be warned , Thomas Morton , and haue put in execution the first part therof by warning me , I presume you wil be content , the second part be put also in vre , and that you be warned by me . To which ●ffect I haue thought best to style this my Epistle an Admonitorie . Now then to the matters that are to be handled therin . The pointes wh●rof you haue warned me be two : which you call two Romish maladies . The one , the trāscendent Iurisdiction of the Pope ( to vse your wordes ) troubling or subuerting all Princes , & people of contrarie Religion : the oth●r ; our professed art of mentall Equiuocation , which by your Mynisteriall phrase you t●rme , the ●aude to all Rebellion . But h●w vayne and ●riuolous this aduertis●m●nt is , and fyt only to fyll vp paper without s●nse , euery m●ane capacity will ●as●ly conceiue , and witn●ss●s are at hand . For who doth not see , that Prot●stant Princes and people of diff●r●nt S●ctes haue byn now in the Christian world for almost an hundred years , both in Germany , Dēmarke , Swe●land , Scotlād , Englād , France , Flanders , & yet no subu●rsion ●●m● vnto th●m by the Popes transcendent authoritie ; Who doth not know in like mann●r , that the gr●at●st Rebellions that haue fallē●ut in this age haue not byn procured by Equiuocation as the ●aude , but by Heresy as the Harlot h●r s●lf , & that by craftie d●ceipts & lying shifts , which ys quite opposite to the nature of Equiuocation , that allwai●s sp●ak●th truth , though allwaies not so vnd●rstood by the ●ear●r . But for that of these two heades of Rebellion and Equiuocation I haue spoken aboundantly in my f●rmer Treatise , & s●mw●at also in this , ●specially in my second Chapter to y●ur s●c●nd Inquiry , w●●re you insert some f●w pages about the same ; I will leese no more tyme in rep●ating th●rof , but r●mit th● Reader thither , only adu●rtis●ng him by the way , that whereas you make a florish in this your Epistle Preamblatorie with two authorities of S. Augustine , noted in the margent , the one against Petilian , the other against Rogatiā , both of them Donatists , who feygned clemencie and practized crueltie where they durst against Catholikes ; let him but take the paynes to read the pla●es in the Author himself , and compare their cause with the cause of M. Morton and his fellow Protestants in these daies ( aswell in making and following Schisme against the generall body of the Catholike Church as in particuler actions recounted by Optatus and others : to wyt , in breaking downe Altars , & casting the B Sacramēt to dogges , in cōtemnyng holy Chris●●e , & breaking the sacred vessells wherein yt was ●ept , in prophaning Chalices , in scraping Priests ●●ownes for hatred of sacred vnction ; in persecuting ●onkes , in letting out Nunnes of their Monaste●●es , and the like , which proceeded from their parti●●ler spirit of pretended perfection ) and he will see ●●ether they agree more to Protestāts or Catholicks ●our daies : & consequently whether you M. Mor●●n did aduisedly , in bringing in mention of these 〈◊〉 , and of their contention with S. Augustine , ●●out the true Church , and manners both of here●●ks & Catholicks . Wherin they are so like vnto Pro●estants , both in words & actions , & S Augustine 〈◊〉 a Papist , as that there needeth nothing but the ●hange of names to distinguish , or agree them with ●ou , or vs , at this tyme. I would wish also the said Reader to cōsider the last ●art of this your Epistle , where you say that you do conuince me out of my owne Confession , granting , that there is an Equiuocation , which no clause of mentall reseruation can saue from a lye : and you set yt downe in a different letter , as though they were my wordes . But if the said Reader go to the place , where I do handle this matter , both in the second and seuenth Chapters of this my Answere , he will fynd , that I say no such thing , either in word or sense , but rather the quite contrarie : to wyt , that there is an externall speach ( as that of Saphyra in the Actes of the Apostles , for therof was the question ) which no mentall reseruation can iustify from a lye , and consequently nor make properlie an Equiuocation , for that it is false in the mynd of the speaker , and so cannot stand with the nature of Equiuocation ( that allvvayes must be true ) as hath byn largely demonstrated in our Treatise of that matter . Which point being once well noted & pōdered by your Reader , he will wonder at your strange vaunting illation made hereupon , that is to say , vpō your owne fiction , when you wryte : That this one Confession of myne is sufficient to conuince all mētall Equiuocators to be apparāt lyars . And yet further : That by this you haue obtayned your whole cause in both qu●stiōs , of Rebelliō & Equiuocatiō , which is a short & compendicus Conquest , if it be well cons●d●r●d , & such as ●u●rie man may frame vnto himself by ●alse charging his Aduersary . And this shall suffice for aduertisement to your Reader in this place , & vpō this your epistle to me . For albeit sundry other things might be obserued , yet is the studie of breuitie to be preferred : & what remayneth to be aduertised to your self , wil be common also to your Reader , vntill I returne vnto him againe , as a little after in this Epistle I meane to doe , to the end not to weary you ouer much with so manie admonitions to your self . Now then shall I passe to the principall pointes , wherof I thinke you to be admonished . Among which , the first & chief is , that you se●me greatly to mistake my meaning , or at leastwise my affection in writing against you , as though it were malignāt , contemptuous , despitefull , & full of hatred & auersiō of mind : which Almighty God ( I hope ) knoweth to be far otherwise : and that I do loue you in Christ Iesus with all my hart , wishing you all good in him & for him , but especially the best good for the saluatiō of your soule : for which I would be cōtent to vndergo any paines or perill whatsoeuer ; esteeming also ( as they deserue ) your good parts & talents , if they were rightly imploied by you to the aduancemēt of Gods truth , as hitherto they seeme to me to haue ●in to the cōtrarie . And if in our contentiō about this matter , I haue se●med sōtimes to haue bin ouer sharp ●r earnest in my writing , I do assure you , that it proceedeth not from hatred or contempt of your person , but rather from some griefe or indignation of mind , to see you so greatly deceiued , or endeuour to deceiue . Three things also I must confesse to haue b●ne the speciall causes of this griefe and indignation s●metimes conceiued . The first , to see a yong man ( as they say you are ) so lately come from the Schooles , so lightly furnished , and so little exp●rienced in greater studies , as scarsely you could haue life or leasure to looke at the varietie of Bookes & Authors that haue written therof , especially concerning the Catholick religion for a thousand yeares togeather , which you grant to be ours , to come forth as it were in his hose and dublet , & challeng the whole Church of God and the whole ranke of profound learned men therof , whose bookes for deep learning , iudgement and varietie of reading , you can not but confesse in truth and modestie , that you are not able to beare after them . And fynallie they are thousands , and you are but one : thy were ould , you are yong : their beards were hoarie and gray , yours is yet red : they wore out their ages with studie , you haue yet but lately begone : they haue had the continuance of many ages , the wit , learning , experience , diligence of all Christian Nations that held the same Religion with them , your prescription of tyme is small , your association of fellowes , Fathers & Doctors , or Councells lesse . For if you goe out of the little Iland of Britany , where all that professe themselues Protestants , in all things are not wholy with you ; you shall fynd abroad all the rest in most things against you . And yet do you so confidently tryumph and insult euery where , as though you alone were able to ouercome and vanquish whatsoeuer was established before you in our Religiō different from yours , saying euery where , with contempt , when you speake of this ranke of learned men , and when any thing displeaseth you in them , your owne Bishops , your owne Doctors , your owne Coūcells , your owne Fathers , your owne Popes say this or that : yea though they were neuer so ancient and holie . As of three Popes togeather Zozimus , Bonifacius , & Celestinus , that liued with S. Augustine , and were highly commended by him aboue twelue hundred yeares agoe , you speake so contemptuouslie , as if they had byn some three petty Ministers of your owne ranke . And this I confesse to haue byn one principall cause of my sharpe wryting against you : which yet if you would once amend on your part , you should qui●klie fynd correspondence on myne . And so I suppose ●ou will perceaue , that I haue begone in this Booke ; ●hough whiles you perseu●re in your old vayne of pre●●mption and insolencie , you are like to drawe forth ●nsweres nothing pleasing your owne humor : which ●ing of pryde , as in all Sectaries as accust●med to be , 〈◊〉 liketh humility and patience in all people , but only 〈◊〉 themselues . Another cause was the circūstance of tyme , when 〈◊〉 wrote your first . Discouerie against Catholikes . 〈◊〉 not being contented to haue set abroad diuers ●●●tings of yours in Latin , touching f●ygned absurd●●●es and contraries of d●ctrine f●und , as you pre●●●● , in their wrytings ( wherof you are like shortlie ●heare out of Germany , & to receiue the said ab●●●dities and falshoods doubled vpon your self , as ●●u will perceiue by that piece of the latyn Epistle ●●itten from thence , which I haue imparted with ●●u in the last Chapter of this my r●●koning : ) not ●●ntented ( I saie ) with this iniurie offered vs , ●ou watching a tyme of pressure and tribulation , & fynding the same to fall out in full measure by the hatefull accident of the powder-treason , you rāne as the Rauen to the fallen sheep to picke out her eyes : that is to say , to adde exasperation to exasperation , affliction to affliction , calumniation to sycophancy against all sortes of Catholicks . And then came forth in hast your litle infamous bloudie Lybell without a name , which out of your charitie would needs make all Catholiks Traytors in the very roote of Catholicisme it self , that is to say , in the fundamentall doctrine of their Religion . So as euerie one of them must be forced to denie his faith in that Religiō , or else acknowledge himself trayterous in his duty of temporall allegiāce and subiection . Which paradox to make somewhat probable , you were forced to accompanie with so manie fraudulent shiftes , deceipts and falsities as haue byn conuinced against yow , in my former Treatise , & cōfirmed now in this : which though of it self it moued no small indignation , to see so many manifest falshoods , so bouldly auouched and ratified againe by you afterwards , as in this fynall reckoning will apeare : yet must I confes●e that the forsaid circumstance of time did principally mooue me to be more sharpe in my Cōfutation . And it made me also to remember a certaine historie , that I had read in old Lactantius Firmianus in his first booke , intituled De Iustitia , which I shall recite as I fynd it in hym : yow may apply vnto your self so much therof , as yow maie thinke to fit you . The storie is of a certayne heathen Philosopher , who in tyme of persecution tooke occasion to write against Christian religion . Ego ( saith Lactantius ) cùm in Bithynia Oratorias litteras accitus docerem &c. When as I being sent for , taught Rhetoricke in Bithynia , and the Churches of Christians ( by the Edicts of Diocletian & Maximinian ) were commanded to be ouerthrowne , a certaine chief Philosopher taking the occasion of that tyme , nescio vtrum superbiùs an importuniùs iacenti atque abiectae veritati insultaret , did insult ouer the truth of Christes Religion oppressed and trodden vnder foot , I know not whether with greater pryde or importunity &c. And then he describeth at large the manners of this Philosopher , which were ouerlong to repeate heere . I meane of his Lybertine life , of his good fare , of his ambi●ion with the Magistrate and Princes . And fy●ally he saith of him : Disputationes suas moribus destruebat , & mores disputationibus arguebat : ipse aduersus se grauis censor & acer●imus accusator : He ouerthrew his disoutations ●ith his manners , and condemned his owne manners by his disputations : being a graue Censurer and most sharp accuser against himselfe . And thē saith further : Eodem ipso tempore quo iustus populus nefariè lacerabatur , tres Libros euomuit contra Religionem nomenque Christianum . In the very self same time , that the innocent Christian people were impiously torne in pieces by the persecutor , he cast forth three Bookes against the Religion and name of Christians . And Lactantius add●th , that alb●it he was effusus in Principū laudes , and flattered the Emperors then liuing ( no l●sse th●n M. Morton hath done ours : ) yet all sortes of men , aswell H●athen as others , did mislyke and detest his cruell deuise , to wryte against them● when as they lay vnder so heauie a yoke of present persecution . Id omnes arguebant ( saith he ) quòd illo potissimùm tempore id ope●is es●et agressus , quo furebat odiosa crudelitas . All sortes of men did condemne this , that he had taken in hand to put forth his bookes at that speciall time , when odious cruelty raged against all Christians . And then immediatly addeth : ô Philosophum adulatorem , ac tempori seruientem ! O flattering Philosopher and tymeseruer ! A fit encomium for such an enterprise . And with the same will I leaue you M. Morton , and ●nd the relation of this history , permitting vnto your self , or to your Reader , to apply so much thereof vnto you , as the likenes of your cases and factes doth deserue . Only I must say , that the malice in taking hold of the circumstance of tyme s●●meth so very lyke and cōforme , as I cannot dou●t , but that as many H●athen men then , otherwise modest and morally honest , tooke compas●iō of the afflicted Christians , and detested the afflict●r : so many Protestants in our case would do the same , wherof my selfe can be witnesse of some . And thus much for this second point . The third thing that excited me to be more sharpe sometimes with you , was your manner of writing , so exorbitāt in diuers respects , as I neuer lightly read the like : but especially in professing sinceritie with great vehemencie , when you could not but probably know , that you had , or did , and would deceiue ; wherof there are so many examples , as there are witting falsities couin●ed against you in this subsequent Worke. Your ●auntes in like manner are wonderfull extraua●ant and prouocatory , as we haue now heard out ●f your new Challenges , repeated in part in the recedent Epistle . I will pretermit diuers other excesses and ●erlashings in your booke , which cannot but ●timulate your Answerer to some sharpnes in ●●iting . As for example , where pag 29. yow ●ite of me thus : I do professe vnfeignedly , ●t I neuer found any writer of any profes●●n whatsoeuer , who hath vsed such shame●●l frau● in answering : and ●et except you haue 〈◊〉 your selfe , you haue found one of your owne p●●fession , I m●ane your selfe , that hath vsed n● tymes more : you being most euidently con●●cted thereof in this my re●ly , and no one fraud 〈◊〉 fa●●hood in all the worke being able to be veri●●ed against m● , as experience will teach him , ●●at will take the paynes to peruse these our Rec●onings . Againe , pag 43. you begynning to speake ●f the lye of Saphyra which she made to S. Peter in the Actes , of the Apostles , and supposing yt to be an Equiuocation , which I deny ; you say in the title of the Paragraph , that I my selfe do flatly ouerthrow therby my whole defence of mentall Equiuocation , which ( say you ) is made so euident , as no wit of man can possibly excuse it . And yet when the matter commeth to be tried , euery meane wit may easely perceaue , that you vnderstood not , or mistooke of purpose the question , as afterward in this Answere is declared . And yet do you insult strangly saying : Where is now P.R. &c. where is this Man , the new select Aduocate for this cause ? May he not say hereafter , I was ashamed , and therfore hid my selfe , so naked doth his deformity appeare . And yet further you say : He being pressed with this example out of Scripture ( to wit of Saphyra her speach to S. Peter ) is driuen into such a vertigo and giddines , that euen when he would defend his art of Equiuocating from a lye , he is by consequence from Gods word forced to confesse , that there is an outward speach , which noe clause of Reseruation can saue from a lye : wherby his owne Magi , I doubt not , wil be brought to acknowledge , that Digitus Dei est hic , this is the power of Gods truth . This is the adoe you make , M. Morton , about this example of Saphyra , adding also presently , that by this , you haue obtained your whole cause . But in truth you haue obtained to make your selfe ridiculous therby , as you handle it . For what is there in this matter that should cause me to runne away , and hyde my selfe , as you do feigne , and not dare to appeare , when you call so earnestly vpon me ? What haue you proued ? What haue you conuinced against me ? You say that her words to S. Peter ( I haue sould it for no more ) was no lesse an Equiuocation , then to say , I am no Priest. But I deny it , and do say it was a lye , and no Equiuocation . For that she had obligation to vtter the truth to S. Peter that was her lawfull Iudge , and so hath not the Priest , that is demanded by him , who is not his lawfull Iudge . You say that , I being pressed with this example out of Scripture frō Gods Word● am forced to confesse an outward speach , which no clause of reseruation can saue from a lye . Wherto I answere , that no force of example frō Gods Word is needfull for this . For euer it was graunted , and so must be , that there be infinite outward speaches , which no mentall reseruation cā saue from lyes , if there be obligation to tell the truth , as in the case of Saphyra there was . And therefore for you to bring in the Magi wondering here at the power of God inforcing me to such a vertigo , is both Comicall and ridiculous indeed . And yet by the way I must further put you in mind● that you do deliuer me heere from a contradiction , and inuolue your selfe in a falshood vnanswerable in reciting of these words of mine . For that before in your Epistle to my selfe you recite my Confession thus : That there is a mētall Equiuocation which no clause of reseruation can saue from a lye . And here you say : I am forced to confesse an outward speach , which no clause of reseruation can saue from a lye . Betweene which two recitalls there is great difference , as before we haue shewed , & no lesse then betweene truth and falshood . So as if you write truly heere , you spake falsely before : and if truly before , then falsely now . And thus much haue I byn inforced to admonish you of at this time , by the peruersity of your owne words and manner of writing . Many other things I should haue to warne M. Morton of , in this point concerning his māner of stile in writing , sed nescio an possit portare modò : I would be loath to be im●ortune , & he is to heare them afterwards in the cōbat and concertatiō it selfe . Only I cannot omit to say a word or two about his Epistle Dedicatorie to the Earle of Salisbury , and therewith make an end of this admonition . He beginneth his narration thus . I therfore esteemed it my dutie in presence of your Honour , by this Preamble to sponge out such vile imputations , wherewith my Aduersary indeauoured , through me ( alas ) one of the least of the Prophets , to distaine both my Mother and her Sister the famous Vniuersities , and those Honorable Persons , vnto whose care and prouidence they ●re committed . So he . Wherby you see this lit●le Prophet will needes interpret the imputations ●f false dealing laid against himselfe , by , & through ●im , to fall vpon the two Vniuersities , his Mot●er ●nd Aunt , and other Honourable Persons that ●aue the care and gouernment of them : which is ●ot needfull at all . For that , as the Scripture ●ith : The Sonne shall not beare the iniquitie of ●●e Father , nor the Father of the Sonne , but e●●ry one must answere for himselfe : let vs se●●●en , how M. Morton doth performe this point . ●●en then ( saith he ) when I was in greatest ●●●lousie of mine owne myscarriage , I concei●●d a double matter of comfort . First from ●● selfe , that knowing I durst present my ●●plications vnto the Iudge of the secret ●●ughts of all hartes , I doubted not but that ●ng able with true confidence to appeare ●ore God , I should not greatly feare the ●●sure of man. This is one defence more Rhetoricall then reall . 〈◊〉 how could he dare with such confidence appeare before God , with the burthen of so many ●ntruthes , as afterward you will see conuinced ●●ainst him , especially in the three last Chapters ●f this our Answere ? And if he be not able to ●efend them before man , how will he iustifie thē●efore God ? Let vs see his second defence , for this first standeth only vpon his owne confidence . Secōdly ( saith he ) from my aduersary , tooke I matter of comfort , presuming that he that would write in defence of mentall Equiuocation , would be found to equiuocate in writing also . This you see is but a presumption , and that a very poore one . For as a man may write of warre and yet not fight ; and of Agriculture or husbandry , and yet neither plow nor sow : So may he write of Equiuocation , and yet not Equiuocate , and Equiuocate also and yet not lye . So as this could be but a silly comfort for M. Morton to presuppose and hope that I would Equiuocate in writing of Equiuocation , which was not needfull . And if I had ; yet might I do it without lying : and so nothing therby haue relieued his case , that was so deeply charged with that fault . And finally , if I had bene able to be conuinced of any point in that kind ( as afterward you will see that I was not : ) yet S. Augustines rule is , Quod societas peccantium auget potiùs quàm excusat peccatum : Fellowship in sinne increaseth rather then excuseth the fault . Though truly it may se●me that M. Morton would highly esteeme this fellowship with me , if he could bring it about , and thinke himselfe well defended , if he could attaine it . Which I am lead to belieue , not only by his labour , diligence & solicitude therin , but by the last Conclusion of his for●named Epistle to my self , which he endeth thus for an vpshoot . I may thinke ( saith he ) the Scripture verified vpon you , where it is thus written : Therfore art thou inexcusable ( O man ) whosoeuer thou be , that iudgest : for doing the same thinges , by iudging an other , thou condemnest thy selfe . Out of which text of the Apostle M. Morton would proue , that I doing the same things with him ( in this point of fraud and false dealing ) I cannot condemne him , without condemning also my selfe : which consequence I grant , but deny the antecedent . Which I assure my self M. Morton will neuer be able to proue in any one point of moment , throughout this whole concertation of ours ; himselfe being taken faultie almost at euery turne , as you will see . And yet doth he vaunt , as though his integritie were extraordinary in this behalfe , telling vs , that as the Greeke Cōmaunder being in appa●āce mortally wounded , demanded of his souldiers , whether the Citie were safe ? whether his ●uckler or shield were sound ? and being sa●isfied in them , receiued health , and after be●ame victorious : So he vnder so ghastly woūds ●f my penne , hauing generally inquired , & ●prightly answered himself , that his cause was ●afe and his conscience sound , began more resolutely to confront me . Thus you see , that he hath cleared himselfe , & is become victorious vpon a suddayne by force of a similitude only . And in truth the tale is pretily told by him in wordes , but let vs come to the substance of the things . If M. Mortons cause be so safe , and his conscience so sound , how do there stand togeather afterward in the sixt Chapter of this my Answere , aboue thirty vntruths , pretended to haue bin wittingly pretermitted by him in his last Preamblatorie Reply , as vnanswerable ? & now aboue fiftie more newly added out of the said Reply , which are set downe in my seauenth Chapter ? If these can be really defended by him , he doth somewhat . And for diuers of them , he ought to haue done it before . But if they cannot ( as I assure my selfe without making of more new , they cannot ) then is neither M. Mortons cause safe , nor his conscience sound in this behalfe . Nay his sheild and buckler is vtterly broken , and his Cittie of refuge quite ouerthrowne . But he promiseth vs a more forcible Encoūter to ensue , after he hath discharged his part in another taske of more importāce , in the Answere of the Catholicke Apologie , which , saith he , by this calumnious Treatise of P. R. his Mitigation , as by an aduerse tempest , hath receiued some interruption . And by this you see , that M. Morton is still doing , whether well or euill , God knoweth . I maruaile he feareth not the scratch due to his ytch , wherof he speaketh in his Preamble . For if out of Germanie there come that multitude of scratches , that is threatned by him whose letter I haue mentioned in the latter end of this Answere , & do ioyne themselues with these scratches of myne , both old and new , that do march togeather in this my answere against him , they are like to make a great squadron And M. Morton will haue his hands full in defending himselfe from them , and in procuring , that of scratches and scarres they do not be●ome deeper wounds vnto his credit . But indeed I do not exp●ct any such new Encounter as he promis●th . For if he had reallie meant it , and had seene himselfe able to performe it , he would haue answered substantially , in this Preamble , some of the chiefest difficulties that were laid against him , to the end to make his Reader belieue , that he would be able to satisfie the rest in the said promised Encoūter . But not doing this , but shewing rather his extr●me weaknes in clearing any one point obiected against him , it seemeth but a iest to talke of a new Encounter to come . And as for answering the Catholicke Apo●ogie , which , he saith , he is in hand withall , as 〈◊〉 taske of more importance , I do easely graunt 〈◊〉 , if he can performe his taske well . But M. Morton well knoweth the Topicall place , à ma●ori ad minus , & è conuerso : If he haue not ●yn able to performe lesser matters , nor defend the things by himselfe written either in Latin or English , but by so many vntruthes as haue bin exhibited against him , what will he be able to do in another mans worke , especially of such moment & difficulty , as the said Apologie is : where he must answere to other mens sayings , especially Protestāts , out of whose testimonies the Author of that Apologie doth so clerely con●ute their Religion and con●irme the Catholicke , if I mistake not the worke , as neuer any booke written in our language hath more ●ff●ctually done . And cons●quently the confutation of this booke would r●quire an impugn●r of more substance and strong●r s●n●wes , then those of M. Morton , though oth●rwise I vnd●rstand , that God be thanked , his bodily cons●itution be neither weake nor feeble . But to come to an end , let vs see how he con●lud●th his Epistle to the Earle of Salisbury . If by this brief Preamble it be not manifest ( saith he ) that P. R. hath in this Treatise preuaricated in his whole cause , both in the question of Rebellion and Equiuocation , betraied his Countreys State , disgraced the Romish Schooles , and strangled his owne conscience : I refuse not , that to the crimes obiected against me by him , this may be added , that I durst affi●me so much before your Lordship . To which Rh●toricall and florishing conclusi●n I know n●e better answere th●n to acc●pt of the of●er . And for triall th●rof to referre me to the Booke h●re in hand , which treateth euery thing punctually and ●x●ctly : inuiting by this occasion the Honourable Personage h●re nam●d to t●e r●ading and p●rus●ng th●rof . For though the dif●●r●n●e of our cause be disfauourable vnto me with his Lordshippe ; y●t dare I c●nfide in the equanimitie of his Iudg●m●nt , in a case of such quality , as h●re is s●t downe , about preuaricating in my cause , betraying my Countrey , disgracing our Schooles , and strangling my owne Conscience . All which depending vpon our māner of proceeding in the ensuing pointes of this Booke , his Lord●hippe will easily discouer with the quicke ●ye of ●is Iudgment the truth of things , though it were ●gainst himselfe . And therefore I do willingly ●ay hands vpon the last clause of this Challenge of ● . Morton , to wit : that if he proue not all ●hese things here obiected against me , and cleere ●imselfe from all imputations of wilfull vntruthes ●yd against him in my Treatise of Mitigation , 〈◊〉 is content to haue this added also , as the grea●●st sinne of all the rest , that he durst affirme ●●e same vnto his Lordshippe . Wherin I could conuince him pres●ntly , if I ●ould , without further dispute . For that he ta●●ng vpon him in this his Pr●amble to answere ●●ly 14. vntruthes , of more then 40. obiected ●●ainst him , it is euident , that he ●lear●th him●●●fe not fr●m the rest t●at hee pretermitted . ●nd then la●ing vnto this that in the said 14. he 〈◊〉 found not to haue cleared hims●lfe substantially ●●om any one of moment , but to haue adioyned ●boue 40. or 50. more , as is declared in the ●ubs●quent Treatise , how can he defend hims●lfe b●fore my L. of Salisburies Honour , from open preuaricating in this his Challenge ? But I will not pr●sse him any further heere : let the ensuing Combate disc●rne & try betweene vs. And so returning to talke with M. Morton againe , whome for a time I haue left , and spoke● in the third person , to the end I might not seeme to obiect to his face so many important defaultes together : I do saie , Syr , that now you see , that I haue bin bould to vse the lib●rty that you gaue me in the subscription of your Letter , when you saie , that you are myne , to warne , and to b● warned : I haue r●ceiued your warning and returned mine . I beseech allmightie God , it may●be to his greater glorie , and both our goods , or at leastwise of other men , that shall read or heare the same . Yours , Wishing you all good , in the author of all goodnes , P. R. Faultes escaped in the Printing . ●pist . Dedic . pag. 6 lin . 4 for he , read wee , ●pist . Admon . pag. 4● lin . 13 for nor , read not ●ag● Line Fault Correction 〈◊〉 24 in latin in relating 〈◊〉 27 heares hearers 〈◊〉 18 vse the vse 〈◊〉 23 impawing impawning 〈◊〉 vl● . competèt competent 〈◊〉 28 stuly study 〈◊〉 ● some all 〈◊〉 Ibid. Equiuocation be Equiuocation or lying be 〈◊〉 28 said say 〈◊〉 31 indeed , though indeed my father is not dead though & ● . 〈◊〉 18 euident euidently 〈◊〉 26 is in 〈◊〉 14 one owne 〈◊〉 2 had had he had had 〈◊〉 34 begin being 〈◊〉 35 pertracta pertractata ●●2 10 Clemens , Alexāder , Clemens Alexandrinus ●●7 ● these are these ●01 29 Chapters Charges 314 28 quod quid ●●1 28 verue vertue ●01 5 answere Answerer ●11 27 these those 427 25 the law , the new spi - the new law , the spirituall &c. 434 5 ouer euer 462 11 which with 477 3 is as 540 7 to do 640 16 obiection : others obiection of other● 642 14 Chap. 5. Chap. 3. 648 4 fourth Chap. fifth Chap● THE FIRST CHAPTER ANSVVERING TO THE FIRST OF ● . THOMAS MORTONS three vaine Inquiryes , concerning the Witt , Memorie , Learning , Charitie , Modestie , and Truth of his Aduersarie P. R. THE PREFACE . THE very title of this M. Morton● first Inquiry , about the insufficiency of his aduersary , doth plainly shew , that he was in choler & passion , when he wrote it : for that otherwise in so graue and weighty controuersies , as are betweene vs , he would ueuer haue rifled so manifestly , as by leauing the matter to rūne ●o the person , and fall a scolding and scratching , ac●ording to his former threat . For what are these per●onall impugnations , but scratches , whereof you shall haue heere store , to witt , some seauen or eight whole Paragraphes ; which yet are such , as draw noe bloud , nor doe scarre any man , but the scratcher himselfe , as by further examination it will appeare . For first , what doth he gaine to his cause , if he could prooue indeed , that his Aduersarie had scarcitie both of witt , memorie , learning , Greeke , Hebrew , Logike , and other abilities heere mentioned ? Were not his victorie the lesse in ouercōming so weake an aduersarie ? And were not his shame the greater , yf he should be ouercome by him ? Yes truly . 1. Moreouer M. Mortons intention being , or ought to be , principally to satisfy the charges and imputations of falshood , and vntrue dealing , layd vnto him in the Treatise of Mitigation ; ( for hastening whereunto , for that they raysed great scarres in the readers eye , he omitted to handle any thing at all of the chief argument of that Treati●e ) it seemeth veri● impertinent , that he should leese so much time , and spend so much paper in premising so manie skirmishes , as are these Paragraphes , about the sufficiency or insufficiency of his aduersarie , before the maine battaile it self : but the reason is conceaued to be the small comfort he had to come to the said battaile ; and therefore as schollers , that are truants , doe seeke occasions to loyter and linger , and ●ntertayne themselues in euerie corner of the streete , thereby to prolong their iourney : so M. Morton in this affayre . For albeit he pretend and professe his purpose to be● to cleare himselfe from the sayd imputatios ; yet knowing how little able he is to doe it , and how small cōfort he is to receyue therein , whē he cometh to the point , he differreth the matter as lōg as he can , which is , to the verie last end of his booke , spēding first in this first Inquiry eight or nine Paragraphes , as hath bene said , to inquyre of my sufficiency : and then some other about the title of my Treatise , pretermit●ing the whole substance ; then manie other to prooue ●hat diuers Catholicke wryters , Popes , and Coun●ells haue vttered also some falsities and contradi●tions ; then that Cardinall Bellarmine hath donne ●he like ; and then that I haue my part also in such ●anner of dealing : All which serueth , as you see , to ●●are of from coming to the mayne point of clearing ●imselfe . And this course he holdeth vnto the verie ●●st cast of his booke , to witt , to the 18. Paragraph , ●hich is next to the conclusion . And finally whē he ●●teth vpon the matter , & pretendeth to satisfy four●●●ne imputatiōs of aboue fourtie laid against him , 〈◊〉 doth it so weakly and insufficiently , as ech man 〈◊〉 see , why he was so loath to come vnto the tryall : 〈◊〉 this will you also see , by the view of the worke 〈…〉 lfe , yf you please to take the paines to looke it 〈◊〉 . M. MORTONS Impugnation of P. R. his VVitt examined . § I. THis Paragraph is sett downe by M. Morton in these words : 1 An argument of P. R. his kind of witt , ●●●ch may seeme to haue beene in a slumber , when he made his 〈◊〉 . And againe in the table of his Inquiries & Pa●●●raphes , he frameth a title thus ; An argument , that ●● R. his witt was in a slumber in answering to the point of the ●●●eping souldiers : wherby it appeareth that he argueth 〈◊〉 to haue little wit ( as indeed without follie I ●annot presume of much ) and the cause why he ta●eth all wit from me , is , for that in my Epistle dedi●atory to the Vniuersities of England I reprehended ●s idle and impertinent in his Epistle , to our deceyued brethren ( as contēptuosly he called thē ) his cēsure , that it was against common sense , that the sleeping souldiers of Hierusalem should be able to tell , that our Sauiours disciples had stole● him away , while they were asleepe : to which end he citeth heere in this Paragraph my words at length though leauing out some in the beginnyng , which make to the explication of the matter , and therefore must heere be added by me . Thus then they lie , which I shall sett downe by way of Charge , as M. Morton himselfe ordinarily doth , and therupon afterward shall we see his discharge and so friēdly make vp th● reckoning . The Charge of P.R. 3. As for the other ( Epistle ) say I , which scornefully he directeth to our deceyued brethren , it is so short● fond , and idle a thing , that it deserueth noe answer at all ; the principall point , wherupon he standeth therein , being this , that Catholick people are seduced by their Priests , who will be Doctors ( sayth he out of S. Paul to Timothie ) and yet vnderstand not what they say , nor whereof they assirme . But whether this description of fond presumptuous doctors touched by S. Paul , doe agree rather to Protestant ministers , or to Catholicke Priests , will appeare in great part , by reading ouer this booke , especially the 5.8 . and 10. Chapters , yf by Thomas Mortons errours and ignorances , a scantling may be taken of the rest . But now lett vs see , how he doth goe about to prooue , that our priests are such bad doctors as S. Paul speaketh of . 4. This chief proof consisteth in a certayne comparing of th●m with those Iewish priests of the old law in Christs time , who taught the soldiers that watched at the s●pulcher of our Sauiour , to say , that ●hilst they were sl●●●ping his disciples came and stole ●im away . Comm●n s●ns● ( sayth he ) might haue r●ply●d , how could you t●ll ●ha● was donne , whē you were all asleepe ? but mindes enthralled in the opinion of a neuer-erring Priesthood ( which confirmed that answer ) could not possibly but erre with their priests : such alas , is the case of all them &c. Doe you see how substātially he hath prooued the matter ? Let vs examine the particulers : first the storie , then the inference . 5. About the storie S. Matthew recounteth in the 28. Chapter of his Ghospell , how Christ our Sauiour being raised miraculously from death to life , with a great and dreadfull earthquake , and descent of an Angell , so as the souldiers , that kept the Sepulcher were astonished and almost dead for feare , some of them ranne and tould the chiefe Priests therof : who making a consultation with the Elders , deuised this shift to giue them store of money , and to bid them say , that in the night , when they were asleepe , his Disciples came and stole him away , and so they did . And S. Matthew addeth , that this false brute ranne currant among the Iewes , euen vntill that time , wherin he wrote his Ghospell . This is the narration ; what hath now Thomas Morton to say against vs ? for therunto is all his drift . 6. First he saith , as you haue heard , that this deuise was improbable and against common sense it sel●e . Common sense ( saith he ) might haue replied ( to the souldiers ) what could you tell what was donne , when you were all asleep ? See heere the sharpnesse of Tho. Mortons witt , aboue that of the Priests ; Scribes , & Pharisies . But what yf one of the soldiers had replyed to him thus : wee saw it not , when we were asleepe , but afterward when we were awakened , we perceyued that he was stolen away ; what r●ioynder would our Minister make ? As for example , yf Tho. Morton were walking with a cōmunion booke vnder his ●●me through a field , and wearied should lye downe to sleepe , with his booke by his side , and at his awaking should see his booke gone , were it against common sense for him to say , that his booke was stolen from him , while he was asleepe ? or is not this an assertion fit for one of those doctours , wherof S. Paul talketh , that vnderstand not what they say , or wherof they affirme ? But this will better yet appeare by the second part , which is his inference : wherfore we must a little also examine that . 7. But mindes ( sayth he ) enthralled in the opinion of a neuer-erring priesthood ( which confirmed that answer ) could not possibly but erre with their Priests : such , alas , is the case of all them &c. The malicious man would deface Christian priesthood by the Iewish priesthood , and our priests by theirs : but consider how farre he runneth from the marke in both . Minds enthralled ( sayth he ) in the opinion of a neuer-erring priestood , which confirmed that answere . &c. Did the priesthood of Iewry cōfirme this answer ? who sayth so ? wee read that the priests with the Elders did deuise this answer , and they knew they did euill and lye therin : and so did the soldiers also that published the same . 8. But this was a matter of fact , not a determination of faith . Neyther among the Iewes , nor Christians , was there euer opiniō that Priestes or Priesthood could not erre in matters of fact , life , or their manners . How then is this to the purpose ? Or doth not this also prooue him to be one of those forenamed Doctors that vnderstand not what they say , or wherof they affirme ? How much more modestie , and pietie had it bin in Tho. Morton to haue followed the example of Christ and his Apostles , who though persecuted by those Priestes , yet both thought and spake reuerently of their Priesthood . The Reckoning vpon the premisses . 9. Thus much I wrote in my former Treatise of Mitigation , and this discourse of myne is the argument wherby M. Morton concludeth against my witt , as you haue heard , and in his answere calleth this my speach two or three times wittlesse . But for that I respect not so much witt , as truth in this affaire , I am cōtent to remit my selfe to the Reader , who perhaps is wyser then vs both , and will see what folly it is so vnwisely to contend about the commendation of our wittes . But let vs friendly & soberly ( M. Morton ) see your discharge and make the reckoning according to reason : You say that I haue shewed my selfe by this inference both shameles and witles , shameles to impute ●hat for absurditie to you , which I might haue knowne to be the ●ise and learned inference of ancient Fathers &c. And who ●re those ancient Fathers Syr ? You name only S. Au●●stine in his tenth Tome , whose words are as you al●edge them : O euill and most wicked men , either you were awake , or asleepe , and knew not what was ●one &c. intimating this Dilemma ( say you ) that ey●her you were awake or asleepe ; if awake , then cō●esse what was done , Christ is risen out of the graue ; ●f a sleepe , then you knew not what was done . Thus ● . Augustine . ●0 . Whereunto I answere , that S. Augustine ar●ueth well against the souldiers ; that if they were a●eepe when Christ did rise from death they could not ●now by any certaynty that Christ his disciples came and stole him away , and therfore they did both fondly and wickedly in auouching and testifying the same for certayne and true . But S. Austine doth not say as you say , that the deuise was against common sense , for then it would not haue ben belieued so generally for so many yeares after , as S. Matthew insinuateth that it was vnto his tyme when he wrote his ghospell ; nor would the Priests , Doctors , and principall Iewes of the Synagogue , which had not only common sense but worldly wisedome also , eyther haue deuised this shift , or haue gyuen money to haue it published , or would they haue suffered the same to haue bene proposed to their Gouernour Pilate for contēting him , who being a Romā & a wise worldly man , would neuer haue harkened vnto it or admitted the same , if the proposition had bene against common sense & reason , as M. Morton affirmeth . 11. Besides this , if some of vs , euē the wisest amōg vs should imagin our selues to haue bene with the Iewes and Gentils in Hierusalem at that time , and wanting the light of faith , should haue heard a company of watch-men affirme vnto vs , that a certaine man estemed and followed by many in his life time , and afterwards slaine , buried , and watched by them at his Sepulcher , and at the third day to haue bene sodenly gone from thence , & not to be found ; What would worldly reason ( that neuer dreamed of resurrection ) haue suggested in this case , but that some of his followers amongst so many as Christ was knowne to haue had in his life time , had come and secretly taken him away ? Had not this bene probable in such a case to mans discourse ? had this bene against common sense to haue alledged this excuse ? who will say so , that is indued with common sense ? But ( sayth M. Morton ) the soldiers could not know at leastwise if he were stolne away his disciples had done it ; which I grant that they could not know it for certaine , but by probability only , which probability notwithstanding was very great , for that his enemyes would not haue aduentured to do it with so great danger , ergo , it is likely they were his frends and followers , schollers and disciples . And is not this probable ? is this repugnant to common sense and reason , as M. Morton affirmeth ? 12. But it was ( saith he ) a lie : I grant , & that many lyes are more probable then some truthes ; the questiō then is , whether it were a probable lye , or else so absurd , as it repugned to common sense ? The former I affirmed , the later is M. Mortons position , who houldeth me for witlesse , for saying the contrarie : for so he writeth againe a little after the former : Howsoeuer ( sayth he ) it be , sure I am P.R. hath shewed himselfe very ●●i●les herein &c. And a few lynes before this againe , ●he accuseth me for houlding with the souldiers , and allowing the inference to be good against Christes resurrection , and maketh this note in the margent , P. R. grossely ignorant in Diuinitie , and further saith , that 〈◊〉 hopeth that my fayth is not so farre asleepe , as to preiudicate ●he chief article o● our Christiā faith ( about the resurrectiō of ●ur Sauiour ) by this assertiō : All which is strange that 〈◊〉 will repeat heere agayne , for so much as my ●ordes are playne in my booke before recyted , affir●ing , that the Iewish Priests with the Elders did deuise this ●●swere , and they knew they did euill , and lyed therin ; and so ●●●d the souldiers also that published the same . But yet I hold ●hat this lye was not senseles , or against common sense 〈◊〉 M. Mort. fondly affirmeth it to be . Agayne I sayd that 〈◊〉 is false which he wrote in his other booke of full sa●●sfaction that the neuer-erring priestood of the Iewes did ●onfirme this answere , of the souldiers , as a truth ; for ●hat they knew it was a lye as hauing feigned and de●ised it themselues , but yet thinking it a probable shift 〈◊〉 delude the people withall for the present . 13. Wherefore I come now to the conclusion and vpshot of all this Reckoning which M. Mort. knytteth vp thus : Euen so yt falleth out ( sayth he ) with my aduersary P. R. who hath bewrayed his singuler sottishnesse in the inference wherin he meant to giue vs a speciall argument of his witt . This is somewhat sharp , as you see , but I pardon easily the passion : some words must be allowed to leesers : lett the summe of the Reckoning be this , that wheras we all doe agree , that the soldiers speach was false , M. Morton holdeth further , that it was senselesse and against common reason , and my selfe witlesse for affirming , that it had any sense or probabilitie therin . Lett the prudent Reader iudge , where the witt lieth . M. MORTONS Obiection against P. R. his Memorie . §. II. 2 AFTER the impugnation of my Witt , M. Morton taketh vpon him to disgrace my Memorie , intituling his second Paragragh thus : An argument of the rare Memorie of P. R. bewraying his free will to lying ; & then beginneth he the sayd Paragraph in these words : To make me seeme ridiculously cautelous ( sayth he ) as intending wheresoeuer their equiuocating forgerie was to be spoken of , to keepe the clause of mentall reseruation vnder a latin locke , and not Englished , least weak-ones might learne to practice that Magicall art , P. R. sayth , that Thom. Morton , though he promised to put it downe alwaies in Latin , so as it should not be vnderstood by the vulgar Reader , yet hath he not ( to his remēbrāce ) set downe the said clause of reseruation in Latin , but once through all his booke of full satisfaction , and that in foure wordes in the second page therof , the said reseruation being mētioned in English more perhaps , then fortie tymes . Out of which words of mine , M. Morton indeauoreth to inferre manie falsities , and absurdities against me , both of bad Memorie and worse Will : for that , as he sayth , the said Clause of Reseruation is foūd to haue bene set downe by him in Latin , not onely once , as I say , but more then twentie tymes in his Treatises of equiuocation . Whereunto I answer , that albeit , that all this were granted ; yet is the matter idle , and of no importance , yea a meere cauill , for ●o much as I say ( perhaps ) as presently shal be shewed . 15. But first of all before we answer to this charge ●gainst my bad Memorie , we must shew him to be contrarie to himself ( which argueth noe good Memorie ) in that he contradicteth in his foresayd Epi●tle dedicatorie to the King , that which heere in his Preamble he writeth , to witt , in a●firming heere , as ●ou haue heard , that he had no intention to keep the clause of ●entall reseruation vnder a latin lock , and not English it , least ●eake ones might learne &c. VVhereas in his said Epistle ●o his Matie . he promiseth otherwise , and his words ●re these : Notwithstanding least that the publishing ●f this cursed art might in respect of the more carnal●● minded aedificare ad gehennan , edify vnto hell ( as that ●euerend Bishop of Chichester and learned Father 〈◊〉 our Church hath said ) I haue framed this dispute , ●hat it may seeme ( I hope ) to be like to Aristotles Bookes ●f Naturall Philosophie , so published as not published , be●ause the clause of mentall reseruation ( the tayle of ●his serpent , wherin the whole poyson lyeth ) is all●ayes deliuered in Latin phrase , to his end , that onelie ●he guiltie partie by his sensible coniecture may per●eyue his errour confuted , and yet the ignorant , though ●esirous to touch pitch , may not be de●iled . ●6 . Where you see , that he promised to his Maiesty 〈◊〉 deliuer allwayes in Latin phrase the clause of mentall reserua●ion , in such sort , as the ignorant of the Latin tongue should not vnderstand the same , and consequently that he would shut it vp vnder a Latin lock : And yet now in this his Preamble he sayth , that I goe about to make him seeme so ridiculously cautelous , as to intend to keepe the sayd clause of mentall Reseruation , vnder a Latin lock , least weake ones might learne &c. Are not these two plaine contradictory assertions out of one mouth ? to witt , that he will keepe the clause of Reseruation vnder a Latin lock , and that he neuer meant to locke it vp ? Where was his Memorie , when he wrote this to impugne my Memorie ? 17. But yet further it may please you to note the word ( allwayes ) when he sayth in his former Epistle to the Kings Ma. ●y that allwaies the sayd clause of Reseruatiō was deliuered in latin , and yet he confesseth in this verie place , that 3. or 4. tymes he setteth it downe in ●nglish . And was not this a slipp of his Memorie in like māner , to say and promise to his Ma.ty that he would set it downe allwayes in Latin : and yet presently to confesse , that sometymes he did it in English ? Thirdly , he saith , as you haue heard , that he hopeth , his booke of Equiuocation so to be published as Aristotles naturall Phylosophy , to witt , so published , as not published , in respect , that the vnlearned should not vnderstand him . And how could he thinke this , if sometymes at leastwise ( as he confesseth ) he vttered all in English , and this to English men ? Can these things stand togeather ? Where was his Memorie , when he wrote this ? 18. So as hauing now shewed M. Mortons Memorie not to haue bene good in all these 3. points , I shall passe to speake of mine , which willingly I confesse to be bad : wherevpon he triumpheth against me , for that I say ( as before you haue heard ) that the clause of Reseruation to my remembrance was not set downe in Latin , but once throughout all M. Mortons book● , though in English the said Reseruatiō were mētioned more ( perhaps ) thē fourtie times . Against which assertion of mine he stormeth excedingly , and quoteth in his margent for cōfutatiō thereof , diuers & sundry places where the said clause is set downe in latin , as where it is said , He knoweth not any thing so , vt teneatur detegere : or I know it not so , vt tibi dicam , vel , vt tibi reuelem &c. and sundry other like places he alledgeth , where albeit the externall part of the proposition be set downe in English , ●et is the Reseruation or mentall part , put downe by ●im in Latin , and then presuming to haue taken me ●t a great aduantage , for that I sayd I found it but ●nce , he insulteth exceedingly saing : VVhat this so open ●ing might portend , I know not , except he felt his VVit wax ●●mewhat blunt , and therefore meant ●o deserue the whe●stone . ●ut I will not heere examine the coherence of this ●●ason , and whether a blunt VVit be more apt to lye ●r gayning a whetstone , then a sharp : for if it be not , ●●en vsed not M. Morton an apt similitude , nor will I 〈◊〉 drawne to idle contumelious speaches , whatso●●er the prouocations be ; my purpose in this place be●●g ( according to the title of my booke ) that this rec●●ning betweene M. Morton and me , shal be quyet and ●●●er , what exasperation soeuer he giue me to the ●●●trary . To the matter then , I say , that albeit in my ●●●tle Dedicatorie to the Vniuersities , which indeed was ●●itten after the booke of Mitigation was sent away to 〈◊〉 print , I had mistaken the number of places wherin 〈◊〉 clause of Reseruation was in Latin , yet had it 〈◊〉 but an errour of Memorie , and that also sufficient●● excused by that clause by me put in ( to my remem●●●●ce ) and yet more by the other of ( perhaps ) where I 〈◊〉 that it was set downe in English more ( perhaps ) 〈◊〉 40. times : not affirming it absolutely , but by ●●esse . And further I might lay the errour vpon the ●●ribe or Printer , that sett downe 40. for 4. euen as ● . Mortons owne booke ( to witt this his Preamble ) ●y the same negligence of printer or writer hath twise ●n this place ●ourteene for fourtie : and yet do I not ●eeke to take aduantage against him for it , nor do tell him of the whetstone , I hauing more substantiall matters , wherby to whet my penne against his vntruthes , then these trifles , which haue no interest in them to draw a man to forge or lye . And yet to satisfye the Reader more fully euen in these trifles , that M. Morton obiecteth , I must say : 20. That the truth is , that my speach was according to the meaning of M. Mortons assertion , promising that he would allwayes so sett downe the clause of Reseruation in Latin , that the simple Reader should not vnderstand it , no more then simple men could vnderstand Aristotles Philosophy ; in which manner I found it put downe but once indeed , throughout his whole booke , to witt , in the place before mentioned , that is to say , wholy in Latin ; for thus he writeth comming to the said clause of Reseruation : Loquor enim Latine , ne Idiotae ansam sibi accipiant nequiter mentiendi , vt quis teneatur illud detegere , which wordes he Englisheth not , and consequently might be some veile to the ignorant , not to vnderstand him● but in all other places , though he put in often tymes , I knew not this , or that , vt tibi dicam , vt tibi reuelem &c. yet doth he so vtter in English all the rest of the cases proposed , as the simplest man way vnderstand the same ; and consequently I hold them for vttered in English & not in Latin , nor any way to be like therin to the Editiō of Aristotles Philosophy , whervnto for this pretended obscurity & depth , he compareth these his wise Disputes . So as in this his sense , I said truly , that I ●ound him to vtter the matter but once ( to my remembrance ) wholy in Latin , in such sort us the English Reader could not vnderstand him , & aboue 40. tymes ( perhaps ) in English : and this is more then needed in so trifling a cause . Let vs come to the conclusion . 21. The Reckoning of this accompt with M. Mortō must then be , that he hauing contradicted himselfe manifestly in three seuerall pointes of this Paragraph ( as before you haue seene ) and I in none , that he can proue , my Memory hath not beene so bad therin , ●s he would haue men belieue : and if it had byn ; yet ●ere it but errour of Memory , and not of VVill ; and cō●●quently without any malice or fraud , for that there ●as no interest . And so though M. Mortō could proue his errour obiected against me ( as he cannot ; ) yet is ●e farre frō prouing any thing to his purpose of wil●●ll and witting falshood , wherof is our principall ●●ntention , as a●ter shall appeare . And of this follow●●h agayne , that it is but lost time and labour to con●●nd about these trifles , which M. Morton bringeth in 〈◊〉 entertaine his Reader , as though he said somwhat , ●heras , in deed , he doth but fly the chiefe matter to handled , for the small confidence that he hath in 〈◊〉 cause . Now then let vs passe to an other skirmish 〈◊〉 small importance as this . AGAINST THE Learning of P. R. especially in Logicke . §. III. ●HE title of this Paragraph is set downe by M. Morton in these wordes : An argument of P. R. hi● 〈◊〉 of learning in Logicke , wherin he hath prouoked all Vniuersi●● in the world to laugh at him , in the point of Syllogizing . A ●●rnefull accusation as you see , and to frame this ar●●ment against my skill in Logicke , he hath made a ●●pe of aboue 240. leaues in my booke , from the for●er place of his precedent cauill against my Memory : and ●●e very title of the Paragraph it selfe doth shew ●hat he was in choler , when he wrote it , wherby 〈◊〉 hath bene drawne to bring that into iudgment of ●ll Vniuersities of the world ( about a certayn false Sil●ogisme of his ) which I remitted only to the iudgmēt of his owne Vniuersitie of Cambridge , both for the matter , and forme therof , neyther of them being defensible with any colour of truth ; and yet hath he taken the matter in hand with such eagern●sse , as he presumeth to make this generall appeale : I da●e presume to make a generall Appeale ( saith he ) to Cambridge , Oxford , Rhemes , Rome , and to all Vniuersities whether of Protestantes or Romanists , whether Christian or Pagan , yea vnto his owne hi●ling boyes & Sophisters , who P. R. sayth are able to make syllogismes in one moneth ( though the text in the Treatise of Mitigation by himselfe heere alleadged saith not one , but 4. moneths ) I do chalenge ( sayth he ) P. R. for his false syllogisme , willing , if he dare , that heerupon we venture our degrees , which we haue taken in the Schooles &c. Do you see the mans eagernes & choler ? But heere I do intreat him , if euer els where , that he stay himselfe , & that we make a quiet & sober reckoning of this matter , and then we shall see , who is like to lee●e or gayne by the accompt , and where the spirit of truth is foūd , which is , or ought to be the principall end of this Inquiry , and not vaunting & challenging . 23. First then that the matter may be vnderstood wherupon the controuersie grew concerning M. Mortons false argument & syllogisme ( which himselfe concealeth for the most part in latin , much lesse of my speach , then was necessarie fo● explication therof ) the Reader must know , that he taking vpon him to impugne all vse of Equiuocation both in speach & oath , setteth downe these two propositions , as the foundatiōs of his worke : the first , That euery equiuocation by a mentall reseruation is not a hidden truth , but a grosse lye . The second , That euery Equiuocation , whether mentall or verball , if it be vsed in an oath ( to any person whatsoeuer ) though it be no lye in it selfe , yet is it an abhominable profanation of that sacred institution of God. Of which two propositions the first is refuted largely by me throughout eyght Paragraphes together in my Treatise of Equiuocatiō , & this as well by euident testimonies of Scriptures as also practice of Saintes , and other manife●t proofes & reasons . The second is discus●ed in the 9. & other ensu●●g Paragraphes by like authorityes , examples , and arguments . After all which P. R. commeth to examine M. Mortons arguments which he vsed for confirmation of his said later proposition , which was ●ound to cōsist in this false principle , That euery man to whome we sweare by God , who is competent Iudge of all , is made also therby competent Iudge ouer the swearer , in such sort , as the said sw●ar●r is bound in conscience to sweare according to the intention of him , to whome the Oath is made , he being otherwise neuer so incompetent a ●udge , vio●ent or vnlawfull examiner : which being proued to ●e an apparant false conclusion ( for that otherwise e●ery thiefe that forceth a true man to sweare , by God , where his money lyeth , byndeth him also to sweare sincerely & directly to the sayd thiefes intention ) P.R. taketh in hand to examine M. Mortons first & principall argument touching the same . His Wordes are these , which I shall set downe as before by way of charge , and after we shall see the discharge , and so peaceably make vp the Reckoning , in the most frendly manner wee may . The Charge giuen by P. R. against M. Mortons Syllogisme . 24. The absurdity and folly of this second proposition ( say I ) appearing so manifestly in itselfe , as it doth ( by our precedent proofes ) what should we stād to examin the argumēts & reasōs that may be brought for it , by so fond a disputer , as now Thomas Morton is proued to be ? For so much as no reason can s●rue for vphoulding a paradox so ridiculous as this is , euē to common sense . And yet for that he putteth downe foure arguments , or reasons for the same as before hath byn said : let vs see breifly what they are . 25. His first argumēt for this cōclusion is drawne from the forme of an oath , set downe by vs before , and heere againe alledged by him out of Tolet and other Authors of ours ( for of his owne he seemeth to haue none , ) That an oath is a religious inuocation of God , eyther expresly , or by implication , ●or witnes of our speach , and the wordes explicitè or implicitè , expresly or by implicatiō , are added , for that whē we swear by creatures we sweare by them in respect of the truth of God that is in them , and so by God him selfe implicitè . 26. Now then out of this principle T. M. taketh vpon him to proue this proposition ; That whensoeuer , or to whomsoeuer we sweare , we are bound in conscience to answere directly , that is to say , to sweare to his intention , to whome we sweare : which we haue proued before by generall consent of Deuines and lawyers to be false , and Cicero him selfe hath so determined the case in like māner , as you haue heard , whē a man should be cōpelled to sweare to thieues : but yet let vs heare how T. Morton will proue this his new and strange Deuinitie . His Syllogisme is this in his owne wordes . The competency of God ( sayth he ) by whome we sweare , maketh euery one competent Iudges , and heares to whome we sweare . But by swearing by God whome we cannot deceaue , we religiously protest that in sweariug we intend not to deceaue . Ergo , Our deceiptfull Equiuocating is a prophanation of the religious worship of God. 27. This syllogisme I leaue to be discussed by Cābridge Logitians , where I heare say the man learned his logicke ( if he haue any ) for heere he sheweth very little or none at all , no boy being among vs of foure moneths standing in Logicke or Sophistry , which will not hisse at this argument , both for forme and matter . For as for forme , it is toto ridiculous , the syl●ogisme hauing no medium terminum at all , nor the ●onclusiō any coherēce with the premisses , nor with ●is chiefest purpose that he would proue : nay which 〈◊〉 most absurd , wheras according to Aristotle ( whome 〈◊〉 yow haue heard T. M. tearmeth the Oracle of Logi●●●ns ) a good Syllogisme hath only three terminos , ●herof the one is called Maior extremus , the other Mi●●● extremus , and the third Medius terminus , this syllo●●●me of his hath six terminos , and wheras the Medius ●●●●inus should be repeated in the Maior & Minor pro●●●●tions , & the conclusion should consist only of 〈◊〉 extremes , as if a man should say : Euery man is a liuing Creature : Peter is a man ; Ergo , Peter is a liuing Creature . ●eere the word , man , is medius terminus , & so repea●ed in the Maior and minor propositions ; Peter , & liuyng ●●eature are the two extremes , whereof is framed the third proposition or conclusion by connexion of the ●●id extremes , by vertue of the medius terminus that ●ath part in them both . ●8 . But now Thomas Mortons syllogisme hath no such ●edius terminus , nor any such connexion of his pro●ositions togeather , but euery one of them hath his extremes , to witt , his subiectū & praedicatum separatly , ●ot one depending of the other , and consequently it ●s no syllogysme or argument at all , concluding any thing in forme , no more then this syllogisme . Euery man is aliuing Creature : Euery oxe is a four-●ooted beast ; Ergo , Euery Asse hath t●o long eares . 29. Where yow see that there be six termini , as in Th● . Mortons syllogisme , without connexion , or dependāce one o● the o●her . And as much concludeth this as that . A●d now compare this his skill ( I pray yow ) with that brag of his in the beginning of this his Treatise against Equiuocation , when he said to his aduersary : Dare yow appeale to Logicke ? This is the art of arte● and the high tribunall of reason and truth it selfe , which no man in any matter , whether it be case o● humanity , or Deuinity , can iustly refuse : who would not thinke but that the man were very skilfull in that art , wherin he presumeth to giue such a Censure ? 30. But now let vs helpe him out to make his foresaid Syllogisme in forme . It should haue gone thus , if he would haue sayd any thing in true forme . The cōpetency o● God by whome we sweare maketh euery one competent Iudges to whom we sweare : But in euery oath we sweare by God , either expresly or implicatiuely : Ergo , in euery oath they are competent Iudges to whom we sweare . 31. And then by an other inference againe he might haue argued , that vnto euery competent and law●ull Iudge we haue confessed before , that a man is bound to answere directly , and to sweare to his intention , and not only to his owne , Ergo , in no oath to whomso●uer , may a man Equiuocate , which is his principall proposition . And thus had his forme of reaso●ing byn good , according to the rules of Logicke , ●hough in matter it had byn false , as now al●● it is . For that his first Maior proposition can ne●●er be proued , to wit , That the competency of God by ●hom we sweare maketh euery one competent Iudges ●o whom 〈◊〉 sweare , that is to say , for so much as God by who 〈◊〉 sweare is competent Iudge of all , this maketh ●●ery one to whome we sweare by God , to be our ●●mpetēt and lawfull Iudge , which is most absurd , ●●en in common sense . For that a man may sweare ●or example ) to a thiefe or murderer by God , for ●●uing of his life , as also to a common queane , yea 〈◊〉 to the dyuell himselfe , and yet t●is m●keth 〈◊〉 the murderer , the quean● , or the diuell to be 〈◊〉 competent & lawfull Iudge , or giueth thē law●●● iurisdictiō , so as the swearer is bound to answere ●●rectly to whatsoeuer they demand , or to sweare to ●●eir intention , if he should be compelled by them . ●nd the like in other such examples , wherof euery ●●an may frame infinite store vnto himself , at his ●leasure : & the reason of this is , for that albeit in euery oath God be lawfull and supreame Iudge , to discerne whether I haue a true meaning of mine oath in my mynd : yet this doth not make the other to whome I sweare my lawfull Iudge , except otherwise he hath iurisdictio● ouer me , for that this absurdity , among infinite others would follow , that if a King should sweare to his kitchin-boy by God , he should therby make his sayd kitchin-boy his lawfull and competent Iudge , and to haue Iurisdiction ouer him , both to examine and co●maund him , and bynd him in conscience vnder sinne to answere him directly ; which how great a folly and ab●urdity it is ●ch man that hath reason , will easily of himselfe consider . Wherfore hauing shewed this , let vs now heare , and contemplate ( if your p●ease ) how Tho. Morton himselfe will prooue his sayd maior proposition ; for it is like he will do it substantially , it being the foundation of all his whole drift . The maior ( saith he ) &c. The Reckoning vpon the Premisses 32. This is now the charge , that P. R. maketh vpon T. M. to proue his verie first and principall argument ( out of the cōpetencie of almighty God ) wheron all the rest is grounded , to be faultie and ruinous both in forme and matter . In forme , for that it is no lawfull syllogisme in Logicall moode or figure : In matter , for that the first or maior proposition is manifestly false . And how doth M. Morton now in this his Preambling Reply , endeauour to satisfie these two charges ? Truly vnto the last , about the vntruth of his maior proposition he saith neuer a word , which yet it seemeth he ought to ha●e done being the maine foundation of his impugning vse of all Amphibologie and Equiuocation : but to the first he maketh an extraordinarie clamour , as partly you haue heard , appealing & prouoking to all the Vniuersities and Schooles , as well of Christendome , as of Heathen countries , and impawing therin not onelie his reputation and credit , but degree of learning and schooles also , and to be degraded , yf he make not his partie good . And yet he that shall examine what he bringeth , shall find that in substance of truth he sayth nothing in effect for his owne defe●ce , but rather lesse then nothing : for that he intangleth himself further with affirming other such things , as he cannot stand vnto , they being euidētly false● and meere shiftes . As for example , he being pressed about his foresayd syllogisme , answereth thus : 33. P. R. calleth that a Syllogisme ( sayth he ) which ● named only in a more generall tearme , a Reason , & ●ot a syllogisme : now there be many formes of rea●onings , besides syllogismes : neyther did I indeed ●●tend to make an exact and formall syllogisme ●ut only such an argument , which by due inference ●nd deduction might prooue my conclusion good . ●o he . And is not this a strange euasion in him , that ●rofesseth such skill in Logike , yea to haue bene a ●ublike reader of Logike ? For that the art of Logike 〈◊〉 my knowledge , admitteth but foure kindes of ●easoning , to witt , Inductions●nd ●nd Examples : but this of M. Morton can be none of the ●ater three sortes , as himself ( I suppose ) will con●es●e , ergo , it must be the first , which is a syllogisme , ●nd consequently it is a meere shift to say heere , whē 〈◊〉 is taken trippe , that he called it not a syllogisme , ●ut a reason . ●4 . Secondly let vs heare ( I pray you ) his owne ●ords in his booke of ●ull Satisfaction where he brin●eth forth this argument : Our first argument ( sayth ●e ) is taken from the ●orme of an Oath , which is defined to be ● religious inuoca●ion ( whether it be expressely or implicatiuely ) 〈◊〉 God , as witnesse of our speach &c. Hence may we reasō●hus : The competencie of God , by whome we sweare , maketh ●uerie one competent iudge , to whome we sweare : But by swearing by God , whome we cannot deceyue , we religiously protest , that in swearing we intend not to deceyue : ergo , our deceiptfull Equiuocating is a prophanation of the religious wor●hip of God. The Maior is true : for that our Sauiour auouching truth , held Pilate as a competent iudge &c. 35. Heere now is euidently prooued , that which you ( M. Morton ) should haue bene ashamed to deny that you meant to make a syllogisme . For first you ●intitle it . An argument taken from the forme of an Oath ; thē you say , hence may we reasō thus , which is as much as ratiocinari in latin , that is , to r●ason , and is a word p●oper to schoole disputes , when they will argue in forme . Thirdly you set downe three distinct propositions in forme of an argument with ergo in the last , which is the forme of a syllogisme : and fourthly you con●esse , that the first of them wa● the maior , which inferreth allwayes a minor , & they both include a conclusion , and so doe make vp the perfect nature of a syllogisme . How then bl●sh you not to deny this ? And thus being beaten from one defence , you runne to another , saying , that P. R. con●esseth of your argument , that by a do●ble in●erence the rea●oning is made good : wh●r●ore ( say you● I cannot see what cause he had to be more o●●ended with me 〈◊〉 deliuering that in grosse , which being deuided into his pa●●● was good reason , no● more then a man may mislike two per●● because it is not a couple of single pen●e . 36. And is not this a p●easāt iest to escape by ? But it will not serue : for P. R. conf●sseth not of this your argument ( in the forme you frame it ) that by ● double inference it might be made good , but as he re●ormed the same . For that this of yours being neither in Logicall moode or figure , nor hauing coherence with 〈◊〉 sel●e , nor medium terminum , but rather six terminos in place of three , as hath bene said , it cannot by any double , triple , or quadruple inference euer be made good , except we change the forme and frame therof . Neither did I euer say that it could be made good more then the other absurd syllogisme set downe for example of like absurdity , to witt , Euerie man is a liuing creature , Euerie oxe is a ●ourefooted beast , ergo , Euerie asse hath two lōg eares : which in euerie poynt is like vnto the other : and yf not , why had not you , Syr , for your credit sake at least shewed some one reall difference or disparitie in the formes betweene yours and that , which indeed you could not doe , for that they are like , and ech one had three distinct propositions and euery proposition a distinct subi●ctum and predicatum without medius terminus , and consequently consisteth of six seuerall termini : for which cause I neuer said , nor could say , that this your syllogisme could be made good without the whole forme thereof were changed , and consequently this is now an absurd shi●t in you , to runne to my confession , which I neuer made . 37. My speach of another inf●rence was nothing to this purpose at all , as the Reader will see , yf he consider my wordes . For I spake of an inference that might be further made vpon your argument reformed by me , but not as it came from you : and this I spake also of the consequence of matter , and of the truth of the proposition in controuersie , but not of the forme , which being naught could neuer be made good by any inference , and therefore it is verie absurd that you say , that I am offended with you , for deliuering the matter in grosse , which deuided into his partes , was good reasoning ; for that neither in grosse , nor in partes can the argument be defended . And the similitude of two pence and two single pence , is not worth a half-penny for sauing of your credit in this behalfe , as the Reader will easily perceaue . 38. VVell then , hauing thus cleered the Reckoning about this principall point , that you cannot anie way defend the forme of your syllogisme , either by denyall , or by vnderpropping the same , with anie kind of shiftes , you bend your self wholie to finde some faultes in the reformation therof by me , as though it were a full iustification of you , if you could find out any ouersight in me , and therfore you note many poyntes of small , or no importance at all ; and the most of them meere cauills or against your se●fe , as now will appeare . For first I meaning to put in some order and forme your said syllogisme ( which your self heere dare not so much as take vpon you to defend ) rather then to make any new of myne owne , I reteyned your whole Maior proposition , which is this as before hath bene set downe : The competency of God by whom wee sweare , maketh euery one competent Iudges to whom wee sweare ; which proposition I do shew at large to be false in matter and substance , as in part yow haue heard : yet do I retayne it ( as I sayd ) wholy for the Maior proposition as it came from you , and in this Maior did I necessarily vnderstand the wordes ( expresly or implicatiuely ) for that your selfe had set them downe expresly in the same place , within 3. lynes before , out of the definition of an Oath ; so as the full meaning of this Maior proposition is , that the Competency of God by whome ( eyther expresly or implicatiuely ) we sweare , maketh euery one competent Iudges to whom we sweare . And then secondly for that your two other propositions of the same argument , to wit , the Minor & Conclusiō , had no coherence at all with this Maior , and consequently could inferre nothing therupon , as I did shew in my answere ; I was forced to change them wholy for bringing the argument to true forme of syllogisme , saying in the Minor thus : But in euery Oath we sweare by God , eyther expresly or implicatiuely ; ergo , in euery Oath they are competent Iudges to whom we sweare . 39. But against this reformation of myne you are so impatient , as maketh me take new compassion of you indeed : For it seemeth you care not much to wound your selfe , so it might be thought that therwith yow scratched also me . But let vs heare what you do obiect . First ( say yow ) th●re be fiue termini in this new syllogisme of P. R. namely , 1. Competencie , 2. God by whom we sweare , 3. euery one competèt Iudges to whome we ●weare , 4. in euery Oath , 5. eyther expresly or impli●atiuely , wheras according to his owne cē●ure ther● should be ●ut three . Wherto I answere with remēbrāce of that story of the enuious man , who being offered by a Iudge to haue double punishmēt decreed against his aduersary , for any that he would take vpō himselfe , chose to haue one of his owne eyes pulled out , so as his aduersary might leese both of his , which how far it may be applyed to this fact of M. Mort. the disapassionate Reader will discern . For heere to find out fiue terminos of this syllogisme ( which hath in deed but three ) he will needs assigne three in the only Maior proposition , which is verbatim his owne , and nothing changed by me , but set downe as I found it in him ; so as if this his maior proposition haue thr●e terminos , as heere he auoucheth , then did he with all his skill in Logicke , yea hauing byn a publicke Reader and Maister therof , make a Maior with three terminos , and a proposition with more then one subiectum , and one praedicatum , which is the grossest ouersight in Logicke that can be ymagined ; nor any meane scholler of foure moneths study in Sophistry indeed would commit the same , Aristotle hauing assigned , that one proposition can haue but two termini , which are subiectum and Praedicatum , in quos terminos ( tamquam extrema quibus clauditur ) propositio resoluitur , sayth he : & this is taught vnto Logicians , euen at their first entrance into that stuly . 40. So as to seeme to haue noted me of somewhat he is content to accuse himself of a grosse errour in deed , yea and that falsly also against himself : for that his maior proposition had not indeed , nor hath three termini , but only tvvo , as it should haue : to witt , one subiectā that goeth before the verbe or copula , and one praedicatum that followeth the same : for that the first part of his said maior , the Competency ●f God by whome wee sweare , maketh not two termini but one , as the other later part following the verbe or copula , to witt ( maketh ) euery one competent Iudges to whome wee sweare , is but one praedicatum . And M. Morton is grosly deceaued in appoynting out di●ferent wordes , for different termini : for if there were a dozen wordes or more going before the verbe , & as many following tending all to one affirmation or negation , they should all according to prescript of Logick be but two only termini . As for example , If I should say , Euery man in that he is indued with a soule , that is a spirit , adorned with reason , prouidence , freewill , and such other qualityes may be compared to an Angell &c. All these wordes going before the verbe make but one terminus , and consequently M. Mortons appointing the word Competency for one terminus , and God by whome we sweare for an other , which stand but for one subiectum in the maior propositiō , & do tend but to one simple af●irmatiō , cōmitteth more then a grosse error in Logick : as also he doth in that other obseruation of his , wherby he noteth the last wordes of the minor proposition ( eyther expresly or implicatiuely ) for a fifth seuerall terminꝰ , wheras in deed they are but a part of the medius terminus which was the subiectum of the former maior proposition , necessarily there vnderstood , and that out of M. Mortons owne wordes , as before is sayd . But yet let vs heare how he goeth forward to reprehend what he seemeth not to vnderstand well himselfe . 41. Secondly ( saith he ) these wordes ( the Competency ) being part of the medium , should haue beene repeated in the minor proposition . Wherto I answere that it is sufficient that they be necessarily , and vertually included , and vnderstood by the hearer , as they are in our minor : for when we inferre thus , but in euery Oath we sweare by God , though we omit to say , who is compe●ent Iudge of all , or , hath competency of iudgement ouer all , as in the Maior is expressed ; yet euery man will vnderstand and supply it by himself , as in the forementioned ●yllogisme , Euery man as he is indued with a soule , ●hat is a spirit , adorned with reason &c. may be compared to An●ells : but Peter is a man , ergo he may be compared to Angells . Is not this a good syllogisme ? And should it not be so taken in publicke disputations , though all the wordes of the former subiectum , or medius terminus were not repeated in the minor , but onely the word , Man , that includeth necessarie relation to all the rest , to wit , as he is indued with a soule & c ? I thinke yes . And so I suppose all Logicians in Cambridge would affirme against M Morton in this behalf . 42. Lastly then this third or finall quarrell against this reformed syllogisme is proposed by him thus : Thirdly ( saith he ) there should be but one minus extremum ; but with this , we sweare by God , he hath ioyned another , to wit , either expressely or implicatiuely , which wordes being a part of the minus extremum should not haue bene omitted in the conclusiō . So he . But M. Morton must be content we tell him heere friendly , that not to speake of skill or learning , he hath shewed at least much lesse attention , then in anie other point before about this matter . For that the words , VVe sweare by God , are not put by me for the minus extremum or subiectum of the minor proposition , but for a part of the praedicatum , & consequently for a part of the medius terminus of the whole syllogism● , as also the wordes expresly or implicatiuely are another part of this medius terminus , and therfore by law of a good syllogisme are well left out in the conclusion , which M. Morton inconsideratly reprehendeth . I will pretermitt heere manie scurill syllogismes which you ( M. Morton ) haue delighted your self to frame out of your owne imagination , about dronken penitentes , shauen crownes , and the like , which are not worthie the repetition : onelie we may not omitt for the vpshot of all , to see how your self do now reforme your former owne syllogisme after better deliberation had , & my admonitiō vnto you cōsidered . For finally you frame it thus : Euerie speach wherin we sweare by God , either expressely or implicatiuely , doth by the competencie of God , by whome we sweare , make the iudges competent , vnto whome we sweare : But euerie Oath is a speach , wherein we sweare by God , either expressely or implicatiuely : Ergo , euerie Oath doth by the competencie of God by whome we sweare , make the iudges competent to whome we sweare . 43. This is the last , & most absolute forme , whereunto M. Morton hath reduced finally his former argument : which yf you examine well , you shall find it to be the verie same in effect with mine . And first I would haue the Reader to note , that of the 3. propositions , which he sett downe in his former old syllogisme , he heere casteth away two , without so much as mentioning them , to witt , the minor and conclusion , which had in them , as before hath bene shewed , foure distinct terminos , that is , two subiecta & two praedicata , without anie combination or coherence the one with the other , whereof they being conuicted , M. Morton thinketh best now not onely not to defend them , but not so much , as to mentiō them in this his new and last reformed syllogisme , consenting thereby manifestly to their former reiection , and condemnation made thereof by me . And then secondly for his first or maior proposition , which I for his sake reteyned wholy in my reformation , as I found it set downe by him , he hath so altered the same here in this his last refining , and so charged it with so many new additiōs of wordes and clauses , as yf his owne new rule may take place , that euerie distinct clause must be held for a distinct terminus , ●t will not onely haue two , but 4. or 5. termim at least : and so will the Reader find by looking only vpon it . And I vvould prosecute the matter more at large , but I see vve haue spent to much time about these trifles : yet could I do no lesse , for that M. Mort. would needes take the matter with such eagernesse , as you haue heard , and appeale to all Vniuersities both Christian and Heathen , for tryall of the matter , yea impawne his hood , habit , degree and credit therein : by which occasion I haue bene forced to say more then otherwise I would , or thought the matter worthie . 44. The finall Reckoning then of this accompt is found to be this ; that notwithstanding all M. Mort. clamour and outcry in this matter , he hath not bene able to defend his former syllogisme either in matter or forme , but by shamefull denying ( in the later ) that which he cannot stand vnto , nor yet impugne my reformation therof , but by setting downe the verie selfsame in effect and substance , that I did before ; and that the faultes which he deuiseth , doe fal● vpon his owne syllogisme , as you haue heard demonstrated , wherby the Reader will see , in what danger his pawne lieth in the Vniuersity , yf rigour of iustice should be exacted . But yet will he not giue ouer nor cease , but hath another assault against me about a certaine diuision or rather subdiuision of Equiuocatiō made by me ( as he pretendeth ) against the lawes of Logike : which though it be of verie little importāce in respect of our cause ; yet wil we giue it also some place of examination among other his trifles proposed . ANOTHER VAINE CONtention brought in by M. Morton , about skill in Logike . §. IIII. HOVV ardent a desire M. Morton hath to find out some probable matter against me in this point or Logicall skill ( wherin himselfe presumeth much ) may appeare not onely by that you haue now heard him write about the defēce of his syllogisme ( which yet he defēdeth not ) but also by another trifling qua●rell , which within few leaues after the precedent he picketh at a certaine diuision and subdiuision I made in the last Chapter of my booke of Equiuocation , distributing the same first into two sortes , lawfull , and vnlawfull . Lawfull when the speaker hath a true meaning and lyeth not , though he be not alwayes so vnderstood by the hearer ; and that this sort only of Equiuocation is vsed by Catholikes vpō iust occasions : the other is vnlawfull , when the speaker lieth , and meaneth wrōgfully to deceyue his hearer ; and that this second sort is practized euerie where by Protestant wryters in England , by M. Morton , and his fellowes , as I doe shew by manie examples throughout that whole Chapter , which M. Morton leauing wholie vnanswered , taketh vpon him only to impugne the manner or forme of a certaine subdiuision made by me of this secōd kind of false Equiuocation , which there , I say , may be subdiuided againe into other two members of materiall and formall , according to the diuision of a lie in generall , which is so diuided , viz. into material & formall lying though differently in some point . For that albeit ●ome of these sortes of false Equiuocation be eu●l ; yet ●s the latter ( called formall ) much worse , for that ●n the materiall lie , the lyer knoweth not , that he ●ieth , but in the formall , he doth . Thus wrote I then . 46. And vpon this discourse of mine , wherein I prooued manifestly by manie examples taken out of M. Iuell , M. Horne , Ha●mer , Cha●k , Fox , Perkins , Syr Fran●i● Hastings , Syr Edward Cooke , and other Prote●tants in ●heir wrytings , that they did ordinarily vse & practise both these two later sorts of lying and vnlawfull Equiuocation , whilst M. Morton so eagerly impugned the former sort of true and lawfull Equiuocation in Catholikes : Vpon this , I say , though he take not in hand to defend anie one of the accused , nor so much as pretendeth to answer anie of the particuler accusations of lying layd against him , yet foundeth he a great quarrell against me , & my skill in Logick out of this place and matter , no lesse then before , about my reformation of his syllogysme , saying in effect , that by my diuision and subdiuision of Equiuocation , I do come to saie , That he who lyeth , knowing that he doth lye , doth lye , not knowing that he doth lye . And for the ground of his Charge he doth set downe a piece of my discourse , in these words , after my first diuision of Equiuocation into lawfull and vnlawfull . The Charge giuen by M. Morton out of my booke of Mitigation . 47. Wherfore ( said I ) all our speach in this place shal be about the second kind of Equiuocatiō , which is false & lying , & therby also euer vnlaw●ull : which though not properly , yet in a general māner , may be called Equiuocation , as I haue said , for that the hearer is allwayes wrongfullie deceaued , or intended to be deceaued by some falsitie , which is knowne to be such by the speaker , and consequently is plaine lying . And for that lying hath byn shewed also be●ore to be diuided into two sorts , the one a materiall lye , whē the thing spoken is false in it self , but not so vnderstood by the speaker ; the other a formall lye when the speaker doth know it , or thinke it to be false , and yet speaketh it . This kind of Equiuocation , which reallie is a lye , must haue also the same subdiuision , so as the one sort thereof may be called a mat●riall lying Equiuocation , & the other formall , and so much worse , as a formall lye is in it self ( which all wayes is sinne ) then a materiall ( which oftentimes may be without sinne of the speaker ) by so much is a formall lying Equiuocation worse then a materiall . Wee shall giue examples of both , that shall make all playne . 48. Thus farre it pleased M. Mort. to cite my words , excepting only the last , mentioning the examples to make all playne , which he thought best to suppresse , for that perhapps he desired not to much playnesse in this matter . Wherefore I haue thought good to supplie them here , to the end that the Reader may see the whole tenor of my speach , & therby conceaue how litle to the purpose this Cauill is , which M. Morton hath sought out to handle in this place . It followeth then in my booke . 49. If one should said to me ( quoth I ) that my Father is dead , thinking in deed that he is dead , though he be aliue , it were a materiall lye , as before hath byn declared , for that indeed , though he perhaps that made the lye may haue sayd it with out sinne , for that he thought it so : and I say ( perhappes ) for that in some case , ignorance could not excuse him , if it were a matter wherof he were boūd to know the truth , and might with diligence haue ●earned the same . But if he should saie my Father is dead knowing in deed that he is not dead , and meaning to deceaue me thereby , this is a formall lye , and alwayes sinnefull , either veniall or mortall , according to the importāce of the matter , wherin the lye is made . And conforme to this may be the diuision also ( as is said ) of lying Equiuocation , that the one be materiall , the other formall . 50. Examples of the first may be these , & other like . An Arian deliuereth to the people those wordes of Christ , Pater mens maior me est , my Father is greater then I , vnderstanding it heretically according to their meaning of the very God head ; this is an Equiuocation , and in his sense is false , and consequentlie a lye , for that the hearer is deceaued : and yet because the speaker perhappes thinketh it to be true , the lye is but materiall in the Arian , and not formall , & in that respect lesse synne then if it were formall : but yet is it dannable by another way , for that this error , ( as hath byn said ) being willfullie defended against the Church , is not excusable . 51. The other sort of false Equiuocation called formall● is when the hearer cōceaueth any false thing vpon the speach of another , which other knoweth it also to be false and so vttereth a lye against his owne knowledge , and conscience . As for example : If a preacher in England who indeed is no Protestant in harte , should preach Protestant doctrine that is false , and himself should thinke it also to be false ( as diuers perhaps do , ) this were to Equiuocate both falsely , and formallie , which is the worst kind of lying Equiuocation that may be : and this is that , which I saie , that Thomas Mort. and his fellowes , who inueigh bitterlie euerywhere , against true and lawfull Equiuocation , doe vse almost at ●uery turne . 52. As for example , when he saith , No one iota of Scripture , ●o one example in all antiquitie , no one reason in the na●urall wi● o● man , no one author Greeke or Latin , no one Father , not any Pope , Christian or Antichristian , doth make ●or equiuocation as we de●end it , or any colour thereof , ney●her did ●hey so much as fancy any such thing : Here is ●irst seene anotorious vntruth of the assertion itselfe , & consequently it is a materiall lye , and materiall Equiuocation , for that the matter deliuered is vntrue : and secondlie it is most probable that Tho. Morton must needes knowe it to be a lie , hauing seene so many authors and reasons alleadged for it by the Catholike Treatise , which he pretēdeth to confute : wherof it followeth , that it was a formal lye also , & a formall lying equiuocation in the highest degree of deceipt and falshood . 53. Hitherto did I write before , and my purpose was , as here is , euident to distinguish only two kindes of lying Equiuocation , the one most grieuous , which I call formall , the other lesse heynous , tearmed by me materiall , and both of them vsuallie practised by Protestants in their wrytings . And for so much as both of them are false , & in substance ly●s ( though in different sort , ) I said that they might haue the same diuision into materiall and fo●mall , which a lie hath , albeit it be not neces●arie that the members diuident be like in all and ●uery poynt , as now we shall declare after we haue considered of M. Mortons obiection , which is this in his owne words . 54. There is noe boy I thinke ( saith hee ) in his Colledge , but he can analyze the members of this d●uision thus : A lying Equ●uocation is that which is knowne to be such vnto the speaker , and this is to be subdiuided , for it is either a material l●e , which when the thing spoken is a lye in it s●lfe , but not soe vnderstood of the speaker : or a ●ormal lie , when the speaker doth kno●e it , and thinke it to be false , where he maketh a materiall lye , which not knowne of the speaker to be a ●p●cies or mēber of that lying Equiuocation , which is kno●ne ●o the speaker : As if he shou●● s●ie , Some her knoweth what ●e speaketh , wh●n ●e knoweth not what he speaketh . And could any say thus ●ut a ly●r ? Heere inded is Logicke , wherat the boyes of our Vniuersity may hisse , and the boyes of his Colledge may blush , yea any ●u●all boy ( if of any meane capacity ) may laugh ●y sight of the like . So he . And doe you se how he ●nsulteth ouer me , as though hee had gotten a great ●duantage , and how hee taketh heere his reuenge vpon me , for the shipwracke hee suffered before , ●n the matter of his syllogysme ? But let vs examine the thing somewhat more particulerly , and you shall find him to haue no better successe heere , then there , though his animosity in both places bee great and confident , as you see . The R●ckoning about the subdiuision of false Equiuo●ation . 55. First then where I doe say ( as you haue heard ) that this second kind of vnlawfu●l Equiuocation vsed by Protestants ( being alwaies a lye ) may bee diuided , like a lye it selfe , into a materiall lying Equiuocation and a formall , M. Morton omitting craftely the word Equi●ocation in the members diuident , diuideth the same into a materiall and formal lye , as though there were no difference at all betweene thē , & therof frameth this inference , that for so much as a materiall lye is when the lyer knoweth not that hee lyeth , as the formal lyer doth , it followeth that a materiall Equiuocator knoweth not when hee doth equiuocate : & yet , sayth hee , haue I defined this second kind of Equiuocation common to both membres , that it is then when the speaker knoweth that he doth falsly equiuocate , which definition must agree to both . 56. This then is a deceipt in M. Morton , that should haue diuided false Equiuocation into formall and materiall Equiuocation , and not into formall and materiall lying , for that albeit betwene materiall lying and materiall equiuocating ( for example sake ) there be some pointes , wherin they agree ( as namely and principally that in the substance of the matter vttered , the speaker thinketh that hee sayth a truth : ) yet are there some other points also wherin they differ , as namely in that a materiall lye or vntruth may be vttered sometymes without sinne or offence , as by the examples before alledged hath beene made euident . But a false equiuocation cannot , for that albeit the chief point , which this fa●se Equiuocator vttered , be thought by him to be truth ( as the Arrian before mentioned thinketh his heresy to be Catholi●ke and true doctrine : ) yet doth he equiuocate in concealing some circumstance , as not telling his hearer , that it is against the doctrine of that Church , which is commonly called Catholicke , or the like . 57. Another example may be , if a stranger not knowing our differences of Religion in England , should demand a Protestant which he meteth in the street , where he may go to the Catholicke seruice , & he should send him to S. Paules in London , for that he persuadeth himself that to be the true Catholicke seruice ; here the Protestant , if he do erre in his iudgment and if that be not the true Catholick seruice indeed , speaketh a falsity , but yet is it but a material falsity , for that he thinketh that he saith truth : but yet further doth he falsly also equiuocate in one thing , which is in not answering to the others true intention , for that he knew that the other meant the Roman Catholicke seruice . And so you see that materiall false equiuocation , hath somewhat more ●n it of malice then a material● lye , for that it doth wittingly alwayes conceale some circumstance , which ought to haue bene vttered , and wherby it may be said to haue some knowledge or guilt of de●eipt , which a meere materiall lye hath not . ●8 . Now then I would aske M. Morton whether he ●ad considered this or no , when he doth so reuell ●gains● me with his rurall boy ? For if he had not , he ●ay consider it now , with some reprehension of ●is owne inconsideration ; but if he had done it , why did he equi●ocate so fraudulētly with me , as to ●ake me to diuide false Equiuocatiō into formall and ●at●riall lying ? Wheras he should haue said into for●all and materiall Equiuocation , and so out of this fraud ●f his owne , to go about to inferre some shew of ab●urdity against me . Is this good dealing ? or is not ●his equiuocating in the worst sense ? ●9 . But it may be he will obiect my wordes against me , where I say , that this kind of Equiuocation 〈◊〉 which really is a lye ) must haue also the same subdiuision which 〈◊〉 lye hath : wherto I answere , that it must haue the ●ame subdiuision into the tearmes o● materiall and ●ormall , for that it is really and in substance a lye ; but yet not that the partes or members diuident must of necessity be altogether the same in the one and the other , in such sort , as a materiall false Equiuocation may containe nothing more then a materiall lye ; for which cause my wordes immediatly following are these , so as the one sort therof may be called materiall lying Equiuocation , and the other formall : I do not say a materiall and formall lye , for that ( as hath bene shewed ) a mate●iall equiuocation contayneth somewhat more malice then a bar● materiall lye , for that it contayneth the knowledge and concealing of some circumstance that ought to be vttered , which the other doth not . 60. But heere againe may be perhaps obiected , that this material equiuocatiō , if it hath any knowledge or malitious concealement ( as heere seem●th to be graunted ; ) then is it the same with that which we call forma●l equiuocation , and so consequently both members should be coincident & cōfounded ; and if it haue knowledge onely , and no malice , then is it no lye but lawfull Equiuocation● as he that saith to an incompetēt iudge , I am no Pre●st ( meaning , as obliged to reueale it to you ) knoweth that the iudge is deceaued , but yet without malice or sinne of his part , for that hee doth not any wrōge to the said iudge , as not holding himself bound to vtter the same to him . 61. To these two obiections is answered , first , that materiall equiuocatiō is when the speaker thinketh that which hee saith to be true , as the fornamed Arian doth , though he conceale some circumstance that he ought to vtter , which maketh it vnlawfull though nothing so grieuous as the formall equiuocatiō is , where the Equiuocator knoweth that the whole matter is false , which is sufficiēt distinctiō to make two seuerall members or degrees of false equiuocation in generall , & herby is my diuisiō iustified● 62. To the second I say , that a materiall false Equiuocation can neuer be lawfull , for that in charity the speaker is bound not to conceale the circūstāce wherby his hearer is wrongfully & iniuriously deceaued : as when the stranger demaunding , whither he may go to heare Catholicke seruice , and a Protestant directing him to S. Paules Church , though the Equiuocation be but materiall in him , in that he thinketh the seruice of Paules to be Catholicke seruice , yet knowing the other meaneth indeed the Roman Catholicke seruice , he was bound in charity to haue answered him truly to his sense and meaning . Nor 〈◊〉 the case of an incompetent Iudge , or other iniurious ●emaunder , whom we may lawfully suffer to be de●●yued , like in this poynt , for that the Iudge of●●reth iniury , and the other demandeth matters not ●●pedient to be vttered : but heere the demaund is ●●wfull & honest to informe himselfe of Catholicke ●●uice , and consequently the Protestant answerer ●●ould haue answered to his meaning & intention . ●● . And thus much haue I byn forced to wryte ●●hough in an impertinent matter ) for satisfying M. ●●rton and his Rurall boy about the diuision of false ●●lying Equiuocatiō , & whether it may be deuided into ●●teriall & formall , or no : the more importāt enterprise 〈◊〉 byn to proue , that he & his do not vse both ●●ndes , rather thē to impugne the forme of the di●●siō . But this we shall expect of him afterwardes ; for ●●ese are but certayne light skirmishes set out before 〈◊〉 mayne battaile , wherof there remayne yet some ●●ree or foure more to be hādled in this Chapter . ●HE CONFVTATION OF what M. Morton obiecteth against the skill of P. R. in Greeke and Hebrew . §. V. THIS Paragraph is set downe by M. Morton vnder this tytle , An argument of P. R. his kind of skill 〈◊〉 Greeke and Hebrew , wherby he hath gayned the opiniō of rare ●●norance . So he . And heerby styll it is seene that the good man was much troubled , and out of temper when he wrote these Paragraphes , and so fell to playne scratching in deed : for I disputed neyther of Greeke , Hebrew , nor Latin with him , but only alleadged the common latin text of a verse in the Prophet Esay ( which he had impertinently cyted for his purpose , and posie of his booke ) and I said that the Greeke and Hebrew texts were conforme to the said Latin text by me alleaged , & fondly applied by him , which thing I might easely do without ostentation of great skill in Greeke or Hebrew ; for so much as the late great Byble set forth in sundry languages hath euery thing translated into the latin tōgue , so as without any great knowledge of Greeke , Hebrew , Chaldy , or Syriake tōgues set there downe a man may by only the Latin tōgue , see what those other te●tes do contayne , so as this try●ling assault might haue byn pretermitted by M. Morton : but yet for that he will needes haue the matter treated heere agayne , and alleadgeth the Charge made against him out of my booke , I shall repeate also the same in this place briefly , which conteyneth only but a note made by me in the end of a Chapter , in these wordes . The Charge . 66. I cannot well pretermit ( for ending this Chapter ) one little note more of rare singularity in this man aboue others , which I scarce euer haue obserued in any one of his fellowes , and this is , that the very first wordes of Scripture alleadged by him in the first page for the posy of his Pamphlet , are falsely alleadged , corrupted , & māgled , though they cōtayne but one only verse of Esay the Prophet : and then may you imagine , what liberty he will take to himselfe afterward throughout his whole discourse . His sentence or Posy is this : Isay 29. vers . 9. But stay your selues , and wonder , they are blind , and make yow blynd , which he would haue to be vnderstood of vs Catholiks . But let any man read the place of Isay it selfe , and he shall fynd no such matter eyther in ●ordes , or sense , but only the word wonder , to wit , ●bstupescite et admiramini , fluctuate et vacillate , inebriamini , & non à vino , mouemini & non ab ebrietate . And accor●ing to this are the Greeke & Hebrew textes also . ●o as what shoud moue T. M. to set downe so cor●uptly the very first sentence of his booke , and cite ●he chapter and verse wherin his fraud may be des●ryed , I know not , except he obserued not the last ●ause of the Prophets precept , Mouemini et non ab ●●rietate . And so much for this . ●7 . To this M. Morton answereth , saying , that this 〈◊〉 more then any man of a temperate sense would ●aue obiected . For let any man read ( ●aith he ) the English translation , and he shall find the same ●ords sett downe . Seing therfore that P. R. doth ●ntimate to his Reader that I forged a new text , and ●hat the words are by me falsly alledged , can there ●e a more false , yea ( and if wilfull rashnes do not ●ake the vpper hand of impudent boldnes ) a more ●hameles cauill then this ? So he . Where you see ●hat all goeth in choler , exaggerations , and pa●heticall speaches with M. Morton . For I do not say , ●hat he hath forged a text , but that the sentence of his posy against Catholickes pretended to be taken out of this place , to wit , out of the 29. Chapter , and ninth verse of Isay , is falsely alledged , corrupted , and mangled , the same not being found there , eyther in wordes , or sense . And vpon this let vs ioyne issue , and make the recknoing if you please , and see how he can iustifie his allegation of this text to the sense he alledgeth itaga inst Catholicke Doctors . The Reckoning of this Paragraph . 68. He first for his defence alleadgeth the English translation , to wit , that the Protestants English Bibles ( at least some of them ) haue it so ; but this is as good as nothing to me . For neither did I see , o● looke for their English trāslation ( hauing before me all the other originall texts out of which that English must be taken , if it be true : ) nor if I had , could it be of any great credit in this controuersie with me , who had read and se●ne the same Engli●h translation called in question , and accused of many wilfull corruptions by their owne Doctors , as namely by M. D. Broughton their chiefe Linguist in his Aduertismēts to the Bishops about such corruptions found , and obserued by him in the moderne English translation of the Scriptures , and M. Mort●● can not deny it ; and consequently it had byn impertinent eyther for me or others to seeke after that translation , for so much as the Authours thero● might as well be supposed to haue framed what ●ense they list out of this text of Esay by the same libertie that M. Morton doth . 69. Wherfore for your conuin●ment in this place , I meane to stand vpon the original texts them●elues , and the verse by you alledged , to see whether your poesy against vs may be framed therof . First then the Hebrew hath it thus , as both Pagnin●s , Vatabl●● , & others do set it down● : Be astonished and wonder , shut vp your eyes , & let thē be shut , be you drunke , but not with wine , do you reele but not with sicera . Or otherwise : They haue shouted and cried , are drunke , but not with wyne . And in the ●re●k● Septuagint thus : Do you faint , be astonished , you are drunke , but not with sicera , or wine . Th● Chaldean paraphrase hath it thus : Be astonished & wonder , you are ter●ified , and do maruaile , you are drunke , but not with wine . The old latin translation both of S. Hierome , and before him , speaketh thus : Be astonished and maruaile , wauer yee and reele , you are drunke but not with wyne , you are moued , but not with dronkenesse . 70. These are the ancientest textes both of He●rew , Greeke , Chaldy , and Latin , out of all which 〈◊〉 would pray M. Morton quietly & soberly without passion to forme and frame this his predominant ●entence against Catholicks , Stay your selues , and won●er , they are blind , and make you blynd . Is there any such ●hing in this verse ? He would fayne for shew of ●ome defence help himselfe also of the next verse fo●●owing which is the tenth , and sayth thus , as him●elfe trāslateth it : Because the Lord mingled for you the spirit 〈◊〉 slumber , he will shut your eyes , he will couer your Prophets ●nd chiefe-ones which see visions . But what is this to the ●urpose ? He cyted but the ninth verse , and ney●her in this nor in the tenth that e●sueth as you see , ●s conteyned his sentence , o● staying our selues , to see b●●nd men make other men blynd . And wheras he runneth to S. Hieroms Cōmentaries , and those of Hector Pintus where they apply some words of the later verse to the blindnesse of the Scribes and Pharisies , it is nothing to our purpose ; for they iustifie not his sentence and poesy taken out of the ninth verse , and much lesse do they go about to shew hereby ( as he doth ) that Catholickes are blynd in respect of Protestants , and do make other men blynd , which is his purpose to proue . And it is to be noted , that sentences prefixed for posyes ought to be cleare , & not so forced and wrested as this is , which was the cause that I noted it , and M. Morton can no way iustifie the allegation therof in reall truth and substance , as now you haue heard . Other contumelious speach●s of his I let passe , as meere scratchings and scoldings indeed , and shall take in hand the view of another complaynt against me , noe lesse feeble and impertinent then this . WHAT M. MORTON alleadgeth against the Charitie of P. R. §. VI. THE tytle of this Paragraph in M. Morton is layd forth in these wordes ; An argument of P. R. his kind of charity , attended with a triumphant falshood . And this he saith for that I had reprehended him in my booke of Mitigation for a place cyted out of a treatise of Alexander Carerius Doct. of the Canon law in Padua , which he wrote of late de Potestate Romani Pontificis , wherin after cyting of many other writers , whome he saith to be of his opinion , he addeth the testimony of one Celsus Mancinus , saying : Nuperrim● verò Celsus Mancinus in tractatu de Iuribus Principatuum &c. But last of al Celsus Mancinus doth hold the same opinion with vs in his Treatise of the Rights of Principalityes &c. Which wordes M. Morton alleadging and making his aduantage of them , he was noted by me , for two differences from the booke of Carerius printed in Italie , by direction of the Authour himself : first that after the title de potestate Romani Pontificis was added in M. Mortons booke , aduersus impios politicos et nostri temporis haereticos , which addition was not in my copy of Carerius owne booke . 72. The second , that he had Nuperrimè verè Celsus Mancinus , in steed of nuperrimè verò , which being contrary to the first edition which I had of Carerius his booke , and seing no reason why I should suspect it to be otherwise in any other later impression , I did lay it to his charge , especially for that I did see him abuse it ●gregiously to his aduantage ( as hath byn said ) as though Carerius had ridic●lously exalted his witnesse Mancinus by naming him verè Celsus , truly ●●fty , whereas his meaning was but only to say that ●elsus was his Christian name . And had I not rea●●n to note such a slippery shift deuised by M. Morton 〈◊〉 a scoffe against a Catholike learned Authour ? ●hat lacke of charitie can he find heerin ? ●3 But now M. Morton will cleere him selfe , and ●roduceth to this purpo●e another edition printed 〈◊〉 Cullen , that hath these points as he ●yteth them : ●hich edition though I haue not seene , nor heard 〈◊〉 before , yet do I thinke it meet to giue credit to 〈◊〉 affirmation , nor will I offer him that iniuri● 〈◊〉 to doubt therof , especially for so much as he saith , 〈◊〉 he hath shewed the same to many friendes of 〈◊〉 , naming also the yeare and forme in which it is ●●inted . All which being graunted , & that in this 〈◊〉 Cullen impression , the addition of contra haereti●●s &c. may haue bin added , which was not in mine : 〈◊〉 doth this inferre nothing against me , nor my ●haritie . For that , where I saw a defect , I noted 〈◊〉 , nor could I learne of any other edition , nor su●pect , that if there were , or might be , yet tha●●here would be cause to alter the title of his first edi●ion , which himselfe ouerlooked : so as this hath 〈◊〉 least scratch against me . 74. But now for the second point obiected of verè for verò , though M. Morton do alleadge in like māner for his excuse the Authority , or rather errour of his Cullē editiō ; yet can he not so easely discharge himselfe therof ; for that the very contexture of speach must needes argue to his conscience that it should be verò , and not verè , for that otherwise there should haue byn no apt sense , nor any coniunctiue particle to connect the testimony of Celsus Mancinus to the former . The great letter C. also in the beginning of Celsus ( if this be not in like manner altered in M. Mortons edition frō the original ) must needs haue shewed vnto him , that it was no nowne adiectiue , but a proper name of a man , and consequently must be ioyned with verò , and not with verè . 75. And fynally if the thing had byn doubtfull , or might haue byn ( as hardly it could to any indifferent or iudicious reader ; ) yet ought not he , nor could with a good conscience vse the same for an insultation & s●offe against two such learned men , as Carerius and Mancinus are , for these are his wordes : Carerius citeth another called C●lsus , by interpretation high or lof●y , and therfore ensignes him with verè Celsus , as truly so named , and so truly he may be , if wee iudge him by the loftines of his stile and Conclusion . Thus farre his scoffe : which for so much as to me it seemed to stand vpon the voluntarie mistaking of verè for verò ( and so it must still , albeit he fell vpon an erroneous print ; ) I had iust caus● to repell the said scorne , as I did with some acrimony of speach , but yet nothing comparable to the excessiue bitternes of M. Morton who condemneth me not only of Malice , but also of madnes for my reprehension , intituling his whole Paragraph , as you haue heard against my lacke of Charity for the same : yea making this questiō in the last lynes therof , How in so manifest impudency , any argument of modestie can appeare ? wherby we see the power of anger when it taketh possession of our tongue , what it can doe . 76. But this tempest of passion being past , you haue seene I s●ppose that we two haue quietly and soberly made vp this reckoning betweene vs ; the total summe wherof commeth to be this in effect , that as I had reason to charge M. Morton as I did , finding him so different from the Originall booke : so he , though he had lighted vpon an other edition , had no reason ( out of iudgmēt & discretion ) to vrge so manifest an escape of the print ( for so it must be taken ) to the exprobration of two worthy learned authours as Carerius and Mancinus are ; and cōsequently that M. Morton ( notwithstanding all his d●fence ) must needes be thought to haue dealt craftely , and to haue equiuocated eyther materially or formally in vrging so much verè for verò , & bringing the same in againe two or three times aft●rward , as you will see . Let vs passe then to some other poynt if you please of more importance . THE OBIECTION OF M. Morton against the Mod●stie of P. R. §. VII . TThe proper tytle of this Paragraph as it standeth in M. Mor●ōs booke is this : An argument o● P. R. his kind o● modestie , accompanied with a presumptuous falshood , and in the Catalogue of his Chapters , P. R. his presumptuous falshood in charging T. M. with falsi●ie in the allegation of the testimonie of Doleman . Where you see , that besides falshood , he chargeth me with pr●sumption , and thēce belike with lacke of modestie , for presuming to charge so vpright a man , as he , with falsitie . Wherfore let vs make the accompt friendl● , and see where the measure eyther of modestie , or truth , or want of both will be found . The charge given by P. R. 78. First I do shew in the former part of my Treatise of Mitigation , about Rebellion that M. Mo●ton leauing the questions of Diuinitie , & attending principally to sedition , exacerbation , & matters of meere sycophācie against Catholicks in generall , in resp●ct of their receiued doctrine to make them therb● diffident and odious to his Matie . of England , s●tteth downe this Minor proposition out of a calumnious syllogisme framed by him : But all Popish Priests vpon this pretended Supremacie and prerogatiue of Pope and people , do vtterly abolish the title of succession in all Protestant Princes : Ergo , And his ergo is to a good purpose , as you may as●ure your selfe . In which heynous slaunder , you may note first , that albeit he name heere only Priests , yet doth he meane it also of all lay-mē , that hold the same doctrine with Priests , & therby strik●th at all their throats at once , so rāke is his malice . 79. After this I shewed sundrie sortes of malignāt falsities , to be contayned in this minor proposition of his , That all Priests ( without exception ) vpon this pretended Supremacie , and prerogatiue of Pope and people , do vtterly abolish all title of succession in all Protestāt Princes . For first I shew that Catholicke doctrine giueth not Supremacie , or prerogatiue ouer Princes to the people ; but that this is rather the doctrine of the chiefest Protestants of our time , so taught , and so practised by them in all countryes , where they haue dealt against their Superiours , and especially in England and Scotland . 80. Secondly I do shew that for so much as no such prerogatiue of people is pretended by our doctrine it cannot truly be said that vpon this pretended prerogatiue all Popish Priestes do abolish &c. No nor vpon the supr●macie or prerogatiue , which we ascribe to the Pope himselfe : for that the right , or not right of Protestant Princes succession to Kingdomes dependeth not of the Popes prerogatiue , but of the Canons of the Church , and temporall Statutes of particuler Realmes and Kingdomes . Thirdly that it is an exaggeration to say as he doth , that all Priestes do vtterly abolish &c. in all Protestant Princes &c. And now you know that exaggerations in capitall accusations are heynous crymes , and shew great lack of conscience and charity in the accusers . 81. And to proue this to be an exaggeration , that all Priestes did vtterly a●olish the tytle of succession in all Protestant Princes , I alleadged contrary examples in all the protestant Princes that euer succeeded in England , since the beginning of the world , who are knowne to be but three in number , King Edward , Queene Eli●abeth , and King Iames , who were admitted both by Priestes and lay-men , ergo all Priestes do not vtterly abolish all succession in all protestant Princes &c. and consequently some moderation must be granted on our side against this odious exaggeration . 82 Next after this M. Morton bringeth in no lesse enuious and hatefull a proposition out of Doleman , saying , that Doleman doth pronounce sentence , that whosoeuer shall consent to the succession of a Protestant Prince , is a most grieuous and damnable sinner ; but the booke is examined , Dolemans wordes are found to be these only , that for any man t● giue his helpe , consent , or assistance , towardes the making of a King whom he iudgeth or belieueth to be faultie in Religion &c. is a most grieuous and damnable sinne in him that doth it , o● what side soeuer the truth be , or how good or bad soeuer the partie be that is preferred : which last wordes do shew M. Morton to be a calumniator in suppressing them , and affirming that to be spoken only against the succession of protestant Princes , which is spoken as well against Catholicks as Protestants , and meant more principally of election then successiō , as may appeare by these words , If any man shall giue his helpe to the making of a King &c. 83. Here now M. Morton runneth aside from the purpose , and to auoid the necessitie of defending himselfe directly alleadgeth out of M. Reynolds D. Stapleton , and Simancas diuers sentences , wherby they signifie , that in preferring of a Prince , religion ought to haue the first place in consideration , which he applying to vs , that do condemne Protestant religion will needes inferre therof , that , wee do vtterly abolish all ty●le o● succession in Protestant Princes . 84. But doth not the malicious man see , that the same inference may be made of all Professours of other Religions in like manner ? As for example : If Protestants were to admit a King in France , and it lay in their handes to preferre eyther a Protestant or a Catholicke , would any man doubt whome they would prefer , or whome they ought to preferre according to the rules of their owne conscience ? or will any learned , or honest Protestant , deny eyther that Religion in generall is chiefely to be respected , or that his one religion is not to be preferred before others if it lay in his power ? Let vs put the case that a King of England or France hauing diuers Princely Children , and one of them being taken by the Turkes or other infidells as he trauailed vpō the sea , & brought to Cōstātinople , should there be peruerted & made a Turke or Infidell , and that afterwards his parents and brethren dying , the right of succession should iustly fall vpon him , what learned coūsell would M. Morton giue in this case to the common wealth of England or France ? Will he thinke it lawfull to admitt him , notwithstanding the diuersity of his religion ? It may endaunger the whole state of Christianitie round about . Will he say it is lawfull to exclude him ? Then will it follow that succession may be resisted for Religion . I expect M. Mortons answere to this Dilemma . 85. Moreouer it is shewed by me in the booke of Mitiga●ion that the Protestants are not onely the first and chiefe in this doctrine , that Princes may be resisted for Religion , which I shew by manifold testimonies , but are the first also in practice therof , ●s all histories do beare witnes , as of the warres of ●he Hussites in Bohemia , and Albigenses in France , of more ●ncienter tymes , and of the Lutherans in Germanie , ●he Zuinglians in Switzerland , the Trinitarians in Tran●●luania , the Hugonots in France , the Caluinists almost in euery place where they put foote , to wit , in Holland , Zealand , Scotland , Hungarie , and els where . And as for princes debarred by them from their due succession ●pon difference of Religion , the examples of his Ma ties . Mother , notorious to all men , and the King ●f Polonia held from the succession of Sue●ia at this ●ay , being his naturall birth-right , do beare witnes ●o the world . The Reckoning of this accompt . ●6 . Wherfore to come to knit vp this reckoning briefly with M. Morton , we see first that he hath not beene able exactly to verify any one of his two former propositions out of his owne syllogisme , concerning Dolemans assertion , but that he hath vsed exaggeration , and calumniation in them both , and that whatsoeuer he hath vrged neuer so bloudily to incyte his Maiestie against vs , may with much more reason & force of argument be retorted against himselfe , and his , as well in England ( if the Puritans be his ) as in other Countryes against all sortes of Protestants . And when for ending of this Paragraph he frameth a syllogisme inuincible , as he pretendeth , to conclude against vs , saying , One syllogisme will assoyle the whole doubt , he setteth downe such a one , as may wholy be turned vpon himself , changing only the person of whome it is made . The syllogisme is this . Maior Euerie man is a dānable sinner who admitteth any to the Crown whom he thinketh faultie in Religon . Minor But euery Romish Catholicke thinketh all Protestant Princes faulty in Religion ; Ergo Euery Romish Catholicke who admitteth a Protestant to succeed in the Crowne , is a damnable sinner . 87. All this syllogisme , I say , is as well veryfied of Protestants as Catholicks , and consequently the force of his argument concludeth nothing at all against vs more then against himselfe and his . For as for the maior proposition , no Protestant of sense I thinke will but grant , that it is a damnable synne to admit any Prince ( if it lye in his hand to preferre or hinder ) whome he thinketh to be faulty in Religion , for that otherwise we must say that Protestants haue no conscience concerning Religion , if they will aduance wittingly any one that will in their opinion destroy the same . And then I make the minor , But euery true Protestant thinketh Roman Catholikes to be faulty in Religion : Ergo , euery true Protestant that admitteth a Catholicke Prince to succeed in the Crowne , is a damnable synner . And what then shall wee say of the Dolphin of France , when he commeth to yeares to succ●ed in that Crowne , after the death of the King his father ? will the Protestants receaue him or no ? And if there were some such busy seditious spirites among Catholike preachers there , as this of M. Mort. and some others sheweth it selfe to be in England , that would in all their sermons , and bookes raise quarrels , and contentions before hand about this matter , and procure his Christian Maiestie to enter into new doubtes and iealosyes , to propose new Oathes to his Protestant subiectes ; and not to belieue them when they haue sworne , but to giue care to such clamorous makebates as these are ; should he euer haue quiet ? Or his subiectes contentment ? ●his then may suffice that these wicked , and malig●ant calumniations against Catholickes to set them 〈◊〉 perpetuall iealosy and diffidence with the tempo●all Prince and state , in regard of their Religion & ●octryne , are both extreme malitious , and foolish . ●alitious , in grating cōtinually vpon this seditious ●●ference of treason from Religion : foolish & sottish ●●cause the same inf●rence may be made against ●●mselfe , or any Sectaryes whatso●uer as hath bene ●●●wed : and the factes of those of his side are so no●●●ious to the world , and continually in mens eyes , 〈◊〉 the very naming of this argument so often , con●●mneth him manifestly of both the vices before ●entioned of malignity , and imprudencie . Let vs 〈◊〉 passe to another Paragraph of this his first In●●irie , wherein he seeketh most to make some o●ten●●●ion of reason for himselfe , though he haue lesse 〈◊〉 in the former . AN ANSWERE OF M. Mortons calumniation about the Truth of P. R. impugned . §. VIII . THE wordes contayning the tytle of this last Paragraph in M. Morton are these : An argument of ●●R . his kind of Truth , full of triumphāt treacherie : but in ●●e seuerall Catalogue of his said Paragraphes , 〈◊〉 putteth it downe thus . P. R. his 4. malitious trickes of ●●lshood in obiecting a falsity concerning the testimonie of Frisin●●nsis . And then he beginneth his Paragraph with ●hese words : Though all the former arguments sayth he ) of P. R. his wit , memory , learning , and ●odesty , conteyne in them the liuely characters , and demonstrations of a lyer : yet haue I reserued to this last place of truth such an accusation from whēce one would thinke he had gayned a triumph . So he . And then he setteth downe my wordes of Charge against him , for abusing the testimony of Frisingensis , which presently we shall recite . But first we must admonish the Reader , that he which in wordes obiecteth heere vnto me so many characters and demonstrations of a lyer , hath not hitherto in fact shewed any one least signe at all of such proceeding but hath beene conuinced of many himse●fe , which if it had not bene made euident inough , by th●s● few Paragraphes hitherto handled , hauing mat●●rs● of lesse moment ; yet will it appeare more substantially and aboundantly afterward , when we come to examyne punctually the difference of vntruth●s obiected on both sides , especially such as be witti●g and willfull , and some tast therof will be giuen in the tryal of this very Paragraph , wherin he chargeth me with so many characters of lying . For if I do not make it heere manifest , that M. Morton hath dealt shiftingly , and with no sincere and vpright conscience in the matter obiected vnto him ; I am content that the Reader do condemne me , and ascribe vnto me all those odious characters , which M. Morton before hath layd to my charge . 89. And for more cleare conceauing the matter , you must know , that M. Morton , who in this his preamble would make some shew of probable defēce in some few accusations of many great and heinous layd against him for falsity , hath thought good to choose out this example of Otho Frisingensis from the midst of two other much more greiuous then this , the one of falsifying and abusing Cardinall Bellarmine immediatly going before , and the other of Lamber●us Schasnaburgēsis , immediatly following after ; wherof the ●ormer he attempteth not at all to answere , the o●her he seeketh to shake of afterwards , but in vaine , ●s you will see when we come to the place of exa●inatiō . And heere this being a speciall place cho●en by him for defending his truth , and impugning ●yne , he shoud haue touched them togeather , as ●hey lye togeather in my booke : but that as one ac●used , and brought before a Iustice for theft or fal●●ood will be loath to haue many matters disclosed ●●geather , but rather to answere one in one place , ●nd another in another , for that many ioyntly ●●geather would giue suspition , and credit the one 〈◊〉 the other : so dealeth heere M. Morton , not so much 〈◊〉 mentioning the first , and the third , which are the ●ore greiuous , but singling out that which lay in ●●e midst , which notwithstanding he can no way 〈◊〉 truth of plaine dealing defend , as now you shall 〈◊〉 . Thus then lyeth my Charge against him in ●y former booke . The charge by P. R. ●0 . In the very next page ( say I ) after the abuses ●ffered to Cardinall Bellarmines alleadged testimony , M. Morton talking of the great and famous contention ●hat passed betweene Pope Gregorie the 7. called Hilde●rand , and Henry the 4. Emperour of that name , ●bout the yeare 1070. he cyteth the Historiogra●her Otto Frisingensis , with this ordinary title , Of our Otto , for that he writeth , that he found not any Emperour actually excommunicated or depriued of ●is kingdome by any Pope , before that tyme , except ( saith he ) that may be esteemed for an excommunication which was done to Philip the Emperour by the Bishop of Rome , almost 1400. yeares agone , when for a short tyme , he was inter poenitentes collocatus , placed by the said Pope among those that did pennance , as that also of the Emperour Theodosius , who was sequestred frō entring into the Church by S. Ambrose , for that he had commanded a certayne cruell slaughter to be committed in the Citty of Thessalonica : both which exceptions ( though set downe by the authour Frisingensis ) this Minister of simple truth leaueth out of purpose , which is no simplicity as yow see , but yet no great matter with him in respect of the other that ensueth , which is , that he alleageth this Frisingensis quite contrary to his owne meaning , as though he had condemned Pope Gregorie the 7. for it , wheras he condemneth that cause of the Emperour , and commendeth highly the Pope for his constancy in punishing the notorious intolerable faultes of the said Henry . Hildebrandus ( saith he ) semper in Ecclesiastico vigore constantissimus suit ; Hildebrand was euer the most constant in defending the rigour of Ecclesiasticall discipline . And agayne in this very Chapter heere alledged by T. M. Inter omnes Sacerdotes & Romanos Pontifices praecipui zeli et auctoritatis fuit ; He was among all the Priestes and Popes that had byn of the Roman Sea of most principall zeale and authority . How different is this iudgment of Frisingensi● from the censure of T. M. who now after fiue hundred yeares past , cōpareth the cause of Pope Gregory , to that of pyrates , theeues , and murtherers , and so cyteth our Otto Frisingensis , as though he had fauoured him in this impious assertiō ? Can any thing be more fraudulētly alleadged ? Is this the assurance of his vpright conscience , wherof he braggeth to his Maiestie ? 91. But the next fraud or impudēcie , or rather impudēt impiety is that which ensueth within foure lynes after in these wordes : Pope Gregorie the seauenth ( saith your Chronographer ) was excōmunicate of the Bishops of Italy , for that he had defamed the Apostolicke Sea by Simony , and other capitall ●rimes ; and then citeth for proofe heerof Lambertus Schafnaburg . anno 1077. As if this our Chronographer had related this as a thing of truth , or that it were approued by him ; & not rather as a slanderous ob●ection cast out by his aduersaries that followed the part of Henry the Emperour . ●2 . Hitherto I haue thought good to recite my wordes , which are some few lynes more then M. Morton cyteth in his booke , for that you should see the connectiō of things togeather , to wit , how these obiected falsities about alledging af Frisingensis●re ●re craftily culled out frō between the examples before cited of Bellarmine and Lambertus ; but yet in this place we shall handle onely that which M. Morton hath made choice of to be treated , and discussed , to wit ; whether my former Charge against him for abusing the Authoritie of Otto Frisingensis be rightfull and well founded or not , for that he that shall read this reply of M. Morton , will thinke that he hath iniurie offered him , for that I had guylfully vrged matters against him further then truth and reason would require , and therfore he noteth against me in his argument these wordes , Foure excellent trickes of falshood in one page , which after we shall discusse , and shew them to be rather fraudes and shiftes of his , then trickes of myne . Now then let vs come to the examination of this Charge , which of vs is to be found in falsity , and still I must aduise the reader that to the end he may receaue some vtility by this cōferēce , he haue an eye to the spirit of false dealing , and not so much to errours of ouersight , and this he shall easily descry , if he stand attent to the discussion . THE EXAMINATION OF this controuersie more at large . § IX . FIRST vnto my whole Charge before layd downe M. Morton answereth thus : In my full Satisfaction ( saith he ) parte 3. cap. 11. pag. 28. that which was intended to be proued was this , that not till 1000. yeares after Christ did euer any Prelat● or Pope attēpt the deposing of Emperours , and depriuing them of their Crownes . For proofe heerof I brought in the testimony of Otto Frisingensis from the witnes of Tolosanus lib. 26. de Repub. cap. 5. in these wordes : I read and read againe , & fynd that Pope Hildebrand in the yeare 1060. was the first Pope that euer depriued an Emperour of his Regiment , wherin now haue I wronged my conscience ? Is it because Otto Frisingensis is cyted cōtrary to his meaning ? yet could it not preiudice my conscience , because I cyted not the authour himselfe , but only Tolosanus a Romish Doctour , who reported that sentence of Frisingensis . 94. This is the first part of his answere , which is so full of wyles , sleightes , & shiftes , as doth easily shew the disposition of the writers mynd to beguyle . For first in the chapter by him named the intention was not only to improue the right of deposing Princes in the Pope , but also of excommunicating them , as appeareth by the tytle of the Chapter it selfe , which is this : That ●or more then 1000. yeares after Christ the Papall pretended iurisdictiō ouer Kings hath bene controlled . Now then this Papall pretended Iurisdiction ( as all men know ) contayneth as well excommunication , as ●eposition , the one being the efficient cause of the ●ther : so as for M. Morton to runne to onely deposi●ion of Princes , is guylfully to slyde from his mat●er , and from his owne Authours , for that both Fri●●ngensis , and Tolosanus haue as well the words excom●unicated , as depryued o● his Kingdome , though Morton●ath ●ath cunningly stricken them out in cyting their ●ords . ●5 . Secōdly his excuse of hauing alledged Otto Fri●●●gensis against his owne meaning from the witnesse 〈◊〉 Tolosanus cannot stand , or be cleared of deceiptfull ●●eaning , for in the English text which was writ●en for deceiuing the English common Reader , was ●othing said at all of Tolosanus , but thus , in disgrace ●f Pope Gregory the 7. I read and read againe ( sayth your Otto Frisingensis ) and I find that Pope Gregory the 7. ●●lled Hildebrand in the yeare 1060. was the first Pope that ●●er depriued any Emperour of his Regiment . And to this ●estimony he adioyneth Claudius ●sp●nseus a Parisian●octor ●octor , and writer in our time o● very small ac●ōpt , whome he calleth Bishop , but I neuer heard ●et of his Bishopricke , and to him he adioyneth ●ambertus Schasnalurgensis against his owne meaning , ●s he did this of Frisingensis . And with this only he ●ndeth all that Chapter instituted by him to improue all Papall authoritie of excōmunicating and deposing Princes . Onely in the margent he setteth downe in latin the wordes of Frisingensis , with citing ●he booke and Chapter , and then addeth , vt resert Tolosanus lib. 26. 96. Heere then I would aske whether ther were not fraud ( supposing Frisingēsis to be alleadged against ●his meaning ) to put downe his testimony in the English text without relation or mention of Tolosanus , & only in the margent , and in latin to make reference vnto him ? Would the currant English reader euer reflect vpon that , or mistrust that the wordes of Frisingensis were of doubtfull credit , and related only by heare-say ? Why had not M. Morton put downe that referēce in his English text which most imported ? But the truth is , that it was a double cunning shift , to let it runne in the text as he would haue it belieued by the Reader , as though Frisingēsis had testified against Pope Gregory the 7. and yet in the margent to haue some refuge vnder-hand when he should be pressed with the falshood of the allegation , as now he is . 97. I let passe as of small moment the erroneous parēthesis which he putteth in of the yeare ( 1060. ) which cānot be true , for that all English men know that VVilliam Conquerour vpon the yeare 1066. entred into Engalnd , with a hallowed banner sent him from Pope Alexander the second , who was predecessour to Pope Gregory the 7. and cōsequently Pope Gregory could not excommunicate the Empero●r Henry vpō this yeare assigned by M. Morton , for that he was not yet Pope for diuers yeares after , but this I impute to errour , and so insist not vpon it , but rather vpon other pointes of willing deceiptfulnes , which now I am to go forward in noting . 98. I cannot persuade my selfe but that M. Morton had read Frisingensis himselfe , for it were absurd to write bookes out of other mens notes , as afterwards vpon diuers occasions he doth confesse of himselfe , when otherwise he cannot auoid the obiection of falshood vsed : but howsoeuer this were , that eyther M. Morton related the words of Frisingensis , as he found them in himselfe , or in Tolosanus , he hath not faithfully related them , as Tolosanus did : for thus they lye . Lego ( sayth he ) & relego Romanorum Regum & Imperatorum gesta , & nusquam inuenio quemquā eorum ante hunc ( Henricum quartum ) à Romano Pontifice excōmunicatum , vel Reg●● priuatum , nisi sortè quis pro anathemate hahendum ducat , ●●òd Philippus ad breue tempus à Rom. Episcopo inter poeniten●● collocatus , & Theodosius à B. Ambrosio propter cruentam ●●dē , à liminibus Ecclesia sequestratus sit . I do read & read ●gaine the acts of the Roman Kinges & Emperors ●●d I do neuer find any of them ( before this Henry●●e ●●e 4. ) to haue bene excōmunicated or depriued of ●●s Kingdome , except perhaps some man will hold 〈◊〉 an excommunication , that the Emperour Philip●as ●as for a short time placed by the Bishop of Rome 〈◊〉 og such as did pēnace , & Theodosius the Emperor ●as debarred the limits of the Church by S. Ambrose ●●ishop of Millane ) in regard of a bloudy slaughter cō●itted by his order . ●● . These are the wordes of Frisingensis related pun●●ually by Tolosanus as heere they lye , but it pleased 〈◊〉 M. Morton to relate them , eyther as they are ●●und in the one or other . And as for the first part ●●erof , the Reader will see the difference by that ●hich I haue already set downe , and in one poynt ●●e fraud is manifest , that where Frisingensis saith , ●●squam inuenio quemquam eorum excommunicatum , vel ●●gno priuatum : I neuer fynd any of the Emperours to ●aue byn excōmunicated or depriued ( by the Bishop of ●ome , ) he leaueth out the word excommunicated both ●n latin and in English , as though it made not to ●he purpose , and secondly he cutteth of both in la●in and English all exception of the Emperours Phi●●p and Theodosius , though both his Authors haue it . And could this be playne dealing ? ●00 . But heere now yow shal heare how he answereth this omission , I left them out of purpose I confesse ( saith he , ) otherwise I should haue bene like to your selfe in this & other such cauills , who desire to say much though nothing to the purpose : for to what purpose I pray you had this beene , seeing our question was not to shew what Emperors had byn excommunicated , but who being excommunicated had bene deposed from their regalityes . Yea ( Sir ) and will you escape so ? why then doth your Authour Frisingensis say that he fyndeth none excommunicated or depryued of his kingdome before Henry the 4. by Gregoy the 7 ? you see that he includeth both the one & the other , and so doth Tolosanus relate him also , and you haue strooke out the former from Tolosanus his latin text set downe in your margēt because it should not be seene : and then also both the foresaid exceptions of the Emperours Philip and Theodosius he cutteth of & suppresseth , as nothing to the purpose : and yet you know that depositiō of Princes is an effect of excōmunication , and can neuer happen by Ecclesiasticall authority , but where excōmunication hath gone before . And I would aske M. Morton in good earnest out of his Deuinity , when a Christian Prince is lawfully excommunicated and shut out from all society of Christian communion and he persist impenitent , how can he be head of a Christian cōmon wealth , for so much as he is no member , nor hath any place or part at all in the whole body , the headship being the chiefe part of all others ? 101. Much then it importeth to know the authority and antiquity aswell of excommunication as of deposition : from which cause the examples alledged by Frisingensis ought not to haue bene suppressed or imbezeled : and Tolosanus here alleadged by M. Morton produceth an other example both of excommunication and deposition aboue an hundred yeares before this of Frisingensis , saying : Antea quidem , Gregorius tertius &c. Before this , Gregory the third being made Pope vpō the yeare 759. did depriue Leo the third Emperor of Constantinople , both of his Empire , and the ●ommunion of Christians , for that he had cast holy ●mages out of the Church , and defaced them , and ●eld a wicked opinion against the B. Trinity : thus ●e . And that Tolosanus in this sayth truth , is testified ●●so by Zonoras a greeke historiographer in the life ●f the sayd Emperour Leo Isauricus . And before that ●gaine Pope Innocentius the first that liued with S. ●ugustine is read to haue excommunicated the Empe●our Arcadius , and the Empresse Eudoxia for their 〈◊〉 iust persecution of S. Chrysostome , though no de●riuation followed therof , but amendment rather ●f the fault , as is to be seene in Nicephorus . Heere ●en the ●uasion of M. Morton , by saying that the ●atter of excommunication pertayned not to his ●urpose is wholy impertinent , for so much as that 〈◊〉 the only immediate cause of deposition by Eccle●●asticall power . But now let vs passe to the other ●hiefe point to consider , whether Frisingensis was al●edged wholy against his owne purpose , or not . ●02 . M. Morton being pressed with my former an●weare , wherin I do shew that Frisingensis being alleaged by him to disgrace Pope Gregory , aliâs Hildebrand , ●s much wronged ( for that he cōmēdeth him high●y and his doings ) seeketh this shift now by saying , ●hat he alleadged him only in the questiō of antiquity , concerning ●he tyme when first any Pope did take vpon him to depose Emperors . But this is manifestly false , for he alleadgeth him to both endes , to wit for antiquitie and for disgrace but principally to disgrace him . For hauing shewed ( as he perswaded himselfe ) that Pope Hildebrād was the first that vsed such proceeding against Emperours , he addeth presētly , that it was a new act , & that it is naught also , will appeare ( saith he ) by the Actor , for Pope Gregorie the 7. ( as your Chronographer saith ) was excōmunicated of the Bishops of Italy , for that he had defamed the Apostolik● Sea by Symony , and other capital crymes . So he . And to this calumniation , he ioyneth the saying of Claudius Espencaeus in these wordes . Hildebrand ●as the first Pope ( saith your Bishop ●spencaeus ) who by making a new rent be●●ene Kingdome and Popedome , did rayse ●orce against the Imperiall diademe , arming himselfe , & by his example exci●ed o●her Popes against Princes excommunicate . 103. These two testimonies then of Espencaeus and Schasnaburgensis , being ioyned with the t●ird of F●isingensis ( which are all that M. Morton alleadgeth ) let the prudent Reader consider , whether they be not brought to disgrace Pope Hildebrand in his action against the Emperor Henry or not ; and yet do the first and last ( which are the more ancient Authors ) very earnestly commend the said Pope , and defend his action of deposing the Emperor , and consequētly are brought in by meere preuarication of M. Morton to disgrace him . 104. And as for the third which is Espencaeus , though he were neyther Bishop to my knowledg , nor otherwise of any great estimation among vs , yet is he handled heere no lesse iniuriously , & fraudulently by M. Morton then the other two , which I note now more especially then in my first answere , both for that his authority is named and vrged againe in this place , and for that I could not then get any sight of this his second booke of disgressiōs vpon the first Epistle of S. Paul to Timothy , though I had other bookes of his , but now hauing found the same , I haue discouered withall such fraud as was fit for such a spirit , as M. Mortons seemeth to be , that rarely vseth exact truth in citing of any thing ; for that these words alleadged against the Pope are not the wordes of Claudius ●spencaeus himselfe ( as in vntruly affirmed by M. Morton , ) but related by him out of a certaine angry and impatient Epistle , written 〈◊〉 certaine schismaticall Priests of Liege , that were ●●mmanded by Pope Paschalis the second to be cha●●sed by Robert Earle of Flanders , and his souldiers ●●wly come from Hierusalem about the yeare 1102. ●●r their rebellious behauiour , which Priests with ●enry their schismaticall Bishop wrote a very passio●●te inuectiue complaynt against this act and com●●ssion of Pope Paschalis , inueghing also against the ●●ing of Pope Hildebrand not long before dec●ased for 〈◊〉 like cause , all which M. Morton concealeth , and ●●eth the words of ●spencaeus himselfe : Your Bishop ●●●encaeus ( saith he ) writeth of Hildebrand &c. which he ●●ould not but know to be false , if he read the ●●oke and place by himselfe ci●ed , for that Espencaeus●oth ●oth not only in the beginning of his citation vse ●●is entrance , extat in 2. ●omo Conciliorū edit . Coloniensis , ●●leri Leodiensis ad Paschalem secundum querimonia , There 〈◊〉 extant in the second tome of Councells a complaint ●f the Clergie of Liege to Pope Pascali● the second , but 〈◊〉 the end also of all his speach which conteyneth a ●ong discourse , he concludeth thus . Hactenus Leodi●●sium & verba & sensa . Hitherto haue I related both ●he wordes & sense of those Priests of Liege , & pre●ently for himselfe saith , that he will not meddle with the controuersie of fighting betweene Popes and Emper●rs , though he proue by sundry examples both out of the Scrpture , Fathers and Councels that in some cases it is lawfull for Priestes to vse tēporall armes also : so as for M. Morton to come and ●uouch as he did in his former booke of full Satisfaction , that our Bishop Espencaeus affirmed this of himselfe against Pope Hildebrand , wheras he must needs know that he saith it not , but relateth it only out of others , without approuing the same , is to ad preuarication to preuarication , and neuer to make an end of wil●ull lying , especially seeing that i● this his last Preamblatory reply he is so farre of frō amending the matter , as that he turneth vpon the same agayne , saying : I produced Claudius Espencaeus , their owne Romish Bishop , that doth playnly auerre that Hildebrand was the first Pope , who without any example of antiquitie made a schisme be●wene Emperors and Popes &c. Good Syr , will you stand to this , that Claudius Espencaeus doth playnely auerre it ? Is this true ? Is this sincere ? And how doth he playnely auerre it , if he do not so much as affirme it of himselfe , but only relateth what others that were in schisme , choler , and passion did vtter in this behalfe ? Is this good dealing ? The summe of all this Paragraph , about Frisingensis , Tolosanus , and Espencaeus . 105. Now then to gather a briefe sūme of what hath passed in this reckoning , it seemeth M. Morton is so farre of from hauing iustifyed himselfe in this last combat , which he instituted for demonstration of his truth , and for blazing the characters ( as he calleth them ) of my falshood , that he hath intangled himselfe much more then before , as in part hath appeared by that we haue now discussed . It remayneth then that for a conclusion we examine his former foure tricks of falshood , which he saith to haue found in one only page of my writing . Let vs heare them as he setteth thē downe : He hath played me ( saith he ) ●oure malicious tricks in one page : one is to lay an imputation of falshood vpon me , as though I had cunningly pretermitted the exāples of Emperors excōmunicate , wheras the question was only concerning Emperors depriued of their dignities . But my answere is , that if there be any tricke at all in this , and much more any false tricke , it must needes rest on M. Mortons parte , who to deceaue his Reader concealed those examples of Emperours excommunicate , that were in his Authors . And in simple dealing he should haue ●●yd thē downe , & not fraudulent●y haue cut them 〈…〉 hath byn sayd , for that they greatly imported ●e matter it se●fe , as before hath byn declared : but ●ow to the second trike , which we shall relate in ●is owne words . The second caui●● ( sayth he ) is that ● . R. did not acknowledg the commenda●ion of Hil●●brand in ●t●o ●risingensis , when as I intended no● to pro●e 〈◊〉 of this Au●●or the equitie , but only the antiquitie of that prac●ice . Wher●● I answere , that you meant to proue the iniquity 〈◊〉 the said Pope , and of his fact , & therby to dis●●edit him : and to that end did you alleadg both ●●isingensis , ●spenc●us , and Schasnaburgensis quite against ●●eir meanings , as hath byn shewed : so as this secōd ●●icke was also yours , and not myne . The third trick ( say you ) in making me so perniciously enuious , as to condēne ●ildebrand without a witnesse , when as I produced your owne ●ishop Espencaeus to condemne him . But this tricke is also ●ours , for that now I haue shewed , that neither ●o I know him for a Bishop , as still you call him , ●or doth he condemne Pope Hildebrand : but you do ●se a foule false trick with him in making him to say ●hat which he doth not , but reciteth only out of o●her mens passionate speaches , as hath bene proued , which is a false tricke indeed . 106. The last tricke is ( saith he ) in charging me with a wilfull peruerting of the meaning of the Authour Otho Frisingensis , when as if it had beene so abused , yet not I , but their owne D. Tolosanus was the Authour of that report . This now is a poore trick , and scarce worthy the name therof , it being a simple shift by deniall , when the matter is euidently euicted by witnesse and manifest demonstration , for that Tolosanus related the wordes of Frising●nsis sincerely , and you corruptly , yea you corrupted also Tolosanus his report , and recitall of Frisingensis wordes , as hath byn shewed , so as yf Tolosanus his text had any error it was your fraud : & how thē can you for shame lay the fault vpon him , whose relation your selfe peruerteth ? What trick is this ? 107. And so , for so much as these foure poyntes , which you call trickes , are graue and serious charges truly laid against you , and so substantially proued , as you haue not byn able to auoid any one of them ( when now it imported you most for your credit to do it , ) I must inferre that all these foure excellent trickes of falshood , that you mention in your margent ( which are but consequences of the precedent euictions made against you ) do remayne wholy , and soly vnto your selfe . And for tryall I referre the reader to the proofes partly before set downe , and much more to such as are afterward to ensue . THE CONCLVSION , and generall Reckoning of all this Chapter , or Inquiry . §. X. AND hauing now passed ouer all these eyght or nyne Paragraphes of sundrie matters handled therin , you come at last ( M. Morton ) to conclude very confidently , as though the whole accompt had fallen out for you , and against me , and that I had remained chargable with much false dealing against you , for these are your last words . The view of all these , and other formerly mentioned wilfull and transparent falsities of P. R. togeather with some other like desperate calum●i●ations to be poynted at in this Preamble , causeth me iustly to present him with his owne Image , professing vnfaynedly that I neuer found any writer of anie profession whatsoeuer , who hath vs●d such shamefull fraud in writing . 109. This is a grieuous charge , as you see , of de●●erate dealing on my behalf ; especially for so much 〈◊〉 he protesteth to speak it vnfainedly . And it should ●equire in reason both of conscience & religion ma●e pregnant proofes : for that otherwise the stayed ●eader ( whether he be Protestant or Catholicke ) ●ust needes take the accuser for a light and passio●ate person , that would come to charge his aduer●●rie with so heynous crimes vpon small or light ●ounds . Let vs looke backe then ( if you please ) vpō●●l these mine heads or Paragraphes handled by vs ●itherto ; for that heereby will appeare , whether M. ●orton had iust cause to giue this rigorous censure a●ainst me , or not , about matter of false dealing . ●10 . In the first Paragraph about the sleeping soul●iers of Ierusalem there was not so much as anie one ●biection made against me for falsitie to my remem●rance , only this note is in the margent , P. R. grossely ●●norant in Diuinitie , for that I holde , that the deuice ●f the Iewish magistrates , in giuing out that our Sauiours bodie was stolne away ( though it were false ●nd a ly , and so knowne to themselues ) yet that the ●nuention therof in such a strayte , was neither against common sense ( as M. Morton auoucheth ) nor yet so absurd , as they who deuised it might be estemed senselesse , but rather craftie and guilefull . And finally in this Paragraph M. Morton professeth to deale against my wit only , and not against my truth , vntill he come to the last of all : so as heere he semeth not to haue discouered anie such grosse transparent falsities of mine● Let vs recall to memory the rest . 111. In the second Paragraph he impugneth my memory , and layeth to my charge , that I erred in numbering the tymes , that the clause of reseruation was expressed both in Latin and English , which I haue answered before . And if it had bene an errour , yet an errour had it bene of memory , or lack of attention , and not of malice , for that nothing could be gained therby . And albeit M. Morton in the heat of his exaggerations do call it a lye , and a multiplyed lye : yet if it had bene so , it could not be more thē a materiall lye , such a one as might happen by mistaking without any fault of mind , or sinne at all : for so much as the speaker not hauing any interest therby , cannot probably be imagined to haue forg●d it wittingly , I meane the errour in counting , if it had bene prooued , as it could not . 112. In the third Paragraph he hath so much to do to defēd his owne syllogisme ( which yet he cannot do ) as little leysure he had or occasion to obiect falshood against me , & lesse meanes to prooue it . He picked quarrells against my reformation of his syllogisme , as also against the diuisiō of equiuocatiō in the fourth Paragraph , but both were answered , as before you haue heard , without any great charges giuen ●f falshood on either side , the matter not offering occasiō ; so as neither heere can the exaggeration of desperate calumniations be found , which M. Morton in his heat obiecteth . 113. In the fifth Paragraph concerning the place of Esay cap. 29. vers . 9. cited for the posy of his booke , all the charge of falshood is against himselfe for alledging that out of Esay , which is not there : and his reply to me is against my skill in Greeke and Hebrew , which I professed not , though little might serue to conuince him in that behalfe . And the same may be sayd of the sixt Paragraph intituled , Against my Charity , for vrging so much the difference of verè and verò , out of the text of Alexander Carerius . And albeit that M. Morton in the title of this Paragraph do name a triumphant falshood to be proued against me : yet after when he cōmeth to the proofe , he hath nothing els to say , but that I did ●harge him wrongfullie for vsing verè for verò , for ●o much as he found it in a later editiō fo Carerius in Cullen print : which suppose it may be true , yet is it ●othing to me that reprooued him out of the first & ●riginall Italian edition . So as heere also , he and not 〈◊〉 was charged with falshood , ●14 . The seauenth Paragraph also hath a charge ●f falshood against him , and not me , for saying that ●olman doth pronounce sentence , 7 that whosoeuer shall ●●nsent to the succession of a Protestāt Prince , is a most grieuous ●●d damnable sinner , which Dolman saith not : for then he ●●ould hold it allso to be a damnable sinne in a pro●●stant to admitt a Protestant Prince ; for that the ●ord ( whosoeuer ) comprehendeth all sortes of men : ●ut Dolmans saying is , that it is sinnne for anie man to pre●●re one whome in conscience he thinketh to be contrarie in re●●gion to the truth , as now you haue heard : and M. Mort. ●ath not bene able to cleare himselfe of the charge . ●15 . As much lesse of the other charge about allea●ing the Chronographer Otto Frisingensis against his ●wne meaning in the eight Paragraph , 8 where the Reader hath seene him so intangled , while he strug●eth to rid himself of open false dealing , as he maketh his matter farre worse : but against me he hath ●o● one thing of moment obiected in that kind . ●nd the verie same may I say of the two other last ●aragraphes . ●16 . All which being so , I would gladlie see now in verie reall truth ( all passion set aside ) vpon what ground M. Morton can inferre this heinous accusation , of so manie willful and transparent falsities , desperate calumniations , shamefull fraud , and this more frequēt then in anie wryter , that euer he read of what profession soeuer , and that he professeth vnfainedly to haue found this to be true : I would gladly know ( I say ) vpon what groundes he maketh this so solemne protestation : For except the examples , which he can alleage be exorbitant , he woundeth greatly not only his conscience , but his credit a●so with all good men , in running into such superlatiue exces●es of false and contumelious speach . 117. And for that you protest heare so sollemnely ( M. Morton ) and vn●ainedly , that you neuer ●ound ●●ie wryter of anie pro●ession whatsoeuer , who hath vsed such shamefull fraud , as I haue donne : you force me besides this ci●●e & positiue defence of my selfe , to goe yet further , & to compare my behauiour in this behalf with some principall men of your profession , as namely with M. Iewell , who , was he not of your prof●ssion ? and haue you not read him ? yf you haue , and haue bene so diligent in noting him , as you would seeme to haue bene in my booke , and of what is obserued against him by his aduersaries , as you might haue bene , then may you remember that M. Doctor Harding in his first Reioynder to M. Iewells reply hath these wordes to the reader : The number of vntruthes vttered on M. Iewells part , noted & confuted by M. Doctor Sanders , by the author of Returne of Vntruthes , and by my selfe amounteth to a thousand and odde , and yet of his 26. articles onely 5. haue passed our examination . 118. M. Horne also , was he not of your profession ? and haue not you found in D. Stapletons Counterblast 690. vntruthes , as in my booke also I noted vnto you ? M. Fox in like maner , was he not of your profession ? whome I haue shewed in the foresayd Chapter of my booke to haue innumerable lyes vnanswerable , and aboue 120. within the cōpasse onlie of 3. leaues : wherof if you were now able to answer but ten for clearing of his credit after his death , I would say you were a man of great valour . I did set you downe also in the last Chapter of my booke of Mitigation manie other clere examples of a ●illful lying spirit in diuers of your profession , and ●●ose so plaine , as noe probable ex●use can be had , ●hy had you not answered them now , as in reason ●ou were bound , or had proued the like against me ●efore you had auouched so resolutely , that I had ●eeded all other writers of what profession soeuer in shamefull ●●ud in answering ? Or is your profession to speake , ●●u care not what ? Doe you respect what you vt●●● ? Or doe you not thinke that other m●n will c●n●●●●r what you speake , and vpon what groundes ? ●●9 . I haue heard of some men to be of such a ●●●ilitie in vttering vntruthes , that albeit they did ●●●tainely know , that within few daies or houres ●●●erwards their hearers would come to know , that ●●ey speake falsely : yet to gaine that little time , ●●ey would lye so confidently , as yf they had bene ●●re , that the truth would neuer come to light . ●nd so it seemeth to fare with you : for that we ●●ing to come within few leaues after in this booke 〈◊〉 examine what you are able to say against me , ●r matter of vntruth , and I against you ( which s 〈◊〉 principall subiect of this booke ) it will quick●● be manifest , how cleare I am from anie iust im●●tation of wilfull falsitie , and how guiltie you ●●d yours are : and yet wou●d you nee●es discredit ●our selfe with the iudicious Reader in this place 〈◊〉 impawning not only your estimation , but also ●our conscience , that you neuer found anie so faulty , for lying ●nd shamefull fraud , as my sel●e . But I appeale to the tri●ll , that hath allreadie bene made in part , and shal be more fullie afterwards in the ensuing Chapters , where I suppose that you will so be layd open be●ore your owne face and others , and my selfe so cleared , as , yf I be not deceyued , you wil● be ashamed of this your ouerlashing exaggeration . THE SECOND CHAPTER ANSVVERING TO M. MORTONS SECOND INQVIRY , WHETHER P. R. may be iudged a cōpetent Aduocate in this cause , which he hath assumed : and of some other pointes belonging therunto , especially touching the tytle , and argument of the Booke of Mitigation . PREFACE . WHEREAS M. Morton in th beginning of this his Preamble hath reduced the whole subiect therof to three heades , which he calleth Inquiryes ; the first , VVhat sufficiēcy there is in P. R ? the second , VVhether he may be thought to be a sufficient Proctor in this case or no ? the third , VVhether he hath suffici●ncy to performe his taske ? all impertinent and ydle matters as you see . And as the distribution is very vncleere and confused , euery member treating of sufficiency ; so is the prosecution therof much more deforme , for that the first Inquiry hauing had thirty pages allowed vnto it , the second hath but three or foure , and handleth no matter at all of any moment , but only a certaine feigned ridiculous conference , or colloquy deuised by M. Morton to be held vpon a stage by his two aduersaries , the Moderate Answerer , and the Mitigator , decyphering ( sayth he ) the dispositiō of both my aduersaries , by way of a dialogue , bringing them vpon the stage . 2. But Syr , is this agreeing to a graue Deuine , to take vpon him the part of a stage-player , and to answere your Aduersaries with scornefull fictions insteed of sound arguments ? Let vs heere some few passages of your play , if it like you . Thus beginneth the Moderate answerer to fall out with P. R. You haue bene altogether presumptuous ( sayth he ) to take vpon you this Answere , because residing out of England , you cannot be rightly experienced &c. ( P.R. ) I haue not beene arrogant , but thou hast beene rash , and precipitant , for if thou by thy former answ●re mightest haue bene thought sufficiēt for a Reply , what needed such posting to me beyond the seas & c ? ( M.A. ) Haue patience I pray you , I was inforced to take exceptions to all Authors out of Englād . ( P. R. ) Thou hast done well &c. ( M.A. ) I thinke Syr , you are troubled with a disease of some of our Catholick lawyers , of whome you haue sayd , they itch to be doing in answering M. Attorney , this was also my disease , but I after sound a scratch , and so may you . 3. Thus goeth that Colloquy : and can any thing be set downe more in●ulsely in so graue a matter , as we haue in hand ? And as for itching and scrathing I haue spoken somewhat before . No man that is of any zeale towards truth , when he seeth most absurd and grosse vntruthes vtterd , can choose but to haue that holy itch in their fingers , to refute or discouer the same , for it is an adu●se of the holy Ghost himselfe ; Answere a ●oole according to his folly , least to him selfe he may se●me to be wise . And this hath beene done both against M. Attorney , and your selfe ; and you like a bad Chaplaine , and wo●se Champion , haue not defended him at all , but left him in the playne feild : only now you seeme to threaten scratches , which commonly amongst bad women is the end of scoulding : but your nayles I suppose are so pared , and will be be●ore this accompt be ended , as they will draw little bloud , or hurt any but your self . 4. And so not meaning to loose any more tyme in this vaine Interlude of yours , wherein your selfe would seeme to play the Vice , spending your whole second Inquirie in this bable ( ●or no other matter of moment do you touch : ) I for couering your nakednes , or rather idlenes heerin , haue thought good to do you this pleasure , as to handle some other pointes contayned vnder your third Inquiry , appertayning vnto the title , and contentes of my booke of Mitigation , impugned by you , to the end , that the second Inquiry of yours might not seeme to too ridiculous , and contemptible to the Reader . WHAT M. MORT . ANSWERETH in effect to the former part of my Treatise about Rebellion , and against the Title therof §. I. FOR that my booke is intituled A Treatise tending to Mitigation towardes Catholicke subiectes in England , wherin is declared that it is not impossible for sub●ectes of different religion ( especially Catholickes ●nd Protestantes ) to liue togeather in dutifull obedience and subiection &c. M. Morton taketh vpon ●im to play ingeniously , as he thinketh , vpon this word impossible , set downe in the tytle of my booke : ●ut , as I thinke , ridiculously , saying , that I promise no ●ore for my Clients the Catholickes , but that it is not impos●ible for them to lyue in obedience . But this is a meere ca●ill of a seditious spirit , casting in iealosyes vpon euery occasion , to a malicious turbulēt end : for that my tytle answereth directly to the purport of his former virulent bookes , that it was impossible in regard of the difference of our doctrynes for Protestāt and Catholike subiectes to liue quietly together vn●er his Maiesty in England , by which he meant to ●et an vnquenchable fyer of discord betweene those two sortes of people ; not only in respect of their Religion , but also of their ciuill lyfe , and fidelity towardes their Prince . My answere then being cōtradictory to the assertion of M. Morton , conteyneth so much as was needfull to be said to his negatiue , he saying that it is impossible , and I , that it is not impossible , which albeit , it contayne but a generality , yet doth it suppose all necessary conditions that are to be required , for performance : As for example , if a noble woman perswaded by some such vnquiet spirit as M. Morton seemeth to be , should resolue to part frō her husband saying , it is impossible for mee and you to liue together , the difference of our natures & conditions being considered , & that her husband should answere againe , it is not impossible ; doth he not answere surficiently , and to the purpose ? for he vnderstandeth the other circumstances included , if you beare your selfe like a wife , haue respect to both our honours , & the like . Vayne then and impertinent is the cauillation of M. Morton , that heere is nothing proued but a possibility : for so much as this possibility was denyed by him before , and is heere againe vpon sundry causes & presumptions , as now we shall see : and consequently my prouing this vnion , and concurrence in temporall obediēce not to be impossible , ouerthroweth directly his whole drift both in his former two bookes , and this other Preamble , wherin he houldeth that it is impossible . Let vs heere his reasons wheron his imaginations are founded . 6. His first reason of Impossibility , and that confessed ( as he saith ) by me , is , for that Catholicke subiectes do belieue , that in some cases there is power left by God in the Church , and head therof the Bishop of Rome , ouer Princes to vse not only spirituall Censures for restraint of exorbitant excesses , but temporall remedies also , eyther directly or indirectly , when vrgent necessity of the Common-wealth should require , and no other sweeter meanes could preuaile . Wherof M. Morton will needs inferre , that our combynation in ciuill concord and obedience to our temporall Prince , can not stand , no more ( sayth he ) then Iewes and Iebuzites in one kingdome , Isaac and Ismael in one house , Iacob & Esau in one ●ombe : and then a litle after , that our concord sta●deth of no more possibility , then Pope , & no Pope , Kings Supremacy , and not Supremacy , which opposites ( saith he ) can neuer be reconciled togeather . Wherto I answere , that in beliefe and doctryne they cannot be reconciled , but in cyuill life and conuersation , and practice of due temporall obedience they may be no lesse ( for any thing touching this point ) then if they were ●ll of one Religiō , i● such make-bates as these would ●ease to set sedition : for that all Catholicke subiects also of other Countryes do hold and acknowledge this doctryne , without any preiudice at all of their fidelity , affection , or dutifull Allegiance towardes their Soueraigne Princes , & liege Lordes , though ther be sundry cases , wherin their said Princes may be ob●oxious to the execution of this doctryne , besydes difference of Religion , which one poynt of different Religion this Stickler doth only vrge in this our ca●e , as most odious . 7. But i● all those Christian Princes that haue bin censured by the Church , frō Christes tyme downeward were layd togeather , whether Emperours Kings , or others , the far greater part of them would be found to haue byn chastised , and pursued , not so much for any difference of Religion , as for other causes and crymes . And if we looke vpon our tymes since Protestant Religion hath byn named in the world , we shal fynd only two to haue beene proceded against by the Church , and many other neuer touched , as the King of Denmarke , the Intruder of Suetia , the Duke of Saxony , the Count Palatine of Rhene the Marques of Brandeburge , and diuers other Princes and States , as also those of Holland , and Zeland , and lastly his Maiestie that raigned aboue 30. yeares in Scotland , professing Protestant Religion , and now some good number of yeares in England , without that any Pope hath gone about to vse that authority against them which is heere made by M. Morton so perilous , and pernicious , as though it were impossib●e for his Kingdome and Crowne to be in safety while this doctrine is beleiued , or extant in bookes , which being throughout all Christendome , & receiued by the whole Catholicke world , will be hard for the Minister to remoue or extinguish , & cōsequētly he laboureth but in vaine , or rather far worse then in vaine , endeauoring to intangle his Princes mind with a perpetuall , restles , & remediles iealosy , suspitiō , & solicitude , impossible euer to be cured as himselfe striueth to proue by those his impossibilityes , though they proue not indeed the point it selfe , which he would perswade , that there is no meane of ciuill quiet vnion in life , whilest this doctrine of the Popes authoritie is belieued of his subiects . 8. His other two next reasons of impossibilitie ( for he hath foure in all ) are so obscurely and intricately set downe , as if he vnderstand them himself , it is much in my opinon : for as for me , I confesse , I see not what inference can be made out of them , though I haue perused them ouer with much attention more then twice : and the same I suppose , the common Reader will say , when he hath in like manner considered of them . For they concerne onely the excōmunication of Q. Elizabeth , and of King Hēry the fourth of France ; which Censure was promulgated by two seuerall Popes of this our age , and consequently the doctrine is dangerous , saith he . But I haue shewed now , that more then three times so many Protestant Princes were tolerated by other Popes : how thē do these two examples inferre so generall a necessitie of disobedience in all Catholicke subiects ? yea and an impossibilitie of the contrarie , that they can be obedient ? ● . His fourth and last reason of impossibility ● wherin , saith he , may be obserued a sport●ull , or rather ex●crable impostureshipp of P. R. ) consisteth in this , that wheras I do write in my Treatise of Mitigation , that ●ut of Catholicke doctrine concerning Papall au●hority in some cases ( to wit , when we talke what ●opes may absolutly do ) M. Morton argueth , and will ●eedes inferre , that such & such great dangers may ●●sue to Princes thereby ; I do answere him thus , ●hat all this arriueth but to a may : so as the questi●n being but de fu●uris contingentibus , of things continent and to come ( wherof the Philosopher sayth , ●●ere is no● s●iēce ) all remaineth in doubtfull vncer●●inty , but only the suspitiō , enuy , & hatred , which ●●e Minister would rayse against vs. But on the con●●ary , what the Protestāts doctrine hath donne , and ●oth at this day against lawfull Princes in their ●●almes , their armies do shew &c. This in effect I ●id then , and vpon this M. Morton entreth now into ●reat choler , saying not only that this my answere 〈◊〉 an execrable impostureshipp , as before you haue heard , ●ut also he further breaketh into these patheticall ●ordes of ridiculous exaggeration : I cannot laugh , saith ●e , for wonder & horrour , to see any English man conceyt so basely 〈◊〉 the wits & worth of his Countrymen , as to imagine they could 〈◊〉 del●ded with so senslesse , so shamelesse , so pernicious , so impi●● a mitigation , as this is : to be persw●ded therefore not to ●●bour ●or preuen●ing ensuing dangers , because they be contin●ent , that is , such as may happen : what can be more senseles ? Do you see this mans heat ? and do you marke how ●ocond and prachant he is , when he getteth a little matter , wherat he may make a shew to speake somewhat probably . 10. Heere then he inueigeth and insulteth against me , as though I did hold , that there were no prouidēce or care to be had of future perills , that are contingent , saying : Doth not nature in beasts , reasō in man , precept of God , teach vs the law of prouidence ? euen th●rfore to ●eeke to preuent ensuing dangers , because they are contingent , and may be hera●ter ? But M. Morton doth either willfully mis●ake me , or els I cannot conceyue so well of his wit and worth ; as he would haue me , if he vnderstand me not . For I doe not dispute against prouidence in generall in things that are contingent , and may fall out : for I know & con●esse , that prouidence is a principall part of the high vertue of prudēce surnamed Cardinall , wherby man is likned to God , & surpasseth all other terrene cre●tures ; yet say I therwithall , that it must go accōpanied with iudgemēt , discretion , and moderation , which are other branches also of the same most excellent vertue of prudence . For if they be wanting , they do make prudēce vnprofitable : yea oftentimes pernicious , turning it into malignant suspitions , mistrustfullnesse , frights , feares , iealosies , & other like effects , which do worke the greatest infelicitie , that in the world can be imagined . And of these pestilent effects , are efficient causes , for the most part , in Princes , the cunning sycofancy , subtility & malitious informations , suggestions & eggings of flatterers , & makebates about thē , who for their owne gaine & priuate endes , care not what seedes of iealosyes they sow in Princes heades against others , so they may reape fauours thē selues , by seeming to be prouident and ben●uolous : no● do they weigh , what eating and consuming cares , and sollicitudes they plant in the mindes of their Maisters , so themselues may rest at ease , as one said well of Dionysius the King of Sicily his spye , when after supper he had secretly filled his Princes head with many false imaginations and iealosies , himselfe went merily to the tauerne , and after liberall drinking he slept soūdly all that night , but his Lord going to bed could sleepe nothing at all . 11. But to returne to our present case , I doe not denie , nor euer did , that due prouidence & prouision ought to be held for ●uture cases , as M. Morton doth heere most vntruly affirme , & theron fraudul●ntly doth found his whole discourse : but my saying is , that it must haue due limitts , least it become hurtfull , to witt , a vaine & vexing iealosie . I say morcouer that euery may be , is not a m●st be , & to fill Princes eares with possibilities onely of dangers without some particuler circumstāces of probabilities or credibilities , is an officious wounding them vnder pretence of fawning good will. As for example if one should doe nothing els , but lay before his Maiestie that now raigneth , the disasters and perills , that haue happened to his nobl● aunce●●ors in our Land , without ●urther particuler ground of likelihood against himselfe , but onely that they haue happened , and therfore may happen againe ; it were an importune babling . King VVilliam Ru●us was slaine in hunting ; & his elder brother Richard , as also his nephew of the same name , sonne of Robert Duke of Normandie had like disasterous ends in hunting ; therfore his Maiesty must hunt no more . The children of King Henry the first were drowned on the sea ; therfore no more Princes children must passe the seas vpon no occasion . Some Kinges of England were pursued by their owne Children , as King Henry the second , and ●dward the second , and the last also by his wife the Queene ; there●ore his Maiestie must stand in iealosie of his owne bloud . King Stephen , King Richard the secōd , Edward the second , Henry the 6. and some others are thought to haue bene betrayed by some of thei● owne Counsellours , and King Iohn was pursued by his owne Barons , and Nobility ; therfore his Maiesty at this day must rest in iealosie both of the one & other sort of subiectes : do not you see how farre this lyeth open to iniurious calumniation and sedition ? 12. But I will giue an example more proper yet to the matter . If a seditious fellow in England that had great authority with the people , and small affection towards the Prince , should continually cry and beat into their heads , that they looke well about them , and stand vpon their guard , for that their King may abuse his Authority and become a Tyrant , and may oppresse them at his pleasure , when they thinke not of it , alleadging no other probabilities , and arguments of likelihood , but only that he may do it , or that some such thing hath fallen out before , as here M. Morton doth , against the Popes authority and Catholickes that acknowledge the same : and when any one should say to that turbulent fellow , pretending to be so studious of the Common-wealth , and iealous of the Kings proceedings , that he vrgeth only a may be , and that there is no great likelihood of any will be , or that such euents will follow as he threatneth , and draweth into suspition , he should fall into choler , & rage as M. Morton doth , saying : that he cānot laugh for wonder & horror to see any Englishman conceyte so basely of the wittes , and worth of his count●eymen , as to imagine that they can be deluded with so senseles , so shameles , so perniciou● , so impious a Mi●iga●ion as this is , not to preuent ensuing dangers &c. And yet further , that this is a stupi●ying receipt , casting the state and people into a slumber of not regarding ensuing dangers &c. 13. This exclamation I say of this troublesome fellow that would put in iealosie the people and Common-wealth against their King or Monarch only vpon a may be , or possibilitie , were it not iustly to be reprehended ? Were not the partie to be cast out as a tumultuous make-bate ? But he will say pe●hapes , that there is more then may be in this our case : there want not probabilities , and nearer arguments of intended troubles . These then if you please let vs examine breifly , and see of what weight or worth they are . 14. And truly in this point I see not what probabilities there may be in reason to perswade his Maiestie , that his Catholike subiects would not liue quietly and confidently vnder him , if they might ●e vsed as subiects , and haue that Princely and Fa●herly protection from him , which both lawes do ●llow to freeborne subiects , and they may hope and ●xpect from his benignity , where no personall or ●ctuall delict shall haue made thē vnworthy therof . There are now no quarrels or differēces of titles , no ●ed Rose or white , no Lancaster or Yorke within the ●and to draw men into partes or factions , or passionate courses : his Maiestie hath vnited both Realmes ●ogeather ; is the sonne and heire of the most dearest Princesse vnto English Catholickes , that euer li●ed in many ages ; hath goodly issue of his owne , which our Lord blesse ; is setled in his Crowne , ioy●ed in frēdship and league with all Princes in Chri●tendome round about him , both of the one , and ●he other Religion , hath beene hitherto beloued ●nd highly esteemed for many yeares , though a Protestant Prince , euen by the very spirituall Head himselfe of Catholicke Religion ; what cause then , what reason , what motiue , what hope , what probability may English Catholickes haue to seeke , or attēpt alte●ations in State , if any tolerable cōdition of Christian subiects may be permitted vnto them ? 15. I will not adde the experience of so many ages throughout Christendome , and of ours that is present , nor the comparison , or antithesis betweene the doctryne and practice of Catholicke and Protestant subiects in this behalfe , which I haue handled more largely in my former treatise tending to Mitigation , and well knowne , and experienced also by his Maiestie in sundry pointes & occasions ; only I must say , that M. Morton here hath dealt very partially , in that he taking vpon him to lay before his Maiesties eyes , and those of the State , so many dangers imminent from Catholickes as he pretendeth , both in respect of their doctrine , multitude , auersion of mindes , and other like causes , he leaueth out the other opposite part of the Puritanes , that haue farre worse doctrine without comparison in this behalfe , as I shewed out of their owne bookes , & he should haue yealded , or answered the same ( if he had dealt indifferently : ) they are more also in number , g●eater in abilitie , in respect of their offices which they beare in the Common-wealth , and of their combination with those of Scotland , Holland and other places nearest at hand ; their armes more prompt & ready , their wealth better knowne , their practises more dangerous , and their auersion more impati●nt : and yet I say not this to accuse them of euill intent , but only that they haue as great ( a may ) and greater , then Catholickes , which M. Morton ought to haue seene and noted , if he would haue beene the common watch-man and explorator . But his malice was to the Catholickes , and so vpon them he laieth all : but yet with so silly a discourse as sheweth rather will then skill to hurt them , crying out as you haue heard , & going about to proue that imminent dangers in law of prouidence are not to be neglected , which thesis as it is not denyed by vs , & very poorely proued by him , so for the hipothesis , that such dāgers are imminent by Catholickes to the State , no one argument of moment is alleadged at all . The Reckoning of this Paragraph . 16. So as , if we will now make vp briefly the Reckoning of this Paragraph , we shall fynd by due accompt , that M. Morton of all those thinges that I wrote in my booke about the matter of Rebelli●n , clearing the Ca●holickes both in doctrine & practice for diuers Chapters togeather , and shewing the Protestants to exceed them farre , to the worse , in both poynts , he hath thought good to handle no one poynt at all ( as reasō would that he should haue done ) in this his last Reply , but only in generall that which you heard of certayne impossibil●yes for Catholicke and Protestant subiectes to liue in vnion and common due obedience to his Maiestie : of which impossibilities the fourth & chiefest is , that which you haue heard discussed of may be , and the fifth and last is , for that we hould it lawfull to equiuocate , or not to answere directly before an incompetent Iudge , that iniuriously inquireth ; and that we hold the lay Magistrates of England incompetēt Iudges to examine Priestes : which may be as good an argument to proue that lay men , and Priests cannot liue togeather in Spayne , Italy , & other Catholicke Countries , for that there also the said lay men are incompetent Iudges in Clergy mens causes , and so are Clergie men themselues if they haue not lawfull iurisdiction , or proceed not lawfully . So as this is the most trifling Impossibility that possibly can be deuised . 17. To conclude then , the Case is thus : M. Morton and I would gladly each one of vs perswade his excellent Maiestie in this poynt of confidence or diffidence towards his Catholicke subiects : I for cōfidence do alleadge , that albeit such due prouidence and circumspection be to be vsed both towards thē & others , as all dangers may sufficiētly be preuented : yet that so great , and remarkable a multitude of his naturall borne subiects as they are spread and dispersed , not only throughout the bulke and body of the whole people , but also by one veine or other extending it selfe to most of the Nobility and Gentry in like sort , should not for cause of their conscience be put to extremity of despaire ; but held at least in some reasonable and moderate tearmes of ciuill equity , though otherwise disfauoured for their Religion . M. Morton seemeth to runne the quite cōtrary course , with his opposite desires and reasons , to haue all diffidence increased , impossibilities vrged , that they cannot liue togeather ; despaires confirmed of any tolerable condition whatsoeuer , except they force & change their iudgment and beliefe in religion , with neuer so much repugnance of their conscience ; detesteth any mitigation , or moderate interpretation of matters ; that all must go by way of extremity . 18. And now which of these two courses do rūne to a more sure , soft , and milder end , the prudent Reader will easily conceiue . My considerations are the vnion of harts within the Land● the auoyding of extremities , the strēgth of our Country at home , the honour and estimation abroad , the quietnes of his Maiesties minde , the vniuersall affection of all his people though different in religion , the auoyding of the odious name of persecution , example of foraine Protestant Princes that vse it not , the continuance of high estimation that forraine Catholicke Princes haue had hitherto of the benignity , prudence , and bounty of his Maiesties nature , the preuenting of clamors , writing of bookes , and odious speaches throughout all Courtes , Countryes , Citties , Prouinces , & Realmes that will most certainely ensue vpon the contrary course of violent rigour and cruelty , engendring euery where hatred , detestation , and malediction abroad , suspitions , execrations , and auersions at home . 19. These are my considerations : and whether my aduersary M. Morton haue better for his contrary perswasion I know not : wee shall expect the comming forth of the body of his booke , for this his Preamble is but the head therof , though a great head , being of aboue three score leaues in 4. and of litle wit , as partly hath appeared by that which already hath bene perused , & will do much more by that which is to ensue . WHAT M. MORTON answereth about the later part of my Treatise concerning Equiuocation . §. II. IN the precedent Paragraph you haue heard what M. Morton had to reply about the first mayne poynt of Rebellion : now commeth he to the second of Equiuocation , writing some 3 petty leaues therof , but with so great an ostentation & vaunt at his first entrance , as if he would do great matters indeed , for thus intitleth he his Paragraph . That P.R. hath flatly ouerthrowne his whole defence of mentall Equiuocation , which is made so euident , as that no wit of man can possibly excuse him . This , you see , is confidently spoken , and very magnificently of himselfe and his witt , that he hath made thinges so plaine and euident against my Treatise , as no wit of man hath possibility eyther to defend or excuse me . Heere then the Reader will take some examen of witts : for albeit I desire not to render wordes for wordes , yet must I needs foretell , that he will fynd as great want of wit & discretion in this bragge , and in the medium here chosen to ouerthrow my whole Treatise , as euer , perhaps , he found in any man prefessing wit , and learning . 21. And yet the good man goeth forward in those his oftentations , stir●ing vp attention to the view of his owne weaknes and folly : for that hauing layd sorth in few wordes my assertion concerning lawfull Equiuocation , to wit , that it is a speach partly vttered in wordes , and partly reserued in mynd , but yet euer true , and no lye , for that the speach agreeth alwayes with the mynd of the speaker , and is true in his sense &c. he beginneth his confutation thus : How now would my Reader heare this noble Equiuocatour con●uted ? By Fathers ? Or by his owne Doctors ? or by sensible reasons ? this will be no hard matter to performe , as I hope ( God willing ) to auouch in due tyme. So he . And this as you see is no otherwise then if a bare and broken debitour hauing byn lōg called vpon to pay his debts , should step forth at length in a vaunt before a multitude saying to his creditor : Come Syr , what sort of gold will you be paid in ? will you haue it in Spanish Pistolets ? Portugall Cruzadoes ? French Crownes ? Zechines of Venice ? Dallers of Germany , or English Angels ? and his creditor should answere him , Syr any kynd of coyne would content me , although it were but halfe-faced groates , or single-pence , so I might haue it . And that then the other should reply as M. Morton doth heere : Well , I hope , God willing , to pay you in tyme ; and so leaue him with lesse probability of payment then euer before . And were this now substantiall dealing for satisfaction of his creditours ? And doth not M. Morton the very like , that asking heere th● reader , whether he will haue Fathers , Doctours , or reasons for proofe against me , produceth neuer a one , but faith , that he hopeth to do it in tyme ? And was it not now fit time to alleadge some one or two at least , if had had such store as he vaunteth , and those of such force and euidency , as no wit of man can controle them ? Surely it would haue delighted the Reader to haue read one such exāple in this place for a tast , though he had expected for the other the longer after . But now he must needes suspect the art of Monte-banks in commending their wares so far beyond their worth , and refusing to affoard any sight therof . 22. But let vs come to see what supply M. Morton deuiseth to make , in lieu of those former pretermitted proofs of Fathers , Doctors , reasons &c. Heere ( saith he ) is offered vnto me a briefer course , more fit for a Preāble , and for the triumph of truth more glorious , which is to see ( as politicke Achitophell hāged in his owne halter , so ) this doctor of the art of lying , confounded by his owne assertion . I desire euery child of truth to lend me attention . So he . And all this is by way of preface before he come to his triumphant and glorious victory . And if he do nothing afterward but shame himselfe , and shew his owne folly in mistaking the chiefe point of the question , and not vnderstāding wherin consisteth the principall force of the cōtrouersie , will not all this vaunting prologue proue a halter of Achitophell to hang himselfe ? And the styrring vp of euery child of truth to attention , make euery man witnesse of his owne disgrace ? Let vs then ioyne issue vpon the matter it selfe . 23. The means that he taketh here to ouerthrow , as he saith , my whole Treatise of Equiuocation , is the example of the woman Saphyra in the Acts of the Apostles , whome he will needs defend to haue vsed Equiuocation with S. Peter , when she being demanded by him , VVether she sold her land for so much , she answered yea ; which being an vnlawfull answere , and punished by the holy Ghost with death , he would inf●rre fondly therof , that all Equiuocatiō is vnlaw●ull . But I thinke be●t to set downe my whole charge in that behalfe as it standeth in my Treatise , and then shall we see how therby M. Mortō will ouerthrow ( as he saith ) my whole defence . Thus then I did write in my former booke . The Charge giuen by P. R. 24. First to begin with his exāples out of Scripture , I say , that he might better haue said example in the singular number : for wheras we of our part haue alleged so many , & so great variety of examples in our former discourse to the contrary , he ( poore man ) out of all the body of the whole Bible hath alleadged but one , and that nothing to his purpose , as presently shall appeare . His example is out of the Acts of the Apo●tles , where it is recounted how Ananias , & Saphyra his wife , hauing sould a certaine feild of theirs , and bringing a part of the price , and laying it at the feete of the Apostle , as though it had bene the whole price , were miraculously punished by S. Peter for defrauding the Community , of that which they had promised , or would pretend to giue . An act ( saith Thomas Morton ) proper to the infancy of the Church , to bring their substance , & tender it to the Apostles for the common good o● Saints . By which words if he allow that fact , as a forme of perfection in that purity and integrity of the Christian Churches beginning ; why then now is the imitation therof in religious men of our dayes impugned by the Protestants ? And if by the word Infancy he meane weaknes or imperfect on in the sense of S. Paul , saying ; Cùm essem paruulus &c. when I was a child or infant , I spake as a child , I vnderstood as a child , I thought as a child : but when I came to the yeares of a man , I cast of those things that belonged to a child : If this ( I say ) be Thomas Mortons meaning to note the act of imperfection , the ancient * Fathers do stand wholy against him , and do allow it rather for great perfection , and that it was a vow of voluntary pouerty to liue in cōmon , which those first Christians had made by counsaile of the Apostles , and consequently do interprete those words ( Nonne manens ●ibi manebat &c. did it not remayne in your power to giue it , or ●ot to giue it ? ) to haue byn meant by S. Peter before ●heir vow : which if it be true , and that S. Peter did ●iue so dredfull a sentence vpon the first vow-brea●ers of voluntary pouerty , euen for detayning som●hat of their owne , how much may Thomas Morton , ●nd some friends of his , feare the like sentence , for ●eaching it to be lawfull to take away that from a Religious cōmunity which themselues neuer gaue . ●5 . But let vs come to the application of this ex●mple against Equiuocation , which he hath cho●en to vse principally about the womans speach . The ●oman is asked ( saith he ) sould you the land for so much ? Her ●nswere is● yea , for so much , meaning but one halfe , & concea●ing the other , in which dissimulation it is impossible ( saith M. Morton ) but that your reserued clause must haue come into her mynd , to thinke , but so much to giue in common , or to ●●gni●ie vnto you . Thus he teacheth that poore womā●o Equiuocate , a●ter his māner of Equiuocatiō , that ●s to say , to lye : for now I suppose he hath learned ●y that which hath byn setdowne in our precedent Chapter , that so speake an vntruth , or to conceale a truth , or to vse any Equiuocation when we are iustly demaūded by our lawfull Superiour , and when no iniury , or violence is vsed vnto vs , is a greiuous mortall synne in our Catholicke doctrine , and consequently she being lawfully d●maunded by S. Peter in a lawfull cause touching her owne vow & promise , no clause of reseruation could saue her speach from lying , as our Minister doth foolishly imagine . 26 Wherfore S. Peter as most lawfull Iudge , and gouernour of the Vniuersall Church vnder Christ , and the holy ghost in him , did worthily punish that dissimulation , and lying bo●h in her and her hu●bād for example of others in that beginning , and for manifesting the great and speciall assistance of the holy ghost that assisted him , & should be in his successors to the worlds end , in that their gouernment , to the terrour of wicked men that should impugne it , or otherwise deserue by their demerits to be punished by the same . And thus much of his examples out of Scriptures , which is but one as you see , & that much against himselfe & his owne cause , if I be not deceaued , for that it proueth all Equiuocation is not law●ull , as he will needs suppose vs to hold . 27. This was my discourse then . Now let vs s●e how M. Morton doth ouerthrow my whole Treatise of Equiuocation out of this speach of myne , and that with such euidency , as no wit of man can possibly excuse me . He beginneth his impugnation thus : The supposed Equiuocation of the woman Saphyra ( saith he ) was this , I haue sold it but for so much , reseruing in her mynd ( for ought that you shall know , ) which is agreable to their owne example of Equiuocation I am no Priest ( meaning to tell it you . ) This later P. R. hath defended throughout his whole booke : and now of the other he is inforced by the word of truth to say , that it is a lye , and that no clause of reseruation could saue it from a lye : from whence it shall inuincibly follow , that Priestes Equiuocation is a Satanicall lye , these two speaches being so semblable in themselues , as if he should say they differ , then must the difference be eyther in respect of the spea●ers , or in respect of the hearers . This is his discourse ●alking much of the word of truth , and the child of truth , ●nd continuing still to promise what he will do , & what he will proue : but as yet he proueth nothing . He saith it will follow inuincibly , that to answere I ●m no Priest to an incompetent Iudge ( if I be a Priest ) ●s a Satanicall lye , for that such was the answere of ●aphyra vnto S. Peter , I haue sold my possession for so much , ●ith this reseruation of mind ( to tell you , or to conferre ●n common . ) But first how doth he proue that she had ●his meaning of reseruation in her mind ? It is but ● . Mortons imagination , to ascribe it vnto her ; for it ●ay more probably be thought that she had neuer ●ny such cogitation , to make her speach lawfull by ●eseruation , but absolutly to lye . Which is most con●orme to the text it selfe of holy Scripture , where it ●s said by S. Peter to Ananias : Cur tentauit Satanas cor tu●m mentiri Spiritui Sancto ? Wherefore hath Sathan tempted thy hart to ly vnto the Holy ghost ? And againe , Thou hast not lyed to men , but to God. Wherby it is euident that his and his wiues intention was to lye , and to defraud the cōmunity of a part of their lands , and that they had no cogitation at all of speaking a truth , & auoyding of lying by Equiuocation , as the Priest hath , and so haue all those that meane lawfully , and with a good conscienc● , to couer a truth which they are not bound to vtter , which properly we call equiuocation : so as whosoeuer hath not this intentiō , as it is to be supposed that Ananias & Saphyra had not , he doth not equiuocate , but lye . Which being so , it is very great simplicity , to abstaine frō a worse word , for M. Morton to found his whole discourse vpon this matter , and especially so vaine and vaunting a discourse as this is , only vpon his owne supposall , that the woman Saphyra had intention to equiuocate : which if I deny , as iustly I may , all this glorious building falleth to the groūd . But yet not to cut him of so short , and put him to a non plus vpon the suddaine , I am content to doe him this pleasure , as to suppose with him , that the poore woman might haue some such reseruation in her mind , as M. Morton imagineth , to wit , that as the Priest saith truly , I am no Priest ( with obligation to tell it you : ) so shee might meane , that I haue sold it for no more ( to acquaint you withall : ) and then I say , albeit we should admit this supposall , it is denied by vs flatly , that these two examples are alike , as now I haue declared ; the one being vnlawfull the other not . And what inuincible argumēt hath M. Morton , thinke you , now to proue that they are all one ? And that of the Priest to be as vnlawfull as the other of the woman ? You shall heare . 28. If you say ( quoth he ) that they differ , then must the difference be eyther in respect of the speakers , or of the hearers ? We answere , that of both ; for in the behalfe of the speaker , there was obligation in Saphyra to answere the truth , and in the hearer lawfull authority to demaund it , for that he was lawfull Iudge : but neither of these two things are in the Priest that is vnlawfully examined by the incōpetent Iudge . For that as the said Iudge is no Iudge , & consequently hath no authority to demaund matters preiudiciall to the party examined : so hath the other no obligation to answere directly to his intention or interrogatory . And what hath now M. Morton to reply to these so euident and important differences , that make the one answere lawfull , the other a lye ? 29. Surely it is a pittifull thing to see how he is puzled in this matter , and would faine say somewhat , and can find nothing wheron he may subsist , or rest himselfe . For first , he beginneth with the person of the woman , that is the speaker , that did vnlawfully equiuocate vnto S. Peter , comparing her to the person of the Priest that lawfully saith vnto ●n incompetent Iudge , I am no Priest , and findeth no ●reater difference betweene them , but first , that she 〈◊〉 a woman , and he is a man , and then , that it is as possible ●r a Priest to lye , as for a woman to tell truth . But he dissem●leth the maine differēce now mentioned , that she ●ad obligatiō to tell the truth without equiuocatiō , ● he not , which is the substantiall differēce indeed . Heere thē is no plaine dealing to falter so manifestly ●n the very principall point that most imported . ●0 . Secondly he passeth to the person of the hea●er or Iudge , and sayth , there can be no difference ●etweene the two cases in that respect , whether ●hey be competent or incompetent , and this he pretendeth ●o proue out of my words : which point for that he will needs haue the whole substance of this contro●ersy to depend therof , saying further , that I cannot ●biect any difference in this behalfe without grosse & stupide con●radiction to my selfe , throughout my whole Treatise , we shall seuerally examine his arguments heerin . M. Mortons first argument discussed , about a competent and incompetent Iudge . 31. His first argument is taken from my wordes , where in my treatise of Mitigation I do say thus : That in mentall reseruation the speach agreeth to the mynd , and meaning of the speaker , for that when I do say to an incompetent Iudge , that I am no Priest , I do truly & really meane , that I am no Priest in the sense that I speake it , which may be any that pleaseth me , or that I list to frame to my self . So I. And hitherto M. Morton cyteth my owne wordes , though somewhat brokenly , but yet cutteth of wholy the other that immediatly do ensue and make all playne , to wit , ( seeing I haue no obligation to respect any thing what the demander speaketh , or asketh , for so much as he demandeth me against law and equity ) . Well this is no playne dealing , as you see . But what argument will M. Morton frame out of these my words ? Marke ( saith he ) The truth of Equiuocation is not suspended vpon the vnderstanding of the hearer , who may conceaue , or misconceaue the speach . so he . But what is this to the purpose ? I grant that the truth of any answere made vnto a Iudge dependeth not vpon the vnderstanding , conceipt , or capacity of the said Iudge , but vpon the meaning of the speaker , which meaning notwithstāding is to be measured by the competēcy , or incompetency of the Iudge . For if the Iudge be competent , then is the answerer bound to answere to his intention , and to haue that meaning in his answere which the Iudge hath in his demand : but if he be not competent , then all this obligation ceaseth , and the speaker is free to haue what meaning h● list in his answere ( so that in his own sense it be true : ) and this , for the reason now touched . So as heere no inference at all can be made by M. Morton that the difference of competency of Iudges in the cases of the woman and Priest doth make no diuersity in the truth of their answers , and yet will he needes conclude with this consequence ( hauing said no more then I haue touched ) that for so much as I said in the Treatise of Mitigation , as before you haue heard , that no clause of reseruation could saue the speach of Saphyra from a lye ( for that it was to her lawfull Iudge , to whome she was bound to answere directly to his intention ) ergo , I do condemn● my selfe and all other Equiuocatours for phantasticall lyers . 32. But I would aske him why ? or by what consequence of reason this commeth about ? He saith for that there is no difference in effect between this speach of Saphyra , I haue sold it for no more , to tell it you , & of the Priest , I am no Priest , to tell it you . I say that suppose Saphyra had that reseruation ( which yet dependeth only of M. Mortons fiction , ) yet that there is ● great maine difference betweene them , in that the one party was bound to tell what she was demāded , the other was not bound ; he replieth that I confesse ●hat the truth of the answere dependeth not of the vnderstanding 〈◊〉 the hearer , but of the meaning and intention of the speaker ; which I also grant , but yet that this meaning and intention of the Speaker must be gouerned and di●ected by the lawfulnes and competencie of the ●earer or Iudge to whome we speake , or by whome we are demanded . For if he be lawfull and compe●ent , then doth he thereby impose an obligation vpon the speaker , to answere to his meaning and ●ntention , otherwise not , which maketh a great ●aine difference , and the cases farre vnlike , if M. Morton had will to see it ( for to want of vnderstanding I wil not ascribe it ) and sincerity to vtter it . So as this his first argument proueth nothing but against himselfe . Let vs see his second . His second argument examined . 33. Secondly ( sayth he ) as we here fynd a woman ma●ing a lye to S. Peter a competent Iudge , so do we read that S. Peter made a lye vnto a woman ( an examiner incōpetent ; ) so that the di●ference of the hearers doth not alter the nature of ●he speach . So he , and his meaning is ( by the diffe●ence of hearers ) that it importeth not whether the ●udge be competent or incompetent , for so he wri●eth within few lines after . Truth is truth ( saith he ) though it be vttered to man or woman , whether to Prince or people , to Symon Peter , or to Symon Magus , yea whether to Archangell or to Sathan , Iudge competent or incompetent , it cannot free a lying speach from the nature of a lye . And the reasō hereof confessed by P. R. is , that the essence and formality of a lye requireth , that the speach disagree from the mind and vnderstanding of the speaker . Thus M. Morton . 34. And all this prooueth nothing at all to his purpose . For albeit we graunt that the essence of a lye consisteth principally & immediately in this , that it doth disagree from the mind and vnderstanding of the speaker : yet doth the respect of competency in a Iudge that demandeth , put obligation , as now hath byn sayd , vpon the speaker to haue this or that mind & meaning correspondent to his , that demandeth , which is not in a Iudge incompetent . And albeit these respects of competencie or incompetency may seeme but circumstances : yet as in morall matters it often falleth out , circumstances do alter the nature and species of the vertue or vice it selfe , qui● transeunt in conditiones obiecti , as Scholemen do vse to speake . 35. So heere the selfe same answere , made to a competent or incompetent Iudge is made lawfull or vnlaw●ul , true or false , by that circumstāce of his competency , or incompetency , that layeth or not layeth the said obligatiō vpon the speaker , to speake directly to the Iudges meaning . So as when M. Mort. shufleth vp so many things togeather , saying , that truth i● truth , whether it be vttered to man or woman , Prince or people , Symō Peter or Symon Magus , Archangel or Satan , Iudg competēt or incompetent ; he either vnderstādeth not the differences that be in these exāples handled togeather , or would not haue his Reader to marke the same . For albeit the simple difference of persons themselues to whome we speake altereth not the truth or falsity of our speach : yet some respect or relation in those persons ( but especially of being a lawfull or vnlawfull Iudge ) may , and doth alter the same wholy , making the one speach truth , and the other falsity . 36. And thus much for answering the force of M. Mortons secōd argumēt which in effect is nothing at all . For that albeit all diuersity of persons , to whom we speake , doth not alter the truth or falsity of the speach : yet some may , when the hearer hath authority to oblige in conscience the speaker to answer directly to his meaning , and to vtter truth , as hath ●yn declared . And with this wee might end , but that we may not let passe a contradiction or two , which offer themselues in this his speach . For in the ●eginning of this argument as you haue heard he writeth thus : As we heere find a woman making a lye to S. ●eter a competent Iudge : so we read , that S. Peter made a lye ●o a woman an examiner incompetent . And for this he ci●eth Matth. 26. and yet in his former booke of Full sa●isfaction , he wrote thus , if you remēber ; that the maid ●o whom S. Peter swore was cōpetent inough to heare a true oath , ●f he had bin as ready to sweare truly . So as there he made ●er competent , and heere incompetent : which of ●hem he will stand vnto now , I know not , although ●t seemeth that he is more bound to stand to the first , ●hat she was S. Peters cōpetent Iudg , or examiner ; for ●hat he bringeth it for a proofe of his maior propo●itiō , in that famous syllogisme of six termini , which ●hen he made , and now cannot , nor so much as at●empteth to defend , as before you haue seene , in which the maior was this : The competency of God , by whō we sweare , maketh euery one competent Iudges and hearers , to ●home we sweare . Whereunto if we would adioine ●his minor , but S. Peter sware by God vnto this maide , the conclusion will follow in good forme : ergo she was a competent Iudge , and consequently also a competent examiner , for that euery competent Iudge hath likewise lawfull authority to examine . So that you see that M. Morton there did not only affirme it , but proue it also by syllogisme , that she was S. Peters lawfull Iudg : nay he held it for so certaine , that he did set it downe for a proofe of his said maior propositiō thus : The maior ( saith he ) is true , for that our Sauiour in auouching truth , held Pilate for a competent Iudg , although he did not i●ridicè , but falsely proceed . S. Paul in his cause appealed to Cesars Tribunall seat , who was a Pagan . Iacob did couenant ●ith Laban an idolater . And the mayd to whome S. Peter swore , was cōpetent inough to heare a true oath , if he had bene as readie to sweare truly . In which words you see , that he affirmeth the maid to haue bene competent , by that S. Peter did sweare by God vnto her , and therby pretendeth to proue his maior proposition , that the competency of God , by whome we sweare , maketh euery one cōpetent Iudge , to whome we sweare : And yet within two lines after , he saith againe : but she was no lawfull examiner , and Pilate was a partiall Iudge : so that , denying her to be lawfull examiner , and yet to be competent Iudge , is a plaine contradiction in it selfe . For that ( as hath beene said ) whosoeuer is competent Iudge , hath power also thereby to examine : for that otherwise he could not iudge of the truth , wherof he hath no● authority to examine : so as the maides case seemeth very troublesome to M. Morton , no lesse then she was importune to S. Peter . But let vs see the residue of the examples , how they make to M. Mortons purpose , for proofe of his maior . 37 The point which they should prooue , is this : that , whosoeuer sweareth to another by God , doth therby make him or her , to whome he sweareth , his lawfull and competent Iudge . The fondnesse of which assertion , though we haue sufficiently layd open before in our Treatise of Mitigation by sundrie reasons and examples ; yet shall we heere againe take the paines to examine seuerally in a word or two , his other three examples as we haue done now that of the maid . His first is of Pilate : Our Sauiour ( saith he ) in auouching truth , held Pilate for a competent Iudge . But now what of this ? Did our Sauiour make Pilate his competent Iudge , by swearing to him by God ? How can he proue it ? Or who would suppose or inferre this but M. Morton ? His second example is : S. Paul in his cause appealed to Cesars Tribunall seat . But this is lesse to the purpose then the former , for that heere was no oath at all of the Apostle , wherby Cesar might be constituted his competent Iudge . His third example is of Iacobs couenāt with Laban , which was an idolater ; and is most of all from the purpose , and little lesse indeed then ridiculous : for that neither Iacobs couenant with Laban , nor Labans with Iacob ( for the couenant was reciprocall ) did make either Laban to be competent Iudge to Iacob , nor Iacob to Laban ; but both of them remained ●as before , though bound in faith and promise the one to the other for perfourmance of that mutuall frendship , which they had promised , but yet without any superiority of being Iudges the one to the other , as euerie man in common sense doth see : and consequently M. Mortons maior propositiō ( that euery man is made our Iudge● to whome we sweare ) is not proued to be true by any of these foure instances , nor by thē alltogeather . Let vs passe then to his third . His third Argument confuted . 38. Thirdly , saith he , in mentall Equiuocatiō P. R. saith , that the clause of reseruaton mixed with the outward speach maketh but one proposition which is as true in the mind of the speaker , as if it were wholy deliuered in the outward speach . As for exāple : I am no Priest , mixed with this clause cōceyued in mind , to tell it you ; is as true in the Iudgment of P. R. as if it had bene without reseruation fully expressed with the mouth , saying : I am noe Priest to tell it you : Now then , say P. R. ( for I meane to fetter you in your owne shackles ) the woman when she sayd to S. Peter ; I haue sold it but for so much , if she had reserued in her mind this clause , to giue it to you , either had it bene by vertue of reseruation , ● truth , or els ( notwithstanding that reseruation ) it had bene a lye . If the clause of reseruation might haue made it a truth , then hath not P. R. said truth in concluding , that no clause of reseruation could saue it from a lie : If contrariewise the tricke of reseruation could not saue it from a lye , then doth not the reserued clause to tell it you , being mixed with the outward speach , I am no Priest , make vp one true proposition , and consequētly it must be concluded of the Preistly Equiuocation , as is heere by P. R. confessed of the womans , vz. that noe clause of reseruation can saue their speach from a lye . For if she had said vnto S. Peter in plaine words : I ●aue sould it but for so much , ●● giue it in common , or such like , this euery one knoweth had beene a true speach : yet she saying , I sould it for s● much , with mentall reseruation , reseruing in her mind , to giue it in cōmon , or to tel it vnto you , was , notwithstanding this reseruation , euen by the iudgement of P. R. a flat lye . 39. This is his last and greatest argument , wherof , as presently you shall heare , he vaunteth exceedingly , conquering me first in his margent , writing there : An euident conuiction of P. R. And then againe : A plaine demonstration , to say no thing of the fetters & shackells in the text it selfe . And I haue thought best to lay forth his whole discourse , as it lyeth togeather in his booke , that heereby you may see , with what manner of substance he filleth vp paper , and what sort of shackells he hath to fetter men withall , which are as strong , as the netts of cobwebbes : for that in this place his whole discourse and argument is founded vpon a manifest false ground and principle , to wit vpon the me●re mistaking , or fond supposition , that the two answers of the Priest and the woman , viz. I am no Priest with obligation to tell it vnto ●ou , and , I sould it for no more , with obligation to giue vnto you , are of equall falsity , which still we deny , & he cannot proue : and yet himselfe doth often heere repeat , ●hat I do hould the answere of the Priest to be true , ●nd hers to be false , for that his was made to an in●ompetent Iudge , and hers to a competent , so as she was bound to haue answered directly to S. Peters meaning : which being so , what needed all this long obscure speach of M. Morton , which might haue been ●poken in 4. lynes ? For I grant that the answers of ●he Priest and the woman do make ech of them in ●hemselues , being mixt with their reseruation , a whole perfect proposition , as if they had byn vt●ered without reseruation . 40. It is euident also , that the womans proposition , that she had sould her land for no more , with obligation to giue it to S. Peter , or to be spent in cōmon ( this being the true effect , and substance of her answere ) was a lye , whether it had beene vttered wholy togeather in playne wordes , or part in speach , and part in mentall reseruation . And M. Morton doth childishly suppose and affirme , that euery one knoweth that it had bene a true speach . For albeit the wordes of S. Peter in the text of the Actes of the Apostles be , Tell me , woman , if you sould the ●eild for so much ? and her answere was , Yea for so much : yet is it euidēt by the drift and circumstance of the place , that S. Pe●●r● meaning was , whether they sold it for so much , and no more , and therfore if she did Equiuocate as M. Morton will haue her , her secret meaning must needs be , that she sould it for no more , so as she was bound to vtter it , or giue it vnto him , or bring it to the cōmon purse . All which was false , & a lye , in respect both of ●er vow to bring the whole to the common purse , and for that S. Peter was her lawful , and competent Iudge , and she obliged therby to tell him the truth . 41. Now then wee see after so many vaunts , and braggs , what M. Morton hath beene able to effect by these his arguments : It shall not be perhaps amisse to add his confident conclusion wherin he doth recapitulate as it were the summe of all , comparing these two answers of the Priest and the woman togeather . Let vs ( saith he ) for conclusion , parallele both these examples which are very neere a kinne . For if we do compare speaker with speaker , that is , the woman and a Priest , both will be thought to be Votaryes . If outward speach with outward speach , that is , I haue sold it but for so much , and I am no Priest , both are negatiues . If reseruation with reseruatiō , as ( to tell it vnto you ) or [ to giue vnto you ] both are mentall . If the forme with forme , both equally ananswerable to the mynd of the speaker . If finally , end with end , both are to deceiue the hearer . Wherfore P. R. granting , that no clause of reseruation could saue her specah from a lye , must by irrepugnable consequence be forced to confesse , that his [ I am no Priest ] vttered by a Priest , to whomsoeuer it be spoken , notwithstanding any mentall reseruation of [ to tell it vnto you ] is a Satanicall and damnable lye . 42. The wordes of Satanicall and damnable are very frequent with M. Morton , as you see . God send him saluation , and vs all freedome from Sathan , and Sathanicall spirits ; which in no one thing are more discryed then by the facility of wilfull lying : but to the matter . His collection in his conclusion is like the making of a latin without the principall Verbe . For wheras he gathereth in the said conclusion , sundry points of likenesse , and neernes of kinne ( as he calleth them ) to make the speaches of the Priest and the woman to seeme semblable ; he pretermitteth of purpose the chiefe and essentiall difference indeed of competent , & incompetent Iudge , and obligatiō●rising therō , wherin we principally do insist , for their difference and diuersity : & yet he saith , as you haue heard , that I granting , that no clause of reseruation ●ould saue the womans speach from a lye , must by irr●pugna●le consequence be forced to grant also the same of the Prie●●s answere . But wheron I pray you is this ir●epugnable consequence grounded ? Haue you seene any demonstration alleadged by him for it , besides his ●nly imagination , and fond ●upposition ? And yet , ●s though he had done wonders indeed , he in●ul●eth exceedingly in the very last lynes of this Para●raph , which are these . ●3 . And where is now ( saith he ) P. R. his boast of ●criptures , Fathers , Reasons ? Where is his Chal●enge of Canonists and School-deuines ? Where is ●●s apeale vnto both our Vniuersities ? Nay , where 〈◊〉 this man P. R. himselfe , the new select Aduocate ●or this cause ? may he not say heerafter , I was a●amed , and therefore I hid my selfe ? So naked doth his ●eformity appeare . He hath said , That his Aduer●ary T. M. is like one , who when the game is des●erate , well notwithstanding play it out , and see the ●●st man borne . Heere he himselfe hath made such a ●lot , as cannot but be the vnfallible losse of his ●hole game , who being pressed with this example ●ut of Scripture , is driuen to such a vertigo and giddi●esse , that euen when he would defend his art of Equiuocating from a lye , is by cōsequence from Gods word , forced to confesse an outward speach , which no clause of reseruation could saue from a lye , whereby his owne Magi ( I doubt not ) will be brought to acknowledg , that digitus Dei hic est , this is the power of Gods truth . And thus being contented , for this present , to haue my whole cause in both questions , of Equiuocation and Rebellion so iustifyable , that my Aduersarie his owne confessions may free me from his imputation of slāder ; I do with better alacrity proceed vnto his next challenge . Thu● goeth this solemne vaunt . 44. And truly he hath great cause to proceed with alacrity indeed , if with so litle labour & lesse learning ●e can make himselfe so victorious , in both the mayne questions of Rebellion and Equiuocation , as heere he paynteth out himselfe . I haue heard of some Cockes of the game that when they were so pricked and wounded by their aduersaries in fight , as both ●heir heads did runne with gore bloud , and both their eyes almost out , yet with any least pause giuen them , they would crow in the cockpit in signe of courage : and it may be that my Aduersarie is of some kindred to that couragious race . But heer I must auswere him to some of his demands . 45 VVhere is now ( saith he ) the boast of P. R. for Sriptures , Fathers , Reasons ? I answere , they are in my booke set downe in great numbers , and haue expected that you should haue satisfied at least some one or two of them in this place . And wheras they are so many , so manifest , and so potent against you , and no one of them attempted to be answered by you ; it seemeth a poore euasion , and simple Rhetoricall shi●t to crow so coldly , as to aske where they are when so many do lye before you . But let vs heare your second interrogation . VVhere is ( say you ) his challeng of Canoni●●s , and Schoole-Deuines ? Wherto I answere , that they are in the same places of my former Treatise , where they were before ; and you could not but see them , yet no one of them hath beene examined or touched by you in all this your reply , so farre as I can see . But you go further . VVhere is ( say you ) his appeale vnto both Vniuersities ? I answere , it is in the same ●●ate that it was before , and in the same lynes that I l●ft it , without any repeale of your part hitherto made . And finally you demand in great brauery ; VVhere is this man P. R. himsel●e , the new select Aduocate ●or this cause ? may he not say hera●ter , I was ashamed , and hid my selfe ? wherunto I answere for him , that if he seeme to haue byn hydden before ; now he doth appeare againe in this new Treatise , and you haue heard him speake , and felt him strike in his defence , and more you are like to do afterward before this combat be ended , though frendly and quietly according to the tytle of his booke . And so this being to much tyme to leese in these tryflinges , I shall in few wordes make vp the reckoning of this Pa●agraph . The Vpshot of this Reckoning . ●6 . Wherfore now to turne my selfe to Morton●n ●n frendly and quiet manner , I cannot but wonder 〈◊〉 Syr ) that you would enter into this matter of ●uerthrowing my whole defence of Mentall Equiuoca●ion , established by so great variety of apparēt proofs ●ut of Scriptures , Fathers , Reasons , and other ar●umentes , as my former booke layeth before you , & ●hat with such confidence as , to affirme in the very ●ytle of your paragraph , that no wit of man could stād ●gainst you , that you would promise to your Rea●er , a glorious course to the triumph of truth : that I should be ●ettered in my owne shackles , hanged in Achitophels halter , as a ●atanicall and damnable lyer , a grosse and stupide contradictour ●f my selfe , driuen into such a vertigo & giddines , vpon your ●pressing me with one only example out of Scriptures , as when I would faynest defend my art of Equiuocation , am forced by consequence from Gods words to confesse , that their is an outward speach , which no clause of reseruation could saue frō a lye , wherby myne owne Magi should be brought to acknowledg ( as the Magi of Egipt were ) that digitus Dei hic est , this is the finger of God , that hath made M. Morton so miraculou●ly glorious against me , as hauing said nothing , hath notwithstanding gotten the victory , and so ouercome me , as all the wit of man can not defend me . 47. And I do add heere miraculously of my selfe , for that , in my reasō it is the greatest miracle that can be deuised , that a mā without saying any thing at all to the purpose , should so flatly ouerthrow so large a defēce , so grounded , & so fortified as myne was , cōcerning Equiuocation , and the lawfullnes therof , and this by alleadging one only example of a poore woman that did make a lye to S. Peter her lawfull and competent Iudge , whiles she pretended to Equiuocate ( if she had any such meaning as you wil needes signe her to haue had ) and thereby you will conclude , that all other Equiuocations whatsoeuer , ( though to neuer so incompetent a Iudge ) must needes in like manner be a lye : which seemeth not only a fancy , but also a very phre●sy in law of good dispute , aud argumentation . For if we cōsider your precedent arguments , wheron your whole bragging confidence doth rely , no one of them , nor all togeather are worth a rush , to proue any iote of that you pretend , as now largely and manifestly hath beene proued . Wherfore I must needs say that it sauoureth of a strōg humor of vanity in you to frame vnto your selfe so full and glorious a victory as you do , which I assure my selfe will cause more laughter then admiratiō in any discret Reader : and with this alacrity , you may proceed to that which insueth . 48. But yet before I end this Chap. I must needs take you once by the sleeue againe , & tell you , that wheras you do often times serue your selfe in this Reply , of my cōfession , or rather concessiō , that no clause of reseruation could excuse the speach of the woman ( Saphyra ) from a lye ; for that she spake to a competent Iudge , which obliged her not to equiuocate : you to make semblance of some contradiction , and absurdity in me , about the same , doe in the very entrance of this your Reply , ( to wit , in your Epistle to P. R. ) falsify my words manifestly , affirming me to graunt that , there is a mentall equiuocation ( meaning of the speach of Saphyra ) which no clause of reseruation can saue from lye ; which is a lye indeed , for that this is not my saying , but yours : for that my saying is , that the answer of Saphyra to S. Peter , could not by any reseruation o● mynd be defended f●om a lye , ●or that he was her lawfull Iudg ; and consequently , I doe proue , that her said speach was no equiuocatiō at all● and yet are you not ashamed to say , yea and to stand vpon it , and to vrge the matter in sundry places , as graunted by me , that there is a mentall equiuocation which no clause of reseruation can saue from a lye , wheras I doe hold , auerr , & proue the quite contrary , to witt , that such a speach cannot be truly equiuocation , for that it is a lye . This then may increase your alacrity ( M. Morton ) that this assertion of yours is found to be so plaine , and euidently false , as no equiuocation or mentall reseruation can excuse it from a lye , nor any wit of man possibly defend you therin . 49. And this is all in effect that M. Morton hath thought good to handle of the two large subiectes of my former booke , touching Rebellion & Equiuocatiō , beginning first with the title ( as you haue h●ard ) and auo●ching , that to call it a Mit●gation , was very ominous and vnluckie to them whome specially it laboureth to de●end , whero● yet he alleageth no one proofe in the world , but only the ( May be ) before mentioned : to wit , that I said , that albeit dangers may fall out , as in al● other Common-wealthes ; so yet may Protestants and Catholickes liue togeather in cyuill vniō , and dutifull obedience , if they will , and be permitted . And then from this assertion he leapeth presently to another , saying ; that my foresaid Treatise of Mitigation , hath betrayed my whole cause both in the one , and the other question , of Rebellion and Equiuocation : for proofe whereof he hath no other argument , as now you haue heard , but only for the former of Rebellion , certayne fond deuised impossibilityes against the said may be . And for the other question of Equiuocation he hath only the case of the poore lying-woman Saphyra , which yet he esteemeth so highly to make for him , as he dareth pronounce , that it ouerthroweth my whole defence of mentall Equiuocation , and that so euidently , as no wit of man can possibly excuse the same . Which vehemēt hyperbolicall asseueratiō of his , I assure my selfe will seeme to the iudicious Reader , that hath takē a view of the triall past , to proceed of so litle wit of man , as it may scarce possibly be defended from plainfolly . 50. Well then this being all that is answered to the substance of my booke , we must passe to certaine accidents therof , which are sundry grieuous imputations of false dealing laied to M. Mortons charge , which I did obiter , and as it were by the way , lay opē in my Treatise , thereby to shew the weakenes , and misery of his cause , which forced him ( a mā otherwise much louing truth , as himselfe euery where protesteth ) to fall into such inexplicable labyrinths of grosse absurdities , as few men before him haue done . And for that these accidents did seeme perhaps to touch him more neerly , then the substance of the controuersy it selfe ( for that they are more sensible in the Readers eye and eare : ) therfore he hath principally adressed himselfe in this his Preamblatory-reply to euacuate or infringe some of these imputations , but with what successe , the euent it selfe will shew in the ensui●g Chapters . THE THIRD CHAPTER ANSVVERING TO M. MORTONS THIRD INQVIRY , CONCERNING falsities obiected by him ( though falsely ) against Catholicke writers , but especially against Card. Bellarmine : wherof no one can be proued . PREFACE . IN the former two Chapters the ●eader hath now taken a view of their seuerall subiects and arguments : and in the first , what light skirmishes M. Mortō thought best to make for some triall of his valour in answering ( vpon sundry small quarrels picked ●ut heere and there from different places of my who●e Treatise , ) and with what successe the same hath bene by him performed . In the second he hath seene two short assaults , about the two mayne matters in controuersy o● Rebellion & Equiuocation , which being conteyned but in two small Paragraphes , and treating only two single obiections , do easily shew how little store of substantiall reply M. Morton hath to so large a Treatise as mine was . But we must expect the residue of full complement in his promised larger Reioynder . 2. Now in the meane space wee are to examine three or foure other poyntes which he handleth in this his last Preamble-Reply , especially about his owne defence : for that he being deeply charged in my booke for manifold vntrue dealing in his writings which oftentimes was such as could not proceed so much of error , or mistaking , but sauoured of willfull , and witting deceiptfullnes , that commonly is called malice : which poynt for that I noted , and vrged often both against himselfe , and against many other of his profession , and this by great number and variety of examples , a●d i●●tances ; he feeling himself touched not a little in credit with this matter , as it may seeme , thought good after due deliberation to take this course of remedying the matter . First to obiect by way of recrimination diuers falsityes ( though farre vnlike ) against sundry Catholicke wryters , and namely against Ca●d . Bellarmine . And then againe , the same against me . And in the third place , to shape an answere to some of the foresayd vntruthes , wherwith I had charged him , such as you may imagine he thought himselfe best able somwhat to shaddow or disguise , leaping ouer the rest of most importance , as after you shall perceaue . So as these three points are now to be handled in this , and the next two ensuing Chapters . 3. And first for an entrance to this matter , he indeauoureth at the beginning to excuse himselfe frō malice against Catholicks in these words : From the imputation of malice against the persons of men ( saith he ) if I should need the testimony of man , my aduersaries may acquit me , who haue acknowledged in me better measures by their owne experience , D. VVri . M. Const. M. Ga. I haue halfe iniured thē , with halfe naming them , but I hope they will pardon me this wrong , knowing that it is not spoken in exprobration to them , but for iustificatiō of my selfe &c. So he . But I see not why he needeth to excuse ●imselfe from exprobration , which euer supposeth ●rue merits and benefits truly obiected : which how ●arre M. Morton may obiect to these Catholicke men ●y him heere named , I know not . But howsoener 〈◊〉 be , it litle maketh to the purpose , for that the ●●putation of malice was not in respect of his hatred ●gainst this or that particuler man , as to their per●●ns , but against their cause , & that in such a bloudy ●●rt of sycophancy , as included all the persons of that ●eligion : and therfore his fawning vpon two or ●●ree in externall words and countenance , either in ●erson , or els where , whiles in his chāber he sought 〈◊〉 writing his spitefull , infamous , and virulent ly●●g bookes to oppresse them all , & cut their throats ; ●●●is measure was not good , but may iustly be called a ●alicious measure : and yet was this M. Mortons measure , ●r so much as no man did euer write so maliciously 〈◊〉 my knowledg as he , nor in so odious an argumēt , ●●d iealous a tyme. ●● Moreouer malice doth not only consist in ha●ed to particuler persons , as heere M. Morton would ●eme to insinuate by his answere , but in crafty and ●eceiptfull dealing against charity , conscience , and ●eason ; especially in cyting false witnesse of Authors ●gainst Catholicks and their Religion , as he is con●inced often to haue done . And therfore wheras in ●he end of this his defence from malice , he saith , ●hat he must expostulate with Catholicks according to the Apostles example saying : Am I your enem● because I tell you truth ? ( which sentence liked him so well as he would needs put the same also for his poesy in the first front of his booke : ) the Catholicks will answere , no , Syr , Yow are not our enemy ●or telling truth , which yow do very seldome in any matter of controuersy betwe●ne vs and you ; but for making many a false and pernicious lye . And so the note of malice , and malitious dealing remayneth still with you vnpurged , vntill you blot it out by contrary deedes , and not only wordes : and this may serue by way of Preface to this Chapter . OF WILFVLL falshoods obiected by M. Morton in sundry Catholi●k● writers : and namely his abuse offered to Franciscus Costerus . §. I. NOW then to come to the matter it selfe : the occasion o● this labour of M. Morton to seeke out some errours , or shewes of falsities in Catholick● Authors , was , for that I hauing pressed him very sore in the last Chapter of my booke of Mitigation , with great multiplicity of vntruthes vttered by him , and his consortes , which seemed to me both witting and willfull , I said that it might well be assigned for a signe distinctiue betweene vs and thē to haue the spirit of vttering wil●ull vntruthes , and therby also might be determined the differēce of our causes , which is good , and which is bad . For as in a good cause there is no need of lying , and a bad cause cannot be defended but by lying : so no man willingly of any good nature will choose to lye , but vpon some necessity . The wordes of my former discourse in the book of Mitigation , are these . 6. And for that ( say I ) this matter is of great importance for the reader well to conceyue in these dayes of controuersies betweene vs , I meane to stay my selfe somwhat in this Chapter vpon this point ●nd to shew , that indeed it is a substantiall signe di●tinctiue betweene all sectaryes and vs , at this tyme , ●nd that in matters of controuersy , our writers shall ●euer be found guylty in these kindes of false lying ●nd malitious equiuocations , where not only vn●●uth is vttered , but it is wittingly also vttered , the ●riter knowing that he writeth vntruth , as often ●ow hath beene said : which manner of dealing in●●rreth two pointes ; the one that such a writer or ●●eaker hath no conscience , that vttereth thinges ●gainst his owne knowledge , and which God seeth 〈◊〉 be false , and falsely meant in his heart ; and the ●her , that his cause hath no ground of substantiall ●uth , which cannot be defended without such ●ilfull lyes . ●● In this then if you please let vs insist a while , & 〈◊〉 Tho. Morton bring forth any Catholicke Authors ●hatsoeuer , that wrote against Protestants since ●ese heresyes began , that hath bene taken in this ●piety ; I meane , that hath set downe in print any ●●●h falsity , as cannot be excused , eyther by igno●●nce , ouersight , negligence , error of print , transla●●●n , diuersity of editions , or the like ; but that it ●ust needs be presumed that he knew the vntruth , ●●d yet would set it forth : of this kynd ( I say ) let ●im shew me but one example among all Catho●●cke writers of our tyme , and I will in my consci●●ce greatly mistrust , and discredit the Author , ●hether it be an other , or my selfe . But if he shew ●e two or three in any writer of this kynd , I shall hardly be able euer afterward to belieue him more . And wheras the number and variety of Catholicke writers is so great as the world seeth , it were no great ●abour to shew it in some , if that spirit did raigne among them , as it doth in Protestant writers . 8. To this speach of mine doth M. Morton now in this his last Preamble frame a rhetoricall answere in these wordes . Doth the man ( who maketh mention of his interruption by sicknesse ) know what he hath now said ? Whet●er he spake this being in his feauer-fit , or in temper ? Whether in a dreame or a wake ? Whether in his right mynd , or in distraction ? For sure I am , that this ostentation will prooue in the issue as vnfortunate vnto P. R as euer was boast either by Thraso on the stage , or by Goliah in the Campe , or by Gorgias in the schooles : by the which he must be driuen vnto so miserable and shamefull a palinody , as euer herafter vtterly to discredit his owne frends , and worke a perpetuall discontent within himselfe , as presently will appeare . So he . 9. And to this appearāce I am contēt to remit me● only I desire the reader to stand attent to the conditiō he●re put downe , that the fa●shood obiected must be willfull , and not excusable either by error , ignorāce , ouersight or the like , as many of those were not , nor could possibly be defended which in my booke I brought against M. Morton and his , and more shall I do in this his Reply . And surely it is worth the noting , that he being to begin a list of falsities against Roman writers , as he pretendeth , should in the very first lynes s●t downe a notorious wil●ull vntruth of his owne , against that graue and learned man Franciscus Costerus , as pr●sently will appeare . For wheras I had said in m● former alleadged discourse , Let Thomas Morton bring forth any Catholicke Aut●ours whatsoeuer that wrote against Protestants since these heresies began that hath bene taken in this impiety , he maketh this an●were : I m●y not deny euen this my Aduersary his due com●endation of modesty , who being ashamed ( we may thinke ) of the Romish fraudes , and falsifications of former times , will insist only vpon such mens examples , as haue professedly written of late against Protestants . It were to be wished , that his f●llow Iesuite Costerus had kept himselfe within the same precincts , but he maketh a more generall challeng thus : Nemo hactenu● vel Princeps , vel Praesul , vel Scriptor fuit , qui mendacij , vel malae fidei Romanos arguerit : that is , Neuer yet ( saith he ) did any Prince , or Prelate , or writer accuse the Romanists of falshood . So he . 10. And heere now I must demand of the Reader what he vnderstandeth M. Morton his purpose to be in this place ? Is it not to shew that Costerus was lesse modest then I , for so much as I said , if in any one Catholicke writer of controuersies of our age , there might be found but two or three examples of wilfull lying , I would neuer trust him more , but that Costerus went further saying , that no Prince , Prelate , ●r writer had euer hitherto accused any Romanists o● falshood ? Is not this M. Mortons plaine meaning ( thinke you ) as both his words and drift do shew ? Yes truly . Which being so , I would aske him first , why he did clippe the latin words of Costerus ( being so few as ●hey are ) for that he saith , Atqui verò nemo hact●nus fuit Catholicus , vel Princeps , vel Praesul , vel Scriptor &c. but neuerthelesse there was no Catholicke man hitherto ( to wit , vnto the time assigned whē Bishops of Rome were Saints and Martyrs ) eyther Prince , Bishop , or writer &c. why did he cut of the words , but ●euerthelesse & Catholicke man , and those both in latin and English , wheras they be in Costerus ? 11. Why was this paring think you , but that they being s●t down truly as they stād in the Author , they would haue b●wrayed his falshood ; for that the words ( but neuerthelesse ) do shew a referēce to somwhat going before , and the words ( no Catholicke Prince or Prelate ) do demōstrate that Costerus spake not of Catholick or Romā writers , for it had byn ridiculous ●or him in that sense to say , that no Catholicke of the Roman Religion did euer hitherto accuse any Romanists ( that is , Roman writers ) of falshood , for it had byn most absurd : & therfore if we imagin Costerus to be a man of common sense , we could neuer thinke that he would write so absurdly , and therfore this word ( Catholicke ) was guilfully left out by M. Mort. 12. Well then what was Costerus his meaning ? truly himselfe doth set it down both at large , and perspicuously in the very place , and Paragraph by M. Morton cyted , so a as ignorance or error can not be pleaded : for that he treating of the Authority and succession of the Bishops of Rome , and prouing the same out of the ancient Fathers , and historiographers of the primitiue Church , S. Iren●us , Eusebius , Augustinus , Optatus , and others , he in the next Paragraph , cited heere by M. Morton , proueth the same in like manner out of the Acts , Gests , Decrees , and letters yet extant of the ancient Popes themselues , euen in time of persecution , when in human power they were weake , and expected nothing but affliction , death● & martyrdome , and yet did they take vpon them the care of the whole world ( saith Costerus ) confirming Bishops , depriuing Patriarches of cōmuniō when need required : as restoring also others to their Seas when by violence they were i●iustly oppressed , and so for this he citeth many examples , euen before the time of Constantine the great , vpon which enumeration he maketh this argument . 13. Hi sanè qui vitam cum sanguine pro Christi confessione profuderunt , nihil sibi arrogasse●t alienum &c. These godly Bishops of Rome that spent their liues and bloud for the confessiō of Christ , would neuer ( of liklihood ) haue arrogated to themselues that which was not theirs , nor would they haue vsurped any thing contrary to the will of Christ , except they had well knowne , and byn sure that such an office was left , and commended to them by Christ. And if any man will imagin that they had byn of such impudency , as not to feare to do it : yet would there not haue wanted some others , eyther Bishops , Princes , or Doctors , who by their authority , power , and writings , would haue repressed this attempt of those Roman Bishops . And yet neuerthelesse hitherto there was n● Catholicke , eyther Prince , Prelate , or writer , that euer argu●d those Roman Bishops of lying , or false dealing , but rather Bishops , and Patriarchs of the first and principall churches when they were oppressed by their aduers●ries , did flye vnto them . 14 Thus farre Costerus . And now let vs consider how faithfully M. Morton hath dealt heere , euen thē when he principally pretendeth to deliuer himself● from vnfaithful●es , like as he that being arraigned at the sessions for stealing , doth not abstayne to steale ●uen in that place and presence of the Iudges themselues : who can excuse M. Morton heere ? he saw the whole drift of Costerus to be , to shew that if those ancient Popes before Constantine , who were Saints and Martyrs had presumed any thing beyōd their lawfull authority , some Catholicke Prince , Prelate , or writer of that tyme would haue resisted , or reprehended them of false dealing : but no such Prince , Prelat , or writer was found vnto that day , but rather Bishops and chiefe Patriarches did make their refuge vnto thē : therfore it is a signe that they were held for lawfull Superiours . 15. And what now is there heere in Costerus his speach about the lying of Romanists or Roman VVriters ? Can there be any defence of this so apparent abuse ? will M. Morton say that he saw not Costerus his meaning , or that he had not a ●alse meaning himselfe to deceaue his Reader ? Why then did he suppresse all the precedent clauses that do declare Costerus his purpose ? why did he cut of the other words immediatly following , of Bishops , and Patriarches recourse vnto ●opes , which did properly appertaine and cohere to the said former words and meaning of Costerus , and no way to M. Morton ? why did he trāslate ( Romanos ) Romanists , as though it pertained to Roman writers euen at this day , wheras the whole contex and immediate precedent wordes do manifestly shew that Costerus meant Romanos Pontifices , ancient Roman Bishops in tyme of persecution , and not Roman wryters ? And if all these inexcusable fraudes discouered in the allegation of this one litle sentence of Costerus be not sufficient to proue M. Morton not to meane sincerely , nor out of a good conscience ( notwithstanding all his protestations to the contrary ) I am greatly deceyued : let him produce but one such against vs , & I will say he doth somwhat indeed : & now whether he be able to do it or no , we shall presently take the view , for his list of obiections against our writers doth immediatly follow out of this his fraudulent Preamble , as full stuffed notwithstāding with protestations and vaunts of vpright dealing , and sincere proceeding , euen then , when he falsifieth egregiously , as euer perhaps you haue read before . HIS FIRST EXAMPLE of voluntary falshood falsely obiected against three ancient Popes . §. II. I hope the reader will remember what M. Morton is bound to bring forth , if he will bring any ●hing to the purpose , and true state of the question : ●o wit , he must let vs see some 2. or 3. examples of ●itting and wilfull falshood in any one Catholicke ●riter of our time , that hath written against Pro●estants , which presently afterward hee will at●empt to doe against Cardinall Bellarmine , and some o●hers . But now hee beginneth with three ancient ●opes , Zozimus , Bonifacius , and Celestinus , that lyued in ●he tyme of S. Augustine , and were much commended ●y him for holy men , but are accused by Morton●r ●r falsaryes , as though they had forged a Canon of ●he first Councel of Nice , in fauour of their owne Su●remacy , to proue therby the lawfulnes of appea●es to be made to them , and to their Sea from the Bishops ●o Africa , which Canon was not found in ●he ordinarie copies then extant of that Councell . ●● . But first of all , howsoeuer this matter passed , ●t appertayneth litle or nothing at all to our purpose ●or to the question now in hand of moderne Catho●icke writers , nor doth it proue wilfull falshood in ●hose three ancient Popes , if they cyted the Canon of one Councell for another of equall authority ( as indeed they did , ) for that it might be ascribed eyther to variety of copyes ( when no print was yet extant ) or to ouersight , forgetfulnes , or to some other such defect , rather then to malice , and voluntary errour . So as for M. Morton to begin his impugnation with an example , that hath so many disparityes from the case it selfe , and state of the question , sheweth that he hath litle indeed to say against vs to the purpose , notwithstanding his dreadfull threat before set down● against me , that I should be dryuen vnto a miserable , and shamefull palynode &c. for if he had had wares of any importance , it is likly that wee should haue seene some part therof now in this beginning of his onset . 18. Especially for that vpon want of better matter , as may be presumed , he was content to haue a snatch at Gratian , the compiler or gatherer together of the Canons of old Councels , who cyting the 22. Canon of the Councell of Meliuet in Africa , in which S. Augustine was present , and where it was decreed in these wordes , Placuit , vt Presbyteri , Diaconi , vel inferiores Clerici &c. It is decreed that Priests , Deacons and other inferiour Clergy men , if they will appeale from their Bishops , they shall not appeale but vnto the Councells of Africa &c. Gratian after the whole Canon set downe , doth by way of commentary adioyne this exception , in a differēt distinct letter , saying , except they do appeale to the Sea of Rome , which exception Cardinall Bellarmine in that matter alloweth not , for that the Councel of Meliuet did principally intēd to restrayne the Appeales of inferiour Cleargy men , frō going to Rome against their owne Bishops , though not the appeales of Bishops themselues , a● presently shall be shewed . 19. But now what hath M. Morton eyther against vs , or for himselfe out of this case ? You shal heare him speake . What can be said ( saith he ) for the defence of Gratian their publicke Compiler of the Decrees of Popes , who as Cardinall Bellarmine witnesseth citing a Canon of a Councell of Meliuet , wherin it was decreed that none should appeale beyond the sea , did adde of himselfe this exception , Except it be ●nto the Apostolike Sea of Rome : when as that Councell in forbidding appeales beyond the sea , did especi●lly intend to forbid appeales to Rome ? Many such ●ike falshoods might be alleadged . So saith he . 20. Wherto I answere , that if they be no better then this , they are not worth the alleaging , but only to intertaine time , & to shew your fraud in dea●ing . For first Gratian did liue dyuers hundred yeares gone ; but we talke of writers of our tyme , and of ●uch only is our question & cōtrouersy ; wherin you ●inding your selfe barren , would now extend your ●ōmission to all Catholicke wryters of all ages past , which is a miserable shift . Secōdly there be so many other shifts & trickes in cyting these few words , ●s do make demonstration that you can cyte no●hing in simplicity of truth , without some wil●ull corruption , as heere where you say , it was decreed ( in the Councel of Meliuet ) that none should appeale beyond the sea , you cut of craftily the first words before cyted of the said Canon , inferiores Clerici , the inferiour Cleargy men , as though the prohibition had byn for all ( as well Bishops , as inferiour Clergie men ) which presently we shall shew to be false . 21. Thirdly where you say that Gratian did adde o● himselfe this exception to the Canon , you would make ●our Reader thinke that he had added these words ●s the words of the Canō it selfe ; which he did not , but as a commentary or explication of the Canon in a separate place , and so is now extant in a distinct letter : and consequently your note in the margent that Gratian is a falsificator , falls vpon your selfe , which do falsifie his meaning . For that the most that can be obiected to Gratian in this place , is , that which Cardinall Bellarmine saith , he mistooke the true meaning and intent of that Canon of Meliuet , as though it had beene meant of Bishops , as well as of in●eriou● Clergy-men , which is farre ●rō the proofe of willfull ●a●se meaning , which may very probably be obiected to M. Morton in this and many other places . For that it cannot be well thought , but that he must know that he dealt in●uriously & ca●ūniously with Gratian in this place . 22. But now to the former old , idle , and worne-out obiection against the foresaid three Popes , for counterfaiting not one only ( as M. Morton accuseth ) but three Canons of the said Councell of Nice , not only the Madgeburgians , but Caluin also in his Institutions , and a●ter them both● Iewell at large in his fourth article , and after him euery Protestant haue imployed their pennes and tongues to exaggerate the same , vpon no other ground , so much as it seemeth , as vpon stomake , and exacerbation of hatred against the Roman Sea , seeking to slaunder and defame three so notable & ancient Bishops of Rome , that sate within the cōpasse of 7. or 8. yeares , vpon the point of a thousand and two hundred yeares past , which is farre without the compasse of moderne Catholick● writers , as you see , and consequently from the state of our question . And albeit the matter hath byn answered both largely , and clearly by diuers learned men , as well of our nation as others , and shewed to be a meere cauillation : yet nothing will serue these men , but still is it brought againe , as though it had neuer beene answered before . Which false dissimulation is here also vsed by M. Morton , 1 who saith not a word of any answere that euer he saw thereunto , and yet could he not but haue seene fiue or six at least ( and foure very famous of our owne nation ) if he be but meanly conuersant in the writers of our time . As that first of D. Harding , in his detection against M. Iewell , shewing among other arguments , that no ●riter of all antiquity from that time , wherin these ●oly Popes liued vnto this age ( these Protestants ex●epted ) was so shameles as euer to call them falsaryes , ●r that they had corrupted , or forged any Canon of ●he Councell of Nice , though the Canons by them ●yted , were not found in some Copies , as they were in theirs of Rome , by the reason that presently shall be shewed . ●3 . The Second is of D. Sanders , 2 in his Visible Mo●archy of the Church , who much more largely discus●eth the point , and finally concludeth the whole matter by fiue seuerall arguments , that no such thing was euer meant by the African Fathers to forbid all ●ppeales of the Bishops to Rome , as Illyricus , Caluin , M. Iewell & other Protestant writers haue deuised & published 24. The third answerer is Doctor Stapleton , 3 who refuteth the whole tale , and calumniation of the Protestants in this affayre , in his Retu●ne o● Vn●ruthes , and fourth article , throughout twenty whole leaues together against M. Iewell , and conuinceth him of 38. seuerall vntruthes vttered in that one matter , which in reason M. Morton should eyther haue acknowledged or confuted : but the one he would not , and the other he could not . The fourth answerer is Alanus Copus otherwise Doctor Harpsfield , 4 very large , exact , & le●rned , in his Dialogues , who handleth euery member therof with like obseruance of multitude of lyes vsed by the Protestants in that matter . 25. The fifth is Cardinall Bellarmine , 5 who in his bookes of the Bishop of Rome , hath largely , & learnedly discussed the same , and answered all obiections brought to the cōtrary with great diligēce , conuincing both Illyrcius , and the rest of his fellow - Centuriators , togeather with Caluin , for so many falshoods , shiftes , errors of history , malicious fictions , and other like abuses , as is a shame to read . And finally not to name more authors for this poynt , Cardinall Baronius as last of all , 6 so with more exact examination historicall the● any of the rest , hath cleared the whole matter in his fifth Tome of his Ecclesiasticall History , vpon the yeare 419. to whome I remit the studious Reader . 26. Well then , in all these six Authors at least I do suppose , that M. Mortō as a learned man had seene this obiection discussed , and answered , though not perhaps to his contentment , why then if he had meant playnly , as often he protesteth , had not he eyther mentioned these Authors , or refuted them , or at leastwise told his Reader , that there had bene some such answers before , though not sufficient to ouerthrow the obiection , wherby the said Reader might haue sought to haue a view therof ? For if a Marchant that professeth much sincerity , and vpright dealing , should offer coyne for good and cu●rant that himselfe had knowne to haue bene six times at least reiected for coūterfait by skilfull men , and yet he should obtrude the same againe the 7. time , without saying any one word that it had bene called into question , and refused before ; none would say that this mans sincerity is worth a rush . The application I leaue to M. Morton himselfe . 27. Wherfore in a word or two , to answere the substance of the matter , thus it passed . A certayne Priest of Sicca in A●rick named Appiarius hauing a controuersy with his owne Bishop Vrbanus , after diuers disagreements passed betweene them , wherin he thought himselfe hardly dealt with all , he appealed to Rome to Pope Zozimus , bringing with him cōmendatory letters from the Primate of all Africk . Zozimus hauing heard his cause , thought best to send him ●acke againe into Africk , and with him two Legates , ●ith instructiōs that they should see & procure not ●nly this man to be restored to his right , but more●uer that 3. Canons of the Councell of Nice , the ●●rst about Appeales of Bishops , the second of Priests , ●●e third of Bishops following the Court , to be ob●●rued . Whereupon the African Bishops gathered a ●ationall Cōncell at Carthage of 217. Bishops about ●●e satisfying of the Order of Pope Zozimus . ●8 . But when this Councell had examined their ●●pyes of the Councell of Nice , they found not those 〈◊〉 Canons therin . Wherupon they sending into the ●ast partes to seeke other Copies , they receyued both ●om S. Cyrill Patriarch of Alexandria , and Atticus of ●onstantinople other Copies , which in like manner ●●anted these 3. Canons , as also they did want diuers ●ther Canons cyted by sundry ancient Fathers to ●aue bene made in the Councell of Nice , as by a S. ●ierome , b S. Augustine , c S. Ambrose , and diuers later ●ouncels : which Canons notwithstanding were ●ade & decreed in the first Councell of Nice , though ●ot extant in the Copies , that were in Africa ; which ●oth D. Harpsfeild , & Bellarmine do particulerly proue ●t large , and it appeareth playnly that these cop●ies sent out of the East , had 20. Canons only of ●he said Councell of Nice , which Ruffinus in his story ●oth recount : wheras both S. Athanasius and many ●ther Fathers that were presēt in the same Councell of Nice , do testify , that there were more , which are ●et downe in the first tome of Councells , as transla●ed out of the Arabian language , though not found in the Greeke . 29. But indeed ●ll the errour or mistaking was this , that there begin a generall Councell gathered togeather at Sardica very soone after that of Nice , which Sardicense Conciliū conteyned more Bishops in number then were in that of Nice ( for that in thi● there were 3OO . out of the West only , and 70. fr●● the East , as both Athanasius , Socrates , Zozomonus , & other Authors do affi●me ) & for that the most of these Fathers were the selfe same , that had bene in the Councell of Nice , and had determined nothing concerning faith , differing from the Nicene Councell , but only seem●d to be called ●or better manifestation and confirmation of the said Nicene Councell , it was held ( especially in the West Church ) for a part , or appendix of the said first Nicene Councell : in which regard S. Gregorie , and other Fathers , when they do mention the first 4. Generall Councells , do leaue out this of Sardica , though it were as Generall and more great then the first Nicene , as hath bene said . 30. Wherefore this Councell of Sardica hauing set downe the foresaid three Canons , as conforme to the decrees of the first late Councell of Nice , and going vnder the name of the said Nicene Councell as a member therof in those copyes that Pope Zozimu● in the West Church had , he did name them Canōs of the Nicene Councell , as made by the authority of the selfe same Fathers that sate at Nice , and the naming of one for the other was no greater an errour in effect , then when S. Matthew doth name Hieremy the Prophet for Zachary , for so much as the thing it selfe was true : and so was the allegation of Pope Zozimus , for that in the Councell of Sardica these three Canons are extant : nor euer was there any least suspition or speach of forging vsed in the Church by eyther Catholicks or Hereticks for so many ages , before the Lutheranes and Caluinists vpon meere hatred and gall of stomake began those clamours in this our age , against so holy ācient Fathers as those 3. Bishops of Rome were ( to wit , Zozimus , Boni●acius , and Celestinus ) by the testimony of Saint Augustine , and other Fathers that lyued with them , who also ( I meane S. Augustine ) at that very tyme when the controuersy was in treating about the Copyes of the Councell of Nice , and matter of appellation , did appeale himselfe to the later of these three Popes , to wit to Celestinus in the cause of Antonius Bishop of Fessala , as appeareth out of his owne Epistle , about that matter . And so this shal be sufficient , and more then was necessary , to answere vnto ●his stale impertinent obiectiō of counterfaiting the Canons of the first Nicene Councell , which is nothing ●o our purpose in hand as hath bene seene , and yet ●ncōbred with so many vntruthes , as would require ● seuerall Treatise to display them . Let vs come then ●o his second instance . HIS SEC0ND EXAMPLE of wilfull fraud falsely obiected against sundry moderne Catholicke writers , about the Councell of Eliberis in Spayne . §. III. BEFORE he cōmeth to set downe this instance about the Councell of Eliberis , he falleth agayne to boast and bragge exceedingly , saying : P. R. is more merci●ull , requiring three sensible instāces , as it were 3. witnesses against any one of his writers ( before he be condemned : ) & yet this also is horribly vnmerci●ull on their part . I wish he had but named any one , whose credit he valueth most , that I might haue answered his challenge in that one . Howsoeuer , it wil be no more easie a taske for me to find one falshood in many , then many in one . So he . And ●aue you heard this craking ? We may say with Horace , Quid dignum tanto feret hic promissor hiatu ? What strang effect will so great words bring forth ? But heere I must agayne , and in euery place aduertise the Reader , what this Boaster should and ought to proue , if indeed he can proue any thing at all : to wit , that he lay forth cleerly and perspicuously some two or three plaine instāces out of any one Catholicke writer of our time ( as I haue done many against him and his , wherby he and they are conuinced of witting and wilfull falshood , ) and this so manifest and apparent , as the Author himselfe must needes know that it was false when he wrote it . Well then , what can M. Morton bring forth in this kynd against our writers , out of this his second example or instance , about the Councell of Eliberis in Spaine ? 32. In the controuersy about Images ( saith he ) the Protestants appeale vnto antiquity both of Councells , and Fathers . The first Councell is that of Eliberis about the yeare of Grace 305. which Protestants vrge , as forbidding that there should be any Images in the Church . Now let vs try the spirits of the answerers . Well Syr. And what triall will you make of their spirits heere ? The state of your question in controuersy requireth that you should try them for willfull lying spirits , and that they lyed voluntarily , as hath byn proued against you and yours . What haue you to say against them in this kind out of this place ? You do accuse them that they haue diuers , & different expositions vpon the said Canon of the Councell of Eliberis ? some thinking it to be vnderstood one way , and others another : and for this you alleadg the differēt expositions of Card. Bellarmine , D. Payua , Alanus Copus , Sanders , Turrian , Vasquez , Six●us Senensis , and others ; and you play merily vpon ●heir diu●rsityes of expositions about the decree of ●he Councell : but how proueth this your principall ●roposition , that they did erre wilfully , yea wit●ingly also , themselues knowing that they did erre ●or this is the only true question ? And if you proue ●ot this , you proue nothing . And now I would aske ●ou , When diuers ancient Fathers in their Cōmen●aryes vpon the holy Sciptures , do set downe diffe●ent expositions of hard places , euery one thinking ●hat he goeth neerest to the truth , may you by this ●ondemne them of wilfull falshood , and make try●ll of their spirits as of lying spirits for this respect ? ●s not this absurd and impious ? Are you not asha●ed to come forth with these ridiculous proofes ●fter so great ostentation of words , that it is as easie ●r you to find out many wil●ull falshoods in one , as one in many ? ●hy had you not alleadged one at least ? But let vs ●xamine in a word or two the reason of diuersity of ●xpositions of our Doctours about the Canon , and ●ith this you will be wholy downe-dagger . ●3 . The Councell it selfe of Eliberis in Spayne was a ●rouinciall Councell of 19. Bishops , held somwhat ●efore , or about the time of the first generall Coun●ell of Nice , and some Controuersy there is among ●iuers Authors of what authority this Eliberian Coū●ell is , or may be held ; and whether euer it were re●●yued by the Church or not , in respect of some Canons therin found , that are obscure & hard to be ●ightly vnderstood : as namly those which seeme to deny reconciliation to some persons euen at the houre of death . But howsoeuer this be , certaine it is , that there be sundry Canōs in that Coūcell , which Protestants may not admit , as namly the 13. which saith , Virgines quae se Deo dedicauerunt , si pactum perdiderint virginitatis &c. Virgins that haue dedicated thēselues to God , if they breake their promise of virginity , if they repent , and that they fell by infirmity of body and do pennance all the time of their lyfe &c. they ought to be admitted to communion in the end . A hard case for Protestant-Nunnes . 34. Those other two also , viz. 23. and 26. which are about set fastings vpon Saturday , and other dayes may not be admitted by Protestants , & much lesse the 33. which forbiddeth all Priests , Bishops , Deacons , and Subdeacons to haue the vse of wiues , or generare filios , to beget children , vnder paine , vt ab honore Clericatus exterminētur , that they be cast out from the Clergy . And yet further Can. 38. that Bigamu● , or he that hath bene twice married , may not baptize any , no not in time of necessity , which inferreth à fortiore , that such a one could not be Priest in those ancient dayes . And heere then , how can M. Morton say so confidently as he doth of this Councell of Eliberis , VVe Protestants appeale to the antiquity of Councells , and first to that of Eliberis & c ? And do you thinke that he will stand to these Canons now alleadged ? If he do , it must needs be very preiudiciall vnto him , and marre his marriage at least , if he haue any intētion to marry , and yet to lead the life of a Clergy-man , according to the prescript of the Councell of Eliberis : as also to be some other punishment vnto his body to be bound to so much fasting , as those Canons of the Councell of Eliberis doe ordaine and prescribe . 35. But to returne to the reason why he alleadgeth this Councell . VVe Protestants ( saith he ) do vrge this Councell , as forbidding , that there should be any images in the Church . Wherunto he bringeth in D. Payua to answere one way , Bellarmine another , Sanders & Alanus Copus a third , others a fourth , fifth , or sixth ( a thing very vsuall among learned men to haue diuers expositiōs euen vpon the Scriptures thēselues , ) & then by way ●f scoffing ( though very insulse ) to make sport vnto ●imselfe and his Reader , he frameth , as it were , a Comedie or enterlude , one saying one thing , & an●ther another ( though all against him : ) and in this ●onsisteth a great part of his manner of answering , ●s by frequent examples you will see , if you consider ●t . ●6 . But let vs examine , what the Canon it selfe ●ath : The words are these : Placuit , in Ecclesia picturas ●sse non debere , ne quòd colitur , aut adoratur , in parietibus de●ingatur . It is decreed by vs , that pictures ought not ●o be in the Church , least that which is worshipped or adored , be paynted vpon the walles . Which Canon for that it conteineth not onelie a decree , as you ●ee , but also a reason of the decree , and seemeth con●rarie both to the vse of the generall Church at that time , and afterwards , as is prooued out of other ancient Fathers , Councells , and Historiographers , & seemeth to be opposite to the determination and publike decree of a famous Generall Councell , that ensued some yeares afterward , to wit , the second of Nice , diuers authors doe alleadge diuers reasons for the right vnderstanding , & verifying of this Canō : so as it may agree with the truth of the Councells meaning , and with the reason it selfe alledged by the Canon : which variety of answers or expositions in a coniecturall matter , as hath bene sayd , are no wilfull contradictiōs , as M. Morton fondlie supposeth , but multiplicity of expositions . The most generall is , that the true meaning of the Councell was , that for more reuerence of holie images , and to the end the thing which was proposed to be worshipped & adored in them should not suffer indecency , they should not be painted vpon walles of the Church where by the corruption and moysture therof , they might come to be corrupted and defaced , but rather that they should be made vpon tables , veiles , & such other moueable matter , wherby they might both the better be preserued , and remoued also more conueniently from the iniury of Infidells in tyme of persecutiō : which in effect was the verie same reasō that mooued the ancient and Christian Emperour Theodosius to prohibite , that the image of Christs Crosse , which he carryed in his banner , should not be engrauen vpon the ground , or pauement , and so trodden vpon by mens feete . 37. And heere also the consideration of learned Vasquez is worth the obseruing , who being a Spanyard , writeth , that this decre of his Country-Coūcell of Eliberis maketh so litle against the Catholick moderne vse of Images , as that the greatest enemy , that euer they had one of them in the world , Claudius Taurinensis , a Spanyard in like manner , and a chief head of the Iconoclasts , or Image-breakers , almost 800. yeares agone , seeking all the arguments that he could any way scrape togeather against thē , and the pious vse therof ; yet did he neuer alleage this Canō of his owne Countrey-Councell ( which now Caluin and Caluinists doe so much vrge , ) well foreseeing that it made nothing at all to his purpose , or against the Catholicke vse of Images . For yf it had bene otherwise , either he , or some other of that sect after him , would haue cyted the same before the Protestants of our tyme. 38. I doe willingly pretermitt the pageants and childish playes , which M. Morton doth make to him self in comparing , and opposing the variety of our writers answers , and interpretations togeather , and the one against the other ( as before hath bene said ) proposing them as poppetts to make himselfe pastime , which he may do also vpon the grauest Cōmentaries that euer were written vpon Aristotle , or ●ther author , yea & vpon the Scriptures themselues : ●ut I can not lett passe the last assertion of all sett ●owne by M. Morton in a different letter , that whatso●uer the occasion of forbidding might haue bene ( in the Canon ) this is a confessed conclusion of Senensis , that the Coun●ell of Eliberis , did * absolutely forbidd the worshipp of Images . And so he maketh the Latin text of Senen●is to speake in like manner , Omnino vetuit Synodus Eli●ertina imaginum cultum . But in Senensis you shall not find the word omnino or absolutely , wherin standeth all the force of the matter . And the fraud cannot seeme but willfull , nor can it any way stand with the intention of Senensis , who saith and affirmeth only ( according to the interpretation , which he best alloweth of among manie other ) that the meaning of the Councell was this , to forbid the vse of images for a time , least the new conuerted Spanyardes , not being well instructed , seing images vpon the walls , should thinke there were no difference betweene them , and the heathen Idols . For auoyding wherof it seemed good to the Councell for a while to remoue the vse of images , which of it selfe they held for lawfull and pious . This is the opinion of Senensis . And now let the discreet reader iudge , whether this were his confessed Conclusion , that the Councell of Eliberis did absolutely , or not rather secundum quid , forbid the worship of images . Surely I am ashamed of such shifting in M. Morton , euen then , when he pretēdeth to charge his aduersarie with that crime , and cannot proue it . Let vs passe to another instance of his , noe better then this . HIS THIRD EXAMPLE OF like deceipt obiected against the same Catholicke Authors , about the Councell of Frankford in Germany . §. IIII. AFTER the former variety of expositiōs about the Canon of the Councell of Eliberis , M. Morton passeth to another difference in iudgement among our Catholicke writers , concerning the Prouinciall Councell of Franckeford , which being held about 800. yeares past , presently after the second generall Councell of Nice , wherin the Catholicke vse of images was defended and established against the foresaid heresy of Iconoclasts , sundry Authors , alleaged by the Magdeburgians , do write , that the said Synode of Frankeford did condemne as well the said doctryne of images , as also the Authority of the Councell of Nice that had allowed the same : which if it were true , yet were not the matter of any great doubt , whether a Prouinciall Councell ( such as was that of Frankeford ) were rather to be obeyed then a generall , as was the other of Nice . But for that there is great obscurity , and many contradictions in the history it selfe , therfore diuers Catholicke writers do answere , and expound the matter diuersly , alleadging sundry excellent coniecturall reasons , proofes , and probabilityes ech one for themselues , as may be seene in the places of their workes heere quoted , but yet all agreeing in the principall poynt against the Protestants , that the Councell of Frankeford indeed did not cōdemne eyther the Councel of Nice , or the doctryne of Images in the sense ( at least ) and meaning that the said Nicene Councell had approued the same . And what is this to the purpose then , to proue that th●se Authors did erre wittingly against their conscience ? Do you not see , that still the poore man runneth quite from the purpose , and hath nothing to say to the effect he should say ? 40. But let vs stay our selues a little vpon the matter it selfe , and giue some briefe notice to the Reader of the diuersity of opinions in our Catho●icke Authors about this matter , that is so obscure ●y relation of others ; for that no Canon or Decree ●f that Councell was euer extant about the same to my knowledge . The whole controuersy is reduced ●o three opinions , the first is of 1 Surius , 2 Alanus Co●us , 3 Sanders , and others , who thinke probably , ●hat albeit diuers Historiographers , vpon the credit of certain bookes , called falsely Carolini , or of Charles the great , refuted by Pope Adrian the first then ●yuing , haue left recorded that the Councell of Frankeford did reproue the seauenth Generall Coun●ell about images ( which is knowne to be the 2. of Nice : ) yet was it not so indeed , but another false Councell of Constantinople was condemned by them of Frankeford as held by the hereticall Image-breakers a litle before , and was called the 2. of Constantinople , ●nd by themselues that held it , the 7. Generall Councell . So as according to this opiniō the error was in mistaking the second Councell of Nice , to haue bene condemned by the Councell of Frank●ord , insteed of the second Councell of Constantinople . 41 The second opiniō is of Cardinall Bellarmine , Gene●●ard , & some others , who thinke that the errour was not so much in mistaking Councell for Councell , as fact for fact , for that some Iconoclastes , and especialy those that wrote the forsaid forged bookes , named Carolini , in Franckeford , during the tyme of the said Councell , had falsely informed the Councell in two poynts of fact , against the Councell of Nice . The ●irst , that it was not gathered , nor confirmed by the Bishop of Rome : the second that it had decreed , Images to be worshipped with di●ine honor , and the same that was due vnto the blessed Trinity : vpon which two false suppositions the Councell of Nice being farre of , and the Treatises and Decrees therof written only as yet in Greeke , and not much published to the world and latin Church , the Councell of Franckeford condemned the doctrine , as also the Authority of the Councell vpon the foresayd two misinformations : which was errour of fact , as hath byn said , and not of faith . And M. Morton doth fondly insult , when he biddeth his aduersary P. R. to tell him in good earnest , if the Fathers of the Councell of Frankeford , iudging that the second Councell of Nice , confirmed by the Pope , did erre in defending the vse of Images , did they erre in faith or no ? Wherunto I answere , that they erred in fact & not in faith , as hath beene said , being informed that the Councell of Nice had determined that , which it had not indeed : to wit , diuine honour to be giuen to image● . For if they of Frankeford had knowne the truth as also bene certaine that the other of Nice had decreed , and established only due and reuerent worship , such as had bene vsed in the Church , the Councell of Frākford would not haue contradicted it : as neither , if they had knowne that the Pope had confirmed that Councell , would they euer haue doubted of the Authority therof , as is euident by the Caroline bookes thēselues . And it is witting errour heere in M. Mort. to say , that they of Frankeford knew that the Councell of Nice was confirmed by the Pope , for that the Caroline Bookes themselues , euen as they are set out by the Centurians do vse that for a principall argumēt ●n the behalfe of the Councell of Frankeford , to im●ugne the Nicene Councell : for that they supposed ●hat said Nicene Coūcell was not cōfirmed by Adrian●he ●he Pope , wherin they were deceaued by false infor●ation , I meane those of Franckeford : but Morton●ould ●ould deceaue vs by craft and subtility . ●2 . The third opinion is of Vasquez and other ●earned men , that this determination against the ●se of Images , was not at all made by the Councell ●f Franckeford , but by some other Conciliabulum of Ico●clastes , that at the same time were at Franckeford , or ●e●re about : especially the Authors of the foresaid ●ookes Carolini , which being craftily dispersed came 〈◊〉 the hands of Pope Adrian , who sent them backe ●gaine confuted to Charles , that was not yet Empe●ur , but made within few yeares after by Pope Le●●●e ●●e third , who would neuer haue yealded ( saith ●asquez ) to that aduancement of his , if he had ●hought him any way spotted with the heresie of I●●oclastes , condemned by his predecessour , and the ●ouncell of Nice so lately before . ●3 . These three coniecturall opinions then being ●eld by sundry Catholicke writers vpon different ●rounds ; how doth M. Morton out of such variety of ●udgments inferre , that they speake wilfull vntruth 〈◊〉 their owne consciences , or are guilty of witting , ●●d voluntary falshood , as he is bound to inferre , ●r els he saith nothing to the purpose . Can there be ●ny greater absurdity then this , to promise wilfull falshood , and then to alleadge only diuersity of opinions ? Surely if his Reader blush not for him , I do , and so will passe to an other example . HIS FOVRTH example of like falshoodes vainely obiected against the same Authors : about the Epistle of S. Epiphanius , touching Images . §. V. FROM these two shaddowes of some scrappes out of two Prouinciall Councels , he leapeth to a place of S. Epiphanius in a certayne Epistle of his , where he writeth of himself , That entring into a Church at a place called Anablath to pray , and perceyuing a curtaine wherin was a picture , as if it had byn the Image of Christ or some Saint , he tooke the Curtaine , and rent it , as being a thing contrary to the authority of the Scriptures . This is the story as M. Morton setteth it downe : and then presently for answering therof , he putteth all our writers into a great warre among themselues , bringing them in , forth , and backe , this way , and that way , the one opposing , the other answering , the third moderating , the fourth crossing : and himselfe stickling betwene them by interlacing some wordes heere and there , will needs make himselfe the head of the fray . 45. And this is so fond a thing as euery Grāmerscholler might do it : for he needeth but to go to Bellarmines works , & especially to Vasquez , who wrote after him of the controuersy of Images , and there shall he fynd all variety of opinions set downe with their Authours and places quoted . And from these hath M. Morton furnished himselfe to make the muster that heere he doth , without any further studdy or labour , then to go to our foresaid Authors , & of their obiections make affirmatiue assertions , and of their assertions for vs , make objections against vs. 46. But heere againe is to be noted as before , that whatsoeuer difference of opinions there be , or may be among Catholicke writers of controuersy , about the true meaning of S. Epiphanius in this place : yet is it nothing at all to M. Mortons purpose , who is bound to proue that they wrote against their owne knowledge , and conscience , which I suppose were hard to do , for that euery man must be presumed to haue written according as his iudgement gaue him , and consequently that all this which M. Morton hath so studiously gathered togeather , is nihil ad rhombum , nothing to the purpose● and therfore I could not but laugh , when I read his conclusiō of this instance saying , That if P. R. shall desyre ●yue hundreth ( instances ) of this kind , I bynd my selfe ( saith he ) vnto him by a faithfull protestation , in a moneths warning to satisfy him . Which I beleeue , yea if it were fiue thousand in a weekes warning , for he needeth no more but to go to the foresaid bookes of our Catholicke authors , opening them & laying them before his aduersarie , and they will furnish him at large , when the state of the question is such , as it admitteth variety of opinions , or diuersity of iudgements about any poynt , or circūstance therof . 47. As for the controuersy in hand about S. Epiphanius fact and meaning , related in the end of his Epistle to Iohn of Hierusalem , that seemeth to make against Images , though diuers learned men do expound the matter diuersly , some thinking that it was a clause added by some heretikes amongst the Iconoclastes , wherof both Bellarmine , Valentia , Suarez and last of all Baronius do yeald most euident probabilityes , and others that admitting it for the speach of Epiphanius , do very sufficiently answere the same otherwise : yet that in deed it maketh nothing at all against the Catholicke vse of sacred Images , is so euident by conferring their answeres togeather , as nothing can be more . 48. As namely first for that Baronius and others do proue abundantly out of Paulinus , Venantius Fortunatus , Euodius & other ancient authors , that the vse of images was ordinary & frequent in the tyme of S. Epiphanius : & Suarez confirmeth the same out of old holy Fathers & Doctors of the Greeke Church his equals to wit , S. Chrysostome , S. Basill , S. Gregory Nanianzē , Gregory Nissen & others , wherof is inferred that it is not probable that S. Epiphanius would set downe a thing so cōtrary to the cōmon receaued doctrine , & practice of his tyme , or yf he had , it would haue byn noted & contradicted by some . 49 Secondly it is proued out of the second Nicene Councell , that the disciples of S. Epiphanius did set vp his picture publiquely in his Church of Cyprus soone after his death , which they would neuer haue done , if S. Epiphanius in his life tyme had held it for an abuse , contrary to the authority of Scriptures to haue the picture of any man set vp in the Church . 50. Thirdly S. Iohn Damascenus that liued very neere 900. yeares gone , testifyeth in his first Oration of Images , that the said Church of S. Epiphanius in Cyprus had continued from that tyme to his imaginibus exornata , adorned with images , and therupon inferreth , that whatsoeuer is found in him sounding against the pious vse of Images is counterfaite & thrust into his workes by the Iconoclast Heretiks . And in the foresaid Councell of Nice it selfe , which was held in his tyme , one Epiphanius a Deacon did shew two other like places to haue bene thurst into his bookes by the same Hereticks . 51. Fourthly it appeareth by the sayd Councell , & by S. Iohn Damascen in his forsaid Oration , that this place of S. Epiphanius in his Epistle to Iohn of Hierusalem was neuer obiected against Images , eyther in the Councell it selfe , or by Claudius Taurinensis , or any other Iconoclast at that tyme , which they would not haue omitted to do , if in those dayes such a testimony had byn extant in so graue an author , as was S. Epiphanius . 52. Fifthly S. Gregory the Great obiecting to a certayne Bishop of Massiles , called Serenus , somewhat the like fact of breaking Images , saith vnto him ( as is extant in his owne Epistle : ) Dic , Frater , à quo factū Sacerdote aliquando est quod fecisti ? Tell me , brother , of what Priest was it euer heard , that he attempted a fact like vnto this of yours ? Which he would neuer haue said , if the other might haue answered , I haue heard and read the same done by the great , and holy Archbishop S. Epiphanius . 53. Lastly , to omit diuers proofes which our men do alleage , if S. Epiphanius had held for an errour and abuse against the Authority of Scriptures to haue Images in the Church , as our moderne Protestants will needes force it vpon him ; then is it likly that he writing so large a worke against all the heresyes , and erroneous doctryne , & perilous abuses that had sprong vp in the Church of God , from Christ vntill his tyme , he would not haue omitted to warne men also of this , that was so dangerous & preiudiciall to the honour and seruice of Almighty God : but no word is to be found of this amongst all his heape of heresyes , and consequently we may for certayne inferre , that he did not thinke this doctryne or practice or setting vp Christian Images in Christiā Churches to be vnlawfull , or against the authority of Scriptures . 54. And this for the matter it self● which is more then was necessary for me to say , considering that whatsoeuer diuersity of Iudgements there was , or is about the exposition , answere , defence , or impugnation of this place of Epiphanius : yet is there no one iote to be inferred therof that any of them did wittingly or willingly write false against their owne conscience , which is the question in hand , & which we are ready to proue against our aduersaryes . Nor yet do I meane to stand vpon the examen of the Interlude brought in by M. Morton of our Catholicke writers differences of opinions , wherein againe he delighteth him selfe : only I wish the Reader , that wheras Cardinall Bellarmine is heere calūniated about Epiphanius Epistle translated by S. Hierome for denying the last clause therof to be his , he repayre for the solution therof vnto Cardinall Baronius , who more largly detecteth the fraud , then is expedient for me at this present to relate : especially for so much as I am to passe to other particuler calūniatiōs against Cardinall Bellarmine , in his very next example or instance . THE SECOND PART OF THIS CHAPTER . OF INSTANCES AGAINST CARDINALL Bellarmine in particuler , touching imputation of old heresies . §. VI. IF you haue seene how litle able M. Morton hath byn to performe his promise before , for wilfull falsityes committed by any of our writers hitherto , much more shall you see it now , when leauing the multitude of other Authors , he singleth out Cardinall Bellarmine alone to deale withall : who as he hath written much , so were it not great maruaile , if in so many bookes he should haue left some things , whereupon his aduersaryes might probably wrangle : but as for wilfull vntruth , it is so farre from his knowne , and confessed integrity , as M. Morton could neuer haue made choice of an vnfitter match for that poynt . Nor can it be thought that he chose him vpon hope to find any such aduantage in him in deed , but only to honour himselfe somwhat by contending with such an aduersary , and to cast some cloudes , at least in the mindes of the simpler sort , vpon the shining beames of Cardinall Bellarmines estimation , by obiecting the name of wilfull falsityes vnto him . But as when the said cloudes are driuen away from the ayre , the force of the sunne is more sensibly felt : so Card. Bellarmines workes being cleared heere from M. Mortōs calumniatiōs , will be more highly esteemed by euery iudicious Reader , as not lending any least true aduātage vnto any impugnatiō of the aduersarie : & this is al the hurt that he is like to receaue by this assault . 56. And yet , as if M Morton had some great matters in deed to lay against him , and that the proofes were prompt , certaine , & euidēt , he according to his former excessiue vaine of vaunting , falleth into the s●me againe , writing thus : P. R. requireth an example of any one , who hath byn found so grosly false , that in the eie of man he may not be acquitted either by ignorance of translation &c. which demand if it proceed frō vnfeynednesse , it seemeth vnto me so intollerably reasonable , that now I am driuen to a two fold trouble in yeelding satisfaction . The one is that I know not with what one to begin first , the falsificators be so many . The second is , when I shall begin with any choice of one , how to make an end , so manifold are their falsificatiōs . Therfore in respect of the falsifyers , I would require of P. R. to propound vnto me any one of his Doctours , in whome he hath best assurance of integrity , whether Greg. de Valentia , Stapleton , Bellarmine , Coccius , Suarez , Turrian , Campian , Gretzer , Feuerdentius , the Rhemish Translation in their annotations , or any ( I say ) of those which haue beene publikly authorized of their Church , & I will not doubt but to giue him thrice three examples of their fraud . In the meane tyme I thinke it requisite to single out of all , such an one , as is cōmended of all , to wit , Cardinall Bellarmine , that P. R. ●ay not repyne , saying : he hath chosen a Dauid , the ●●ast in his Fathers house : but confesse that I haue ●referred a Saul , one higher by the head & shoulders ●hen any of the rest : not a dead man , who cannot ●●terprete his owne meaning whether he had falsi●●ed vpon ignorance , negligence &c. but one which now ●uing is able to answere for himselfe , whose credit ● . R. doth tender , and with whome he may con●●lt to know , whether I doe him iniury , or no. 〈◊〉 he . ●● . And haue you euer heard more confident ●each ? This now may be called present desperate in●●ed , if presently it be to be prooued , that he hath 〈◊〉 one instance of any one falsity against Cardinall ●ellarmine , throughout all his works , as heere is re●●ired . And may not then his owne wordes be re●●rned vpon him , that neither Thraso on the stage , nor ●oliath in the field , nor Gorgias in the scholes , did euer vse such ●asting ? My boasting , if any were , was out of the ●●ctitude of a good conscience , este●ming no good ●hristian man to be so wicked , as to lie so willfully 〈◊〉 before hath bene set downe : and therfore estee●ing all our writers to be free thereof , I sayd , and ●ust say still , that if in any one of them there should 〈◊〉 foūd that deplored & inexcusable fraud , I should ●●uer beleiue him afterward , as a man , not regar●●ng truth , nor speaking out of conscience , but of ●ilfull fraud : which speach M. Morton calleth pro●●gall and prodigious , as you haue heard . And thus he ●ust do , either in regard that he esteemeth it not ●or so great a crime to lye wilfully ( as Catholicks do ●steeme it ) or that he can proue it to be vsed also by ●ur men . The first I suppose he will be ashamed to ●onfesse : the second I expect how he will be able to ●roue ; and so I passe to the examen it selfe . And by the triall of his successe with this one Antagonist , that he hath chosen out , the Reader may make a ghesse , what he were able to do , if he should enter combat with so many of our writers , as heere he hath named . And for better vnderstanding of the matter , it is to be obserued , that he endeauoureth to condemne Cardinall Bellarmine of wilfull ●alsities in two points . First in imputing certaine heresies to Protestants , which ( he saith ) they do not hould : the second in falsifying other mens testimonies , alledged by him . Both of them were grieuous , if either of them by any one example could be proued in Bellarmine . Now then to the tryall . THE FIRST Obiection against Cardinall Bellarmine , of fals● imputation of the Pelagian-heresy to Protestants . §. VII . LET P. R. ( saith ●e ) for a while take Cardinall Bellarmine into secret confession , and first aske him , with what conscience he hath charged Caluin with the heresy of the Pelagiās , who denyed that there was any originall sinne in Infants , especially in the children of faithfull Christians ? For he could not be ignorant , that this doctrine of denying originall sinne was ( as their owne † L. Iesuite confesseth ) the proper heresie of the Pelagians . And not so only , but saith furthermore , that Caluin and all other Protestants are so farre from denying originall sinne , that they do monstrously extend the nature therof , euen vnto persons regenerate . This is the charge , which he pretendeth ( as you see ) to proue , that Gregorius de Valentia ( whome it pleaseth him to stile heere L. ●esuite , though I know not why ) disagreeth from ●ellarmine in ascribing the Pelagian heresie , about ori●inal sin , to Calui● . Wherto I answere , first , that it is well , that M. Morton permitteth Cardinall Bellarmine to ●e demaunded his faults in secret confession : but ●imselfe , who I presume scarce goeth to any se●ret con●ession at all , must be driuen to confesse his ●aults in publike , with greater worldly shame , as in ●his place . Who would not thinke , that after the ●●ate of the question so often set downe , and so ma●y bragging promises made on his part to produce ●reat matters against Bellarmine , he would not haue ●ene ashamed to come forth now with this poore & idle obiection in the very first front of his charge , wherin if all should be granted to him , that he ●biecteth , to wit , that Bellarmine and Valentia had not ●ully agreed in charging Caluin with the Pelagian he●esy about originall sinne ; yet doth not this inferre willfull vntruth in either of them . For it might haue bene onely difference of iudgments , in vnderstanding differently the doctrine of Caluin , ech man persuading himselfe , that he had vnderstood him rightly , and so still nothing had bene brought to his purpose of witting and willfull vntruthes knowne to the vtterer to be such . And is not this then mere trifling ? ●9 . But now the matter standeth not so well : for that there is no contradiction at all betweene Bellarmine and Valentia , as presently shal be shewed . And M. Morton doth guil●ully corrupt them both to make them seeme cōtrary . And l●t the Reader looke vpon it , and know him and his cause by these tricks ; who to frame some shew of fa●shod in others , where none is , vseth the same intolerably himselfe . 60. The Reader then must know , that Cardinall Bellarmine in the 9. Chapter of his fourth Booke de Ecclesia , handling the notes of the Church ( which booke and Chapter are heere cyted by M. Morton ) taking vpon him to shew , that one principall note of the Church is , to agree in doctrine with the ancient Fathers from time to time , and of the contrary false Church , to participate with heretikes ; he recounteth twenty seuerall heads of heresies held by twenty different Heresiarches , with sundry branches therunto belongi●g , condemned by the ancient Christian Church , which also are defended by the Protestāts of our time , some more and some lesse . 61. And this h● proueth so substātially , as nothing in effect can be said against it : which M. Morton hauing perused , and desirous to picke some matter against him , that might seeme to haue some shew of probability , he beginneth with the Pelagians , as you haue heard , which is the fourtenth old condemned heresy , shewed by Bellarmine to be reuiued againe in diuers points by Protestants , thinking best to ouerskip thirteene at on leap . As for example , wheras the Pelagians did hold two principall heresies among other , saith Bellarmine , the one , That euery sinne though neuer so little is mortall , & depriueth vs of Gods grace : That there is no originall sinne in man , especially in Infants of faithfull parents , he auerreth that the Protestants of our dayes do concurre in both points . In the first all generally , that there is no sinne Veniall of his owne nature : in the second with some distinction , for that Zuinglius ( ●aith he ) denieth Originall sinne in all , Caluin and Bucer in Christian Infants only . This is Cardinall Bellarmines assertion , his latin words be these . 62. Zuinglius negat simpliciter peccatum originale in quolibet homine , Bucerus autem & Caluinus solùm in filijs ●idelium , quos dicunt sanctos nasci , & saluari etiam sine baptismo . Zuinglius doth absolutly deny originall sinne to be in any man , but Bucer and Caluin do only deny the same in the children of the faithfull , whome they say to be borne Saints , and to be saued also without baptisme . So as Bellarmine is guilfully abused by M. Morton , in setting downe his opinion , as though he had said that Caluin had denyed with the Pelagians , that there is any originall synne at all in Infants , though lesse in the children of the faithfull , citing his latin wordes in the margent peruersely ●hus : Pelagiani docebant non esse in hominibus peccatum ori●inale , & praecipuè in filijs fidelium , idem docent Caluinus & Bucerus . The Pelagians did teach that there was not originall synne in men , and especially in the chil●ren of the faithfull , the same do teach Caluin & Bu●er . Thus he . Whereas he saith differently , as you ●aue heard , that Caluin & Bucer denyed it only in the ●hildren of the faithfull , granting it in the rest : and ●his could not M. Mortō but see & know , & conse●uently is taken in a witting formall lye that know●th one thing & yet writeth the contary . 63. And herupon , wheras he willed me to aske of Cardinall Bellarmine in secret Confession with what conscience he had charged Caluin with the heresy of the Pelagians , ●hat denyed originall synne in all men , I must aske him in open confession , with what conscience he could so ●alsify Bellarmine in making him to say that which he ●id not : for that he doth not say also absolutly , that Caluin denieth all originall sinne in all Infants , but only in the childrin of the faithfull , & this doth not the L. Iesuite Valentia any way contradict , as falsely heere is insinuated , that he doth ; but rather to the contrary he expresly auouch●th the same , & this in the very place heere cited by M. Morton , saying : Zuinglio & Caluino visum est filios ●idelium non contrahere peccatum originale ; It seemed to Zuinglius and Caluin that the children of the faithfull do not cōtract originall synne , and he quoteth the places where it is to be found in their workes : and the same he doth in his 4. Tome vpon S. Thomas , ci●ing other places of Calui● where he houldeth the ●ame doctrine . So as in this point Bellarmine and Valentia haue no more contradiction betweene them , then it pleaseth M. Morton to deuise of his owne head , and to publish in their names , contrary to their owne apparent wordes & meaning . 64. But he citeth a place of Valentia that may seeme to make to the contrary , where he saith : Caluin and other Protestants are so farre o● from denying Originall sinne , that they do monstrously extend the nature therof , euen vnto persons regenerate , and for this he quoteth certayne places o● Valen●ia ( as he might also haue done diuers of Bellarmine●or ●or he relateth of Caluin the very same ) and setteth downe the latin according to his owne English , though not a litle differing from the wordes of the Author : but that which most importeth , is , that he wittingly and deceiptfully abuseth the Reader with this citation , as though Valentia did contradict both himselfe and Bellarmine , and said , That Caluin and Bucer were ●arre of from denying Originall sinne in the children of the faithfull : Wheras he saith not so , but that , they do not absolutly deny all originall synne , as the Pelagians did , and as Zuinglius before is charged to haue done , togeather with the Anabaptistes , as Melancthon witnesseth , and before them agayne the Armenians , Albanenses , and others , but only denyed the same in the children of the faithfull , as hath beene said , and in the rest they graunted it : and not this only , but monstrously also do the said Caluin , Luther , and other Protestants extend the nature and guylt of originall synne , euē vnto such as are regenerate & christened , which is to be vnders●ood in that they hold , that the very motions of concupiscence called ( fo●es ) are synnes in themselues , euen without the con●ent of our mindes , which is an other extreme op●osition to Catholicke doctryne , that teacheth these ●otiōs not to be synnes at all , without some cōsent ●ealded vnto them : but yet this assertion of Valentia●s ●s not contrary , nor contradictory to that which ●ardinall Bellarmine , and himselfe affirmed before of ●aluin ; to wit , that with the Pelagians he holdeth ●hat the Infāts of faithfull people are deuoyd of ori●●nall synne , for that those motions of concupiscēce ●hich he calleth originall synnes in Christians a●●lt , are not in infants and therby he denyeth origi●all sinne in Christian Infants , and granteth it in ●●em that be of age , in both which he is oppo●●te to the Catholicke Church . Let M. Mort. see how 〈◊〉 can defend him from contradiction to himselfe , 〈◊〉 I haue defended Cardinall Bellarmine , and Gregorius de ●alentia . ●5 . There remaineth then only to examine the ●eason alleaged by M. Morton why Bellarmines charge ●f Pelagianisme against Caluin could not be true , that●saith ●saith he ) this doctrine o● denying originall sinne was the pro●er heresy of the Pelagians , out of which confession of ●he L. Iesuite Valentia , M. Morton would inferre , that ●or so much as this was the proper heresy of the Pe●●gians , therfore it could not be of the Protestants : ●hich reason is so wise , as it can serue to nothing , ●ut to make the reader laugh . For alb●it the Pela●●ans were the peculiar Authors of this heresy ; yet ●ight the ●ame be made cōmon by participation , & ●o doth Valentia expresly say , that this heresy was ●aken vp afterward both by the Arm●nians , Albanenses , Anabaptists , citing Castro and Melancthon for the same . So as to cite this reason or a proofe , that Caluin did not deny orgina●l synne in Infants , ●or that our owne L. Iesuite Valentia doth say , that it was the proper errours of the Pelagians ( which yet are not his words but S. Augustines cited by him for the same ) is as ridiculous an inference , as if a man should say , it was the proper errour of Arius , and his fellowes in old time to deny the equality of the Sonne of God with his Father , ergo , it cannot be that the moderne Arians of Transiluania , and other places , do hould the same now : and it was the peculier doctrine of Berengarius , and his adherents to deny the Reall Presence , ergo , the Protestants of England at this day cannot be charged with that doctrine . And doth not euery body see the vanity of this inference ? Wherfore his conclusion is to be noted , I let passe ( saith he ) a doze● such criminations , cast by him vpon Protestants , which by the testimonies of his owne Doctors may be proued to haue byn lewd and intollerable slaunders . Wherto I answere , that hitherto he hath not beene able to shew any one : we shall see what he will say afterward . But in the meane space I leaue it to the modest Reader , to iudge where the lewdnesse doth remayne , if any be . 66. And to this consideration I add another , that wheras Cardinall Bellarmine did charge Caluin , and Caluinists with two principall errors of the Pelagians , the one , that which now hath bene handled , of denying Originall sinne in children , and Infants of the faith●ull , and the second , of denying the difference of Veniall and Mortall sinnes , and holding that by euery least sinne we leese our iustice , and consequently that all sinne is mortall , Bellarmine citing for the same the testimony of S. Hierome , who ascribeth that for heresy vnto the Pelagians : and wheras in like manner he proueth the same heresy , not only to be held by Luther , and Melancthon , but also by Caluin in diuers parts of his workes , as lib. 2. Instit. cap. 8. § . 85. lib. 3. cap. 4. § . 28. &c. M. Morton taking vpō him to cleare Caluin in the former charge ●●out originall sinne , though so vnluckely as you ●●ue heard , saith neuer a word against this second ●●out the distinction of veniall and mortall sinnes ; ●herby is ●uident in all probability , that he admit●●ed that for true , and consequently yealded secretly , ●●at Caluinists do agree with the Pelagians in this he●●sy , though he storme sharply as you haue heard a●●inst Bellarmine for charging Caluin with any point 〈◊〉 Pelagianisme at all . And this fraud or frailty he cō●itteth commonly in all the rest of the heresies ●●iected , denying the one weakly , and by his silence ●●anting the other , as now by experience you shall 〈◊〉 . THE SECOND INIVRIOVS ●●i●ction , against Cardinall Bellarmine , for false imputation of the Nouatian-heresy . §. VIII . FROM the fourteenth heresy , wherin Cardinall Bellarmine sheweth the Protestants to participate ●ith the Pelagians , as you haue heard , M. Morton star●●th backe to the sixt , of participation with the No●●tians in these words . He ( that is Bellarmine ) maketh ●rotestāts guilty ( saith he ) of the heresy of the Nouati●●s in taking frō the Church all power of reconciliating men vn●● God , when as his owne * Authors do note , that the ●eresy of the Nouatians was this : videlicet , to deny ●ny man , that should sinne after Baptisme , all hope of remission 〈◊〉 sinnes , although he should repent . Yea , and also Bellar●ine himselfe in behalfe of Protestants confesseth ●lse where , that they require repentance and faith in Chri●tians , that they may be iustified , and obtaine remission of sinnes . Nor this only , but there is no difference betweene vs ( saith he ) and Protestants about repentance , as it is a conuersion vnto God , wi●h detestation of sinne , or as it consisteth in outward signes of sorrow , weeping , conf●ss●on , and outward chasticements● yea and almost all o● them allow an outward rite of absolution . But the only cōtrouersy betweene vs is , whether Pennance be properly a Sacrament . ●he contradiction is this , to impute vnto Protestants an heresy , which taketh away all māner o● repentance & hope of remissiō for sin past , & yet to acknowledge in thē a contrary orthodoxall truth , which is to pro●es●e a necessity of repentance , & reconciliation , & remis●iō of ●●nnes . Thus far he . 68. And if we stand attent in this place , we shall see no lesse fraudulent dealing then in the former , if not more , to make apperance of contrariety & difference betwene Cardinall Bellarmine & other Catholick Authors , about the heresy of the Nouatians : which though it could be proued , yet doth it not inferre as euery man may see , the principall conclusion o● the question , that there were willfull malice . But all is full of fraud , as you will perceaue , and the reason is not so much , I suppose , for that he delighteth himselfe in lying wilfully , as before hath byn touched , as the necessity of his cause , which driueth him to vse the helpe of these shifts , or els to say nothing . And this am I forced often to note to the Reader , for that it is lightly a perpetuall obseruation in him . 69. His dri●t then is , if you marke it well , to argue Cardinall Bellamine of falsity , in that , he affirmeth the Protestants of our dayes to ioyne with the old heretickes the Nouatians , in taking from the Church all power of reconciling men vnto God , for those are Bellarmines words , though curtally rec●ted by M. Morton out of his latin text , as presently you shall see : and to con●radict the Cardinall in this , he cyteth the wordes of Alphonsus de Castro , that saith , that the heresy of the ●●uatiās , was to deny any man , who should sinne aft●r Baptisme 〈◊〉 hope of remission of synnes , although he should repent . But ●ow these two are neyther contradictory , nor con●●ary , if they be well considered . For that the Noua●●●ns are held to teach both these poynts , first & prin●●pally that there was no power left in the Church ●●to Priests to reconcile and remit sinnes , to such as ●●ll after Baptisme , especially into grieuous sinnes 〈◊〉 testifieth S. Cyprian in a speciall Epistle against No●●tianus , and S. Ambrose in his booke de Poenitentia , and ●thers . And this first part of their errour was contra●●ues Ecclesiae , against the keys of the Church , or power ●● Priests to remit sinnes : and heerin all authors do ●●ree . But the second part of their errour went fur●●er , as some do gather out of the ancient Fathers , 〈◊〉 testifyeth a Suarez ( though b others be of differēt ●●inions ) which was to deny furthermore besydes ●●e Sacramēt , all vertue of Pēnance whatsoeuer , whe●●er priuate , or Sacramentall , especially in great sin●es , as by the words of Alphonsus de Castro heere recited ●ay seeme to appeare . ●0 . Of these two errors then , the first and not ●●e second is ascribed by Bellarmine to the Protestāts , ●o witt , that they deny the power of Pennance , as 〈◊〉 is a Sacrament , that is to say , as it conteineth not ●nly a priuate detestation of sinne in the synner , but ●●so the absolution or remission therof by the Priest 〈◊〉 the publicke Minister of the Church . The other ●●rour of denying all vse of priuate repentance , ey●●er inwardly , or outwardly by sor●ow , sighes , tears ●nd the like , is not ascribed to Prot●st●nts by Bellar●ine : so as for M. Mortō to bring in the one as contra●ictory to the other , that for as much as Alphonsus de Castro saith , that the Nouatians did deny all power of ●ēnance , therfore Bellarmine saith not truly that they denyed the Sacramentall vse therof : Or for so much as Protestants do not concurre with the Noua●ians in the one , they do not in the other , is a most absu●d kynd of reasoning called by Logitians à dispara●i● , fo● that both may be true , and one excludeth not the other . For it is most true which Bellarmin saith , that Nouatianorū error praecipuus erat &c. The principall errour of the Nouatians ( which word [ principall ] importing that they had other errors besids , is craftily cut o● by M. Mort. ) was , that there is not power in the Church to recō●le men to God , but only by Baptisme : which last words also bu● only by Baptisme ) were by M. Mort. and by the same art shifted ou● of the text , for that they haue relation to the Priests of the Church , to whom it appertayneth by publicke , & ordinary office to baptize : and in this the Protestants are accused by Bellarmine to concur●● with them in denyall of pēnance , as it is a Sacramēt . 71. And togeather with this it may be true , that besides this praecipuus error , the principall errour , the Nouatians , some , or all denyed the fruit of all kynd of priuate , and particuler pennance , as sorrow , teares , punishment of the body , and th● like , wherin diuers Protestants do not agree with them , nor yet are accused therof . Wherby it appeareth that all this counterfait contradiction which M. Morton hath so much laboured to establish heere betweene Bellarmine on the one syde , and Castro , Vega , & Maldona●e on the other , commeth to be right nothing at all , for that Bellarmine speaketh expresly of Pennance , as it is a Sacrament , and in that sense only saith , that the Protestants deny it , togeather with the Nouatians , as they do also the vse of Chrisme in the Sacrament of Con●irmation , which was an other errour of theirs obiected by Bellarmine to Protestants , as much as the form●r , but wholy dissembled by M. Morton . The other three Authors , as they do not exclude but rather include the Sacrament of Pennance : yet do they m●ke ●ention of the other part of the Nouatian error , ●●at seemed to deny all pennance in generall , whe●●er Sacramentall or not Sacramentall : and of this ●●e not Protestants accused by Bellarmine , but expre●●y rather exempted by the words , which heere M. ●orton setteth downe of his . So as for him to play ●●on his owne voluntary Equiuocation , and mista●●ng of the word Pēnance , & Nouatian heresy about the ●●me , is toto grosse an illusion . Wherfore if you ●●ease , let vs briefly see how many false trickes he ●●eth in this place . ●2 . The first of all may be , that wheras Cardinall ●●llarmine to proue that our moderne Protestants do ●●mbolize and agree with the old Nouatian heresyes , ●●leageth two particuler instances , the one in deny●●g the power of the Church to remit synnes by ●●e Sacrament of pēnance , the other in denying the 〈◊〉 of holy Chrisme in the Sacrament of Confirmatiō , ● . Morton hauing nothing to say to the second , reply●th only to the first by an Equiuocation as you haue ●●ard : and yet if the second only be true , Bellarmine 〈◊〉 iustified in noting the Protestāts of Nouatianisme : ●nd therfore to deny the one , & dissemble the other , ●ust needs proceed of witting fraud , granting that which is chiefly in controuersy , to wit , that Pro●estants do hold in somewhat Nouatianisme . ●3 . The second fraud is , for that in reciting Cardinall Bellarmines charge against Protestants , he cut●eth from the latin sentence of Bellarmine , being very small & short in it selfe , both the beginning & end , to wit , Praecipuus error , & post baptismum , as yow haue heard , and that for the causes which now I haue declared . 74. Thirdly he doth bring in guylfully the foresaid testimonyes of Castro , Vega , & Maldonate , as contrary to Bellarmine : whereas they speake of an other thing , to wit , of pēnance in another sense : & b●syde● this do all expres●y set downe the two errou●s o● the Nouatians , to witt , that they did deny as wel● the Sacrament of Pennāce , as also the priuate vse ther●f as it is a particuler vertue : and that the Protes●an●● of our dayes do concurre with them in the fi●st● though not in the second : and that he could not bu● euidently see and know this , and so did write it against his conscience to deceyue the Reader . 75. Fourthly when M. Morton doth alleadge B●llarmine lib. 3. de Iustis . cap. 6. to confesse that Protestants do require repentance in Christians , that they may be iu●tified , he well knew that this was not cōtrary to that which he had said before in his accusation lib. 4. de Notis Ecclesiae cap. 9. that Prot●stants did ioyne with the Nouatiās in denying all power of the Church for r●conciling men to God : for he knew that in the former Bellarmine meant of priuate pennance as it is a vertue which euery man may vse of himsel●e , but in the second he meant of the Sacrament , and keyes of the Church , which require absolution of the Priest. Heere then was wil●ull and malicious mistaking : and so much the more , for that in the very next wordes heere set downe by him both in English & latin out of Bellarmines first booke de po●nit●ntia cap. 8. the Cardinall doth expresly declare , that only Controuersy betweene Catholickes and Protestants in this matter , is about the sacrament of pēnance with absolutiō of the Church , & not the priuate pēnance which euery particuler man may vse of himselfe . So as vnder the cloud of priuate , and sacramentall pēnance he craftily endeauoreth to make some shew of a contradictiō , which is none indeed . 76. The fifth falshood is , that M. Morton to make Cardinall Bellarmine contrary to himselfe , or very forgetfull , he alleadging heere his latin wordes , maketh him to say , first , that Protestants require faith & repentance to iustifica●ion , and then presently in another place , Luther reiec●eth pennance , as though Luther were no Prote●●ant : wheras this is no contradiction in Cardinall Bellarmine , but in Luther himsel●e , and anoto●ious fraud in M. Morton , so pa●pably to d●ceaue his Reader : for that Cardinall Bellarmines wordes are these : Lutherus lib. de Captiuitate Babylonica , tria tan●um agnoscit Sacramenta , Baptism●m , Poenitentiam & Panem ; tamen infra cap. de extrema Vnctione , reij●it Poen●tentiam . Luther in his booke of Babylonicall Captiuity ( in the Chapter o● the Eucharist ) acknowledgeth only three Sacramēts , Baptisme , Pennance , and Bread , and yet afterward ( in the same booke ) and in the Chapter of Extreme Vnction he reiecteth pēnance . These are the wordes of Bellarmine which M. Morton could not but haue seene and considered● and yet to make some litle shew of ouersight in Bellarmine , he was content against his cōscience to set downe , Lutherus reijcit Poeni●entiam , and to conceale and dissemble all the rest of the sentence alleadged . When will he be able to produce one of our Authours with so manifest a wilfulnes . 77. Let vs conclude then , that M. Mort. is in a poore case , when he is driuen to all these shifts to seeke out contradictions amongst vs , and to fynd none : and yet let vs heare and marke his Conclusion , and see what māner of contradictiō he frameth against Bellarmine , for it will be substantiall ( I warrant you ) out of these premisses . The contradiction is this ( saith he ) to impute vnto Protestants an heresy which taketh away all manner of repentance , and hope o● remission of sinne past : & yet to acknowledg in them a contrary orthodoxall truth , which is to professe necessity of repentance , reconciliation , and remission o● sinnes Wherto I answere , that heere is no contradiction at all , as Bellarmine setteth it downe , both these propositions being false in themselues . Fo● first Bellarmine doth not impute vnto Protestants that they do take away all māner of repentance , & hope of remission for sinnes in their sense , but only that they take away and deny the Sacrament o● reconciliation by pennance , and absolution of the Church● and secondly Catholicks are so ●ar o● from acknowledging an orthodoxall truth in Protestants , about repentance , reconciliatiō , & remission of sinns , that albeit they graunt that Protestāts do in words confesse , and prescribe vnto their followers repentance , faith , newnesse of life , and such other points , vttered and practized after their fashion : yet are they little auaylable , and much lesse orthodoxall , but a priuate manner and forme of their owne , reiected and condemned by the Catholick Church , for that it excludeth the Sacrament , and absolution of the Priest , without which after baptisme , either in voto , or , in re ( as Deuines do distinguish ) in Christian Religion , no pardon , or hope of remission of synnes , can orthodoxally be conceaued . And thus much for this second obiected falsity to Bellarmine . THE THIRD OBIECTION against Cardinall Bellarmine , for false imputation of the Manichean heresy vnto Protestants . §. IX . HIs third obiection against Cardinall Bellarmine , of vnlawfull dealing , cōcerning the imputatiō o● some points of the Manichean heresy vnto Caluinists , he setteth downe in these words : Belarmine attri●●●eth ( saith he ) vnto Caluin the heresie o● the Manichees● who ●●d condemne the na●ure of men , depriuing them o● freewill , 〈◊〉 ascribing the originall and beginning o● sin vnto the nature 〈◊〉 man , and not vnto his freewill , seeing he hath himselfe ●●serued , that Caluin * teacheth , that man in his first crea●●●n had freewill , wherby in his integrity he might , i● he would , ●●●e attained vnto eternall lyfe . This contradiction in this point 〈◊〉 ●o more then this to charge Caluin with that which he did not ●●●e●ue . Is not this singular falshood ? and yet behould a more noble then this . Wherunto I answere , that if it be more ●●table in folly thē this , or els in fraud , it is notable ●●deed : Let vs heere the folly . point●aith ●aith M. Mort. ) is no more thē this , to charge Caluin with that ●hich he beleeued not . So he . Wherof I inferre that it ●as no contradictiō at all . For to accuse a man to ●ould that which he holdeth not , hath no contradi●tion in it , but a false accusation : nor is it alwaies ●●lshood , for it may be vpon errour : and this for ●●e folly . Let vs passe to consider the fraud . ●9 . I do suppose that M Morton would haue said , ●r should haue said , that Cardinall Bellarmine was ther●ore noted by him of a contradiction : not so much ●or cha●ging Caluin with that which he did not be●eeue , for this is no contradiction ( as hath beene ●aid , ) as for that Bellarmine accusing Caluin of concur●ing with the Manichees , in denyall of Free-will vnto ●an , doth notwithstāding in another place cōfesse , ●hat Caluin graunted Free-will to haue byn in man in his first creation : but neither in this is any contradicton at all . For that Caluin granting Free-will to haue byn in man at his first creation , and lost a●terward by the fall and synne of Adam , may concurre with the Manichees in this , that after the fall of Adam , and as now we liue , we haue no Free-will : & so doth Cardinal Bellarmine take him , & proue it out of his owne words in sundry Chapters o● his booke , that he doth hold indeed , and concurreth fully with the very sense of the Manichees therin , which authorityes of Caluin M. Morton ought to haue answered in some sort , if in earnest he had meant to haue defended him . 80. This then is one egregious fraud , and the chiefe in this place , to delude his Reader with the ambiguity , and Equiuocation of different tymes . The Manichees taught , that man after Adams fall had no free will , as both S. Hierome and S. Augustine do testifie in the sentence of M. Morton heere set downe ( though craftily he couered their names ) and Bellarmine proueth Caluin to hold the same , out of his owne wordes and workes . What answereth M. Morton ? Caluin ( saith he ) is con●essed by Bellarmine to grant free-will in man before the fall of Adam in his first cr●●●io● : Yea but the question is , a●ter that fall . How then doth M. Morton answere to the purpose ? And how doth he alleage Bellarmine as contradicting himselfe , in that , in one place , he saith that Caluin confess●th Freewill , and in another saith , that he denyeth it , for so much as it is in respect of diuers times . For I would aske M. Morton in his Logicke , is it a contradiction to say that Caluin confesseth Freewill in man before his first fa●l , & denieth it afterward , seing they are distinct times , and import distinct estates ? and if this be not any contradiction , as any child will confesse that it is not , why doth he seeke to abuse his Reader with such a fallacy ? 81. Another fraud , though somwhat less● perhap● then the former , is , that in setting downe the charge of Bellarm●ne against Caluin , he recounteth the same as in Bella●m●●es owne wordes , thus : He attribueth vnto C●lu●n the heresy of the Manichees , who ( saith he ) d●d co●●●mne the nature of men , depriuing them o● free-will , and ●s●●i●ing the originall and beginning o● sinne ●nto the nature of man , & not vnto Free-will . This sentence 〈◊〉 say , though M. Morton put downe in a different ●etter , as Bellarmines words , and affirmeth him to ●peake thē ; yet indeed they are not his , nor set downe ●y him as his owne , but are the words of S. Hierome , ●nd S. Augustine with some inserted by M. Morton him●elfe , for thus are they related by ●anichaeorū●inquit ●inquit Hi●ronymus ) est hominūdamnare na●●ram , & liberū auferre arbitrium . Et Augustinus : Hierome●aith ●aith it is the heresy of the Manichees to cōdemne the ●ature of men , and to take away Free-will . And S. ●ugustine saith , that the Manichees do ascribe the ori●en of sinne not to Free-will . And why thinke you ●id M. Morton conceale these two Fathers names ? The ●auses are euident . First for that he was loath to ●ublish , that the deniall of free-will in man , 〈◊〉 ●o generally taught and defended by the Prote●tants of our dayes , should be pronounced for an ●eresy , and a Manichean heresie , by two such graue Fathers , as S. Hierome and S. Augustine are . Second●y , for that if he had vttered the matter plainly , ●s it lieth in Bellarmine , he had marred his sleight of ●unning to Free-will , gra●ted by Caluin in the first ●reation of man : for that it is euident , by these ●wo Fathers , that they speake of Free-will after ●he fall of Adam : Therfore it was necessary for him ●o conceale their names , which yet was fraudulent . ●2 . The third fraude is , that wheras Cardi●all Bellarmine doth alleadge two poynts wherein ●he Protestantes of our tyme , but especially Cal●in , doe concurre with the Manichean heresie ; the one , that which hath bene sayd , of the denying of Free-will , the other in reprehending and condemning Abraham , Sampson , Sara , Rebecca , Iudas Machabaeus , Sephora &c. and other Saintes of the old Testament , as S. Augustine testifieth , that the Mani●●eans did , and Bellarmine sheweth that Caluin doth hold the very same , prouing by multiplicity o● place● quoted out of his * workes ; M. Mort. passeth euer with silence this latter proo●e as vnanswerable , and yet will haue vs thinke that Bellarmine did iniure Caluin in noting him with the Manichean heresy : which is as much , as if a man hauing two writings to shew for a suite in Law , the Attorney of the aduerse part , should suppresse the one which is most playne and euident , and cauill about the other . And this shall suffice for this third obiection . Now let vs passe to the other more notable , which was promised before . THE FOVRTH OBIECTION against Card. Bellarmin● , about pretēded false imputation of Arianisme vnto Protestants . §. X. BELLARMINE ( saith he ) accuseth M. Bullinger of Arianisme , because of the sentence ( tres s●nt . 〈◊〉 statu , sed gradu &c. ) notwithsta●ding he knew this was the very sentence of ●ertullian , and is therfore ●ls where expounded as orthodoxall and iustifyable by himselfe . If this be so notable an obiection with M. Morton as before he vāted , it is asigne , that he hath gr●at penury of notable ones , for that this is so notable , as it is indeed nothing , but that only necessity and penury did driue M. Morton to produce it : and so it seemeth , that himselfe did esteeme of it , by his obscure propounding t●ero● , as though he would not haue it well vnderstood ; albeit he terme it neuer so no●able . ●4 . For better conceauing wherof , the Reader ●ust know , that Cardinall Bellarmine in the Preface to ●is fiue bookes de Christo , proposing dyuers sortes of ●duersaryes among our moderne Protestants , that ●●ther openly or secretly did impugne the diuinity ●f Chri●t , or some article therunto belonging , after ●e naming of many others , he writeth thus of ●ullinger : Henricum Bullingerum ( saith he ) non puduit ●ibere &c. Henry Bullinger ( that was the Successor 〈◊〉 Vldericu● Zuinglius ) was not ashamed to write in ●is booke of the Scripture , that ther are three persons 〈◊〉 the Godhead , non statu sed gradu , non substantia sed 〈◊〉 , non potestate sed specie di●●erentes , di●●ering not in ●ate but degree , not in substance but in forme , not 〈◊〉 power but in kynd : which truly ( saith Bellar●ine ) the Arians themselues would scarce haue durst 〈◊〉 auouch . ●5 . Thus wrote Bellarmine : and what now saith ● . Morton against it ? He knew ( saith he ) that this was ●e very sentence of Tertullian . True it is , but euery ●hing that is in Tertullian , who wrote before the Councell of Nice , wherin matters and formes of ●peach about the persōs of the blessed Trinity were ●●ore exactly discussed , is not fit , nor secure for a ●euyne of our times to follow . And if M. Morton had ●onsidered well o● the paradoxes of Tertullian gathe●ed together by learned Pamelius in his last edition 〈◊〉 wherfore this is one and the last of all and censured ●or dangerous by the said Author and other learned men ; ) it is likely that he would not so ●ashly haue obiected the same to Bellarmine , for reprehending it in Bullinger . 86. But M. Morton bringeth a twofould argument for ground of his challenge , the one in latin out of Gregorius de Valentia , as though he had alleadged the foresaid sentence out of Tertullian , with approuing or at least wise not improuing the same . For thus is the matter a●● aged by M. Morton in his margent out of ●alentia : Sic 〈◊〉 ●ertullianus in libro aduersus Praxe●m , tres sunt , non statu sed gradu , non substan●ia sed ●or●a . non potestate sed sp●cie . Gregor . Valentia Iesuita l. de Vnitate & Trinitate cap 9. And then in the English text , he saith as yow haue now heard , that Bellarmine himselfe els where in his works , expoundeth the same sentence of Tertullian , as orthodoxall and iustifyable . 87. But in both these instances are fraudes on M. Mortons behalfe , and no such sincere dealing as were requisite among men that handled good causes . For that first , there is no such narration o● Tertullians sentence in Valentia , as heere is set downe , without reprehension therof : nor is Tertullian so much as named by him in the place alleaged , but a greiuous reprehension is vsed by him against Bullinger , for vsing the said sentence as orthodoxall . Bullingerus Sacramentarius ( saith he ) tres in Diuinitate personas differre dicit , non statu , sed gradu &c. Bullinger the Sacramentary affirmeth that there are three persons in the Deity , which differ , n●t in state , but degree , not in substance , but forme , not in p●●er , but kind : by which wordes he doth not only ouerthrow th● Godhead of the Sonne , but euen the whole mystery of the most ●oly Trinity . So Valentia . And this was his Iudgement of that sentence , which M. Morton would haue his Reader thinke , that Valentia had allowed of , as of an orthodoxall sentēce of Tertulliā . Can there be any more wilfull & witting fraud , then this ? 88. Now as for the allowance therof els where by Cardinall Bellarmine himselfe , M. Morton doth o●●er him great abuse , for he neuer alloweth any where of that sentence , as it standeth wholy in his booke against Praxea , or as it is accepted and vsed by Bullinger , but only taken in hand in his first booke de Christo , to interprete in good sense certaine speaches of Tertullian , obiected by Arians and Trinitarians against the Godhead of Christ , as though he had fauoured them therin , & cōming to a place cited out of the same booke , against Praxea , where he saith , Dum sili●m agnosco , s●cund●m à Patre desendo , for so much as I acknowledge the Sonne , I do defend him as second after the Father ( wherby the Hereticks would proue the Sonne not to be equall to his Father , ) Cardinall Bellarmine answering to this place , saith , that the Sonne is called second ( by Tertullian ) not because he is inferiour , or not equall to the Father , but only according to the order of beginning or origen , for that the Sonne is originally of the Father : and by this occasion he expoundeth also the first two words of the foresaid sentēce , statu et non gradu , saying , that , per gradum intelligit ordinē personarum : Tertullian by degree in this place vnderstandeth only the order , of the three persons among themselues , but not a different degree in perfection . For that Tertulliā in another place hath these words : Diuinitas gradus non habet , vtpote vnica : the Godhead of the three persons hath no degrees , as being only one . 89. Thus then did Cardinall Bellarmine seeke to expound in good sense the first two wordes of the sētence , by another place of Tertullian himselfe : but the whole sentence he neuer defended , nor admitted , but held it rather for erroneous in Tertullian , & hereticall in Bullinger . And now yow see what notable aduantage M. Morton hath gotten out of this his so notable obiection , which is nothing els , but the discouery of two or three notable shiftes , and fraudulent trickes of his owne . And yet do you consider how he insulteth as if he had proued somwhat against Bellarmine indeed . For thus he continueth his speach for his fifth instance . THE FIFTH OBIECTION against Cardinall Bellarmine , for false imputation of heresies vnto sundry Protestants . §. XI . THOVGH P. R. require ( saith he ) but three examples o● f●● shood , yet may I not enuie h●m a further choice , because I know not the curiosity of his palate . Therfore let him againe consult with Cardinall Bella●mine in another taxation of Prote●●●t● saying in one place that , they teach that the soule of ●aithful men departing this li●e , doe not goe directly vnto heauen . In another place he hims●lf● , togeat●er with his fellow Iesuite , haue publiquely recorded● that it is a common obiection of Protestants prouing from Scr●ptur● against the doctry●e of purgatory , that the soules of the ●aith , all pre●e●●ly after death goe di●ectly vnto heau●n . So he . 91. And truly it seemeth strange to me that M. Morton in this his peculiar ●tryfe for sinceritv , cannot set downe any one thing sincerely , with●ut some admixture of fraud . Let him consult ( saith he ) with Bellarmine in another taxation of Protestants , that they teach , that the soules o● the faithfull departed do not go directly to heauen . I haue consulted with him , at leastwise with his booke , and he answereth , that the word Protestants twice heere re●eated is not to be found ●n him , in the place by you cited . For that he ascribeth not this heres● vnto all Protestāts in gene●all , but only vnto three in particuler of our time , to with Luther , Cornelius Agrippa , and Iohn Caluin , a●ter diuers o●d heresies named by him , as of Armenians● and the like , that held the same ; his words a●● : Eundem errorem habet Caluinus &c. Caluin hath the s●me error , that soules of the faithfull do not enter into heauen , nor enioy the vision of Almighty God , before the day of Iudgement , but Christ only is admitted therunto , reliquos omnes residere in atrio , ib. que expectare vsque ad mundi consummationem , that all the rest besides Christ , do not enter the Sanctuary of heauen , but do expect without in a certayne porch ( or entry ) vntill the consummation of the world . And this opinion of Caluin , Bellarmine proueth out of his owne cleare words in sundry places of his workes , as namely lib. 4. Instit. cap. 20. & § . 24. & 25. § . 6. So as in setting downe this assertion of Cardinall Bellarmine , M. Morton hath made him to tax all Protestantes , and to say , they do teach &c. wheras he taxeth only three particuler men . Neyther haue I yet read any other that defendeth the same . Let vs see now how he maketh Bellarmine to contradict himselfe , for herin stands the principall drift of M. Morton , in this place , to seeme thereby to say somewhat against him . 92. First then he bringeth in these words as of Bellarmine : It is a cōmon obiection of Protestantes prouing from Scriptures against the doctrine of Purgatory , that the soules of the faithfull presently after death , go directly vnto heauen Out of which words M. Morton inferreth it cannot be , that Protestants should hold the foresaid contrary doctrine of expecting in the porch . Wherto I answere , that for this , to frame this litle shew of contradictiō M. Morton hath concealed craftily the name of Caluin in all this obiection , and turned it into Protestants , wheras the assertion is ascribed by Bellarmine namely and chiefly vnto Caluin , and not to other Protestāts : and therfore we graunt that Caluin ( supposing his former assertion to be true ) cannot vse this obiectiō against Purgatorie , that soules go directly to heauen , except he would say , that his foresaid atrium or porch , and outward place of stay , is also heauen , or a peece of heauen different from that Sanctuarium Caeli , into which , he saith , that only Christ is admitted vntill the day of Iudgment . 93. But other Protestants that hold not this fond opinion ( as few or none perhaps do ) may vse their former argument still , if it were true , that soules go directly to hell , or to heauen . And it is to be noted how cūningly M. Morton hath borne himselfe in this matter , not once vttering the name of Caluin , but Protestantes in common ; wheras Caluin chiefly is meant , yea only perhaps for the Porch : for that it seemeth to haue beene his owne particuler deuise , wherby the sly dealing of M. Morton is discouered in euery thing , and yet ( forsooth ) will he be still A Minister of simple truth , and conuince Cardinall Bellarmine of wilfull falshood . But let vs go forward , and search further into his simplicitie . HIS SIXT , AND last obiection , against Cardinall Bellarmine , for false imputation of the Sarcamētary heresie to Protestants . §. XII . BELLARMINE resteth not heere ( saith he ) but once againe challengeth Caluin , for ( as he ca●leth it ) an ancient heresie alledged by Theodoret , affirming , that there is only a figure of Christs body in the Eucharist . And yet * in another place affirming both , that , that opinion is not ancient , nor yet now to be found in Theodoret ; and also that the forsaid doctrine of Caluin doth teach , that in the Eucharist there is to be exhibited vnto the faithfull , not only a signe of Christs body , but also the body and bloud it selfe , by which mens soules are nourished vnto eternall 〈◊〉 . Or as another Iesuite testifieth for Caluin , that our soles communicate with the body of Christ substantially . Heer 〈◊〉 no more oddes in this accusation , then ancient , ●●d not anciēt , heresy and not heresy . All these con●●●dictions do certainly euince , that Bellarmine hath 〈◊〉 publike imputations slandered those whome in 〈◊〉 conscience he did acquit . And shall we thinke at this conscience could be sincere in alleadging her mens testimonies , & witnesses , who is found ●●us perfidiously vniust in exhibiting his owne ? I 〈◊〉 are to produce multitudes of this kind , which I ●●ue in store , and will be a debtour to P.R. for ma●● of this sort , ready to pay my debt as soone 〈◊〉 this my promise shall be exacted . Thus farre M. ●●rton , ●● . And heere now I answere , that it is suffici●●tly seene by the payment he hath already made , ●●w ready or able he is to pay his debt for any thing ●●omised against Cardinall Bellarmine , whose estima●●on is like to be highly increased , with all indiffe●●nt men , by this assault , both for conscience , sincere ●ealing , and learning , and M. Morton greatly blemi●●ed in them all : for that cōmonly no one instance ●ath he alleaged of fraud in his aduersarie , but with ●ome fraud in himselfe , & none perhaps with more thē in this sixt & last obiectiō in that kynd , concerning the testimony of T●eodoret for the Reall Presence , ●or that heere be so many foule faults & wilfull cor●uptions , as truly after so many admonishments , if ● should vse the same , it would make me ashamed to ●ooke any man in the face . 96. He indeauoureth to frame a contradiction ●●out of Bellarmine in that he chargeth Caluin with an ancient heresy recorded by Theodoret , which heresy ● did affirme , that there is only a figure of Christes body in the Sacrament , and then will he proue out of Bellarmine himselfe for contradiction of this : first that the said heresy is not ancient : then that it is not to be found at this day in Theodoret : thirdly that Caluin doth not deny the Reall Presence : and so he concludeth , as you haue heard , heere is no more oddes , then betweene an●●●●● and not ancient , heresy & not heresy . But if in all and euery one of these three poyntes M. Morton be conuinced wittingly to haue falsifyed , and that he could not but know that he did so , what excuse then will he make , or what will the discreete , and honest Reader say , or thinke of him ? Novv then to the particulers . 97. The charge which Cardinall Bellarmine maketh vpon Zuinglius & Caluin ( not Caluin only as M. Mort●● text importeth ) is taken from the last of those 20. old heresies before signified to be obiected by the Cardinall to the Protestants of our time , in his booke of the Notes of the Church , and by him is set downe in these wordes : The twentith old heresie ( saith Bellarmine ) wherin the Protestants of our time do participate with old heretickes , is of them , that denied the Eucharist to be truly the flesh of Christ , & would haue it to be the figure or image of the body of Christ. So it is related in the seauenth Generall Coūcell , and sixt Action , Tom. 3. and long before that Theodoret in his Dialogue , intituled , Impatibilis , doth relate the same out of S. Ignatius Scholler to the Apostles . And this heresy is taught in these our daies by Zuinglius in his Booke De verbis Coenae Domini , & by Caluin lib. 4. Instit. cap. 17. § . 12. And so we haue layd forth the heresies of 20. Archeretickes that were cōdemned by the Church within the first seauen hundred yeares after Christ , which heresies being ●●lden by vs for such , and by our Aduersaries for 〈◊〉 articles of their faith , it followeth that our doctrine doth agree with the doctrine of the ancient Church ●●d the doctrine of our aduersaries with the anci●●t heresies . So he . ●● . And this is Cardinall Bellarmines charge . Let ●●e Reader now marke how brokēly it is set downe 〈◊〉 M. Morton . For first he mentioneth only Caluin to 〈◊〉 challenged for this last heresy of the Sacramenta●es against the Reall Presence ( as now I haue said ) ●auing out Zuinglius , who is equally charged by the ●●rdinall for the same thing , which is one tricke . ●hen he omitteth wholy the mention of the 7. Ge●●rall Coūcell , which so long agoe related & confu●●d the said heresy , & this is another tricke . Further●ore he cōcealeth in like māner the name & autho●●tie of old S. Ignatius , who in his tyme ( which was ●●mediatly after the Apostles ) held the denying of 〈◊〉 Reall Presence to be an heresy , & this is a third ●icke . All which poyntes could not be pretermitted 〈◊〉 M. Morton ( nor any one of them indeed ) but by vo●●ntary deliberation : and consequently he must be ●●esumed to haue done it of set purpose to deceyue . ●ut let vs come to his two heads of contradiction , ●hich he will needs find in Bell●rmine . ●9 The first is , that Cardinall Bellarmine is affirmed ●y him to say that , that hereticall opinion ( cited ●●fore against the Reall Presence out of Theodoret ) is 〈◊〉 ancient , nor yet now to be found in Theodoret , and ●or this he citeth Bellarmines owne wordes , as he saith ●●b . 1. de Euchar. cap. 1. initio , and that in latin , to wit , ●uae sententia cita●ur à Theodoreto in Dialogo , vbi tamen nunc ●on habetur . VVhich sentence of S. Ignatius against old ●eretiks is cited by Theodoret in his dialogue , where ●otwithstanding now it is not to be found . So he tel●eth vs out of Bellarmine both in Latin & English , ●ut corrupteth him egregiously in both lauguages . First in allegation , and then in translation , as now shall be demonstrated . For first the true vvordes of Cardinall Bellarmine in latin are these : Quae sententia ci●atur à Theodoreto in 30. Dialogo ex epist. Ignatij ad Smy●●●ses , vbi tamen nunc non habetur . That is to say : This sentence ( concerning old heretiks denying the Reall Presence ) is cyted by Theodoret in his third dialogue out of S. Ignatius his Epistle ( to the Christians ) of Smyrna , where notwithstanding it is not now found : meaning expresly , that it is not found at this day in that Epi●tle of S. Ignatius , but in Theodoret it is found , and is extant both in Greeke and latyn , as euery man may see that will read the place quoted● So as heere agayne M. Morton corrupteth Bellarm●●● both in Latin and English leauing out not only the mention of S. Ignatius his Epistle ad Smyrnenses , and then making his Reader belieue that the testimony of Theodoret was not to be found at this day in him : but also vpon this falsification of his owne , will needs frame a contradiction in Bellarmine . And can there be any more witting and wilfull falshood then this ? Can this dealing stand with the solemne and extraordinary protestations which he maketh of sincerity in the end of his booke , euen against hi● owne infirmityes . 100. But let vs see yet further , how he proueth that Bellarmine , hauing said before , that this heresy of denying the Reall Presence was very ancient , contradicteth himselfe , and saith in the very same place that it is not ancient , for which he alleadgeth these wordes of the Cardinall : Ne autem glorientur Caluinistae &c. And to the end , that the Caluinists may not glory , that their opinion ( against the Reall Presence ) is very ancient , it is to be noted , that those most ancient hereticks ( mentioned ) by S. Ignatius ) did not so much impugne the Sacramēt of the Eucharist , as the mistery of Christ his incarnation . For so much as therfore they denied the Eucharist ●o be the flesh of Christ ( as S. Ignatius doth signifie in ●he same place ) for that they deny Christ to haue ●lesh &c. ●01 . Which testimony if you consider it well , ●oth not proue at all that the denyall of the Reall ●resence was no ancient heresy , but only that it was not altogeather the same with that of the Pro●estants at this day , and had an other foundation or ●otiue : to wit , for so much as those hereticks did ●ot belieue that Christ had taken any flesh at all , ●hey consequētly belieued not , that he gaue it in the ●acrament . But the Protestants though they beleeue ●hat he tooke true flesh : yet do they not belieue , that ●t is really giuen in the Sacrament , for that they be●ieue not these wordes , Hoc est Corpus meum , in the ●ense that the Church doth : so as these do formally ●mpugne the Reall Presence , and the other but by a ●onsequence drawne from another heresy , which ●s the cause that they cānot properly be called Sacra●entaries , as ours are , but most ancient they are : & ●o in this he contradicteth not himselfe about their ●ntiquity . 102. The last point of obiected contradiction in ●his place , is , that Bellarmine confesseth Caluin to hold , that togeather with the Sacrament of the Eucharist , God doth exhibit vnto the faithful , not only a signe of Christs body , but also the body and bloud it selfe , yea , and as Valen●ia addeth further that Caluin confesseth that our soules do cōmunicate with the body of Christ substantially . Wherto I answere : true it is , that in words Caluin doth affirme as much in some partes of his workes , but denyeth it againe in others , and therupon do both Bellarmine and Valentia conuince him of most euident and palpable contradictions in this matter , he seeking to say something different not only from Luther , but also from VVickli●●e & Zuinglius , therby to make a sect of himselfe , but yet not finding indeed , wherin to subsist , or be premanent in any deuise that he could find out , for proofe wherof a Cardinall Bellarmine d●th set downe seauen s●u●r●ll propositions of his about this matter , and proueth th● same substantially out of his owne wordes and discourses , & ech one of them different from the other , and some of them so contradictory , as by no possible meanes they may be reconciled or stand togeather : b As first , that the flesh o● Christ is only in h●au●n , and that in so certaine and determinate a place , as it is as ●istant from the bread , as the highest heauen is from the earth : & then , this no●withstanding , he saith ( as heere is cyted by M. Morton ) c that in the supper the true body of ●h●ist is exhibit●d vnto the faithfull , & not only a signe : yea , that the very substance o● Christes body is giuen . Next to that againe he saith , that notwithstanding the distance b●tweene th● 〈◊〉 of Christ , & the d Sacramentall signes , yet are they ioyned ●o●●ather by so miraculous and inexplicable meanes , as neyther ●●●gu● nor pen can vtter the same . And then further , tha● 〈◊〉 must not belieue , that this coniunction is by any reall com●●g downe of Chr●stes body vnto vs , but by a certaine substa●●ial force deriued from his flesh by his spirit . Where he seem●●● to s●y , that the coniunction is made , not in the substance , but in some essentiall quality . And so in the fifth place more cleerly he saith , that it is made by apprehensi●n of faith only , wherby he contradicteth all that he sayd before of reall and substantiall coniunction . And in the sixt place he confirmeth more the same by saying , that wi●ked men receaue not the body at all , quia corpus Christi solo ore fidei accipitur , for that the body o● Christ is only receaued by the mouth of fayth . And in the● . and last place he concludeth , that this Sacrament doth not giue the body o● Christ , or faith vnto any that hath it not already , but only doth testify , and confirme that now it is there , and so it is , but as a signe or seale ( to vse his wordes ) of that which is th●re already . And this being the variety of Caluins opinion , it proueth no contradiction in Bel●armine , but in Caluin himselfe . And so many corruptions hauing heere beene proued against M. Morton , do conuince that in him which he would proue in Cardinall Bellarmine , but cannot , as how see , and yet ●e concludeth so confidently as before yow haue heard , saying : All these contradictions do certainly euince , ●hat he ( the Cardinall ) hath by publicke imputations slaun●ered those whome in his cons●ience he did acquit : and shall we ●hinke , that his conscience could be sincere in alleadging other ●●ns testimonyes , and witn●sses , who is sound thus persidiously ●●iust in ex●ibiting his owne ? Thus he . And I remit me to ●he Reader , whether he hath seene hitherto any one point of perfidious dealing proued against the Cardinall , among so many as haue appeared on the part of M. Morton . But yet now he will go forward , as he saith to another subiect , to wit , to shew some exāples o● falsifications out of Cardinall Bellarmine in allegation of other mens testimonyes . Let vs see whether he performe any thing more then in the rest he hath done . 103. But first before we enter into this other examen , there occurreth vnto me a consideration worthy to be pondered by the Reader , which is , that all these six obiectio●s made against Cardinall Bellarmine for imputing old heresyes to Prot●stants , are taken out o● on only chapter of his , which is the 9. of his 4. Booke Of the no●●s of the true Church , in which 9. Chapter ( as before yow haue heard ) he chargeth the Protestants of our time with different heresyes of tw●nty seuerall condemned old Heresiarches , or chiefe Heretiks , and therof in●erreth , that as the vnion and agre●ment in doctrine with the ancient Catholike Fathers is a note of the true Church , and of true Catholiks : so to participate with ancient heretiks in any one condemned heresy , is a damnable note of the contrary : which Chapter M. Morton perusing , thought good to set vpon six only for clearing Protestants of them , to wit , the Pelagians , the Nouatians , the Manichees , the Arrians , and other two particuler heresyes : wheras in reason he should haue eyther cleered all or none , for so much as according to S. Augustines sentence , and other ancient Fathers , the holding of any one condemned heresy , is sufficient to euerlasting damnation . So as M. Morton picking out only a few , leaueth all the rest as not excusable , and vnder hand by his silence granteth , th●t they are held by the Protestants : which how markable a poynt it is , I leaue it to the Reader to iudge , and so shall passe to examine the other head of obiections , that he hath against Cardinall Bellarmine . THE ●HIRD PART ●F THIS CHAPTER , CONTEYNING ●THER OBIECTIONS against Cardinall Bellarmine , for falsifications in alleadging of oth●r mens authoriti●s : and first about S. Cyprian . §. XIII . MAISTER MORTON passing from Cardinall Bellarmines accusations & imputations against Protestants for heresies , vnto his allegations of their testimonies ( corruptly as he pretendeth ) ●andled by him ; he beginneth his accusation with a ●entence of S. Cyprian about traditiōs in these words : S. Cyprian ( saith he ) hath this qu●stion ( he going about to refute 〈◊〉 tradition : ) VVhence is this tradition ? It is deriued from the Lords Authority , or fr●m the pr●c●pt of the Apostles ? For God will●th that we ●ho●d do those things which are written . From whence Protestāts conclude , that the Scriptures are of sufficiency for our direction in all questions of faith . Bellarmine answereth , that Cyprian spake this , when he thought to defend an error , and therfore i● is no meruaile , i● he erred in so reasoning , for the which cause S. Augustine ( saith he ) did worthily re●ute him . The question is not , what error Cyprian held , but whether his manner of reasoning from the sufficiency of Scripture were erroneous or no. Bellarmine pretendeth , that S. Augustine did worthily reproue him . But whosoeuer shall consult with S. Augustine in the Chapter specified , shall find , that this poynt by him is excellently commended , That Cyprian warneth vs ( saith S. Augustine ) to runne vnto t●e ●ountaine , that is , vnto the tradition o● the Apos●les ; from thence to deriue a conduct to our tymes , it is chi●fly good and doubtlesse to be per●ormed . 105. This is M. Mortons whole obiection , wherin we must examine what wilfull deceipt to falsification he findeth here in Cardinall Bellarmines allegation of Cyprian . For if he find not this , then findeth he nothing to his purpose , he hauing intituled this his Paragraph of B●lla●mines falsi●ications : but if he find no falshood nor falsity at all , either wilfull or not wilfull , then is he more in the briers : but most of all if finding nothing in his aduersary , himselfe be taken in manifest falshood , both witting and wilful . Let vs examine then this poynt more particulerly . 106. And first I do note , that he proposeth this obiection very obscurely , & that for the cause , which will presently be se●ne , for he doth not explicate vpon what occasion these words of S. Cyprian were vttered by him , nor alleadged by Protestants as an obiection against vnwritten traditions . Wherfore the Reader must know , that the holy man S. Cyp●ian h●uing conceaued an infinite auersion frō hereticks and her●sies of his time , did vpon indiscreet zeale ●all into this errour , that as their faith was not good●●o neither their baptisme , and consequently that ●uch as left them , and were conuerted to the Catho●icke religion should be baptized againe after the Catholicke manner : and hauing found some other Bishops also of Africk , vpon the same groundes , to ioyne with him in the same opinion , for that it seemed to them to be most conforme to Scriptures , that detested euery where hereticks and heresies , he wrote therof vnto Stephen Bishop of Rome , who standing vpon the cōtrary custome alwayes vsed in the Church , not to rebaptize such as were conuerted from heresie , misliked S. Cyprians opinion , and wrote vnto him against the same : wherwith the good man being somwhat exasperated , wrote a letter vnto Pompeius Bishope of Sabrata in Africk , cited heere by M. Morton , wherin amongst other sharp speaches he hath this interrogation here set downe : Vnde est ista traditio & c ? From whence is this tradition ( of not rebaptizing heretickes ? ) Is it deriued from our Lords Authority ? &c. vpon which forme of arguing in S. Cyprian , M. Morton saith , that Protestants do lawfully argue in like manner , this or that tradition is not in the Scriptures , ergo , it is not to be admitted . 107. But saith Cardinall Bellarmine , this was no good forme of arguing in S. Cyprian , nor euer vsed by him , but in this necessitie for defending his errour as Protestantes also are driuen to vse the same for defence of theirs , and this he proueth by two wayes . First , for that S. Augustine doth of purpose out of the sense of the vniuersall Church of his dayes refute that inference , and forme of argument : and secondly , for that S. Cyprian himselfe in other places where he was not pressed with this necessity , doth yeald , and allow the authority of vnwritten traditions , which later proofe as the most conuincent , M Morton do●h suppresse with silence , in reciting Bellarmines answere , and saith only to the first , that S. Augustine is so farre of from condemning S. Cyprians mann●r of reasoning from the sufficiency of Scriptures , as he doth excellently commend the same : this then is briefly to be examined out of S. Augustines ovvne wordes . 108. And first I graunt ( as S. Augustine also doth ) that when any Tradition , or doctryne , can cleerly be shewed out of the Scriptures , optimum est , & si●e dubitatione facie●dum , it is the best way of all , and questionles to be obserued . And for that S. Cyprian in that his errour did certainly perswade himselfe to be able to prooue the same out of holy Scriptures , as appeareth by the many places alleadged by him to th●t effect ( though wrongfully vnderstood ) especially in the sayd Epistle to Pompeius , and else wher● , which places of Scripture S. Augustine doth particulerly ponder and refute , and shew not to be rightly applied by S. Cyprian , who seeing the generall custome and tradition of the Church to be contrary vnto him , in this cause prouoked to the Scriptures alone , as the Protestants do in as bad a cause . But now let vs see what S. Augustine teacheth in this behalfe , and how he confuteth S. Cyprians prouocatiō to only Scriptures , in this case of controuersy betweene them , notwithstanding he allowed for the best way to haue recourse to the fountaynes , when things from thence may , as I sayd , cleerly be proued . 109. Let vs heare ( I say ) S. Augustine recounting the case betweene S. Cyprian on the one side , & himselfe with ●ll Catholike mē of his dayes on the other . Nōd●●●r●t●●aith ●●aith he diligent●rilla Baptismi qu●stio pertracta &c. The question of Baptisme ( or reb●ptizing heretiks was not in S. Cyprians tyme diligently discussed , albeit the Catholike Church held a most wholsome custome to correct that in Schismatiks & Heretiks which was euill , & not to iterate that which was giuen them as good : which custome I belieue to haue come downe from the Apostles tradition , as many others which are not found in their writings , nor yet in the later Councels of their successours , & neuerthelesse are obserued through the whole vniuersall Church , and are belieued not to haue beene deliuered , and commended vnto vs , but from the sayd Apostles . This most wholsome custome then S. Cyprian sayth that his predecessour Agrippinus did begin to correct , but as the truth it selfe being more diligently after examined did teach , he is thought more truly to haue corrupted thē corrected the same . Thus S. Augustine of the state of the question , and of the authority of Customes and Traditions vnwritten . Now Let vs see what he saith to S. Cyprians māner of reasoning , from the sufficiency of Scripture as M. Morton tearmeth it . 101. Ad Pompeium ( saith S. Augustine ) scribit Cyprianus de hac re &c. S. Cyprian doth write to the Bishop Pompeius about this matter , where he doth manifestly shew , that Stephen , whome wee vnderstand to haue beene Bishop of Rome at that tyme , did not only not consent vnto him , verùm etiam contra scripsisse atque prae●●pisse , but also did write and gaue commandement to the contrary &c. S. Cypryan did obiect Apostoli nihil quid●m exinde praeceperunt , the Apostles did command nothing ( in the Scriptures ) about this matter . It is true , saith S. Augustine : Sed consuetudo illa , quae opponebatur Cypriano , ab eor●m traditione exordium sumpsisse credenda est , s●●u● sunt multa quae Vniuersa tenet Ecclesia , & ob hoc ab Apost●●●s pr●c●pta bene creduntur quamquam scripta non reperiantur : But that custome which was opposed to S. Cyprian by the Church , is to be belieued to haue taken beginning from the tradition of the Apostles : as there are many things which the Vniuersall Church doth hold , and they are therfore rightly belieued to haue beene ordayned by the Apostles , though they be not found written . Thus S. Augustine . 111. Wherby we vnderstand , first , his full meaning about the Authority of traditions in the Church , though they be not found written in the holy Scripture : and secondly that albeit in some cases it is good and law●ull to runne to Scriptures , when the matter may be clearly by them decided ; yet is it no good argument alwaies to say , It is not in the Scripture , and therfore we are not bound to belieue it , which was the argument of S. Cyprian when he was in errour , and for maintenance of the same , as M. Morton cannot deny : nor dareth reproue S. Augustine and the Church of his time that condemned this manner of reasoning in S. Cyprian . And what now doth there result against Bellarmine in all this obiection ? Is he found false in any one thing which heere is said ? Nay is not M. Morton cōuinced of euident fraud in setting downe this accusation ? First for concealing the true state of the question● then for that S. Augustine doth not reproue , but excellently commend the manner of reasoning in S. Cyprian ; pretermitting all that I haue alledged out of S. Augustines expresse words to the cōtrary , which he could not but know and haue read ? Thirdly by cutting of the words immediatly following in Bellarmine , conteyning his second reason , which was that S. Cyprian in other traditions besides this of not rebaptizing heretickes ( which erroneously he thought to be repugnant to Scripture , ) he allowed & vrged also the force of Traditions in the Church of God , though they were not written● wherof Ca●dinall Bellarmine himselfe alleadgeth two euident exāples , the one about the necessity of holy Chrisme or Vnction , vrged by S. Cypri●n out of only Tradition lib. 1. Epist. 12. and the offering wine togeather with water in the Sacrifice , which he vrgeth as Dominicam Traditionem , a Tradition of our Lord lib. 2. Epist. 3. whereas notwithstanding nothing is found written in the Scriptures of either of these traditions . And if I would alleage other traditions allowed by him , though not written in the Scriptures , I might be large heerin : as for example , that of renunciation accustomed to be made in the Church before baptisme , wherof he treateth in his 7. and 54. Epistles , and in his booke de disciplina & habitu Virginum : as also of the demaundes , & answeres accustomed to be made in the Church , about the articles of the Creed , Epist. 70. of Exorcismes to be made before baptisme , Epist. 2. & 72. & lib. con●ra Demetrianum . 112. The tradition of baptizing Infants , Epist. 59. which S. Augustine holdeth to stand only vpon vnwritten tradition , and the like . This second argument then of Bellarmine being craftily left out , and his former from S. Augustines authority wittingly peruerted , M. Morton insteed of an obiectiō against the Cardinall , hath brought in a flat condemnation of two notable fraudes against himselfe . Let vs see another of like sort and suite , if he can haue patience to heare it . HIS SECOND OBIECTION against Cardinall Bellarmine , touching false allegations about Anacletus . §● XIIII . SECONDLY ( saith he ) Bellarmine to establish the authority of the Pope , doth giue this prerogatiue to S. Peter , to wit : That S. Peter was the only Bishop , and that other Apostles tooke their Orders from him ; which he laboureth to euince from the testimonies of Anacle●us , Clemens , Alexander , Eusebius , & Cyprian : where he is refelled by his owne doctors : One * saying , that indeed those Fathers meane no such thing : Another , that * the Epistles of Anacletus are counterfaite , which many vrge more then is meete , to the end they may aduance the authority of the Sea of Rome . 114. Thus farre the obiection in his owne wordes . Wherin I meruaile what wilfull falshood may be found , such as the writer himselfe must needes know it to be so , except it be on the behalfe of M. Mor●ō , who entreth presently with a shift at the first beginning , saying ( as you haue hard ) that Bellarmine giueth this prerogatiue to S. Peter : that he was the only Bishop , and that other Apostles tooke their orders from him , wheras Bellarmines saying is , some authors to be of opinion , quòd solus Petrus à Christo Episcopus ordinatus fuerit , caeteri autem à Petro Episcopalem consecration●m acceperint , that only S. Peter was ordeined Bishop immediatly by Christ , and the other receaued their Episcopall consecration from S. Peter . So as in so litle a sentence he leaueth out first , that S. Peter was ordeined Bishop alone by Christ , and then changeth Episcopall consecration into holy Orders , as though they had not bene made so much as Priests by our Sauiour himselfe , but only by S. Peter , wheras all authors agree that Christ in making them Apostles , made thē all Priests though some do doubt , whether immediatly by himselfe he made them all Bishops . So as no one thing is sincerely handled heere by M. Morton without some nippe or other , as you see . 115 Secondly , wheras he saith that Bellarmine laboureth to euince frō the testimonies of Anacletus , Clemens Alexādrinus &c. the proofe of this prerogatiue , he abuseth him egregiously , for that Bellarmine doth alleadg this opinion , that Christ hauing made all his Apostles Priests , did make only S. Peter Bishop , with authority to cōsecrate the rest , as the opinion of Turrecremata , alleadging diuers manifest reasons and proofes for the same : as namely one , that either Christ did ordaine none of his Apostles Bishops , or all , or some certaine number , or one only . The first cannot stand , for that if Christ had ordained none , then should we haue at this day no Episcopall authority among vs. Nor can it be said that he ordained all immediatly , for that S. Paul was ordained by imposition of handes by the Ministers of the Church , as appeareth Act. 13. and by S. Leo Epist. 81. ad Dioscorum , as also by S. Chrysost. in hunc locum . S. Iames in like manner is recorded , not only by Anacletus Epist. 2. but by Clemens Alexandrinus Eusebius lib. 2. hist. cap. 1. and by S. Hierome de Viris Illustribus in Iacobo , to haue beene made Bishop by S. Peter . 116. The third poynt also , that Christ ordayned some certayne nūber , he refuteth , for that it appeareth by the Euangelicall History that all the Apostles were equall , saue only S. Peter , in whom he proueth 25. seuerall priuiledges to haue beene giuen by Christ aboue the rest , wherof this of his being ordayned Bishop alon● immediatly from Christ is the 22. and the second reason alleadged by Turrecremata of the Appellation of the Mother Church , giuen aboue all other Churches to Rome , by testimony , as he proueth , of all antiquity , seemeth to confirme greatly the said priuiledge , though notwithstanding it be a matter not so determined by the Church , but that there may be diuersity of opinions , as in effect there are amongst learned men about the same , in which number is Franciscus de victoria heere cyted : who albeit he confesse this opinion to be grauissimo●ū Virorum , of most graue Authority : yet thinking the contrary assertion more probable , that Christ himselfe did ordayne immediatly all his Apostles Bishops , doth answere the argumēts of Turrecremata , saying , that the Fathers cyted for the same reuerà non significant id quod Auctores huius sententiae volunt , that in truth they do not signify so much as the Authority of this sentence or opinion would haue them . And to like effect doth Cardinall Cusanus here cyted , being of a different opinion , endeauour to answere the said arguments : but yet not saying absolutly that the Epistles of Anacletus are coūterfaite , as heere is alleadged by M. Morton , sed ●ortassi● quaedam scripta Sancto Anacleto attributa apocrypha sunt , but perhaps certayne writings attributed to S. Anaclete are Apocryphall , which two moderatiōs of fortassi● and quaedam , M. Morton craftily left out both in English and Latin ; as he doth in like manner diuers other things that make against himselfe , and namely these wordes of the same Cusanus , In quibus volentes Romanam Sedem omni laude dignam , plusquam Ecclesiae Sanctae expedit & decet , exaltare , se penitus aut quasi fundant , that some men intending to exalt the Roman Sea worthy of all commendation more then is expedient , or decent for the holy Church it selfe , do found them●elues eyther wholy or for the most part vpon these ●pocryphall and vncertayne writings . And then agayne : Non opus foret diuinam ipsam , & omni laude super excellentissimam Romanam primam Sedem &c. it shall not be needfull that the diuine Roman Primate Sea most eminently excelling in all praise , to helpe herselfe with doubtfull arguments taken out of those Epistles , wheras the truth may be proued sufficiently , and more cleerly by vndoubted records &c. All this and much more is in Cusanus in the place cited by M. Morton , which he partly imbezeling , partly corrupting , and playnly falsifying , hath brought forth the broken sentence which heere you may see both in English and latin , far different from the Originalls . 1●● . And this is his common tricke neuer lightly to alleadge any one sentence eyther in English , or latin , as it lyeth in the text , but still with some helping of the dye ( as his owne phrase is ) some crafty cogging must alwayes enter , which I desire the learned Reader to take the paynes but alitle to examine : & if he fynd not this fraud very ordinary , I am contented to leese my credit with him . 118. And fynally let him note for cōclusion of this obiection , that all this which M. Morton alleadgeth heere , if it were graunted , as it lyeth , conteyneth nothing , but two different opinions betweene learned men in a disputable question : Whether Christ did immediatly , and by himselfe , consecrate all or some of his Apostles Bishops , or one only with authority to consecrate the rest , Turrecremata and Bellarmine do hold the one for more probable , but Victoria , Cusanus , and some others do allow rather the other : What wilfull falshood is there in this ? Or is it not singular folly to call it by that name ? But let vs see an other obiection , no wiser then the rest . THE THIRD OBIECTION against Bellarmine●or ●or false allegations about Platina . §. XV. HIS third obiecton against Cardinall Bellarmin● beginneth in these wordes : Againe ( saith he ) where Bellarmine citeth the testimony of Pla●ina for the commendation of Pope Hild●brand : And in another place finding Platina obiected in the question of Confession , answereth for the disabling of the Author , saying , that Platina had no publike authority to pen the liues of the Popes from publike Recordes . Which is notably false , Platina himselfe in his Epistle dedicatory vnto the then Pope writing thus : Thou ( ô Prince of Deuines , and chiefe of Bishops , ) hast commanded me to write the liues of the Popes . Whose history is therfore greatly commended by Ballus , as being true , and tak●n out of publike Monuments . I could furnish P. R. with infinite such like delusions , and will also whensoeuer my Aduersary shall renew his demaūd : for such a multitude of examples I could bring , that I find it a greater difficulty for me to subtract , then to multiply . So he . 120. And I answere , that the more he multiplyeth in this kind the greater store of testimonies and suffrages he produceth of his owne folly , and impertinent dealing : for that Cardinall Bella●mine his denying of Platina to be of absolute credit & publick authority in all matters touched by him in his history , doth not proue wilfull malice in the Cardinall but rather a true & prudent censure concurring with the iudgment of diuers learned men of our time , especially of Onup●rius Panuinus , who writing obseruatiōs vpon the history of Platina concerning Popes liues , doth oftentimes note the said story of diuers defects both in the Chronologie of times , and truth of matters set downe by him : and I doubt not , but whosoeuer shall haue read the works of Onuph●ius & of Balbus heere cited in commendation of Platina , will greatly preferre the iudgm●nt of the first , before the later in matters of history . But let vs see , what Cardinall Bellarmine saith of Pla●ina , and vpon what ground , and to what effect , and so shall you see also how weake a calumniation M. Morton hath taken in hand in this obiection . 121. The occasion of censuring Platina , was in the confutation of a certaine manifest lie auouched ( as the Cardinall saith ) by Caluin , who affirmed that there was neuer any certaine Ecclesiasticall law extant , binding men to Sacramentall Confession , before the Councell of Lateran vnder Pope Innocen●ius the third , some 300. yeares past , and for proofe of this , Caluin citeth the story of Platina as affirming the same with this preface of his owne to authorize more the writer , Eorum Annales narrant , their Annales , or publike histories ( of the Catholickes ) do declare . And againe : Ipsis testibus nond●m cl●psi sunt anni trecenti , themselues being witnesses ( to witt the Catholickes ) and their publike histories , there are not 300. yeares yet past since the law of Conf●ssion began . Which manifest vntruth Bellarmine cōfuting by great store of antiquityes , commeth at length to Platina who in the life of the Popes Zephe●inus & Innocentius , writeth that the decree that was made by Zepherinus for receauing the communion , at least once a yeare about Easter , was extended also to Confession by Pope Innocentius , which only is found written by Platina , saith Bellarmine , and not by any other Ecclesiasticall historiographer : adding further these wordes : Sed neque Platina &c. But neither Platina did write those liues of Popes by publike authority , nor out o● publike records in such sort as they may be called our Annales : and oftentimes is he reprehended by our Historiographers , for that he fell into diuers errours in his history , by following of Martinus Polonus : and yet doth not Platina say , that which Caluin saith , that there was no law extant about the necessity of Conf●ssion before the time of Zepherinus and Innocentius , but only that the certaine time , when , and how " often a man should confesse and commun●cate , was then prescribed more in particuler . 122. So as heere you see Platina doth make nothing for M. Caluin , and lesse for M. Morton , who dealt fraudulently according to his fashion , and neuer commonly doth otherwise , when reciting in his margent the latin text of Bellarmine , he cut out the words immediatly following , Vt annales nostri dici possint , Platina did not write the liues of Popes as they may be called our Annales . And albeit Pla●ina saith in the Preface of his history vnto the Pope Sixtus 4. who liued somwhat aboue 100. yeares past , that he had cōmanded him to wri●e the Popes liues , yet this proueth not , that his collection is an Authenticall history of our Church , or so well performed by him , as all things therin contained must be held for exact truth , and we bound to accept of the same , which is all in effect , that Cardinall Bellarmine auoucheth . And who would haue brought in this for an example of wilfull falshood but only M. Morton ? Nay who would haue made oftentation therof● saying , that he findeth greater difficulty to subtract , then to multiply such examples , but himself , that seemeth not to disc●rne betweene saying somewhat in words , and nothing in effect ? But yet we must passe a little further to see an impertinency or two more . THE FOVRTH Obiection against Cardinall Bellarmine , touching , false allegations about Purgatorie . §. XVI . AFTER long prying vpon Cardinall Bellarmines bookes , being aboue 60. in number , and the notes therout gathered , which before you haue heard , M. Morton commeth at length to seeke some quarrels at that which the Cardinall hath written in defence , and demonstration of the doctryne of Purgatorie , and saith that he will end with that matter . His wordes are these : I will now ( saith he ) confine my selfe within the precincts of but one onely controuersye concerning Purgatorie , where Bellarmine distinguishing of the diuers acceptions of the word a Fire in the writings of ancient Fathers , concludeth that , b when the Fathers speake of the Fyre of the day of doome , when all the world shall be of a flame , they meane not Purgatory-fire , which soules suffer immediatly after death . After this he alledgeth c most playne places ( as he calleth them ) out of the Fathers for proofe of Purgatorie . Amongst others in his first booke ( de Purgatorio ) S. Ambrose serm . 20. in Psalm . 118. for proof o● Purgatory-fyre , which he himselfe confesseth in his next booke not d to be meant of Purgatorie . So he dealeth also with e S. Hillary , vrging his sentence vpon the Psalm . 118. as an euident place for Purgatory , which by his owne iudgement , seemeth not to signify Purgatory . And yet f againe , among Fathers●or ●or Purgatorie● he alledgeth the testimonyes of Origen , Basil , Lactantius , Hierome , Ambrose : all which are acknowledged expresly by Sixtus Senensis , from the euidence of the contexts to haue spoken only of the fyre of the day of iudgement , and consequently as Bellarmine hath taught vs , not of the fire of Purgatorie . Lastly he pro●esseth to confirme the doctryne of Purgatorie out of most of the Greeke and Latin Fathers . And another Iesuit●●ith ●●ith more largely g of all the Greek Fathers : which is an assertion as false as peremptory , euen by the confession of their owne h Bishop saying : That there is very rare mention of Purgatory in the Greeke Fathers : and that the latin Fathers did not all at first apprehend the doctryne therof . Thus far he . 124. And now let the Reader note how many impertinent poyntes ( to say nothing of their falsity that ioyntly also will be discouered ) are heere couched togeather , that i●●o say , all that are heere handled , for that all conioyned together do not conuince any one wilfull , or witting vntruth in Bellarmine , though there should be found any ouersight , as there will not be ; but rather yow will discouer the most cunning dealing in M. Morton ( if iugling be cunning ) therby to make Bellarmine seeme to haue some contradiction in him , that euer perhaps yow read . For first , where the said Cardinall writeth , that when the Fathers speake of the ●yre of the day of doome , when all the world shall be in a flame , they meane not Purgatory ●yre , though the thing it selfe in some sense may be graūted : yet in the places by him cyted , Bellarmine hath no such thing , but only treating of that fire mencioned by the Apostle 1. Cor. 3. Vniuscuiusque opus quale sit , ignis probabit : Fire shall proue what euery mans worke is , he saith : Aliqui Patrum per ignem non intelligunt ignem Purgatorium , sed ignem diuini Iudicij , per quem satendum est omnes etiam Sanctos , Christo excepto , transire . Some Fathers do not vnderstand by this fire ( that must try euery mans workes ) the fire of Purgatory , but the fire of Gods iudgment , through which we must confesse that all Saints also must passe , except Christ himselfe . 125. And for this opinion he cyteth S. Hilary and S. Ambrose vpon the Psalme 118. as also S. Hierome , who seeme to vnderstand by this prouing-fire mentioned by S. Paul , not the purging-●yre of Purgatorie , which is mētioned presently after in the same place of the Apostle , when he saith , ipse tamen saluus erit , sic tamen quasi per ignem : which later fyre to be vnderstood of Purgatory after death , Bellarmine proueth by the playne exposition of S. Cyprian , S. Ambrose , S. Hierome , S. Augustine , S. Gregorie , and others . 126. Now then M. Morton seeing this discourse of Bellarmine would needs pick a quarrel therat , and frame vnto himself some shew of cōtrariety in him , by voluntarie mistaking of the fire of Gods iudgement and triall , due to euery soule immediatly after death , for the fyre of doomes day when the world shall be in a flame , wherof Bellarmine neyther speaketh , nor had occasiō to speake : nay he doth expresly deny , and shew , that the prouing-●yre of Gods iudgmēts mentioned by S. Paul , is not the fyre of the conflagration of the world : and then doth M. Morton frame to himselfe a contradiction in Bellarmine , as though he had said , that S. Ambrose , and S. Hilarie in the selfe same places of their works , had held for Purgatory , & not for Purgatory , to wit , vpō the Psalme 118. which may be true in different senses , & sentences of theirs , & in different acceptions of the word fyre , as hath beene shewed , for that by the former wordes of S. Paul , Ignis probabit , fyre shall proue euery mans works , they thinke that Purgatory fire is not vnderstood , but rather the examen of Gods iudgments as hath bene said , through which examining fyre both Saints and not Saints must passe : but by the other fyre that followeth in the said Apostle , Damnum patietur , ipse tamen saluus erit , sic tamen quasi per ignem , he shall suffer losse or punnishment , but yet he shall be saued as by fire , all the forenamed Fathers do hold that the purging fyre is vnderstood , through which only imperfect men shall passe , so as they vnderstanding of different fires , in the selfe same sentence of S. Paul , no maruayle though they affirme of the one , and deny of the other , without all note of true and reall contradiction : for that a contradiction must be in the self same thing , and in the same respect , otherwise it were a contradiction to say , that Christ was mortall & immortall , passible & impassible , which are not contradictory , but most true in different respects , and other such like speaches : yet let vs see how M. Morton frameth his contradictories heere more in particuler . 127. Among other Fathers ( saith he ) Bellarmine cyteth S. Ambrose ser. 20. in Psal. 118. for proofe of Purgatorie fire , which he himselfe confesseth in his next booke not to be meant of Purgatory . Marke heere the fraud . A place of S. Ambrose is alleadged by Bellarmine for purgatory out of his Cōmentary vpon the 36. Psalme , after which he sayth : Vide etiam eundem , serm . 20. in Psalm . 118. See also the same S. Ambrose in his 20. Sermon vpon the hundred and eyghtenth Psalme , signifying , that in this place the said Father hath somwhat more , worthy the consideration to the same effect of prouing Purgatory , and then in his second booke , Bellarmine cyting a place out of the forsaid 20. Sermon , where vpon the wordes of Genesis the 4. God placed before paradise a sword of fire , saith : that S. Ambrose affirming that fiery sword to be ignem Purgatorium , by which all must passe , both good and euill , seemeth rather to vnderstand the prouing fire of Gods iudgments to euery soule immediatly after death , both good and bad , then the payn●ull purging fire that is to ensue after , wherby the bad or faulty do only passe . And what contradiction is there now betweene this reference of the Reader by Bellarm. ( for he saith but Vide ) to the sermō of S. Ambrose , and this other place cyted out of the same sermon ? may not there be in the selfe same sermon different sentences , and different senses vpon different occasions , and to different purposes ? Who would wrangle thus but M. Morton for lacke of better matter ? If he had shewed Bellarmine to say that the selfe same sentence or discourse of S. Ambrose had beene alleged by him for Purgatory , and against Purgatory , he had performed somewhat : this other picking of quarrels is poore and miserable , and sheweth his wantes in the midst of his braggings : we haue deliuered S. Ambrose from the calumnation of contradiction , let vs passe to S. Hilary . 128. So Bellarmine ( saith he ) dealeth also with S. Hilary , vrging his sentence vpon the Psalme 118. as an euident place for Purgatorie , which by his owne iudgment ( in his next booke ) seemeth not to signify Purgatory , but rather Ignem diuini iudicij , by which our B. Lady and Saints must passe , which cannot be vnderstood of true Purgatory . Whereto is answered , that both are conteyned in the discourse of S. Hilary vpon the 118. Psalme , to witt , the prouing fire of Gods iudgment after our deathes , and purging fire of Gods iustice after our iudgment , S. Hylaries wordes are these vpon that Verse of the Psalme , My soule hath desyred thy iudgements : Meminit Propheta &c. The prophet Dauid hath recounted vnto vs how hard a thing it is to desyre the iudgments of God : for as no man lyuing is cleane in his sight , how may a man desyre that iudgement of his , in which that indefatigable fire is to be vndergone by vs , in which those greiuous punis●ments of purging our soules from synnes , are to be susteyned , the B. Virgin Maries soule was passed with a sword to the end that the thoughts of many hartes might be reuealed . If then that Virgin that was capable of God , must come into the seuerity of Gods iudgment , who will dare to desyre to be iudg●d by God ? So farre S. Hilarie . 129. In which discourse it is euident , that he comprehendeth both the fire of Gods iudgement , when he saith , that our Lady must vndergoe the seuerity of that iudgement , as also the other purging fire in which he saith so greiuous punishments must be suffered for purging of our soule , which may both well stand together , as acts of the selfe same iustice , to witt , the examination of our lyfe , and punishment of our defects therin found . And how impertinent then is it for M. Morton in these two things to frame a contradiction ? but let vs passe to a third . 130. And yet agayne ( saith he ) among his manifest places of the Fathers for Purgatory he alleageth the testimonies of Origen , Basil , I actātius , Hierome , Ambrose , all which are acknowledged expresly by Sixtus S●n●nsis from the euidence of the contexts to haue spokē only of the fire of the day of iudgmēt . Wherto I answere , that here are many delusions together . For first suppose that Syxtus Senensis that lyued somwhat be●ore Bellarmine were of a different o●inion from him , about some Authoryties alleaged of these f●ue Fath●rs , conc●rning the fire of Purgatory , doth not Bellarmine alleage almost fifteen● besydes these ●iue ? and doth not he cite sundry other places out of these very same authors which Syxtus Senensis hath not censured ? Nay doth not Doctor Coccius in his Thesaurus alleage vpon the poynt of 60. ancient Fathers , Greeke and Latin within the compasse of the first six hundred yeares next after Christ , who held the same doctrine ? And for the first of these f●ue , to wit Origen , doth he not besydes the place heere except●d against by M. Morton out of Sixtus Senensis his Censure , to witt , Hom. 6. in Exod. doth he not ( I say ) alleadg fiue other mani●●st places out of the same Author confirming Purgatory , to wit , Hom 14. in Leuit. hom . 25 in Num. hom . 2. in Psal. 38. hom . 12. in Hier. lib. 8. in Epist. ad Rom. cap. 11. ? And the like I may say of S. Basil , S. Hierome , & S. Ambrose , who haue not only the single places against which M. Morton so triumphantly excepteth out of Senensis , but diuers other that sufficiently declare their iudgment in that behalfe . 131. Secondly I would demaund of M. Morton why we should ascribe more vnto the iudgement of Senensis in censuring these places of the Fathers then vnto other learn●d , that thinke the contrary : They are all acknowledged ( saith M. Morton ) expresly by Syxtus Senensis ●●om the euidence of their contextes to haue spoken only of the ●ire of the day of Iudgem●nt , and consequently not of Purgatory . This now is properly to help a dye in deed , for that Senensis doth not talke of any such euidence of the contextes , but speaketh rather doubtfully , and by coni●ctu●e , saying of Origen , that his opinion ( that both good and bad should be purged by f●re ) is confuted by S. Aug●stine in his bookes de Ci●itate D●i , but yet for excusing the same from errour he saith : Tu vide an Origenis verba interpretari queant de igne vl●imae co●flagrationis . Do thou ( Reader ) consider whether the wordes of Origen may be interpreted of the fire of the last cōflagration or ●ot ? So as he did not expr●sly acknowledge from the euidenc● of contexts ( as M. Mort. shifting & lying wordes are ) that these authorityes must needes be vnderstood of the last combustion of the world ; but rather leaueth it as vncertayne to be considered by the Reader : and there are diuers of them , that cannot be so vnderstood , as that of Origen vpon the Epistle to the Romans : haecipsa purgatio quae per poenam ignis adhibetur &c. This purgation of synnes which is applyed by the punishment of fyre , how many yeares , and how many ages it shall afflict sinners , only he can tell to whome his Father gaue power of iudgement : which wordes cannot well be vnderstood of the last conflagratiō of the world , which no man can affirme to be likely to indure many ages together . 132. And many like sentences may be obserued in the other Fathers speaches , which he expresly alleadgeth to the sense of this of Origen , whom he saith they do imitate and follow in holding , that both S. Peter & S. Paul , and other Saints shall passe also through this fire , though without hurt , Expurgabit Hierusalem ( saith S. Basil ) Dominus in spiri●u iudicij , & spiritu ardoris , quod ad ●am probationem siue exam●̄ refertur , quod per ignem fiet in suturo saeculo . God shall purge Hierusalem in the spirit of Iudgment , and the spirit of burning , which is referred to that probation , and examination which shall be made by fire in the world to come . And this I thinke Sixtus Senensis , or M. Morton for him will hardly apply from the euidence of the context it selfe , vnto the last cōflagration of this world , which indeed is but a meere coniecture of his , and for such he willeth the Reader to consider of it , as now you haue heard . But M. Morton doth magnifie the same , as somwhat helping him in his opinion to diuert the authorities of these Fathers from inferring the true fire of Purgatory : but the truth is that they may include both , as before we haue noted , to wit , the fire of Gods iudgment in examining sinnes after their deathes , and the fire of Gods iustice in purging and punishing thē temporally , that were not purged before . Of which later execution of Iustice , and purging sinnes , the last conflagration of the world may be a member or part for those that shall liue vntill the last day of iudgment . Wherunto S. Ambrose in the very place heere alledged seemeth to allude , when he sayth : Cùm vnusquisque nostrûm venerit adiudicium Dei , & ad illos ignes quos transituri sumus &c. When euery one of vs shall come to the Iudgment of God , & to those fires through which we must passe , then let euery man say as the Prophet did , respect my humility , and deliuer me . Where it is euident , that S. Ambrose speaketh of more fires then one . And so this third contradiction of Bellarmine is found to be nothing at all . 133. His fourth and last contradiction framed out of B. Fisher against Bellarmine , to wit , that there is very rare mention of Purgatory in the Greeke Fathers , is vnderstood by him as well of the name of Purgatory not then so much in vse , as that the most ancient writers next after the Apostles tyme , when many thinges were not discussed so exactly , ( as in processe of time they were ) did not so clearely handle that matter : Nemo iam dubitat orthodoxus ( saith he ) an Purgatorium sit , de quo tamen apud priscos illos nulla , vel quàm rarissima fiebat mentio . No rightly belieuing Christian doth now doubt , whether there be Purgatory or no , of which notwithstanding , there was none , or very rare mention made among those most ancien● Fathers . Wherof he giueth diuers reasons , and indeed the same may be said of sundry important other articles of Catholike Religion : for so much as in the first primitiue Church when the said Fathers were vnder persecution , and occupied in other weighty affaires against heretickes and persecutors , they had not time , nor occasion to discusse many things , which the holy Ghost afterward did make more cleare vnto the Church by successe of time : and yet doth not Bishop Fisher say , that there was no knowledg of this article of Purgatory in the very first Fathers ; but only his meaning was , that the name , nature , & circumstance therof was not so well discussed , & consequently the thing more seldome mentioned by them , then afterward by the subsequent writers . 134. Wherfore comming afterward in his 37. article to answere Luther , that sayd , that Purgatory could not be proued by any substantiall argument , he vseth this demonstration against him : Cùm à tot Patribus ( saith he ) tam à Graecis quàm Latinis Purgatorium affirmetur , non est verisimile , quin eius veritas per idoneas probationes illis claruisset . Wheras Purgatory is affirmed by so many Fathers , as well Grecians as Latinists , it is not likly , but that the truth therof was made cleare vnto them by some sufficient proofes . And then after the citing a multitude of Fathers of the one and the other Church , he commeth to proue Purgatory first by Scripture out of both testaments , and then by great variety of testimonies and authories of the said Fathers . And if this will not suffice M. Morton , let him see the threescore before mentioned by me out of Coccius , wherof 30. or therabout were of ancient Greeke Fathers within the first 600. yeares after Christ. MAISTER MORTONS conclusion and obseruation about the article of Purgatory examined . §. XVII . MAISTER MORTON hauing plaied his prize as now you haue heard , in charging Cardinall Bellarmine with contradictions , and absurdities about the doctrine of Purgatory , he maketh this conclusion . If any ( saith he ) shall but obserue in this one controuersy the number of witnesses brought in for the confirmation of this their new article in the name of ancient Fathers , which are by confessiō of our aduersaries meerely counterfaite , as Clemens his Constitutions , Clemens Epistles , Athanas . in quaest . Eusebius Emissenus , Iosephus Ben-Gorion , Hieron . in Prouerb . August . ad Fratres in Eremo . the Liturgies of Iames and others : all which as they are vrged for profe of Purgatory , so are they reiected by their owne men ( I desire to be challenged for proofe heerof ) as forged , or corrupted , or Apochrypha : and indeed no better witnesses for truth , then the Knights o● the Post be fit men for a Iury. If further he shall marke how true Fathers , and Scriptures are instanced in for proofe of the same article , wherof ( when I speake of Fathers ) most of them ( whē I speake of Canonicall Scriptures ) all of them are found by the iudgment of their owne doctours to be tortured , wrested , and forced , as it were to say that which they neuer meant : if hee , lastly , consider how almost euerie one of thē indeauoring the defence of the same doctrine , is in his owne assertions contradicted by himself , which may be in this one controuersie concerning Purgatorie , a late article of their faith , most plainly discerned . So ●ar hee . 136. And this his conclusion , or repetitiō in the end of this last obiection about Purgatorie , seemeth to me a recapitulation and briefe repres●ntation of all his former vnsyncere dealings concerning the same ; and that he cannot be trusted in any thing he saith , though he struggle still to say somwhat . For first of this number of witn●sses which heere he saith to haue bene brought in as Knights of the Post for confirmation of this new article of Purgatory , to wit , Cl●mens his Constitutions and Epistles , and the other six or seauen authorities heere cited , they , and the rest , vnder the names of ancient Fathers , are not so much as named by Bellarmine ( except only the two first in a word or two ) and much lesse are they brought in for principall authors in the Catalogue of ancient Fathers , whose testimonies and authorities he setteth downe for proofe of Purgatory : so as this is one deceiptfull vntruth to make his Reader beli●ue that these are our chiefe Authors , wheras Bellarmine besides these , doth alleadge twenty , viz. ten of the Greeke Church , and as many of the Latin , as namely S. Gregory Nazianzen , S. Basil , S. Ephraim , S. Epiphanius , S. Cyrill , S Chrysostome , ●usebius , Theodoretus , Theophilactus , and Damascenus , all Fathers of the Greeke Church : and Tertullian , S. Cyprian , S. Ambrose , S. Hi●rome , S. Paulinus , S. Augustine , S. Gregory , S. Isidorus , Victor Vticensis , and S. Bernard of the latin Church . All which twenty Fathers , are without the number of those other against which he excepteth heere , and consequently are so many good and lawfull witnesses ( and not Knightes of the Post ) for a complete Iury against M. Mor●on . 137. Secondly it is another manifest vntruth , that he saith his aduersaries ( to wit Catholicke writers ) do confesse , these seauen or eight Authors , and aut●orities by him mentioned , to be meerely counterfaite . For albeit some of them be excepted against , or called in question by some writers , whether they be the true workes of the Authors whose names they beare , or not , and therof all reputed Apocryphall , that is hydden and obscure : yet it followeth not that they are merely counterfaite , for that they may be ancient workes , and not to be contemned , though not of those Authors . As for example , that worke intituled : Opus imper●ectū in Matthaeum , ascribed to S. Chrysostome , and the Sermons ad Fratres in Eremo , ascribed to S. Augustine , the Homilies also attributed to Eusebius Emissenus , proued by Baronius to haue bene written by S. Eucherius Bishop of Lyons , that liued aboue eleuen hundred yeares gone , all these workes cannot be denied to be ancient and learned , though Apocryphall , hidden , and doubtfull , for so much as concerneth their true Authors , which yet our writers do not call meerely counter●aite , as heere M. Morton doth falsely affirme . 138. His third manifest vntruth is , where he saith , that , of Fathers , the most of them , and of Canonicall Scriptures all of them , are found by the iudgment of our owne Doctors to be tortured , wrested , and forced to say ( for Purgatory ) that which they neuer meant . This now whether it be not such a wilfull and witting lye , as before I described , for a formall malicious lye , such as the writer did know to be a lye when he wrote it , I am content to remit my selfe to any iudicious , and ciuill Protestant in the world . For if our owne Catholike doctors that make profession to belieue Purgatory , do fynd in their owne iudgement , as heere is said , that of Fathers alleaged ●or the proo●e therof the most of them , and of Scriptures all of them , are tortured , & ●orce● to say that which they neuer meant ; how then do these doctors belieue the doctryne of Purgatory to be true ? Why do they not change their opinions , and become Protestants ? Is it credible , that they will belieue that for truth , & for an article of faith which all Scriptures , & most Fathers in their owne iudgments do impugne ? Can M. Morton answere any thing to this so lewd & wilfull absurdity ? And did not he know , that he lyed when he wrote this ? And that it was impossible to be true ? 139. Mor●euer I haue now shewed that Cardinall Bellarmine in setting downe the Fathers opinions about Purgatory , besydes those excepted against by M. Morton , hath twenty others , and Coccius in his Thesaurus hath neere threescore within the compasse of the first 600. yeares after Christ : and will any Catholike doctour or writer ( thinke yow ) say that the most of these Fathers are found in their iudgements to be ●orced to speake against their owne meaning ? And yet saith M. Morton , I desyre to be challenged for proofe herof . And to the end that he may haue somewhat to do , I do earnestly challenge him herein , requiring at his hands , that of those first threescore mentioned by Coccius , within the first six hundred yeares he doe really & sinc●rely proue thirty one at least , which is the maior part , to be so tortured , and so graunted to be by the Iudgement o● our owne writers , or els he falleth wholy in his cause . 140. And againe let him proue that all Canonicall Scriptures alleaged by Bellarmine and others for Purgatory , are found also by the iudgments of our owne doctors to be so tortured , wrested , & forced , & he shall proue himse●f an admirable man indeed . But in the meane space , let vs examine a litle the probability of this fond vaūt , to wit , what he will be able to do , when he commeth to the proofe . Bellarmine doth alleage ten s●u●rall places out of the old ●estament for proofe of Purgatory , with the expositions of the ancient Fathers vpon them , and all a●e confessed by Protestants thēselues to be taken out of Canonicall Scripture , except the first two out of the bookes of Machabees and ●oby , which ●ere notwithstanding accompted for Canonicall in S. Augustines tyme , as appeareth by the third Councell of Carthage , in which himselfe was present : and out of the new Testamēt he alleageth other fiue places , with the expositions in like manner of the ancient Fathers vpon the same that vnderstood them to m●ane of Purgatory : and will our owne doctors thinke yow , say , that these fi●teene places are all tortured and forced against their meaning ? and all the Fathers expositions violented against their owne iudgement ? If our doctors will say so , they must be M. Mortons doctors and not ours . 141. And finally it is the repetition of a fond vaūt , when he concludeth thus : Lastly ( sayth he ) almost euery one of the indeauouring the defence of the same doctryne , is in his owne assertion contradicted by himsel●e &c. For what one example hath M. Morton beene able to bring hitherto to proue this ? All his assaults against Cardinall Bellarmine haue bene sagittae paruulorū , arrowes of childrē , weake in force , and returned commonly vpon himsel●e . All which notwithstanding , let vs see how peremptory he is in the end of this Chapter , in iustifying of himselfe , and condemning his aduersary . 142. These obseruations ( sayth he ) may giue our Reader such a scantling of their dealing , that we may iustly pronounce P. R. his censure vpon themselues , Not to be belieued heereafter . So desperate hath his demand bene , when he required any one ouertaken in a triple ●alsitie , as though he would venture all the credit of all the Annotations vpon the Rhemish Testament , all the Volumes of Baronius his Annales , all the Monuments of Counce●s in their Binius and Surius , all the disputes of Bellarmine , o● Greg. de Valentia , o● Co●cius , and all other their late doctors , vpon ( as I may so call it ) only tre-trippe , a triple falsity , and then neuer to be cr●di●ed aga●ne . I am perswaded that no Protestant , who hath bene conuersant in reading and examining their Authors , but he will stand astonished to heare this grant our Mitigator maketh , as being as I haue sayd ) intolerably disaduātagious vnto the Romish part : but he will easily cease to maruaile when he perceyueth by whome it is made , to wit P. R. the Authour of the Booke of Mitigatiō , who himselfe is guilty of thrice three palpable falsityes , so that none shall hereafter need to wonder , why he hath beene so lauish in hazarding other mens credits , seeing he is so desperately prodigall of his owne . So farre he . 143. Wherunto that I may answere briefly , I say , that for my selfe if there may be found thrice three palpable falsities , such as before we haue described , and agreed vpon , to wit , as cannot be excused by any ouersight or errour , but must needes be iudged malicious , and wittingly vntrue , I do not demand any pardon or relaxation from my first offer , that I be neuer credited more , yea if it be but thrice , which is the measure that I offred to others . Hytherto we haue seene no one alleaged & proued : and truly I do confesse , that if I did perswade my self or doubt that M. Morton , or any other could proue any such one vntruth vttered by me , I should be much troubled in conscience therwith : but for that I am sure I neuer had such meaning , I stand very confident that he will neuer be able to bring any one example , and much lesse thrice three , as he braggeth . 144. And wh●ras he se●meth to accuse me of lacke of prouid●nce in adu●nturing the credit both of my selfe , and all other Catholicke writers vpon only tre-trip , as he calleth it , or triple ●alsity ; I do not lay any thing theron , ●or that falsities may p●oceed of diuers cau●es , and in diuers degrees , and with sundry circumstances of more or lesse ●ault , so as there may be a falsity without falshood , whereof my meaning is not in this place : but whosoeuer shall be found in a wilfull and witting falsity , or rather falshood , such as often before hath bene spoken of , that is knowne to be such by the vtterer , I do thinke it to abhorre so much from the nature it selfe of an honest ciuill man , as of what religion so●uer he be of , he will not commit it once , and much l●sse thrice . And vpon this tre-trip I thinke I might aduenture the credit of all those that would be accompted honest in both religions . And it seemeth to me , that except M. Morton and his fellowes were much interessed therin , and mistrusted their owne partes , he would neuer so often and so earnestly mislike the same offer , calling it despe●atly prodigall , which notwithstanding I hold to be so iust and reasonable , yea strictly nec●ssary also to be exacted , as no man that hath care of his consci●nce or estimation , can repine against it , or seeke exemption therin . And so much of this . THE SVMME And Reckoning of all this whole Chapter . §. XVIII . NOW then M. Morton to ioyne friendly with you , and to make vp the Reckoning quietly of all this Chapter , wherin you tooke vpon you to proue , that our Catholicke Authours were to be conuinced of manyfold witting vntruthes , ●o vttered by them , as they must needs be presum●d to haue knowne that they were vntruthes , whē they wrote them : you see what poore successe you haue had in the enterprize , in that you haue beene able to proue no one thing of any moment , eyther against Popes , or Popish Authours by you impugned , and much lesse against Cardinall Bellarmine , whome you singled out in particuler : but much hath bene proued against your selfe in that kind , wherof you wrongfully accused him . The three Popes Zozimus , Bonifacius , & Celestinus , haue beene cleared from the slaunder of falsifying the Councell of Nice : and Costerus and Gratian , haue complayned of your wilfull falsifying their words and meaning , and with euident arguments haue iustified their complaint . Your obiections of different expositions of our Authours concerning the Councells of Eliberis in Spaine and Franckeford in Germany● about the vse of Images , haue byn shewed both to be impertinent to the state of our question to proue wilfull malice , and further also intangled with d●uers ●als●ties of your owne : and the like about the Authority of Epiphanius concerning the same controuersy of the Catholicke vse of Images . 146. And when you come to ioyne with Bellarmine in both the heads by you set downe , first of wilfull falsities , and slanders euicted ( as you say ) by his owne confession , and then of falsifications in the allegation of other mens testimonies , though you stretch your selfe farre , I meane not only your wit , but your conscience also , to charge him with somewhat that may seeme probable against him , for which you haue threescore bookes of his to offer you variety of matter : yet are you so farre of from hauing produced any one thing of substance , whereunto the name or nature of a witting and wilfull vntruth may agree , as you haue wonderfully established the credit of his workes , by these your vaine assaults made against the same , and disgraced your selfe with the note of many witting and wilfull vntruthes , so vttered by you , as they make you in euery indifferent mans iudgment inexcusable ; in that obiecting falsely such vntruthes to others , haue so exceedingly multiplied the same your selfe . 147. And as for the last matter handled by you heere against Purgatory , and the testimonies produced for the same , I cannot but lay before you a certaine frendly consid●ration , tending to your eternall good . You and I , that are now so contrary in this point one against the other : you in den●ing , and I in belieuing the truth of that dredfull purging fire , cannot but assure our selues , though our age perhaps be vnequall , yet that shortly w● shall both come to try the matter by experience , and therof will depend our euerlasting good or euill . You haue noted me of indiscretion ●or venturing ( as you call it ) all the credit of the Annotations of the Rh●mish Testament , all the Volumes of Baronius his Annales , all the monuments of Councels , all the disputes of Bellarmine &c. vpon only tre-trip , or triple wilfull falsitie . But you do aduenture a farre greater matter , the eternity of your owne soule , vpon a far worse chance then tre-trip , for that you haue the whole dice of Christian antiquity against you . 148. I haue shewed before how that Cardinall Bellarmine hath produced 15. seuerall places out of the old and new Testaments with expositions of anciēt Fathers vpon the same , wherby the vse of Purgatory is proued from the beginning of Christian Religiō , & the same he proueth out of diuers ancient Councels , both of Afrike ( wherin S. Augustine was present ) as also of Spayne , of France , of Italy , of Greece , which giue their testimonies to the same effect . I haue shewed also , that he alleageth almost twenty different Fathers of the ancient Church , testifying the same in their dayes . And that Coccius produceth vpon the poynt of threescore within the compasse of the first 600. yeares , that confirme the common faith of the Church in those dayes , to haue held Purgatory , and prayer for the dead for Catholike doctrine , and for the practice also of praying for soules departed , vsed in all ancient formes of Masse , Christian Sacrifices , & Lyturges , throughout all Nations of the Christian world , the same Coccius alledgeth ten seuerall Lyturges , as that of Hierusalem , that of Rome , that of Alexandria , that of A●thiopia , that of Constantinople , Syria , Milan , Arabia , Gothia , and Armenia : all which , or the most of them were in vse in the Churches of those Christian Countryes for aboue 1000. yeares gone , and in ech one is there expresse order prescribed , to pray for the soules departed , which necessarily supposeth Purgatory . He produceth also the large testimonyes of fiue or six & twenty learned Doctors of the Hebrew Iewish Church , some lyuing before Christ , and some after : all which do testify the conformity betweene Christian doctrine & theirs , in this behalfe . 149. And fynally Iohn Caluin himself treating of this matter , confesseth that the vse of prayer for the dead ( which supposeth Purgatorie ) was practized in the Primitiue Church aboue thirteene hundred yeares gone . Ante mille & trecentes annos ( saith he ) vsu receptum fuit , vt precationes fierent pro defunctis : It was receyued into vse aboue a thousand and three hundred yeares past , that prayers should be made for the soules of them , that were departed . Wherunto I do adde , that neuer any Father since that tyme will be found to haue reproued , or written against the same , or to haue accompted it for an errour or heresy , but rather haue condēned the opposite doctrine for impious , and hereticall in Aërius , and other heretikes . 150. All which being so , consider I beseech you , euen for the loue of your owne eternall good , vpon what tre-trip or hazard you do cast your soule in , standing so resolutly vpon this deniall , which heere you do . For if all this Senate of Antiquity , and consent of the Christian world , for so many ages , ●aue not byn deceaued , you are gone euerlastingly . If they be saued , you must be damned . If any of them went to the fire of Purgatory , you must needs go to hell-fire . And this is another manner of tre-trip , then to aduenture the credit of Annotations , Bookes , Treatises , and Authors which you name . 151. For as if a man being prisoner for a greiuous criminall case of life and death in a strange Country , should find all the ancient lawyers therof from time out of mind to haue byn of vniforme opinion , that except such and such course ●e taken in his defence , he must certainly be condemned , and put to execution : and that these should leaue diuers and sundry records for the same ; and that some yonger lawyer or two of a boulder spirit , but of farre l●sse learning , and authority , should laugh and make light therat , encouraging the said prisoner to contemne , as threats and vaine feares , all that which the ancients said , or had left written in that behalfe , as Iohn Caluin doth in the former place cited , where after his confession of the receaued vse of prayer before 13. hundred yeares , saith , Sed omnes fat●or in errorem abr●p●i ●uerunt : But all of them , I confesse , were carried away with errour : If this case ( I say ) should fall out in a matter of temporall life or death , I doubt nothing , but the prisoner would stand in feare to follow the yonger lawyers venturous opinions , with so great danger and doubtfullnes of his temporall death and vtter destruction to ensue therby . And yet is M. Morton content in this matter , concerning the euerlasting losse or perill of his soule , to aduenture against all the said Antiquity , yea glorieth therin to make an opposition to them all , for that Caluin & Beza , & some yonger-Deuines haue put him in that gogge . And is not this to play his soule vpon lesse then tre-trip ? But now let vs passe to other matters that are to ensue , for that he hauing made this vaine assault against Cardinall Bellarmine , and other Catholick authors before mētioned , he commeth now to set vpon his aduersary P. R. with all the forces he can gather togeather , though with no better successe indeed , then in the former skirmishes , as by experience you will prooue : wherunto I remit me . THE FOVRTH CHAPTER CONTEYNING CERTAINE IMPVTATIONS OF FALSITIES and falshoods , falsely obiected by M. Morton against his Aduersarie P. R. which are shewed not to be such ; but that the obiecter falsifieth also in obiecting them . PREFACE . BY little and little we draw towards the substance of our chief point of controuersie : which is , whether M. Morton can deliuer himself and his from those imputations of witting and willing ●alshoods , which in the Treatise of Mitigation we produced against them , and that in so persp●cuous and palpable a sort as seemed vnpossible to auoyd the same . Vnto which preiudice M. Mort. endeauouring to lay some ●enitiue salue , came forth with this his Preāble ; wherin it seemed that he ought presently to haue gon to the questiō about his owne defence : but he thought best to d●f●r that to the last place of his booke , & fi●st to molli●y somwhat the Readers acrimoni● of iudgmēt with some small skirmis●es cast out against his aduersary . As first against his witt , m●morie , skill in ●ogike , Gree●● & H●brew , mod●stie , truth , & the like , as you haue h●a●d in his first Inquiry , & in our first Chapter : & then he singled out a point or two of the two maine subiects of the booke of Mitiga●ion , to witt , about Rebellion and Equiuocation . Thirdly he obiected falsities against Catholike wryters , both in generall and particuler : and now he continueth to doe the same against me , to the end , as he pretendeth , that hauing weakened somwhat our credits , himself may in the last place either scape Scot-free by our condemnation , or at leastwise say to vs with the good theefe , in eadem estis damnatione : you are in the same condemnation of lying with me . But I doubt this Reckoning will not fall out iust . For if we can iustify our selues openly ( as hitherto hath bene donne ) from any least conuincement of any one malicious and wilfull vntruth , and he not ; then will his cōdemnation be much more singular and notorious . For that as the Philosopher saith : Contraries layd togeather doe manifest one the other much more : so as he being euidently cōuicted of many witting falsities , as in the sequent Chapters will appeare , and his aduersarie not able to be touched with any one such , as wil be shewed in this place , the difference betweene them will rest euident , cleare , and manifest , nor can be auoyded by any sleight or tergiuersation . Let vs come therfore to the point it self . 2. The thing that seemeth most , or one of the most , to haue stong M. Morton in my Treatise , that was directed to Mitigation , was , that out of my detestation of wilfull ●alshood in writing about matters of truth , I sayd in diuers parts : that if any man could bring forth but two or three examples out of any Catholike wryter of our dayes , that had in print vsed that wit●ing and willfull manner of lying in such sort , as the fault could not with any reason or conscience be excused , by in●irmitie , or errour of the o●●ender , negligence , ouer-sight , ignorance , faile of memorie , or the like ; but that it must be presumed , that he did lye wittingly & maliciously for the aduantage of his cause , knowing it to be a lye when he wrote or printed it : in this kind I said , that if he could bring me forth but two or three clere examples against my self , or any other Catholicke authour of ours ( as I had donne many in my Treatise against him and his , that in my iudgment cannot be denied to be such ) I would neuer wish that authour to write more , or to be trusted afterward . 3. VVith this speach of mine ( though not onely indifferent and reasonable , but necessarie also in my opinion ) M. Morton seemeth to be much grieued , inueighing against the same in sundrie parts of this his Preface , calling it presumptuous , hypocriticall , prodigall & prodigious , as before you haue heard , saying first in the title of his Paragraph , that he is to lay downe such a discouerie of my notorious falshoods , as will inforce me by vertue of my owne promise , neuer heereafter to credit my self : and then bringing the same in againe in his very first lines of this assault against my self , sayth : P. R. among others , is bold to insert himself , saying : If any haue set downe in print any such falsitie , so as it must needes be , he knew the truth , and yet would set it forth &c. I will in my conscience greatly discredit that Authour , whether it be another , or my self , if two or three such falsities may be shewed . So the Mitigator . Whereby it appeareth he would seeme to haue a conscience , and so I doubt not but he hath , but so miserable ( if it be lawfull to iudge by probabilitie ) as it were a kind of happinesse for him , to haue no conscience at all . Let our Reader witnesse betweene me and him , according to the euidence of testimonies which shal be brought against him : most of them sh●lbe so apparent , that anie one vnderstanding English may presently discerne them . 4. Thus ●ar M. Morton , censuring most grieuously , as you see , my conscience , for that I said : That in conscience I would discredit such a lyar , as should be found to ly wittingly . And in reason I do not ●ee with what groundes he hath pronounced this sentence against me , that it were better for me to haue no conscience , then so miserable a one , as I haue . For eyther by a miserable conscience he meaneth an erroneous conscience , or ouerscrupulous , or two large : but either of these must needes be thought to be lesse euill , then no conscience at all . For that euerie one of them may be reformed , terrifyed , stirred vp , or better instructed , which cannot be hoped where no conscience is at all . 5. Secondly , it may seeme in reason a good conscience that so much detesteth willfull lying as mine doth : and therefore for M. Morton to take an argument from thence that I haue so miserable a conscience , as it were a happinesse to haue none at all , I see not out of what topycall place ( though he prof●sse himself to haue bene a Reader of Logicke ) he c●n probably deduce . But perhaps he will say , that his meaning is ( ●or charity will that we interpret to the best sense that may be , so lauish and vncharit●ble a speach ) that the miserie of my conscience cōsisteth in that , I knowing in conscience both my sel● and other Catholike writers to be chargeable with such sort of willfull lying , yet made this offer for a vaunt only , which Allmighty God is my witnesse , was , and is far from my cogitation , but that simply , plainely , and in sincere truth without all exaggeration , I so thought , and do at this houre , & shall be most readie to yeeld to the performance of my promise , whensoeuer M. Morton shal be able to conuince me to the contrarie , as I expected that he would haue donne in this second Replie of his , for so much as he so greatly misliketh the offer , and threatneth so much repentance to me for the same . But you haue seene now that hitherto against other Catholike wryters he hath bene able to effectuate nothing to the purpose : Now shall we examine what he is able to doe against my selfe . Fourteene different charges he frameth against me , but all so idle , light and impertinent , as I doubt me , the Reader will enter into some disdayne afterward to haue lost so much time in perusing them ; yet such as they are , you shall haue them set downe in his owne order and methode . HIS FIRST obi●cted falshood against P. R. §. 1. HE entreth into this first accusation of me with a Rhetoricall figure , saying that he will not vrge me with my owne contradiction , and yet he doth . His words are these : I will not vrge him with his owne contradiction , who in his * preface to his Reader in the end thereof saith : To returne to the Treatise of T. M. ( for more of his name we cannot yet find out ) intituled : An exact Dis●ouerie of Romish doctrine &c. and yet had he in his epistle dedicatorie vnto both the Vniuersities , which is set before the preface , mentioned T. M. in his expresse name , Thomas Morton , fiue seuerall tymes : but this fault were very pardonable , were it not in him , who will thinke no fault pardonable in his aduersary . So M. Mort. And then he playeth vpon me further saying : In this cōtradiction I thinke rather , that P. R. his penne did runne before his wit , and so will he excuse himself , except he had rather be accompted lyingly wittie , then witlesse rash &c. 7. And do you see , how M. Morton triumpheth at his first entrance , as though he had conuicted me of some great matter : yet he confesseth that the fault were pardonable in any other , but not in me . So as in it selfe and in his owne nature he granteth it to be pardonable , and thereby also he must needes acknowledge it to be impertinent to our purpose , and to the argument in hand , which is of vnpardonable faults , to wit , of wilfull and malicious lying , wherunto noe pardon may iustly be giuen ; for that it is voluntary and not of errour or infirmity : & this if the fault were confessed , or could be proued against me . 8. But now , what if this be noe fault or contradiction at all in P. R. either pardonable or not pardonable ? Yea , and that M. Morton did well know it to be so , & yet would obiect it heere for a cōtradictiō , & that in the first place , & play vpō me for it , as you haue heard , what will you say thē of his consciēce , who holdeth mine for so miserable , as it were a hapinesse for me to haue none ? May not euery man then ( to vse his owne words ) vnderstanding English presētly discerne the same ? Let vs come to the proofe . 9. He affirmeth me to write in the end of my Preface to the Reader , that hauing spoken all that by way of Preface , I would returne to the particuler Treatise of T. M. adding further by a parenthesis ( for that more of his name then those two letters I could not yet find out ) and yet ( saith he ) in the Epistle dedicatory to both Vniuersities , that goeth before the said Preface , I called him by the name of Thomas Morton fiue times . But if I shew that the said dedicatory Epistle was written after the Preface , then is there noe contradicton at all : and if M. Morton must needs know it to be so , then hath he either a miserable cause or conscience , or both , that is driuen thus to abuse his Reader for some little shew of matter against me . First then that the Dedicatory Epistle of euery worke is wont to be the last thing that is written or printed , and that by order of nature and good methode it should be so , to the end the Authour should know , what he presenteth and dedicateth , M. Morton I thinke can hardly deny : and he that shall read either his Dedicatory Epistle to the King in his first Reply called A ●ull satisfaction , or this to the L. of Salisbury prefixed before his Preamble , will easily see , that they were both written and printed after the Treatises themselues : For that in both Epistles is set downe briefly what is handled in the Treatises themselues : and the like he could not but see and acknowledg in my Dedicatory Epistle , that it was written after the cōmon Preface and Treatise , and consequently that I might know his name distinctly , when I wrote this , and be ignorant therof when I wrot the other . 10. Secondly I do expressely signifie in the very first lines of my said Epistle Dedicatory to the Booke , that the said Epistle was written after the Treatise and Preface therof . For thus I do beginne my speach to the Schoole Diuines and Lawyers of both Vniuersities : It was no part of my purpose ( learned Countrymen ) when I tooke this Treatise ●●rs● in hand , either to wade so far therin , as now I haue byn compelled , nor yet to prefix any other Epistle Dedicatory before the same , then the large common Preface it selfe that doth ensue , which may partly appeare by the argument , and namely also and principally by that which we haue set downe in the third Chapter of this Treatise &c. Which wordes of mine do euidently shew , that my Dedicatory Epistle was written after the comon Preface and Treatise : and therfore well might I come to know M. Mortons name , when I wrote the Epistle , though I knew it not , when I wrote the other , as now hath byn said : and these words also must needes M. Morton haue seene , and so not to haue erred , if his will had not byn obstinate to errour Wherunto may be added , that if I had written the dedicatory , and printed it with the common Preface , the Printer would haue begunne the numbers of the pages and register of Alphabet with that , and not with the said Preface , as he doth . 11. But thirdly to conuince him indeed & most apparātly of witting & willing fraud in this point● I must tell the Reader I did in the place heere cyted of the third Chapter of my Treatise , set downe clearely and perspicuously , when , and by what occasion I came to vnderstand , whome the two letters T. M. did signifie , which before I vnderstood not : and the occasion was by the comming forth of the first reply of M. Morton , intituled , A ●ull satisfaction : wherunto he thought best , being pressed to it by his Aduersary , to put his name at length , diuers moneths after I had trauailed in answering his first Inuectiue of Discouery , that had onely the bare two letters for his name , my speach in that place was this : But yet after diuers moneths againe , seeing the said Reply to appeare , & that the said Minister had now resolued to manifest his name , to wit , of Thomas Morton , which before went cyphered with the two letters onely of T. M. that might as well haue signified Thomas Malmesbury , or Montague , or Montebank , or any such like Syrnames , as Thomas Morton , I was mooued aswell of my selfe as by others exhortation , to resume the thing into my hands againe . 12. So wrote I at that time : and now would I haue the Reader to iudge between vs , as M. Morton also requireth , whether it be likely that he knew that my Dedicatory Epistle , wherin I take notice of his name , were written after the common Preface , and first two Chapters of the Treatise or no : and if he knew it ( as needs he must in any mans iudgment , both by the words before alledged out of the beginning of my Epistle Dedicatory , and the same auouched by me againe in the 6. nūber of the said Epistle , ) and yet would obiect that for a witlesse contradiction in me , that hath no more contrariety then to say , for some monethes I knew not whome the two letters T. M. did signifie , but a●terward I did come to know it by M. Mortons owne exposition : let the discreet Reader , I say , iudge what furniture M. Morton is like to haue of substantiall matter to proue wilfull and malicious lyes against me , when he beginneth with this poore and idle obiection , wherin only his owne wilfullnes is conuinced . Let him consider , what reason M. Morton had so to insult ouer me , for contradicting my selfe , and saying : that my p●nne did runne before my witt , except I would be accōpted rather lyingly wit●y , then witlesse rash . Are not these ingenious iests ? But now , saith he , I come to note such his falles , as may seeme to be recouerable by noe excuse . Let vs examine them . HIS SECOND obiected falshood against P. R. §. II. HIS second obiected falshood is as good a● his first , to wit , of no moment at all whether it be truely or falsely obiected , and consequently is brought in heere by M. Morton only to make vp a number , it hauing bene produced by him , and confuted by me be●ore in the first Chapter , and therefore is fondly heere called a fall irrecouerable by any excuse . It concerneth only how many times the clause of reseruation is mentioned by him in Latin or in English , which hauing bene alledged by him before to discredit my memory , as he pretendeth , heere he vrgeth it as a witting falshood . His words are these : I haue already mentioned ( saith he ) how peremptorily he affirmed that the clause of reseruation was not by me set downe in latin throughout my whole Treatise against Equiuocation aboue once . Wherto the Reader may answere for me , that it is set downe in latin aboue twenty times : What excuse can he pretēd ? Ignorance ? Ouersight ? Negligence ? Why the book was present before his eyes , euen in those places , which he particulerly discussed . Could that errour be by errour of print , diuersity of translation , or difference of editions ? ( for these are all the pretences which he will allow : ) not one of all these ( he knoweth ) can redeeme him from guilt . So he . 14. Whereto I answere , that small guilt can be found ( though the errour were graunted ) where no malice or interest can be presumed . For to what end or profit should P. R. erre willingly in a matter that importeth him and his cause so little ? Wherfore the most that can in reason be presumed heere , though the obiection were admitted , is , that he erred in memory and nūbring : which is nothing to the argument in hand of wilfull errour . But now you haue seene before in the place here quoted of the first Chapter that in the sense and meaning of P. R. the clause of reseruation was set downe but once in latin , that is to say , intirely , and so as it might not be vnderstood by the vulgar Reader , as M. Morton had promised to do : in which promise also he is shewed to haue fayled , in that telling his Reader that he would alwaies deliuer the same in latin , confesseth notwithstanding , that sundry times he putteth it downe in English : which I am farre of from ascribing to malice , but rather to ouersight or forgetfullnesse , it little importing our cause on either side . But this rather may import much to consider the great pouerty of M. Morton against his Aduersary for sound obiections : for so much as he hath brought in this trifle now twice , making a speciall Paragraph therof before , as you haue heard in the first Chapter , and now another heere , the thing it selfe obiected being both false , as hath before byn proued , and vaine , if it were true . 15. It shall not need to ponder the light and ridiculous insultations of M. Morton , which he vseth commonly , to mak● vp some weight vnto euery pretended charge that he giueth , saying : VVhat excuse can he pretend ? Ignorance ? Ouersight ? Negligence ? Could it be errour of print ? Diuersities of translation & c ? Whereto I answere , that neither of these are need●ull , for that both the thing is iustified in it selfe : and if it were not , yet maketh it nothing to the purpose : for that no wilfull and witting errour can be probably supposed , where no interest can be gayned therby . And how then is this called a fall recouerable by no excuse ? doth he thinke of what he writeth ? HIS THIRD obiected falshood against P. R. §. III. VVHERAS M. Morton in a certaine Epistle of his to the seduced brethren , calling themselues Catholikes , prefixed before his Reply of Full Satisfaction , writeth of his Aduersarie , that he was of those doctours , whome the Apostle described , when he saith : They wil be doctours , and yet vnderstand not what they say , nor wherof they a●firme ; I taking his meaning to be generall of our Catholike Priests , teachers , and Doctors , as euidently may be gathered by his whole discourse and by the title it self , Of deceyued brethren , thought best in my Epistle Dedicatorie to the Vniuersities , to answere the same , and to compare somewhat their Doctours with ours , saying among other things : But whether this description of fond presumptuous Doctours touched by S. Paul do agree rather to Protestant Ministers , or to Catholicke Priests , will appeare in great part by reading ouer this my booke , especially the 5.8 . and 10. Chapters , if by Thomas Mortons errours and ignorances , a scantling may be taken of the rest of his Doctours . 17. At which words of mine M. Morton is so grieued , as he wil needs heere frame a speciall accusatiō against me , of a wilfull falshood for applying that to our Priests & Doctors in generall , which he saith that he meant of his p●rticuler adu●rsary ( the Moderate answerer ) but I remit the Reader for triall of this to the ponderation of the text it selfe of his said Epistle to our deceaued Catholi●ke breethren , where within two lines after the words of S Paul recited , he nameth our Priests in generall , comparing t●em with the blind Priests and Doctours of the Iewes . And then againe , for what insufficient Doctours he holdeth our Priests in respect of his Ministers , may appeare by his owne ensuing words , which are these : But mindes enthralled in the opinion of a neuer-erring-priesthood , could not possibly but erre with their Priests : and such ( alas ) is the case of all them , whome God in his iustice deliuereth vp to lyes &c. 18. And heere now I would demaund M. Morton in sincerity , did he meane of our Priests and doctours in generall , or noe ? doth he thinke that only his Aduersary the moderate Answerer is such a deceaued Priest , as S. Paul pointeth at , or noe ? And if prob●bly we cannot presume that his meaning could be only of that one , whome he named , but that vnder his figure he would disgrace and discredit all the rest , so farre as he was able , why might not I speake that which he meant and intended ? 19. But heare , I pray you , how he taketh me vp for this matter insteed of better . VVhat excuse ( saith he ) may P. R. now vse to free himsel●e from falshood ? Wherto I answere , that I need none . alleadge●saith ●saith he ) editions , translations , prints ? Heere is only one edition , and that only in English. P. R. answereth , that this our English edition is sufficient to iustifie him , that you meant to disgrace all Catholicke Priests by the instance and example of one . VVill you say ( saith he ) that it is an errour of Ignorance , ouersight , negligence ? Noe , nor any errour at all , but a true explanation of your meaning , with a cleare confutation and reiection of the same , and consequently these Rhetoricall shifts are idly brought in by you , nothing n●edfull for me . For P. R. tooke you in your true meaning , wherin you desire to make Catholicke Doctours contemptible in generall for their blindnesse , though to some yow will seeme to graunt the opinion of learning , but yet with such restraint , and limitation , as you make it not better for instruction of Christian soules , then the learning of the Diuell himselfe . For this is your wise and graue conceipt . Let them be as greatly learned ( say you ) as they are , and would seeme to be : yet must there be a con , I meane an hart zealous of the truth , to be ioyned with science , to make vp a perfect conscience : which is the true Doctour indeed : otherwise we know that the serpent by being the most subtile of all the beasts in the field , will deserue no better commendation● , then to be accōpted the skillfullest seducer . By which discourse of yours a man may easily see , whether your meaning were generall in your former speach about ignorant Doctours , or no , and how impertinently you bring it in heere for an argument of wilfull falshood against me , for that I vnderstood you in your owne sense . I will not discusse your concept of your science with your con , which was borrowed of Iohn Reynolds , and of others before you : and though I be loath to tell it you , least it may seeme to sauour of reuenge , yet I must say it for your better information , that many men thinke very little of the one or other to be in your selfe , as they should be , either science or good conscience , alleadging your writings for testimony of both . HIS FOVRTH obiected falshood against P. R. §. IIII. NEXT vnto this he produceth for a falshood in me , that I say in my booke of Mitigation , that he taketh vpon him to iustifie the writings and doings of the Protestants of our dayes , for their seditious doctrines and practizes against Princes , who please them not : and among others M. Goodman in particuler , that wrote the most scandalous booke against the Regiment of women in Q. Maries dayes , and assisted Knox , Buchanan , and others in troubling and turning vpside downe Scotland : wheras M. Morton saith , that he condemned him , and consequētly that I dealt iniuriously with him . Thus he citeth my words in a different letter , as though they stood so in my text : He ( Thomas Morton ) doth particulerly iustifie Goodman . 21. But first you must vnderstand , that it is his common vse , neuer lightly to alleadge truly and sincerely any text , that he will vse to his profit , either in Latin or English , and let the Reader make proo●e of it if in twenty places alleadged by him , he find foure without all alteration , let him say , that I do offer him iniury . My words talking of the parts of M. Mortons Reply called the Full satis●action , were these : Secondly he taketh vpon him yet more fondly in the second part of this his Reply to make a publicke iustification of all Protestants for rebelling against their Princes in any countrey whatsoeuer , but more particulerly and especially in England , and therin doth so iustifie Cranmer , Ridley , Syr Thomas VVyatt , and others that conspired against Q. Marie in England : Knox , Buchanan , Goodman , and like Ministers in Scotland , turning vpside downe that State against their Soueraignes ; the rebellions raised in Suetia , Polonia , Germany , Switzerland , France , and other countries , as his iustification is a more condemnation of them , and their spirits and doctrine in that behalfe , then if he had said nothing at all , as partly shall afterward appeare by some instances , that we shall alleadge therof . 22. By which words of mine you may see , that I did not single out Goodman alone , as particulerly iustified by M. Morton , as he would make the Reader belieue by his crafty and corrupt manner of citing my words : but that among many others he did go about also ( so farre as he durst ) to excuse and iustifie him , saying as presently you shall heare , that albeit he approued him not ( for this he durst not do , my L. of Canterbury hauing written so terribly against him in his booke of Dangerous positions ) yet that the examples alleadged against him by the Moderate Answerer , might excuse him , which were of most intollerable speaches of his against Princes , and heere againe in this his Preamble , that in respect of Romish Priests he might be thought excusable : wherby a man may see his inclination to iustifie him and his writings if with security he might haue donne it . How then is it such a falsity in me to say , that among so many others before named , whom he cannot deny , but that he seeketh to iustifie them , he sought also to excuse and iustifie Goodman , though not in so absolute a manner , as the other Saints of his , yet in some degree conuenient to his estate and merit . Let vs see what I do write afterward more about this iustification of Goodman : my wordes these . 23. The moderate Answerer ( say I ) alleageth first the wordes of Goodman in his booke against Q. Mary , wherin he writeth expresly , that it is lawfull by Gods law & mans to kill both Kings and Queenes , whē iust cause is offered , & her selfe in particuler , for that she was an enemie to God , and that all Magistr●ts and Princes transgressing Gods lawes might by the people be punished , condemned , depriued , and put to death , as well as priuate transgressours : and much other such doctrine to this effect , cited out of the said Goodman . All which the Bishop of Canterbury his second booke of Dangerous positions hath much more largely , both of this Goodman , and many other English Protestants , chiefe Doctours of their primitiue Church , residing at that time in Geneua . And what doth T. M. now reply to this ? You shall heare it in his owne wordes : If I should iustify this Goodman , ( saith he ) though your examples might excuse him , yet my hart shall condemne my selfe . But what do you professe to proue ? all Protestants teach positions rebellious ? prooue it : heere is one Goodman , who in his publike booke doth mantaine it . I haue noe other meanes to auoid these straites which you obiect by the example of one , to conclude all Protestants in England rebellious , then by the example of all the rest to answere , there is but one . So he . 24. And this is his Full satisfaction and faithfull reply , as he calleth his booke : but how poore satisfaction this giueth , and how many points there be heere of no faith or credit at all , is quickly seene by him , that will examine them . For first how do the examples alleaged against this Goodman by the moderate answerer excuse him , as heere is said , seeing the wordes he alleageth against him out of his owne booke are intollerable , and my Lord of Canterbury alleageth farre worse ; as for example : that it is most lawfull to kill wicked kings , when they fall to tyrāny , but namely Queenes : and therupon that Q. Mary ought to haue bene put to death as a tyrant , monster , and cruell beast ; alleaging for confirmation therof diuers examples out of holy Scripture ; as that the subiects did lawfully kill the Queenes Highnesse Athalia : and that the worthy Captaine Iehu killed the Queenes Maiesty Iezabell , and that Elias , though no magistrate , killed the Queenes Highnes chaplains , the Priests of Baal : and that these examples are left for our instruction &c. And now tell me , how may these examples excuse M. Goodman , as our minister Morton auoucheth ? So in my other Treatise . 25. Whereby you will see that I did no iniurie to M. Morton , nor vsed falshood in saying , that he sought in some sort to iustify also Goodman , as well as the rest , according to the title of his Treatise , which was : A iustification of Protestânts in case of Rebellion , without excepting of any : but he vsed falshood in alleaging my words in the fashion he did , setting them downe in such sort , as might seeme , that I affirmed him to iustify absolutely both Goodman and all other Protestants , especially Cranmer , Ridley , VVyat , and others there mentioned , wheras my wordes are , that he doth so iustify thē as his iustification is a more playne condemnation of them and their spirits and doctrines in that behalf , then if he had said nothing of them at all . Heere then is euident falshood and treachery in alleaging my words and sense , as you see . 26. And yet as though he had taken me at a great aduantage , he runneth to his accustomed ridiculous interrogations : VVhat excuse now shall P. R. make ? shall it be edition ? print ? translatiō ? there is no difference in these kindes . VVas it negligence , or ignorance ? the words are playne and all in English. Thus he playeth with himself and his Reader , and answereth all but that he should , to witt , that it is plaine that he desyred to iustifie Goodman so farre forth , as he might or durst , though his iustification indeed be a more condemnation of thē , as then I sayd , and now must , both repeat and confirme . HIS FIFTH obiected falshood against P. R. §. V. THIS obiection is but a peece or parcell cut out of the former to make vp a number : to which end he stretcheth out matters by all meanes possible , to multiply therby his ranke of obiections , vsing the self same thing in sundrie places , as before you haue seene in the second obiection , about the reseruation in latin , and after will appeare in manie other points , and heere , and in other insuing obiections he taketh parcells of that , which had beene handled before . For that in the precedent obiection you haue heard how Cranmer , Ridley , Syr Thomas , VVyat , Knox , Buchanan , Goodman , Gylby , VVhittingham , and other Protestant Ministers were accused in matters of rebellion for their writings and practyses against their lawfull Princes , and how slenderlie M. Morton defended the same : you haue also seene and heard how he picked out the person of Goodman , as not defended or iustifyed by him . Now he commeth in with two more , Knox and Buchanan , saying : To the obiected examples of Knox and Buchanan , as Doctou●s and Actors of the rebellion in Scotland , my answere was , that their seditious doctrine was condemned in Scotland , noting them to haue bene worthie of all condemnation : and yet doth P. R. obiect neuer●h●l●sse against me , as though I haue iusti●ied them . 28. VVhereto I answere first by the verie words of his defence in the former obiection set downe about Goodman , he seeketh to cleare all other saying : If I should iustifie this Goodman ( though your examples might excuse him ) yet my hart shall condemne my self : but what doe you professe to proue ? All Protestants teach positions reb●llious : prooue it : heere is one Goodman &c. By the example o● all the r●st I answer , there is but one . By which answere it is euident he clereth all the rest : and yf you looke vpō my L. of Canterburies booke of Dangerous positions , you shall finde as bad or worse positions gathered by him out of Knox , and Buchanan , then out of Goodman , though all be most pestilent . Not onely then one Goodman alone is there that holdeth this position according to my L. of Canterburies booke , which authority I perswade my self made M. Morton , togeather with some feare of his Maiesties mislike , to answer so cautelously , as heere he setteth downe , that their seditious doctrine was condemned in Scotland , saying , that he answered so before in his full Satisfaction . But indeed not fully so , but onely that there was an act of Parlament in Scotland , vpon the yeare 1584. to call in that Cronicle of Buchanan , censuring all such attempts and innouations : which is somewhat lesse , yf you marke , then , that their seditious doctrine was condemned in Scotland . 29. Let vs see then how I impugned this his shift in the booke of Mitigation . These are my words : For Knox and Buchanan their assertions he answereth vs : you might haue added , that there was in Scotland an act of Parlament to call in that Chronicle of Buchanan , censuring all such attempts and innouations . And then citeth in the margent anno 1584. which was almost thirty yeares after the said doctrine had ben taught , preached & practized in that Kingdome by those first ghospellers . And is not this a full satisfaction trow you ? What if the Chronicle of Buchanan were called in , that recounted with approbation and insolent triumph the attempts made vpon their lawfull Princes by incitation of this doctrine . Doth this take away the doctrine it self ? Or doth it prooue that these first ghospellers held it not ? What became of the other bookes of Knox ? and namely his Chronicle ( for he wrote also a Chronicle of the same matters , and of his owne acts therin , as Caesar did his Commentaries ) were they abolished heerby ? Or doe not the same things remayne in Holinshed , Hooker , Harrison , Thyn , and other wryters , aswell English as Scottish ? Or doth all this prooue that this was not their doctrine ? See then how full or rather fond this Satisfaction is . 30. Thus I wrote then , shewing that M. Mortons euasion was insufficient , to say , that there was an act of Parlament in Scotland to call in the Chronicle of Buchanan : for heere is nothing spoken of Buchanans other Bookes , nor yet of any bookes of Knox : nor do I find that M. Morton did vse these words of cōdemning them then , which now he doth : that their seditious doctrine was condemned in Scotland . Nay , as I noted before , by saying that onely one Goodman had held positions seditious , he thought to iustify and cleare both these two , & all other their companions from iust reprehension . Whereby you see , how idle an obiection against me this is of wilfull falshood , for that I said he endeauoured to defend generally all Protestants from seditious doctrine and practise : which indeed he doth throughout all his second part of his sayd full satisfaction . For proof wherof it is sufficient to alleage the very title written ouer euery page before mentioned : which is : A iustification of P●otestants in case o● rebellion , both for doct●ine & practise &c. and is not this then a worthy obiection ? And may he not fill vp bookes , if he will , with such toyes ? Let these be compared with the reall charges giuen against himself afterwards , and let the discreet Reader note the differenc● in weight and substance . HIS SIXT obiected falshood against P. R. §. VI. IN the sixt place he chargeth me with a willfull misplacing of the name of Bellarmine for Campian in a certaine quotation of his in the margent concerning the heresy obiected to Caluin and Beza , to wit , of the Autotheans , that affirme Christ to be God of himselfe , and not of his Father : For whereas it was auouched by the Moderate Answerer against T. M. that sundrie English Protestants and namely M. VVillet and M. Fulke did denie Christ to be God of God , light of light , according to the ancient forme of speach , prescribed in the first Councell of Nice : M. Morton in his full satisfaction answered the matter thus : But can you finde ( saith he ) no more Protestants of that opinion ? your Iesuite reck●neth vp Caluin & Beza &c. Thus he answereth , & in the margent quoteth Campian Iesuit . rat . 8. and immediatly after Bellarmine lib. 2. de Christo , cap. 19. and th●n go●th forwards shewing how grieuously this position is censured by the papists , the one of them calling it a monstrous opinion , another heresie , a third heynous heresie , a fourth Atheisme , and a fifth Blasphemie : & yet saith he , notwithstanding all this the doctrine it self in the iudgement of your famous Bellarmine doth seeme Catholicall , because they deny not the Sonne to be from the Father , but they deny the essence of the Godhead to haue any generation . 32. And for that vpon the words , your Iesuite , he placed the letter R. for his reference in the margēt vnto Campian , & for the next Authour putteth the letter T. vpon a quotation of Bellarmine to the same effect of referring the opinion of Caluin and Beza in this matter , the letters being very small , the one was taken for the other , and the name of Bellarmine set downe in the text insteed of Campian , the difference importing nothing in the world : for that both of them doe relate the sayd hereticall speach of Caluin and Beza ; Campi●n as of himself , and B●llarmine frō the testimony of Genebrard , Lindan and Canisius : yet doth M. Morton make a great matter about this , as though it had bene done of set malice , by a nimble sleight , as he calleth it , therby to make it seeme , that he did put a contradiction in Bellarmine against himself , as accusing Caluins speach for hereticall in one place , and yet graunting it to be Catholicall in another : wheras M. Morton sayd , he meant to put an opposition onely betweene Campian & Bellarmine , the one ●ccusing Caluins speach as hereticall , the other allowing it , as Catholicall . 33. But all this is a meere trifling cauill . For first , what could it import me or my cause wittingly to haue changed these two names of Campian and Bellarmine , for so much as it was all one to me , for M. Morton to prooue that Bellarmine was contrarie to Campian , Genebrard , Lindan , and Canisius in this matter , as to himself ? And therefore for me to change voluntarily these names , Cui bono ? what interest could I haue by it ? And so much of the n●mes . 34. But now for the thing it self , albeit Bellarmine in the place heere quoted do shew , that according to the exposition of Iosias Symlerus a Caluinist , the words of Iohn Caluin in a certaine sense may haue a true meaning , yet simply and absolutely doth he cōdemne the same , as hereticall , saying : Caluinum existimo , quoad modum loquendi , sine dubio errasse . I doe thinke without doubt , that Caluin did erre in his manner of speach . And a little after he beginneth a new Treatise against him with this Preface : Restat , vt modum loquendi Caluini &c. It remaineth that we do demonstrate Caluins manner of speach , that sayth the Sonne to haue his essence of himself , is simply to be reiected , and that we must speake in a quite contrary manner , to wit , that the Sonne hath not onely his person , but essence also from the Father , and so is God of God , and light of light , as the Councell of Nice declared , and this he prooueth by foure wayes : First , quia pugnat cum verbo Dei , For that Caluins māner of speach is opposite to the word of God &c. Pugnat secundò cum Concilijs , and secondly it is repugnant to the manner of speach of ancient Councells , as the Nicene and others : pugnat tertiò cum doctrin● Patrum , thirdly i● is contrary to the doctrine of the old Fathers : fourthly , it agreeth with the speach of the old Arians , and other such proofes , which Bellarmine doth prosecute at large confirming each one of these members by diuers examples and instances , & that Caluin spake heretically in fauour of the Ariās in this behalf . 39. Thus farre of Bellarmines opinion , and thus much I did set downe in the booke of Mitigation vpō this place : whereby it appeareth that Bellarmine neither is contrary to himself , neither to Father Campian and other Catholike wryters before mentioned : for that all of them do agree , that the manner of Caluins speach is hereticall , dangerous , and to be auoyded , though in some streyned sense it may passe . But I did shew besides this in my forsayd Answere , that M. Morton in reciting Bellarmines Latin wordes in his margent , did wittingly and wilfully corrupt the same for his aduantage , by turning illum into illos , and hoc errore into errore onely , cutting of the word , hoc , which made or marred all the market about clearing of Caluin : for that Bellarmin said only ( talking o● the heresy of the Autotheans , ) Non facile audeo pronunciare illum in hoc errore fuisse . I do not easily presume to pronounce him ( Caluin ) to haue bene in this errour , refuted by Genebrard of the Autotheans ; M. Morton citeth him thus : Non facilè audeo pronunciare illos in errore fuisse . I do not easily presume to pronounce thē ( Caluin and Beza ) to haue bene in errour , that is to say , in any errour at all : wherein Bellarmine should be contrary to himself , hauing said of him a little before , sine dubio errasse , without doubt he erred in this manner of speach : & so you see , that this h●ynous fault , which heere M. Morton obiecteth vnto me , that I by a nimble sleight would make him seeme to produce Bellarmine as contrary to himself , is donne by him , without any sleight of mine , but only by a sleight of his owne , in voluntary corrupting of Bellarmines text : so as going about to accuse me iniustly , he falleth himself iustly into the trap , and yet he runneth finally to his former accustomed interrogations . VVhat excuse may be admitted in ●his place ? Ignorance ? Negligence ? why P. R. looketh vpon the place , vnderstandeth English , and yet ●alsely obiecteth to me a sleight of deceyuing my Reader , himsel● by a fine sleight abusing both me and the Reader &c. These are words : let the discret Reader looke , where he findeth substance , albeit of this we shall haue more againe afterward , for that he bringeth it in vpon diuers occasions . HIS SEAVENTH obiected falshood against P. R. §. VII . THIS obiection he beginneth in these words : P. R. in his Treatise of Mitigation cap. 4. nu . 14. rangeth at large , saying , that Thomas Morton framed a second part of his booke ( Of full Satisfaction ) for iustification of Protestants : and yet in effect he confessed all that his aduersary opposed ( about seditious doctrine , and practise of mutinyes and rebellion : ) let P. R. learne what this meaneth , littera occidit , & then let him come to be tryed by my ●ooke &c. Thus far he . But in my opinion it had bene good , that M. Morton had expounded vnto vs himself , what his littera occidens , or killing letter doth meane , that we might haue learned the mistery at his owne hād . For as in the Apostles speach that vsed the same phrase , we know his mind to haue bene , that the only literall vnderstanding of the law of Moyses doth kill without the quickning spirit of the internall meaning , so how M. Mort. can apply it to his Booke or my Answere , I know not , or in what sense either of them may be called such Kill-cowes . 37. But let vs come to the point it self in controuersy . I do say indeed in the place by him quoted of my Treatise , that wheras his first aduersary the Moderate Answerer had alleaged great store of proofes against him , out of Protestant writers themselues , to conuince both their doctrine & practice in matter of seditiō , far to surpasse that of the Catholicks , and that M. Mortō in his Booke of Full Satisfaction made a shew as though he would answer the same , one by one : yet that his answere was such , as cleared nothing the case , but in effect con●●ssed all , wherof I gaue this second ensuyng reason as is to be seene in my Treatise of Mitigation . 38. And indeed ( quoth I ) what other Answere can be framed to most plaine assertions out of their owne wordes and writings , as of Caluin , Beza , Hottoman , and so many other French Caluinists , as I haue mentioned in the first Chapter of this Treatise ? Goodman also , Gilby , VVhittingham , Knox , Buchanan , and others neerer home vnto vs ? All the forenamed collections in like manner of him that is Archbishop of Canterbury , of D. Sutcliffe and others in the bookes intituled Dangerous positions , Suruey of the pretended disciplinary Doctrine , and the like : wherein their positions are most cleeerly set downe concerning this matter . And albeit this Minister T. M. in his reply doth vse all the art possible to disemble the same , by telling a peece of his Aduersaries allegations in one place , and another peece in another , altering all order both of Chapters , matter and methode set downe by the Answerer , so as neuer Hare when she would sit , did vse more turnings and windings for couering her selfe ( which the Reader may obserue euen by the places themselues quoted by him out of his aduersaries booke : ) yet are his answers such , where he doth answere ( for to sundry chiefe points he saith nothing at all ) as do easily shew that in substance he con●esseth all , and cannot deny what is obiected . And where he seeketh to deny any thing , there he intangleth himselfe more , then if flatly he confessed the same . Some few examples I shall alleage , wherby coniecture may be made of the rest . 39. So farre then . And in proofe and prosecution of this matter I do spend there a dozen leaues at least , refuting all the Answers & shiftes , that he vseth to yeld some , not full but faint & feeble satisfactiō , to the testimonies alleadged , wherunto for breuities sake I remit the Reader , not to make here an vnnecessary repetition . And so much of this obiection . And yet noting by the way how many different dishes of meat M. Mortons Cookery doth furnish out of one thing only , which is the iusti●ying of Protestants from Rebellion , hauing made allready one Paragraph of Goodman , another about Knox & Buchanan , and after will follow Syr Thomas VViat , and in another , Caluin , Beza and others . And this last hath byn of all Protestants , and out of all which he frameth seuerall falshods against his Aduersary P. R. as dishes of different dressing , only to make a shew and o●tentation , as though he had somwhat to produce and lay before his Reader , wheras indeed he hath nothing at all . HIS EIGHT obiected falshood against P. R. §. VIII . THIS obiection consisteth principally in a certaine vehemency of passion , wherunto M. Morton suffered himself to fall ( as often otherwise he doth ) for that he was reprehended for a certayn dissimulation of his , when knowing & hauing seene that his aduersary had set downe before many grieuous accusations not only against the doctrine , but also the seditious practises of the Protestant Geneuian Ministers Farellus , Caluin , Beza , Hottoman &c. against the B. of Geneua their rightfull Lord , both spirituall and temporall , the King of France and others , yet was he not ashamed to make this conclusion . Thus is Caluin iustified ( saith he ) concerning his Doctrine , and in him also Beza . VVe haue heard of their opinion , haue you any thing to except against their practise ? Wherof I did inferre as the words did import , that he would haue men thinke , that there was nothing to be obiected nor excepted against their practise . Now he saith that , that question was not made by him in way of flat deniall , as though his aduersary could not charge Caluin and Beza with any practise of Rebellion , but after the manner of Rhetoricall art and common speach by way o● translation , to shew more orderly and empha●ically ( to vse his owne words ) what was by the moderate Answerer obiected against their practise . 41. Thus he saith , & would escape by this : and I am so equall & easy to be intreated in this matter , or rather so indulgent , as I am content to accept of his owne interpretation , protesting sincerely notwithstanding , that I vnderstood him in the other meaning when I wrote by Booke , the words themselues leading me therunto . But how soeuer it be , there can be no least matter of wilfull malice framed hence against me , notwithstanding that M. Morton crieth out : O impotency of malice ! it is not vnlike vnto the blindnes of the Sodomits , who after that they had seene Lotts house , yet groped for the dore . Which comparison I graunt that I vnderstand not , no more then before I did his Littera occidens : for that the men of Sodoma that came to Lottes house saw the same when they had their eyesight , and would haue broke open the dore , but being stricken blind by the Angells , they could not see the dore : what great point of mistery is this to grope at the dore when they were blind ? Or wherin may this be like to my cause ? P. R. ( saith he ) a litle after discusseth some of my answers to this obiection o● practise , & yet now will not acknowledge the beginning . So he . And let the iudicious Reader iudge , how aptly this is applied : yet to the thing it selfe I say , that true it is , that he indeauoureth both before and after to answere to diuers proofes of seditious practises obiected by his aduersary against Caluin and Beza , but weakly , God-wot , as may be seene by my Reply , and yet out of his owne confidence , or that courage rather which before I mentioned of a Cocke of the game , he would make that crowing vaunt , Thus is Caluin iustified ( saith he ) concerning his doctrine , and in him also Beza : you haue heard their opinions , haue you any thing to except against their practises ? Would not you thinke that he meant that we had none at all to obiect , no more against their practises then their doctrine ? And that as he held the one for iustified , so did he hould the other for iustifiable , and that herin there was no exception to be made ? Wherin then standeth this wilfull malice of mine ? Yea this intollerable impudency or impotency of malice , to vse his owne words ? But for that they were spoken in impatience , I will not greatly vrge the same , nor yet seeke to recompence them , least I should go against the title of this Treatise , which is A quiet and sober Reckoning ; the moderate iudicious Reader shall be the iudge of all , where passion , and where modesty is found . HIS NINTH obiected falshood against P. R. §. IX . HIS ninth obiection is a strange one , and signifieth that the poore man is exhausted and cannot well tell what to obiect , with any shew or probability in matter of wilfull falshood ; so as he falleth to lay hands of things quite against himselfe . For wheras I had proued in my Treatise Of Mitigation two or three manifest vntruthes , vttered volūtarily by him , in going about to defend the Rebellion of Syr Thomas VViat , and the Duke of Suffolke , in Queene Maries time , and so conuinced the same , as there was no place left of probable defence , M. Morton vpon meere necessity commeth here now to hādle these points againe , and in part to excuse himself , by the feeble meanes , which presently you shall heare : concluding nothing more against me , but this , which are the last words of all his discourse . VVherefore ( saith he ) these two lies which P. R. would haue bestowed vpon me , he by vertue of his place and Patent may keep to himself . And is not this a great inference , when he should conuince me of wilfull falsity ? But you shall heare vpon what grounds he obiecteth these two vntruthes to me , for that I conuinced him of foure . 43 First then my speach vpon his weake defence of the foresaid Rebellion was this in my Treatise of Mitigation . To that of Syr ●homas VViat , the Duke of Suffolke and others ( quoth I ) he answereth diuersly . First he saith that the Historie relateth the pretence of VViat thus : A Proclamation against the Q. marriage desiring all English-men to ioyne for defence of the Realme &c. Then , that in Q. Maries Oration against Wiat there is not to be found any scruple concerning the cause of religion . Thirdly , that no Minister of the ghospell was brought in question as a cōmotioner in that cause . Lastly , that ys intē● might 〈◊〉 for Protestāts accused in that name , th● is it plain ( saith M. Morton ) that it was not Religion ; ys for Wiat and his follo●ers it is playne it was not against the Queene or State , but for both . So he , that is to say , M. Morton in his Full Satisfactiō . 44. But in all these foure different clauses I then sayd , and now doe repeat agayne , that there is not so much as one , that in rigour may be defended for true . For as for the first , though the historie of Holinshed doth relate the pretence of VViat to haue bene against the Q. marriage , con●●aling and dissembling the poynt of Religiō in that place ( which els where he confesseth , as a●ter shal be seene ) yet Iohn ●ox a more anciēt and authenticall Historiographer then he , doth plainely set downe , that together with the pretence of the marriage the cause of Religion was also pretended , in these words : The mention of marriage with Spaine ( quoth he ) was very ill taken of the people , and of many of the Nobility , who for this , and for Religion , conspiring among thēselues made a Rebellion wherof Syr Thomas VViat knight was one of the cheifest : And againe . They sayd , that the Q. & the Coūsell would by forraine marriage bring vpō this Relme miserable seruitude , and establish Popish Religion . So Fox . And it cannot be presumed , but that M. Morton had seene , and read this , yet durst affirme , that there was no mention of Religion at all in VViats pretence : which is the first lye . 45. The second also , that in the Oration of Q. Mary against VViat there was not found any scruple concerning the cause of Religion , is proued likewise false by the same authority of M. Fox in his Acts and Monuments : who writeth that Q. Marie in h●r Oration in the Guildhall sayd publickely , that she had sent diuers of her Counsell to learne the pretences of that Rebellion : and it appeared to our said Counsell ( said she ) that the matter of the marriage se●●●ed to be but a Spanish cloake to couer their pretensed purpose against our R●ligion . And this testimonie also of Fox must needes haue bene knowne to M. Morton : and consequently here is a second witting lye , affirming that there is not so much , as any scruple to be found , concerning the cause of Religion in that her Oration . 46. The third point likewise that there was no Minister of the Ghospell brought in question as a Cōmotioner in that cause , is both false in it selfe , and cautelously set downe : for that the commotion of VViat , and the Duke of Suff●lke ensuing within the cōpasse of fiue moneths a●ter the death of the Duke of Northumberland that did conspire the depriuation of Q. Mary ( the first being put to death vpon the 22. of August 1553. the other beginning his rebellion vpō the 25. of ●anuary 1554● & it being well knowne , the cōfessed both by * Fox , Holins●ed , Stow , and others , that the motiue of Protestant Religion was common to them both , and pretended for chiese in them both : and it being notorious , that in the first both Cranmer , Ridley , Hooper , Rogers , Iewell , & all the chief Protestant Minis●ers of England did concurre , who can doubt , but that in the second a●lso ( being but an appendix of the former ) they ●ad their harts therin though not ●o ●ully their hands , as actuall Commotioners , for that the R●bellion was suppressed in the very beginning by taking away the two heads VViat and Suffolke . 47. Wherby you may see the craftie speach of M. Morton who saith that Ministers were not the Commo●ioners , nor brought into qu●stion for such , that is to say , they were not taken with armes in the field , nor brought into publicke iudgment and tryall for the same . Wherof D. Sanders in his booke de Schismate yeeldeth this reason : for that Q. Marie being a zealous Catholick Princesse would haue them rather called in question for heresie , which is treason against God , then for conspiracie or commotion , which is treason against her person : ●o as there can be no doubt , but that considering the forsaid authors , and especially Holinshead , M. Mortons aduocate , who affi●meth expressely that this conspiracie of VViats was generally agreed vpon among most Protestants , and that for Religion as well , as for marriage , though breaking forth before t●e time by the apprehensiō of a certaine gentleman ( whome he nameth to haue byn cast into the Fleet for another matter ) there can be no doubt I say , but the chief Protestants , to wit , Bishops and Ministers had as deeply their harts , & hands , & heads in this , as in the former of the Duke of Northumberlād , & much more : & so did Q. Marie vnderstand it , as D. Sanders declareth , though she proceeded rather against them in matters of Religion for the causes now rehearsed : so as in this third point also M. Morton is conuinced of falsitie , yea of falshood in like māner , as may appeare both by that we haue related , and for that in this his last Reply he hath wholie left this matter out , and past it ouer with silence . 48. And finally the fourth point is also most false , that there was nothing meant by that rebellion against the State , or the Queene , but rather for them both , and that her Highnesse preheminencie and soueraigntie might not be impaired , which Iohn Fox also contradicteth : and not only he , but Holinshed in like maner M. Mortons owne deare Author : for that both of them ioyntly relating Q. Maries Oration , doe affirme VViats answere to haue bene vnto two of the Counsell , sent to him by the Queene , to know the cause , to wit , Syr Edward Hastings and Syr Thomas Cornwallys ( which VViat confessed also at his arraignement ) that he and his would not be contented , except they had the gouernement of the said Queenes person , the keeping of the Tower , and the placing of her Counsailours , which was in effect to take the Royalty of her Crowne from her : I will rather be trusted , then trust , sayd he , and therfore demaund the custodie of the Tower , and her Grace within it , and the displacing o● some Counsailours about her , and to haue others placed in their roomes . So writeth Holinshed of Syr Tho. VViats words to Syr Edward Hastings . And y●t sayth M. Morton , that it is plaine , that VViats commotion was not against the Q. or State , but rather for both : and to the end , that her Highnesse preheminencie , and soueraignty might not be impaired . And can any man forbeare to laugh , or rather not conceaue indignity at the vttering of such palpable vntruthes ; yea knowne vntruthes to the wryter , when he wrote them ? For it is vnpossible but that M. Morton insisting so much vpon Holinshed as he doth , should haue seene and read him in this place , and yet is not ashamed , as you see , to cōtradict him , and face out the matter , as though all were smooth and verifiable , which he vttereth , & shamelessely affirmeth , to wit , that there was nothing attempted by VVyat against Q. Maries person , when he demanded her to be his prisoner , and to dispose of her forces , State and Counsell . 49. These foure voluntary falsities then were layd vpon M. Morton and proued , as you haue heard in my last Treatise , will it not be well to examine now , how he hath bene able to discharge himself thereof in this his last Preambling Reply ? Let vs heare then , if you please , his owne defence in these foure lyes obiected . 50. The first lye ( sayth he ) which P. R. noteth against me , is in relating of the Oratiō of Q. Marie , wherein I said , there was no scruple concerning Religion , and I cited for witnesse Holinshed . This author ( as we may perceyue ) P. R. hath examined , and could find nothing in him against me for this point touching Q. Maries oration , therefore he seeketh other euidence , and bringeth against me the testimony of M. Fox , wherin there is mention of Religion . VVhat therfore ? Therefore I am by him condemned for a lyer . Nay . But rather by this opposing M. Fox , P. R. hath wilily imitated the fraud of a ●ox : which creature , men say , doth vsually prey furthe●t from home . So likewyse P. R. if he would haue prooued me a lyer should haue donne it out of Holinsheds relation of Q. Maries Oration , which was the witnesse , whome I produced : but he wanting cause of reproofe heerin , doth therefore range further to cōuince me of lying , by the testimony , which I mentioned not . 51. Do you see , what a kind of proofe he bringeth ? that for so much as Holinshed either omitted , or guilefully concealed the mention of Religion in the Proclamation of VViat , and oration of Q. Marie , therfore I might not prooue the same out of Iohn Fox , that was before , and nearer to the matter then Holinshed , who taketh out of him ? doth not one affirmatiue witnesse constantly auouching any thing , prooue more then ten that hold their peace , & say nothing ? Or is Iohn Fox become of so little credit now with M. Mor●ō , as to be shaken of so slieghtly , as heere he is ? Or is he become such a stranger vnto Protestants & their cause , as the citing of his authority must be accompted for wily , foxlike , ranging , and preying ●urthest from home , as though he were no longer any domesticall ●riend or writer ? Or is not Iohn Foxes credit in history as good , as that of Holinshed , especially when he affirmeth , & the other saith nothing ? 52. But yet further , if you remember two points or wilfull falshood were obiected out of M. Morton , and prooued out of Fox , which heere are shufled vp into one : and the third , that no Minister of the ghospell was brought in question about this Commotion , is wholy omitted heere by him , without any mention therof at all , and much lesse , without any answere . And as for the fourth ( which he calleth the second ) that there was nothing meant against the Q. or State , he hath a strange defence therof saying , that euen in that purpose of VViat to keep the Tower , wanted not the supposed intention which was the preseruation of the Q. and State , which ( say I ) must needes be vnderstood also of the violent keeping of her person , holding of the Tower and forces therof , and appointing her Counsaylors . And these be the good intentions and meanings that M. Morton defendeth in the rebellions of his Protestants , holding them notwithstanding for very good subiects , though by armes they forced them to these conditions . And the successe and issue may be seene by the practise of the Hollanders in the low Countries , and of Duke Charles of Suetia , and others , who began their taking of armes in the names of their true Kings & Soueraignes , pretending & protesting that all was for the safety & good of their State and persons : and no lesse in the cause of Syr Thomas VVyat . 53. Heere then you see , that he is conuinced of foure seuerall false assertions , which he could not choose but know to be false , before he set them downe , if he read , and belieued M. Fox , and other Protestant writers . But how now ( thinke you ) doth all this conuince , or so much as accuse me of any willfull falsitie ? And if it doth not , as euery man seeth , why then is it brought in h●e●e in this place for a seuerall obiection of fa●shood against me ? Yea with words of great reproach , saying : VVe may suf●er professors of the ●eates o● l●gier-de-main to delude the behoulders to conuey on● mans ring into another mans pocket , and then call him a cosner : but for vs Diuines to play such tricks as P. R. hath donne , changing Holinshed into M. Fox , and then to tax me for ●als●od , is a deuise inexcusable . So he . 54. And did you euer heare a sober man in this tune ? Stand att●nt I pray to the controuersy . He cited the proclamation of Syr Thomas VViatt , as not making mention of Religion , and quoteth Holinshed in the margent , I produced M. Fox , that wrote before Holinshed , and liued in Q. Ma●yes time , who set downe not only VViatts temporall pretenses , but that also for religion : and for all the other three points I do alleage the same Fox , and M. Morton quoteth no author at all but Holinshed , as holding his peace and saying nothing therin , which he wil needes take for a deniall ; albeit in the last point , as you haue heard , Holinshed himself expresly testifieth against him , which he dissembleth . And do I then heere play Legier-de-main cōueying rings into other mens pockets , and changing Holinshed into Fox ? Doth this man know , or care , what he saith ? Or is there any one of these points , that prooueth any least falshood in me , & not rather all foure in him ? How then is it heere againe brought in against me in this ninth obiection of ●alsity ? I am content that any indifferēt friend of his answere for him in this point ; whether in leauing to me the charge of two vntruthes , draweth not vnto himselfe all foure much more forcibly , then they were layd vpon him before in our Treatise of Mitigation . 55. Nay , I must tell the Reader further , that ha●●ng considered better the impudency of this his la●t Preambling Reply , wherein he would shroud himse●● from a mani●est conuiction of lying in the first point , for that Holinshed speaketh nothing of religiō in VViats pretence : I tooke the paines to search h●m ouer more diligently , and found that he did expressely affirme also the same that Fox doth , saying : The Commons and many of the Nobility for the marriage , and for the cause of Religion conspired to rayse warre . And the very same doth affirme Iohn Stow in his Chronicle saying , that for this ( marriage ) and for religion they conspired against the Queene &c. So as now hauing found out this , M. Morton cannot say , that I do wilily like a Fox prey furthest from home , for that before I did vrge only the authority of M. Fox , seeing that now both his proper Author Holinshed , and Stow are found expressely to affirme the self same . VVhich way will M. Morton turne himself heere ? For he is conuinced of an open and manifest falshood , in denying that in two seuerall Replyes and Editions of his bookes , which now his owne author Holinshed is found flatly to affirme . FOVRE OTHER obiections of M. Morton against P. R. in matter of willfull falsitie : to witt , the tenth , eleauenth , tweluth , and thirteenth , in M. Mortons Catalogue . §. X. IN signe that M. Mortons matter now groweth barren , in obi●cting of will●ull falsities against me , he beginneth to ●uddle vp diuers of them togeather , but of so small moment , and so fully answered and confuted before , as it is euident , he seeketh but some shew of number to help himself for some ostentatiō : towards which help , I doe willingly increase his number more by one , then he maketh it in his owne reckoning , though he indeed set all downe : but yet being ashamed of the first ( about my erring in his name T. M. ) he giueth thereunto no number at all of a distinct obiection , as I haue donne in my answere . Let vs see then● what manner of obiections these foure are , beginning in his accompt from the 8. in these words . 57. A ninth falshood ( sayth he ) may be accompted his peremptory r●prehens●on of our English translation vpon that o●●say the Prophet 29. as diss●nting from the Latin , Gre●ke and Hebrew both in wo●ds and sense , in which censure he hath b●ne conuicted o● a gross● falshood in both , by the iudgment o● his owne Doctours . Thus farre he . And for this he noteth in the margent , see a●o●e § . 5. nu . 15. meaning that the same is handled before betweene vs , in this Preamble , & consequently condemneth himself of impertinency and o● lacke of matter to obiect against me , when he bringeth it forth heere againe for making vp a number of many obiections , though neuer so vaine and idle , quite contrary to his solemne promise in the begining , that he would bring forth nothing , but only such falles of mine , as may seeme to be ●ecouerable by no excuse , and inforce me neuer hereafter to credit my self , and the Reader to thinke that I haue no conscience at all . All this he threatned : and now do you iudge whether these obiections of his do inforce thus much or no , being in themselues both trifles & not prooued by him . 58. And for this first , about the text of Esay , wherin he accuseth me of grosse falshood , there could be none therin on my part at all , it being but a reprehension of mine against him , for that he translated the sentence falsely : which if it could be prooued that he did not , yet should it be b●t an errour in me , and no witting falshood , and consequently nothing to our purpose ; but he that shall peruse the place heere cited , where this matter is before discussed , shall find M. Morton , and his English translation ( if there be any such extant ) cleerly conuinced , that they neither agree with the Latin , Greeke , or Hebrew , nor with S. Hierom , most skilfull in all three languages : so as this obiection might haue bene left o●t , but only for want of other store . And as for that he saith in the last words of this obiection that I am conuinced of grosse falshood by the iudgment of my owne Doctours , it must needs be grosse presumption for M. Morton to affirme it . For that there is no one of mine , that is to say Catholicke , that euer tooke out that sense of the words of Esay , that he doth : nor could they do it , the text not bearing any such interpretation , as before hath bene declared . Wherfore his sub●ility in forcing Esay to say that which he doth not , is contempt●b●e to vs in comparison of our gros●enesse , that cannot vnderstand him , but in the sense he speaketh and meaneth . Let vs passe to the other 3. obiections of this Paragraph . 59 For a tenth ( saith he ) take his wilfull falshood in pressing one only edi●ion of Carerius , therby accusing me o● falshood in corrup●ing the author , wheras the Colen edition hath i●sti●yed me , and discouered this disposition of P. R. to haue bene willing , that I should rather be condemned rashly , then iustly acquited . Wherto I answere that this also hath bene handled before in the forsaid first Chapter , & is brought in heere againe without any grace , cause , or sub●tance at all . The peruerting of Carerius his text , as it lay in the Italian originall edition , to wit , in setting downe aduantagiously , and vrging Verè for Verò , which made a great difference in the sense , I could not omit to note , he standing thervpon so much as he did , and I neuer hauing heard before that time of any other edition . Now he saith , that he hath another later edition of Colen ( which I neuer saw , nor could by any inquiry heare of , but now from M. Morton himselfe ) wherin he a●oucheth the word Verè is to be found . What wilfull falshood was there in me to note the error , which I found in my edition ? Nay M. Morton is not so excused by his Colen edition , but that he may be argued to legier-de-main for vrging so much Verè out of that sayd second print , differing from the Originall , for so much as euidently he might see by the drift and context of the author , that it could not be Verè Celsus , but rather Verò : wherin I referre me to that , which before hath bene treated against him more at large , and do conclude this his obiection , that if there were any wilfull falshood committed , it must needs lye on his part , and not on mine . He goeth forward . 60. For an el●uen●h fraud ( saith he ) m●y be remembred his vniust ●rimination in noting me as a notable lyer , ●or a●firming that which his owne ●riple instan●e doth euidently euince . And we may adde for a ●●elu●h ●●s obiection of the Authour Frisingen●is , wherin that he may prooue me a ●alsifi●atour , he doth himselfe play ●oure excellent feates of ●alshood . So he . And these two obiections are also handled before in the Chapter mentioned in this Treatise : for which cause it will not be needfull to adioyne much more here , but only that the Reader may no●e , what simple furniture he hath for the matter taken in hand , to prooue witting & willfull falshood against me , such as cannot be excused , but that I must needes know them to be falsities , when I vttered them ( for this is our question , and of this sort do I produce multitudes against him and his : ) as for example , in this his eleuenth obiection he accuseth me for noting him as a notable lyer : but if I prooued the same in the matter produced , then was i● no falshood , but truth in me : and if I did not , yet doth it not follow presētly that it was wilfull fraud , for it might be errour in me , that did persuade my self , that he had lyed in that point . But he that shall read the place here quoted , where before it is handled , shall finde , that the lye is iustifyed against M. Morton , and that there is not any such triple or simple instance making for his excuse , as here he pretendeth : and the like he shall find about the 12. obiection , concerning M. Mortons false and fraudulent allegation of the authour Frisingensis and that all the foure excellent feates of falshood there mentioned are prooued indeed to be but so many sooleries of his owne inuention . And with this he endeth his dozen of obiections against me . VVhereunto I hauing added the title of one more , M. Morton hath reserued another for the vpshot of all , which he calleth both new and noble . Let vs heare what it is , and so end this whole Chapter . THE fourtenth , & last obiected falshood against P. R. §. XI . FOR this last place M. Morton hath reserued a sure carde , which he calleth a new & noble falshood conuinced against me : but the conuiction is not yet graunted by vs , but rather is like to light on his side . For wheras I had affirmed in my Treatise of Mitigation , that M. Morton had confessed in effect , that for the space of these last foure hundred yeares the doctrine of Equiuocation had byn receyued for true and lawfull doctrine in our Schooles , and consequently practised also throughout all Christendome , when iust occasion was offered &c. Vpon this M. Morton falleth into a great distemper of speach saying : that by custome of falsity I haue cast of all sense of lying , fallen into a dead sleep , a●d cast away all conscience of truth , & the like . VVhich he pretendeth to proue by two points . First in that I do peruert his confession , for so much , that albeit he confesse the vse of Equiuocation for the space of these last foure hundred yeares : yet ( sayth he ) that he neuer acknowledged the same for so vniuersall , as that it was receiued in all Vniuersi●ies , Schooles , of all Deuines , Casuists &c. Nay , that he cōsuted this assertion of generality , by the sentence of our owne Doctour Genesius Sepulueda , who sayth , that Gabriel Biel a lewd Sophister set it abroach , & of him tooke it Siluester , Angelus , and some few other such Glozers , but was not then so generally receiued among them . And hereof doth he inferre this new & noble falshood against me , as though I had auouched him to con●esse the generality therof in all Schooles , Vniuersities &c. for these foure hundred yeares . 62. But in this I see not what aduantage M. Morton can take against me , not only of any falshood , wherin there must be voluntary errour , but neither of falsity , where errour happeneth by ouersight & infirmity . For first I said no more in my Treatise , then that M. Morton had manifestly set downe in his , to wit , that for these last foure hundred yeares , he graunted the lawfulnes of Equiuocation to haue byn taught in our Schooles . And consult ( saith he ) with the anciēt Logitians from the beginning of the world , till within the compasse of these last foure hundred yeares and lesse , that euer any Logitian did allow your mixt proposition partly mentall and partly verball , & I will &c. Out of which exception for these last foure hundred yeares , is euidently deduced , that he graunteth the vse of such mixt propositions ( which are properly Equiuocations ) wherof one part is vttered , the other reserued in mind , as before hath byn declared . 63. And therof I inferred further by euident consequence & sequele of reason ( though he specified not the same ) that for so much as our Catholicke Schooles were then ouer all Christendome & none publikely knowne or in vse but they , ( for the first three hundreth at least of these foure ) it must needes follow , that the same doctrine , during that time , was generally receiued in the said Scholes , Vniuersities &c. Wherof also may be alleadged for proofe amongst other points , that which Morton●iteth ●iteth to the contrary , to wit , that Genesius Sepulueda of this our last age seemeth to be the only first Author that M. Morton can produce for disallowing absolutely Equiuocation ( though indeed he do not ) and therby doth plainely prooue , that in the first three hundreth of these foure , there was no opposition found to haue byn made to the contrary , among so many multitudes of bookes and Authors , as are extant of those times : or if there had , that their opposition had byn extant , aswell as this of Sepulu●da . 64. Neither did I say ( as M. Morton would seeme to perswade his Reader ) that , expressely and by name , he graunted the generall vse therof in all Schooles , Chaires , Vniuersities , Tribunalls , and the like , for these foure hundreth yeares : but I did by force of consequence inferre that he must needes graunt so much vpon his first confession of foure hundred yeares , as hath bene sayd . Neither can he auoid that inference and consequence , as hath byn demonstrated : for if it were a receiued doctrine among vs , and no ancient contradiction to be foūd , then must it needes in that antiquity be supposed to haue byn generall current doctrine in our Schooles , Vniuersities , Tribunalls &c. For where no contradiction is found , there generall approbation may be presumed . Neither do I vouchsafe to answere to that obscure comparison of the French ●ox which M. Morton ( though a Minister ) is not ashamed to bring in for an example , that some , yea & many haue had them in this age , and yet may we not conclude , that all haue had them : And the like ( saith he ) in the doctrine of Equiuocation , though some Schooles and Doctors haue taught it , yet not all . Wherto I answere that there is no parity . For if there had bene as many writers that had opposed them selues against the doctrine of Equiuocation , and vse therof in the foure hundred yeares , and detesting the same , as there haue bene cleane men and women , that haue detested that other fowle disease , pro●essing themselues to be free therof ; M. Morton would not haue bene in those straites that he is , for finding out one Author that contradicteth the same in all the time by him appointed , before Genesius Sepulueda , that only in some particuler Cases , reproueth the same , though granting and defending it in others . So as I leaue the filth of this comparison to the Author , and do conclude in this first point , that heere is nothing at all to be found , either of falshood or falsity in this obiection against me . For what I said , is iustified by M. Morton his owne wordes . 65. There remaineth then the second point to be discussed . But noting first by the way , the lauish immodesty of M. Mortons tongue in citing the learned Doctor Gabriell Biel out of Genesius Sepulueda by the contemptuous title of lewd Sophister , whereas Sepulueda stileth him in the same place , Theologum doctissimum , a most learned Diuine , and Tritemius who liued with him saith : In diuinis Scripturis eruditus , ingenio excellens , vita & conuersatione praeclarus &c. Learned in the diuine Scriptures , excellent in wit , and famous for his good life and conuersation , Gouernor of the Vniuersity of Tubinga in Germany euen from the beginning therof , vnto the yeare 1494 which praises and ●uloges will neuer ( I doubt me ) be verified or giuen by any Author of credit or accompt , to M. Morton , that so scorneth and iniureth so graue and learned a man. And yet doth his grauity and humility make no bones to censure him for a lewd Sophister at the very first blow , whome perhaps he hath not read , and without ( perhaps ) vnderstandeth not in many points of chiefest learning . And this is the priuiledge of our new Doctors , to contemne & reproach all others , though neuer so much learneder then themselues . But let vs go forward . 66. The second point in his Paragraph is , that he taketh vpon him to checke the generall acceptāce of Equiuocation , which I said to haue byn admitted in all Schooles , Vniuersities &c. for the space of foure hundreth yeares , by alleaging the contradiction of three ●amous learned ●esuits o● our time ( for so now he calleth them , when they seeme som●what to serue his turne ) to wit , Ioannes Azorius , Emanuel S● , and Ioannes Maldonatus , who in some particuler cases do reprehend , or not admitt all manner of Equiuocation . VVherin first is to be noted , that whereas M. Morton should haue shewed some contradictour of the three ages past , he nameth only the writers of our tyme , and those Iesuits also , which sort of men are euery where accused by him , as the Authors and speciall fauourers of Equiuocation , and now fyndeth none in effect to contradict it but them . VVherfore M. Morton and his fellowes must cease hereafter to accuse Iesuits so generally , as defenders of this doctrine , or els say , that they are contrary one to the other : or that there is some meaning and particuler sense in those that seeme to deny the same , which M. Morton therfore concealeth , for that being discouered , no contradiction would be found amongst them . 67. And this mistery by him concealed is ( which before also sundrie times we haue noted ) not that any Iesuite doth vtterlie deny the lawfulnes of Equiuocation in all cases whatsoeuer , as bouldly and ignorantlie M. Morton doth , but for the restrayning of such abuses as may fall out in the practise therof , yf to much libertie be permitted , they are more seuere then other men in limiting the same , as more fullie may appeare in part by our discourse in the last Chapter of the Treatise of Mitigation : where Catholicks are exhorted to vse the lawfulnes therof with great restraint and parsimony . And further the speach that in●ueth about these three learned writers Azor , Sà , & Maldonatus , all three Iesuites , and misalleadged by M. Morton , will more plainly make manifest the same . THE OPINION OF the Doctor Iesuite , Ioannes Azor , about Equiuocation falsly obiected by M. Morton , as making for him wheras it maketh wholy against him . §. XII . AND as for the first which is Azor , M. Morton bringeth him in with this Encomion , saying in a speciall title : The first witnes conuincing P. R. of falshood , is Azorius a learned Iesuite : but I do wonder that M. Morton will bring him in againe heere , or suffer him to be so much as mentioned , I hauing conuinced him in my Treatise of Mitigation of so notorious and wilfull a fraud and corruption in alleadging Azor his words about Equiuocation in an Oath , as could not but shame any man of modesty to haue it seene or vnderstood by the Reader , wherin I referre my selfe to the place quoted in the Margent . But now let vs see notwithstanding further what Azorius saith against Equiuocation in generall , for to this effect he is brought in , in this place , as though he held that all Equiuocation were to be reiected as lying : for proofe wherof he citeth two places out of the selfe same leafe and page of Azorius . The first wherof reprehend●th some kind of men that did extend the Rule of Res●ruation and Equiuocation to farre , out of Nauar , Silu●ster , & Angelus , contrary to their meaning , making it lawfull in common vse and con●ersation amongst men , to vse any kind of dissimulation by reseruing in their minds any thing at their pleasure : which Azorius condemneth , and so do we to . And for better direction of men , how , where , and in what matters that occasions they may Equiuocate , or may not , he setteth downe distinctly in fiue seuerall Rules . Wherof M. Mo●ton skipping ouer foure ( for that they make expressely and resolutely against him , in allowance of many Cases of Equiuocation ) runneth only to the fifth and last , peruerting the same against the Authors meaning as presently shall be shewed . 69 And to let you see what manner of writer M. Morton is , and what manner of cause he mantayneth , that forceth him to this foule kind of shi●ting , he reciteth the words of Azor saying thus : I am of a different opinion ( saith Azor ) from those afore men●ioned ( that stretch the vse of Equiuocatiō to euery thing that they list to deny or dissemble ) which opinion o● mine I will declare briefely by certaine Rules that heere I will set downe . Which words M. Morton hauing related , saith presently . His fi●th Rule doth hit the naile on the head . And is it so Syr ? What say you then of the precedent foure ? Why say you nothing of them ? What part of the naile do they hit ? if the last only stricke the head ? How is it possible that your Reader , if he should looke vpon Azor , would passe to the fifth without seeing the former foure , which are all quite against you ? For that in the first he resolueth , that a Priest may equiuocate , and say he knoweth nothing , whē he is demanded any point about Confession . In the second he resolueth , that whensoeuer any man is demanded by an incompetent Iudge , euen in an Oath , whether he hath committed this or that sinne , he may by Equiuocation deny the same euen in an Oath . Wherof he giueth many reasons , and resolueth sundry other cases by vertue of the same Rule . As if a man be wrongfully compelled by a Iudge to say , or sweare that he will pay such a summe of money to his aduersary , he may sweare it ( saith Azor ) though he haue no intention to performe it , as being against law , hauing this reseruation in his mynd , that he will pay so much as by law he is bo●̄d : & three or foure other like Cases besids in the explicatiō of this Rule . 70. By his third Rule he proueth the like in other Cases , beginning his Rule with these words Quoties in conuictu hominum communi &c. As often as in the common conuersation of men we are demaunded of any thing , and driuen to sweare it , if any iniury therin be offered vnto vs , it is law●ull for vs in swearing to vse ambiguous words , and to take them in our se●se so far forth as the words may beare that sense , albeit in the minds of the hearers they do ingender an other sense . And by this Rule he resolueth two seuerall Cases : that an adulterous wife being vnlawfully demanded by her husba●d whether she haue committed adultery ? she may , if the adultery be secret , sweare that she hath committed no adultery , reseruing in her mind , that she hath committed none , so as she is bound to confesse it vnto him . This is Azor his resolution . And is not this our Case plainly ? doth not this hit the nayle on the head also against M. Morton ? 71. Two other Cases in like māner he resolueth by the force of this Rule . First , that if a man fall into the hands of a theef , a tyrant , or an enemy , or of any other that doth vex him iniuriouslie , and be forced to sweare and promise any thing by oath , he may equiuocate , and is not bound afterward to performe that which he promised vpon wrongfull coaction . The second Case is the Couen●ry Case , which M. Morton in his former book did greatly reprehend , and iest at , but learned Azor ( as M. Morton calleth him ) houldeth it for true and iustifiable , to wit , that if a man should , for example sake , come from Couentry , or any other Cittie , that is suspected to haue the plague , and indeed hath it not , nor is himselfe otherwise infected : but yet should be demanded at the gates of London whether he came from Couentry or no ? he might lawfully answere , he came not : vnderstanding in his mind , that he came not from Couentry , as infected . And all these Cases doth Azor resolue vnder his first three Rules : which are all directly against M. Morton as you see . And in his behalf there is nothing , either in these or in the other two , which haue no particuler Cases assigned them , but only haue this in generall . 72. The fourth rule of Azor is : Si nulla nobis ●iat iniuria &c. If no iniury be offered vs when we are demanded any thing , it is not lawfull to vse ambiguous wordes , except in that sense which the hearers do conceiue . The fifth , Si reuerà verba quibus vtimur &c. If indeed the words which we do vse are no doubtfull in their signification , nor in the cōmon vse of men , nor haue any other sense but only one , we must vse them in that sense which they yeeld . Neither is it lawfull for vs , albeit we should be demanded against all law and right to wrest it into another sense by any cogitation of our mind . For it is neuer lawfull for vs to lye : but he doth lye , that doth take wordes in another sense then they do signifie . So Azor. Where you see that he forbiddeth only , that wordes which haue but one only naturall sense and signification , and are not ambiguous or of diuers senses , should be vsed by the speaker in any other significatiō then naturally , or by common vse amongst men they do yeeld : as for example , if one that had a horse & not an oxe , should be demaunded , whether he had any horse , he should saie noe , meaning that he had noe Oxe , for that he conceiued an Oxe for an horse , this were not lawfull , saith Azor , in the vse of words , because the word horse hath but one proper meannig amongst men , and cannot signifie an Oxe : and consequently cannot be so taken but by a lye . But if the word horse had a doubtful or double significatiō , signifying as well an Oxe as a horse , then might a man vse the amphibology of the word , to auoyd any iniury offered him by an incompetent Iudge , as Azor himselfe determineth . 73. But now ( to returne to the matter ) what is this against our Clause of Reseruation in a propositiō or sentence ? And how doth this strike the nayle on the head for M. Morton ? Nay , doth not Azor strike M. Mort. on the head directly , insteed of the nayle , & most manifestly in the first , second and third Rules , & by all the different Cases therin resolued ? Who would thinke then that a man of cōmon sense , or of any meane modesty & care of his credit would haue alleaged Azor so cōfidently against his aduersary , as M. Morton doth ? & that which is most ridiculous , so to insult against him , as he doth against me here , saying : P. R. māteineth that his mentall reseruation is a truth : but Azorius concludeth that it is a lye . And can there be any greater cōtradiction the● this ? Hath he any shadow of excuse by ignorance of the Author and place ? No , for he hath alledged this Author vpon this question of Equiuocation foure tymes . Is he helped by dif●erence of translations or editions ? Noe , he will not pretend this . Therfore no euasion can saue him : and therby any man may discerne , what credit such wretched Equiuocators may deserue . So M. Morton . 74. Wherto I answere , that not only foure times , but perhapps twice foure times haue I alleaged the authority of Azor for the lawfull vse of Equiuocation against M. Morton , and in diuers of them he hath byn so manifestly conuinced of witting & willing falshood , as there is no de●ence or excuse to be had . Nay , he doth not so much as pretend any defence therof hitherto , nor I thinke shall I find any of thē defended by him in the ensuing Chapter , though it be expressely deputed to this argument to answering diuers manifest and wilfull vntruthes layd to his chrage . Wherfore to say ( as he doth heer ) that I haue no shadow of excuse by ignorance of the Author and place &c. is only to intertaine talke , and to seeme to ●ay somwhat : for I am not charged with any thing that requireth excuse , but he is conuinced of voluntary concealing of fiue or six different Cases resolued against him by Azor , as you haue heard , and passed ouer by M. Morton , as if he had not seene them : so as euery one of them includeth a witting fraud in him , that admitteth no excuse . Let vs come to his second learned Iesuite , whome he bringeth in for deniyng of Equiuocation , which you shall see to be no lesse contrary vnto him then the former , and especially to teach Equiuocation to be lawfull , in the very places alleadged by M. Morton . M. MORTON His second witnesse falsely pretended against Equiuocation is the Doctor Iesuite Emanuel Sà . §. XIII . A SECOND witnesse saith M. Morton conuincing P. R. of falshood is the authority of Emanuel Sà , a famous learned Iesuit among Casuists , as heere he is called , whose wordes are set downe thus out of his Aphorismes : Quidam dicunt &c. Some there be who say , that he who is not bound to answere to the intention of the examiner , may answere by reseruation of some thing in his owne mynd , to witt , that it is not so , that is to say , so as he is bound to vtter it vnto him : or that he hath not such , or such a thing : to wit , to giue it vnto him : Albeit others do not admit this manner of answering , and peraduenture vpon better reason then the former . Thus far Emanuel Sà : alleaged also as M. Morton saith , by his former aduersary the moderate Answerer . But how truly and sincerly M. Morton here dealeth with him in this behalf we shall see presently after . Now is to be considered , what he doth inferre out of this authority against Equiuocation in generall , for thus he maketh his inference vpon the recited text . Thus far Emanuel Sà ( saith he ) confessing hereby that diuers Catholike Authors haue contradicted this equiuocating sorgerie , which P. R. hath auouched , that no Catholike writer did euer contradict . Is it possible that my aduersary can free himself from a falsity corroding the conscience ? 76. Wherto I answere , that euen now it shal be tried , who hath a corroded Conscience in this matter , he or I : and let the Reader stand attent , for that M. Morton maie not escape vntill he haue satisfied somwhat . First then my assertion was , that no Catholike writer within the time by him ascribed of the last foure hundred yeares hath byn ●ound to deny absolutely all Equiuocation without exception : albeit in particuler Cases ( as this is here proposed by Emanuel Sà ) some School-doctors were of one opinion , and some of another , some more strait and some more large . The Case proposed heere by Emanuel Sà , is of a man that hath no obligation to answere to the intention of him that demaundeth , whether he may answere with Equiuocation or noe , and say that it is not so , vnderstanding ( with obligation to tell it you : ) or I haue it not ( to giue vnto you . ) In which particuler Case he saith , that some men do not admit that kind of answere : but for so much as he hath no obligatiō to answere any thing at all , he is bound either to hold his peace or tell the truth . And perhaps ( saith he ) this later opinion is the better , fortè potiori ratione non admittunt . So as heere he speaketh but by ( perhaps ) that a man may not equiuocate in this Case : which word ( perhaps ) M. Morton craftily omitted : and indeed in the last edition of his booke at Rome 1607. this whole last sentence was left out , as though he had cha●ged his opinion . But howsoeuer this be , this is but one particuler Case of Equiuocation , as hath byn said , and M. Morton could not but know it , and consequently doth vse notable fraud , when vpon the different opinions of some Schoole doctors in this speciall Case ( when a man is not bound to answere ) he would inferre ( as here he doth ) that diuers Catholick authors do contradict and deny Equiuocation in generall , that is to say , all kind of Equiuocation in what case soeuer . 77. And that M Morton could not choose but know this to be a fraud , & consequētly the fraud to be wilfull , is euident : for that in the very next foure lynes going imediately before the former alleaged words , Emanuel Sà doth resolue two other Cases , wherin a man might equiuocate , saying : Petenti quae ei reddidisti , pot●s negare te accepisse &c. if a man that had left some pledge with you , and you had restored the same to him againe , he should afterwards demand the same the second tyme , and presse you with an oath about the same : you might lawfully deny that you had receiued any such pledg , vnderstāding in your mynd that you receiued it not , in such sort as you are boūd now to restore it . And againe : if a man ( saith he ) should demand the whole s●me of money , wherof he had receiued backe a part : you might deny the said petition , saying : that you owe it not , vnderstanding of the whole , or of so much as he wrōgfully demādeth . So as in both these Cases Emanuel Sà confesseth , that Equiuocation may be vsed , as you see . And how then is he brought in heere by M. Morton , as a witnesse denying all Equiuocation , or at leastwise as saying , that there are diuers opinions about the same , which is in part also false , for that Emanuel Sà doth not say , that there is doubt or differēce of opinions , whether any Equiuocation at all be allowable : but only whether in this or that particuler Case it be to be admitted . 78. This then is euident and witting fraud in M. Morton , for that besides the former two Cases resolued in approbation of Equiuocation , Emanuel Sà hath many more , which M. Morton probably could not but know , as amongst others these : Potest Confessor iurare se nihit scire &c. The Priest that heareth Confessions may lawfully sweare , that he knoweth nothing , nor that he hath heard any thing in Confession : vnderstanding in his mind , ( so as he is bound to vtter the same . ) Againe : the penitent may sweare , that he sayd nothing , or no such thing , as he is demanded in Cōfession , though he had said it . And moreouer in another place : Non legitimè interrogatus &c. He that is not lawfully demanded , may deny that he knoweth the thing he is demanded ( though he know it indeed ) vnderstanding in his mind , that he knoweth it not so , as he is boūd to open it to him . And yet further : Reus non tenetur &c. He that is accused is not bound to confesse those thinges , for which if they were reuealed , he should vniustly be condemned : Wherfore he may deny them , vnderstanding in his mind ( that he hath not donne them so , as he is bound to vtter them . ) And now will any man say , but M. Morton , that the learned Iesuit Emanuel Sà , is a good witnesse against all vse of Equiuocation ? Doth not euery one of these examples conuince him of wilfull fraud ? And consequently these foure examples dissembled by him are foure seuerall falshoods wittingly and willingly cōmitted ? But let vs see one notable shift more , which is the fifth new falshood , before we passe to his third witnesse . 79 He doth cite the forsayd authority of Emanuel Sà against Equiuocation , alleadged by his first aduersary ( the moderate Answerer ) and to couer himselfe the better with his shadow , doth dissemble that he hath looked vpon the Author himselfe , to the end he may haue some hole to runne out , when he shall be pressed with these wilfull corruptions of Emanuel Sà , and his meaning . But yet he could not do this handsomly inough , but he must also egregiously abuse and falsify the words of his said aduersary , making him seeme to inferre out of this particuler Case , an absolute deniall of all Equiuocation . To which end after the forsaid wordes of Emanuel Sà recited , he maketh him to conclude thus : VVherby it is mani●est , that all Catholicks do not allow of Equiuocation ; and then himselfe saith ( I meane M. Morton : ) Thus farre he , conf●ss●ng heerby , that diuers Authors haue contradicted this Equiuocating ●orgery . 80. But ô M. Morton , let me pose you heere : Is it true that your aduersary sayd , so farre , and no further to the purpose in hand ? Or is it rather true , that you cut him of , and would suffer him to say no further ? Surely your bad dealing is not excusable in this point . For your aduersary did fully cleare the mater , if you would haue permitted him to tell out his tale : for these are his wordes : VVherby it is mani●est , that all Catholicks do not allow of Equiuocation , where he is not bound to answere the Iudge or examiner proceeding vniustly and not according to law and equity . By which words he declareth playnely , that he alleadged not Emanuel Sà , as denying all Equiuocation , or as making Catholick Authors to doubt of it among thēselues , as M. Morton doth vntruly impose vpon them : but only he teacheth , that not in euery particuler Case whatsoeuer , where he that is demanded is not bound to answere , do all Catholicks allow of Equiuocatiō . For that where there is no iniury offered , nor violence vsed , some thinke it better ( or rather obligation ) that he should hold his peace , then Equiuocate . But this is reported but as a particuler opinion in this particuler Case , which it seemeth that Emanuel Sà did afterward change , as before hath byn said . 81. Now then to conclude , consider ( gentle Reader ) in how many witting and willfull falshoods M. Morton , in producing this one forced witnes , hath heere byn ta●en , both against Emanuel Sà , my self and his moderate Answerer . Against Emanuel Sà , in falsyfying him contrary to his owne words and drift , making him to condemne all equiuocation which manifestly he teacheth in many Cases to be lawfull , as now you haue heard . Against me , for that twice or thrice at least he fraudulently vrgeth my saying as ●ontrary to Emanuel Sà , that no Catholike writer did euer contradict any kind of Equiuocation : which I neuer affirmed , but rather granted that in this or that particuler Case , there might be difference of opinions : but my assertion was and is , that none did euer absolutely deny all vse therof , in euery Case . Against his moderate Answerer in like manner he vseth fraude , in that wilfully he cut of those words that explaine the whole matter about the meaning of Emanuel Sà . All which notwithstanding , will he needs be talking of corroded consciences , as though his Conscience were cleere , & smooth among so many & manifold false tricks as are cōuinced against him . But let vs leaue this , & passe to the third witnesse . M. MORTON His third Iesuite Doctor brought in to witnesse against Equiuocation , to wit , Ioannes Maldonatus . §. XIIII . HE intituleth this Paragraph , The third witnesse conuincing P. R. of falshood , presupposing that the former two haue done the same : but how contrary that hath fallen out , and of how many falshoods M. Morton himself hath byn by them and their occasion conuinced , the Reader hath now seene & considered I doubt not . Let vs peruse then that which he writeth of this third , which wil be found to haue no more against P. R. then the former two , which in effect is nothing at all : yet shall we lay forth what M. Morton produceth in this behalf . Thus then he beginneth his narration . 83. Maldonate ( saith he ) a principall ●esuit and Casuist resolueth thus : VVhosoeuer doth indeauour by feig●ing to deceyue another , although he intend to signify some thing els , yet doubtles he li●th . This testimony I vsed for confutation of this vile art , which P. R. could not be ignorant of , because he indeauoured to satisfy other testimonies , as of Genesius & Sotus : but this Author Maldonat specifyed in the same place ( as the weaker aduersary will do his ouermatch ) he did willingly pretermit . So M. Morton , and he quoteth in the m●rgent , Treatise of Mitigation , cap. 10. num . 4. pag. 409. and 410. where I do answere Genesius and Sotus and not Maldonate . But as in all other places lightly which he citeth he dealeth vnsincerely , whē any waies it may make for his purpose : So here , if the Reader will but take the payns as to turne to the place quoted of my Booke , he shall discouer more then simple shifting . 84. For first I do not treat in that place of Genesius and Sotus togeather ( as he saith I do ) but only of Genesius alone : neither do I there indeauour to satisfy any of their testimonies , as he falsely affirmeth , for that there are none in that place brought forth against me : but rather to the cōtrary I do bring forth an euident vnanswerable testimony of Genesius in defence of Equiuocation against M. Morton , which he doth not so much as go about to answere here , nor euer wil be able . How then will he be able to iustify this quotation : Or how can he defend , that I do indeauour to satisfy Genesius and Sotus togeather , as specified in the same place , but pretermitting Maldonat as an vnequall m●tch ? For in the place quoted I do not treate of them both , as now hath bin sayd , nor do I remember that I do ioyne Genesius and Sotus in any place togeather throughout my Booke , though they be cyted within the cōpas●e of one page in M. Mortons Full Satisfaction , togeather with Azor and Maldonate , which authorityes I do examine in different places of my Booke , according as the matter and subiect requireth . 85. It may be therefore that by some errour he meaneth of Azor and Sotus ( and not Genesius and So●u● ) who●e authorities I do examine and ponder togeather some twenty pages after the former quotation o● M. Morton . But truly me thinkes he should haue bin greatly ashamed to send the Reader thither , ●or he shall fynd there the most intollerable corruptions & falsifications of those two Authours proued against M. Morton , that perhaps are obiected against him in the whole Booke For that Azor is cyted by him quite contrary to his owne words & meaning : as for example , that he condemneth his fellow Iesuits for allowing Equiuocation , where he doth expressely defend the same : and that he condemneth the Couentry Case be●ore mentioned of comming from an infected place , when as he doth by name allow of that Case . And the like falsifications are demonstrated out of Dominicus Sotus , as may be seene in the booke . And M. Morton taketh not vpon him to answere , or so much as touch them here in this his Preambling Reply , and consequently should haue blushed to di●ect the Reader thither , where he should find these wounds laid open , but durum telum necessi●as . And whē thornes are on euery side of the path , to runne barefooted and blindfold , as M. Morton seemeth to do , is a hard Case . ●or of no side he can step without incurring some perill . Now then let vs come to Maldo●at , whose authority he saith I did of purpose , as vnanswerable , pretermitt . 86. For to make Maldonate of more weight & credit , as though he had said somewhat against me , and in his behalfe ; he beginneth with this description of him . Maldonate ( saith he ) a principall Iesuite and Casuist resolueth thus &c. and in his booke of Full Satisfact . he citing the selfe same sentence of Maldonate , which he doth heere , beginneth with this preamble : Not only Sotus ( saith he ) called among you the subtil Doctor , but euen the subtilest of all your Iesuits calleth your Equiuocating , ranke lying : saying , whosoeuer doth endeuour by feigning to deceaue another , although he intend to signifie somewhat els , doubtles he lyeth . In which two Prefaces to pretermit all other pointes yow maie note two grosse ouerslippes : the first in stiling Maldonate a Casuist , who is neuer knowne to haue read or written of Cases in his life , but Scholasticall diuinitie he professed many yeares in Paris , and left very learned Commentaries vpon all the foure Euangelists , though the Roman Index Expurgatorius Anno Dom. 1607. doe mention , that certaine Cases of Conscience published by another & printed at Lions An. 1604. were falslie ascribed to him . The second , that Dominicus Sotus was Iohn Scotus the subtile doctor , which liued aboue 200. yeares before Sotus , wherof I admonished him before in the Treatise of Mitigation , and yet he would needs renew againe the memory therof in this Preamble , by sending mē to peruse what I answered before to Sotus , and thereby reueale his owne shame . 87. But now what hath Maldonatus here in the sentence alleaged , that I should willinglie pretermit to answere , as being ouermatched therewith ? doth Maldonate say any thing in this sentence that is not conforme to our Common doctrine of Equiuocation ? Noe truelie . For we graunt , that whosoeuer doth endeuour by feigning to deceiue another , doth lye . In so much as it agreeth well with the definitiō of a lye set downe in S. Augus●ine : M●ndacium ●st salsa ●ocis significatio c●m int●ntione sal●●ndi . A lye is a ●alse significatiō of speach with intentiō to deceiue : which two clauses of the definition of a lye , I do pro●ue and demonstrate ●or diuers leaues togeather , in the eight Chapter of my former Treatise , that they can not agree with the nature of ●quiuocation , and by consequence that Equi●ocation is no lye . 88. Not the first Clause , a false signif●ca●ion of sp●ach , which is , whē the speach doth di●●er from the meaning and sense . Not the second , o● intention to deceiue : for that the first and principall intention of him that is forced for some iust cause to equiuocate ( ●or otherwise he maie not vse it , ) is to del●uer himself from that iniurie which is o●●ered him , and not to deceiue the Iudge or hearer , though consequentlie that do follow . And this I do proue to be ●o cleare , as that by this are ius●ified all Stratagems in war , which are indeed nothing but Equi●oca●ions in fact , that otherwise should be vnlawfull and sinfull : Which yet S. Augustine with all other ancient Fathers do expres●ly iustify saying : Cùm iustum bell●m q●is suscep●rit , vtrum aperta pugna vel insidijs vincat , ●ihil ad ius●itiam interest . When a man wageth iust war , it importeth not in respect of iustice , whether he ouercome by open fight or els by sleightes or stratag●ms : which stratagems are indeed nothing els , but lawfull dissimulations that seeme to haue deceipt in them , and consequently to be lyes in fact and vnlawfull , but indeed are not : as I do shew by sundry examples out of Scripture it selfe , where God that cannot lye , did either commaūd or allow such sleights and deceipts in stratagems , as that of Iosue at the Citty of Hay , wherin many thereby were s●aine : the stratagems of Elizeus at the Citty of Dothaim : that of Iudith at Bethulia and the like . And I do alleage diuers other examples both in fact and wo●d aswell of our Sauiour out of the Euangelistes , as of S. Paul and other Saints ; whereby it is most euident that in some Cases a man may equiuocate . 89. I do shew also at length in the same Chapter to witt , the eight , but much more in the nynth , that the Clause ( intentio fallendi ) conteyned in S. Austines definition of a lye , doth in no case truly enter into ●quiuocation . For that he which vseth lawfull ●quiuocation , hath not his firs● and principall end to deceiue the hearer , but to auoid the hurt that he is subiect vnto , i● he did not ●quiuocate ; albeit therby it followeth , that the other be deceiued , which is without all fault of him that speaketh doubtfully : which I do demonstrate by many examples out of the Scriptures and Fathers ; wherby is euident that this permission of others to be deceiued by our speach , when we do in effect but conceale a truth , is lawfull , and vsed by Saints , yea God himself , and consequently can be no lye . 90. Now then to returne to Maldonate M. Mortons third witnesse , which he affirmeth in his title to conuince me of falshood , he saith nothing against me at all , or for him . For we graunt that whosoeuer by seygning , doth endeauour to deceiue another , doth lye : so as it differeth nothing from our common opinion , as now hath byn sayd . And how then doth he conuince me of falshood ? Or how did I willingly pretermit to answere him , when as he said nothing against me , but with me and for me , as I do shew by diuers distinst numbērs , cyting , him also num . 75. pag. 399. & this very place here quoted by M. Morton , togeather with another of Toletus to the same effect ? VVhat meaneth , I say , M. Morton to de●le so vnsincerely in such sort as euery child may see his fraud ? And if any man will doubt whether Maldonate did de●end Equiuocation in such Cases as we do , wherin somewhat is reserued in mind of the speaker , more then is specifyed in the words , let him read him in his Commentaryes vpon the Ghospells , in the places that conteyne such reseruations , as that of our Sauiour concerning the Archisynagoges daughter , Non est mortua puella , sed dormit : the maide is not dead , but sleepeth : whero● the secret vnderstanding and reseruation is , saith Mald●nate , that she was no so dead as the people thought , that she could not be raised againe : which mentall reseruation S. Austin also noteth vpon that place in like manner . The other words o● our Sau●our , Ego non iudico quemquam : I do not iudge any man , cannot be verifyed without a mentall reseruation or subintellection . 91. Yea Maldonate hath a speciall note vpon these words of the last of S. Marke , He that shall belieue , and be baptized , shal be saued . The Rule , saith he , which in many other places we haue set downe is heere to be obserued , to wit , that generall propositions in the Scriptures are to be vnderstood with certaine conditions not expressed , but only conceiued in mind , if they be not set downe in the text : as that saying in Ioel : Euerie one that shall call vpon the name o● our Lord , shal be saued , to wit , Si reliqua quae debet , faciat , if he performe all the rest which he is bound vnto : which clause was not set downe by the Prophet , but reserued in mind . An● so heere in the alleaged sentence of our Sauiour , is necessarilie to be vnderstood this reseru●d condition , Si bene crediderit , & baptizatus fuerit : if he belieue well , & be baptized . 92. Heere then you see that Maldonate doth expresslie teach , not onlie the lawfullnes , but also the necessitie of reserued Equiuocation in some Cases . Now then to conclude , we see what help the Iesuite Maldonat , drawne in for a third witnes , hath brought to M. Morton , that is to saie , he hath testified plainly against him . And yet yow must haue patience to heare his triūphant cōclusion after his manner . Now ( saith he ) haue I instāced this generall propositiō of all Vniuersities , Deumes , Casuists , approuing this doctrine in three famous Iesuits and Casui●●s , Azor , Sà , Maldonate , & in the confession of his fellow , the Moderate Answerer , acknowledging that diuers Catholiks approued not their mentall reseruatiō &c. I haue exceeded the proportion of our Mitigators demand , who required but two or three instances in any , though of himselfe : I haue offered him thirteene vnsatisfiable falshoods , as many as I could well bundle vp in this brief Preamble , reseruing the rest for the exact Encoūter , whē I doubt not , but vpon the discouery of his vnconscionable deprauations , he will wish , that his braines had byn a sleep , when he framed this Mitigation . 93. This is his Conclusion , still singing the victory as you see . And it shall not need for me to answere any points therof : for that they are either euidently false or impertinent . I said that for these last foure hundred yeares the doctrine of Equiuocation in some Cases hath euer byn admitted , and neuer knowne to be wholie controlled by any . He bringeth forth three Iesuits of our time against this , who were so farre of from denying the doctrine of all Equiuocation , as they teach the same expressely in sundry Cases , as now you haue heard . This then rather deserueth laughter of the Reader , then any confutation by me . He saith it is con●●ssed that diuers Cat●oliks do not app●oue mentall reseruation : I answere that in some Cases it is true , but not in all He saith , he hath exceeded the proportion of my demaund of two or three instances : I say , he hath brought forth neuer a one , or half on● that he can defend to make for him . He auoucheth that he hath o●●ered me thirtene vnsatisfiable falshoods against my self out of my writings : I answere , that three were sufficient , if they were vnsatisfiable : of which kind he hath yet produced neuer a one , as by experience you haue ●ound , and consequently his words of my vnconscionable deprauation discouered , and that I would wish that my braines had byn a sleep when I wrote my Book , are most vayne threats , & fit for such a brayne as M. Mortons seemeth to be . THE FINALL Reckoning of this whole Chapter . §. XV. TO passe then to summe vp the accompt of this whole Chapter briefly & frendly with M. Morton : let the reader remember , how at the beginning therof , for so much as , I was so bound ( to vse his wordes ) as to insert my selfe also in the offer made , that if two or three such wil●ull falshods , as there I described ( wherin nothing can excuse from witting malice ) should be found in my writings , I would discredit my selfe , and would be content to be discredited for euer , and esteeme my selfe vnworthy to take pen in hand againe : for this confident speach , I say , M. Morton condēned me and my cōscience for worse then no conscience at all , promising to proue it in this Chapter by the matters to be obiected vnto me : and further added as you haue heard , let our Reader witnesse betwene me and him according to the euidence of testimonies , which shal be brought against him . Now the testimonies haue byn brought forth , and viewed by the Reader , thirteene in number , as M. Mort. reckoneth them , but fourteene in my accompt . All which do conteine ( as he affirmeth ) vnsatisfiable falshoods and irreuocable falles , and that so apparent ●or the most o● them , that any one vnderstanding English may presently discerne them . 95. This was his promise then , and is his vaunt now . I for my part demand performance , and that the Reader giue his iudgmēt . And as for these fourteene obiections now brought against me , they might be aswell foure hundred of that kind , which they are , as foureteene ; that is to say , of no force in the world to the question heere handled of witting and wil●ull falshood . For as for the most part of them , he cannot so much as pretend any such malice to be in them . For what malice could there be in interpreting the letters T. M. for Thomas Morton in my Dedicatory Epistle written after the Treatise ended ( which is his first charge against me ) and yet saying before , that vntill that time , I had not knowne that Name to haue bene meant by these letters ? What profit might my cause gaine therby ? As also by wilfull erring ( if it had bene an errour , ) in counting how many times M. Morton had set downe the Clause of reseruation in latin ? What gayne might I pretend by applying that to all Catholicke Priests & teachers in their degrees , which M. Mortō scornfully obiected to his Aduersary , as to a Priest , in contempt of all Priests ? 96. And with these he beginneth his charge , and endeth with no better . For what do make to the purpose those other last obiections , as that I reprehended him for placing , as his poesy in the first page of his booke against Catholicks , Stay your selues , for they are blind and make others blind : where as neither the originall Hebrew , nor Syriack , Greek or Latin ancient translations haue it so ? That I noted him to haue vsed and vrged Verè for Verò out of Carerius contrarie to the edition which I had of that booke ? And like to these , are the other three that ensue in him , which are but verie light & vaine toyes . And if they should be all granted , as they ly , they would proue nothing of moment , concerning the question in hand . And yet doth he repeat them againe and againe , and some of them three times , as though they were great matters against me . Can there be any more poore and miserable dealing then this ? 97. But besides this , I presume not only to haue cleared my self in all these trifles obiected by him , but further also , to haue conuinced my aduersarie commonly in euery one of his obiections , to haue cōmitted some new manifest falsities himsel●e . And as for his last three witnesses , learned and famous Iesuits , I doubt not , but so to haue turned them against himself , as he hath receiued much con●usion by bringing them in . There remaineth nothing then for the ending of this accompt , but that the Reader , as chie●e Auditour , laying before his eyes , what he hath seene brought in , in charge , and answered in discharge , do giue his sentence where the debt remayneth : or rather who is banquerupt , either I , or my Aduersary . Which yet he shal be better able to do , after he hath heard in likewise , what new Charges are to be laied vpon him , in the ensuing Chapt●rs . For that hitherto hath bene handled only , what he hath pretended to be able to say against Catholicke writers , and me his aduersary ; which hath bene so weake , poore and pittifull , as now you haue seene , euery battery of his , recoyling commonly vpon his owne head . But the next three Chapters are to conteine the fight made vpon himselfe , for three sorts of falsities . First such as he goeth about to defend , and cannot : the second , such as he dis●embleth and pretermitteth to mention , for that he could not cleare himselfe therin : and the third , such as he hath committed a new , in going about to defend and cleare the old : and then after that , you are to see and behould his multitude of new braggs and Challenges , as though notwithstanding all this , he had had the victory in the former : so confident the man is in his owne concepts . THE FIFTH CHAPTER CONCERNING THE CHEIFE POINT INTENDED BY M. MORTON In this his last Reply , which is the clearing of himselfe from many notorious vntruthes , obiect●d as willfull & witting , by his Aduersary P. R. And how insufficiently he performeth the same . PREFACE . I FIND the saying of the Philosophers , That the thing which is last in execution , is first in our intention , to be verified in this Preāble of M. Morton : for that his principall intentiō being to quit himselfe , so farre as he might , of the odious imputation of so many wilfull vntruthes obiected vnto him by P. R. in his Treatise of Mitigation , and that the importance of the matter o● satisfying somwhat , or staying at leastwise the iudgment of the Reader , with some speedy Apologie in that behalfe , required that presently in the first place he should excuse himselfe , from those mani●est imputations laid against him : Yet hath he delaid the matter as you see vnto this last place , intertaining himselfe first in certaine idle , and impertinent skirmishes with his Aduersary : As whether he be a man o● sufficiency , wit , memory , skill in Logi●ke , Greeke and Hebrew , and the like , and then taking in hand to touch two or three litle points about the argument and subiect of his Aduersaryes Booke : and thirdly obiecting falsities to others , that he alone might not seeme to be culpable : and so finally he commeth by litle and litle , though vnwillingly , as it appeareth , like a beare to the stake , to the point first intended , which is to deliuer himselfe from some small number of a greater multitude of manifest vntruthes obiected against him , out of which multitude he saith , That he hath singled out fourteene , not such as might seeme vnto him most easily answered , but those which P. R. hath most vehemently pressed and vrged . 2. In both which assertions he swarueth againe from the truth , as presently will appeare : for that the Reader by taking the view , aswell of those that he hath pretended to answere , as of the rest , that he hath willingly pretermitted , will see ( and so shall we also demonstrate in the next Chapter ) that those which he hath ouerpassed are much more both in number and force , then these which he hath produced , and consequently hath singled out such as might seeme vnto him most easily answered : the other part also of his ass●rtion is false , that P. R. hath most ve●emently pressed & vrged against him these which he hath answered for that he presseth and vrgeth most the corruptions against Bellarmine , Azor , Sayer , Sotus , Cicero , Victoria , and others , which shall be set downe more particulerly in the next Chapter , and therby conuince M. Morton of ouerlashing in this behalfe . 3. Of all which M. Morton hath made heere no mention , and besides this , hath laid togeather in these fourteene , diuers of small weight and momēt , and some handled before vpon other occasions . As for example , about the place of Esay the 29. which was but lightly obiected vnto him for an ouersight . And the like in vrging verè for verò out of Carerius , brought in heere by him the third tyme to make vp a number . And the like about a citation of Dolman , that was handled before . His 12. obiection also in this Chapter about the succession of Protestāt Princes , and the 13. about an allegation out of Frisingensis , haue byn all handled before , and brought in by him againe and agayne , therby to make a shew , that he answereth to many things : wheras in truth , he answereth to nothing truly and substantially ; no , not indeed to the easiest of these , which heere he hath picked out , to shew his manhood in defending them . And yet he saith in the Preface of this Chapter , That he hopeth to giue such satisfaction to all , as that not only the wound of slaunder may be cured , but euen also the suspicious scarre of imputation may be wyped away . THE FIRST obiected falsity pretended to be answered by Thomas Morton §. I. IN the first front of his squadrō of 14. obiected falsities , chosen by him heere to be defended , he placeth a reprehension of mine , made vnto him in my Epistle dedicatory to the Vniuersities , for that in his Epist●e to the K. Maiestie of his Treatise , intituled A full Satisfaction , he vseth these calumnious words : Polidore obserueth ( saith he ) that the Popes a long time in their election , had their names changed by Antiphrase , viz. the elected , if he were by naturall disposition fearfull , was named Leo , if cruell , Clemens , if vnciuill , Vrbanus , if wicked , Pius , if couetous , Bonifacius , if in all behauiour intollerable , Innocentius &c. This speach as malicious and contumelious , & fraught with deceiptfulnes , I iustly reprehended ; noting by the way that he had cited no place in Polidore , wheras he hath written sundry books besides his histories . I noted also that diuers Kinges and Princes might haue names whose significations might be farre different from their qualities and actions : and that Popes , since the beginning of that custome of changing their names after their election , did not take names by antiphrase or contrariety of sense , as this man seditiously did insinuate , but for reuerence , commonly , of other holy Popes who pas●ed be●ore th●m , whose names they tooke , as I exemplified in many : and yet not hauing Polidore then by me ( I meane that worke of his de Inuentoribus Rerum ) I passed ouer diuers other pointes of deceiptfull sleightes in him , which I might haue vrged , and now must needes in part touch , for that to this accusation of myne , he hath nothing to answere in this his Reply , but this which ensueth . 5. First that albeit he cited not any certayne booke or place out of Polidores workes ; yet that the sentence reported by him vpon his memory , is found in Polidore his fourth booke de inuentoribus Rerum c. 10. which is intituled , De origine honorum qui Romano Pontifici hab●ntur , & de eius authoritate in omnes Ecclesias : of the beginning of the honors that are giuen to the Bishop of Rome , & of his authority ouer all Chu●ches . And albeit this obseruation of Polidore mentioned by M. Morton be not found in any of our Bookes , now commonly extant : yet , he saith , that they are in his booke of the edition of Basilea of the yeare 1570. and that two yeares after that by order of Pope Pius Quintus , the Index expurgatorius did put out these wordes , but he telleth not what Index it was , for I haue one containing both the Spanish & Flemish Index , wherin it is written about Polidore Virgil thus : Ex Indice Louaniensi quae in Polidoro Virgilio de rerum inuentoribus Basileae impresso anno 1544. in octauo , corrigenda sunt atque delenda . The things that are to be corrected , or blotted out in Polidore Virgil ( in his eight bookes ) of the first inuentors of things , which worke of his was printed at Basilea in octauo , vpon the yeare of Christ 1544. 6. Out of which wordes it may be presumed , as to me it seemeth , that vpon the said yeare of Christ 1544. whiles Polydore Virgil lyued yet in England , his worke de inuentoribus Rerum , though it were printed at Basile , where Protestant Religion was entred , yet this place of Polidor about changing of Popes names was not found , for that being both scandalous and vntrue ( as presently shall be shewed ) it is very like , or rather certaine , that this our Index expurgatorius would haue noted it at least , as it doth diuers other thinges , not only out of the same worke , but euen out of the same 4. booke and 2.3.4.5.6.7 . and 8. Chapters , and yet saith nothing at all of any thing of the tenth , where M. Morton saith this his obseruation is now found in his booke printed at Basile 1570. which was 26. yeares a●ter the former edition : wherof must needes be inferred , that either M. Morton dealeth not sincerely with vs ( which yet in this matter I will not bee so vnfriendly as to suspect ) or that his edition of 1570● ( which hitherto I cannot see ) hath receaued this addition about the Popes changing their names after the foresaid edition of 1544. which could not be from Polidore himselfe , who was dead before , but from some new merry brother of Basile , then hereticall , who to make sport , put it in for a merriment indeed , for so in the text it selfe he professeth that he wrote it in iest , though it pleaseth M. Morton to take it vp in earnest . 7. But let vs heare the wordes themselues which M. Morton setteth downe as found in his Polidore . Primus honos ( saith he ) Romano Pontifici habetur , vt si minùs pulchro honestetur nomine , ei statim creato liceat illud mutare : verbi gratia ( quòd non extra iocum dictum sit ) si homo maleficus antea fuerit , vt Bonifacius appelletur , si timidus , Leo , si rusticus , Vrbanus &c. This is the first honour giuen to the Bishop of Rome after his creation ( saith he ) that if his name be not fayre , he may chāge the same : as for example , ( which yet be not spoken but in iest ) if before he had byn perhaps an euill doer , he may be called Bonifacius , that is a good doer , if he had byn fearfull , then may he be called Leo , a lyon , if ●usticall , then Vrbanus , or ciuill &c. And the first Author ( or beginner ) of this custome is said to haue bin Pope Sergius the 2. whose name hauing bin before Os Porci , which signyfi●th the mouth of a hogge , it was permitted vnto him ( saith the suppos●d Polidore ) for auoyding the obscenity of his former name to change the same . 8. Thus much out of M. Mortons Polidore , wherof he vaunteth according to his fashion in these words : Although they haue made Polidore by their Index expurgatorius almost in euery page dumbe , not suffering him to beare witnesse against the pryde of Popes &c. yet our ancient Polidore now dwelling among Protestants printed anno 1570. Basileae , hath a tongue that will tell tales . So he . Speaking more truly then perhaps he imagineth that his Polidore in this poynt telleth meere tales indeed , and consequently , is no great iewell of antiquity to be bragged of , as dwelling now among Protestants . For now I haue shewed that in a more ancient edition then this by 26. yeares , this treasure so much bragged of by M. Morton , is not extant . 9. And as for the two pointes touched therin , the one a iest ( as himselfe tearmeth it ) about changing of names by antiphrase , the other of the first occasion therof by Pope Sergius , neither of them hath any sound subsistance at all : for that to speake first of the second , the narration of Platina in the life of Pope Sergius 2. who was chosen Pope vpon the yeare of Christ 844. that he being called first Os Porci , or Os-Porcius , changed his name into Sergius , himselfe proposeth the matter very doubtingly , saying : Sunt qui dicant , there are some who say , that Sergius 2. was called before Os Porci , and so changed his name Vt●unque sit , constat Sergium ex Illustri familia natum , howso●uer be it , it is ●uident that this Sergius was of a Noble Familie : so as heere Platina relateth it but as a report of some , and namely , as is thought , out of Martinus Polonus a simple credulous writer , as all learned men do know . 10. But further then this Onuphrius Panuinus a very learned man of our age , confuteth this tale much more effectually out of the history of Anastasius Bibliothecarius , that according to the accompt of Tritemius & other learned men , lyued in that very tyme when Pope Sergius did , and had chiefe care of the Roman Library , and wrote the life of this Sergius 2. and therin sheweth euidently where , & of what noble parents he was borne , how brought vp , by what meanes chosen Pope , and that before his Popedome he was called Sergius , and saith no word of changing of his name , nor of Os Porci , and yet he may be presumed to haue byn present at his election by the many particularityes which he setteth downe of the same . Besides it is to be noted , that Os Porci , or Os-Porcius is the surname of the family , which no Pope is wont to change , but only the Christian or proper Name , as when of late Hippolytus Aldobrandinus was called Clemens 8. he changed not the name of Aldobrandinus , but only of Hippolytus : and the like in other Popes , wherefore though the surname of Sergius had bin Os Porci , yet would he neuer haue changed that , but only his proper name . 11. The forsaid Onuphrius also in his notes vpon the life of Pope Iohn the 12. a noble Roman , called before Octauianus , who was chosen Pope vpon the yeare 955. ( more then a hundred yeares after Sergius ) sheweth by many arguments , that he was the first of the Popes that changed their names at their election . And Cardinall Baronius hauing found an old Epitaph written in marble in the Church of S. Iohn Lateran in Rome of Pope Sergius the fourth , chosen Pope vpon the yeare 1009. ( an other hundred yeares after the for●said Pope Iohn the 12. ) doth manifestly shew out of this Epitaph , that the said Sergius the fourth , being called Peter before , did out of the reuerence and respect he bare to that name leaue it , and tooke the name of Sergius , which was the cause why others , especially Martinus Polonus , mistaking one Sergius for another , did ascribe it to Sergius the second . 12. But howsoeuer this be ( as Platina before said ) concerning the first Author o● this changing of names , which litle importeth ; certayne it is that M. Morton did falsely & maliciously abuse this iest of Polidore , or of whom soeuer it be , about naming Popes by Antiphrase . Nor is he able to defend himselfe now , but rather as i● falleth out commonly in vntwisting of lies , he hath entangleth himselfe much more , or rather conuinced himselfe of open falsity . For first , he saith to his Maiesty , as now yow haue heard , that Polidore obserueth , that Popes for a long time in their election had their names changed by Antiphrase , viz. the elected if he were by naturall disposition fearfull , was named Leo , i● cruell , Clemens , if vnciuill , Vrbanus , if wicked , Pius &c. But now by the latin words of Polidore brought in by M. Morton himself , it appeareth that he saith not so ; to witt , that Popes for a long tyme had their names so changed by Antiphrase . Nay , he affirmeth it not of any one of all the whole ranke of Popes , but saith only ( and in iest ) that some might be so called by changing of names , not answerable to their dispositions . 13. This then is the first inexcusable vntruth , wittingly and willingly auouched to the Kings Maiesty , and now againe auerred to the Honour of my Lord of Salisbury , to whome , notwithstanding , he writeth in the Dedicatory Epistle of this Preamble , that he is content to vndergo all the crimes obiected against him , if it may be proued that he durst affirme an vntruth before his Lordship . But he that durst do it so confidently to the King , it may easely be presumed that he will dare it to the other also . And heere I must charge him to haue done it vnto them both , vntill he can defend himselfe . 14. His second falshood was , the leauing out of those words of Polidore , ( non extra iocum dictum sit , ) let not this be spoken by vs ( or be vnderstood to be spoken by vs ) but in iest ( or for a merriment : ) wherby the writer would signify , that this pleasant conceipt came into his head , that by this changing of names , such an Antiphrase , or contrariety of names and dispositions might be practised : which wordes if M. Morton had related in his first quotation of Polidore , the matter had bin well qualified of it selfe . But this made not for his purpose , which was to scoffe at Popes , and make them contemptible by the help of Polidore . And I doubt not , but that this was the cause , why he quoted neyther booke nor Chapter in that allegation , least we should haue found out this which now himselfe is forced to produce to his owne shame and condemnation . 15. But now perhaps the reader will demād what hath M. Morton answered to these two Chapters in this his Preamblatorie Reply ? Hath he cleered himselfe of falshood ? No , but rather doubled the same . For to the first this only he answereth : What haue I reported from Polidore ? viz. that Popes names were changed by Antiphrase or contrary speach , to couer their defectes , & this is no whit differēt from the testimony of Polidore , who saith that if the Pope were before his creatiō wicked , he did take the name of Godly vpon him , if rigorous , then Gentle &c. This is his defence . But we haue shewed now the same to be false : and it is conuinced out of the foresaid latin wordes of Polidore , who saith only , that by the liberty of changing names , there may such Antiphrases be brought in : but saith not that it was practised in any one . Liceat mutare ( saith he ; ) they may chāge their names if they will. This falshood then is doubled by himselfe , which is the first . 16. The second is of concealing or leauing out deceiptfully in his fir●t citation , the wordes of Polidore ( non extra iocum dictum sit ) let it not be spoken but in iest : wher vnto here now he answereth nothing in effect , but first with this interrogation , Can this be ought but a transcendent impudency to blame me for not citing that testimony which his Pope , least it might be cited● hath vtterly razed out ? But Syr , be more calme I pray yow , for you are not blamed for not cyting that which our Pope had commanded to be blotted out in our Copies , but for not cyting that which remayned in yours , & was willingly omitted by you ( as now it appeareth ) for that it made against you . This is then his first answere very cholerike as you see . His second is a certaine euasion by a sleightfull translation into English , wherby he seeketh to shift of the force therof , for thus he Englisheth it . As for example , saith he , ( which may not be spoken without a iest ) if peraduenture he had byn before a wicked man &c. which sleight euery man , that is but meanly learned in the latin tongue , will easely discouer . For that , non dictum sit cannot be fitly translated , it may not be spoken without a iest , but , let it not ●e spoken but in iest , wherin I remitt me to the sense of the text it self . So as about this second poynt M. Morton remayneth culpable two wayes , first in dissembling and suppressing this iest in his first booke , and now in seeking to auoyd the same by sleightfull translation . But let both trickes go vnder one , and so I make it but one falshood , which laid to the other before , do make two notorious vntruthes , wherwith I do charge M. Morton now againe in this his last Reply , and say they are vnanswerable . 17. As for that which he inveigheth against our Index expurgatorius , wherin he saith that our Popes doe , appoint what wordes shall be put out in mens bookes , as if they pulled out their tongues , least they should speake , it is not worth the answering . And I remember that I haue handled the matter els where against some of M. Mortons * fellowes . Good reasō , it must needs seeme in any reasonable mans iudgement , that such as professe themselues Catholiks , should be content , that if in any workes of theirs , any thing had escaped them , that eyther disagreed from the publike rule of faith , acknowledged by the whole Church , or were temerarious , scandalous , inconsiderate , or otherwise offensiue , should be censured and reformed by publike authority of the same Church . And he that hath not this humility and submission with him , is not worthy to be accompted a Catholike , or sonne of the Catholike Church . 18. And as for others that are not Catholicks , they rather gayne heerby : for that wheras their bookes that handle matters of religion , and are iudged to conteine inexcusable heresies , are wholy forbidden to be read by Catholiks , but with particuler licence : yet some other workes of theirs , that either treat not of that subiect , or do it so moderatly , as with paring and cutting of some exorbitant things that be most offensiue ; they may be made tollerable , and are permitted to remayne to posterity : and all this by the benefitt of this Index expurgatorius , which otherwise should be extermined with the rest , wherof almost infinite exāples may be seene in the Indices expurgatorij of euery Catholike Country , which permit bookes of hereticall Authors of all sorts , to be read commonly and publikely after they haue byn censured and reviewed in this sort , which is not done by the Pope himselfe , or by his particuler order , in this or that place , as M. Morton would seeme fondly to perswade his Reader , when he saith , that Anno Domim 1572. by the Authority of Pius Quintus the foresaid wordes of Polidor were commanded to be blotted out : and againe , which his Pope ( saith he ) vtterly razed out &c. but the same is performed by a Congregation of learned men in euery Nation by commission of the said Church and Head therof . 19. And I would demaund of M. Morton , or any indifferent man on his behalfe , if in England there were the like Congregation appointed of learned men to examine and censure bookes of their owne men , that are set forth , or after they be published , and are found to be so full of palpable vntruthes as these of his , and some other of his fellowes are , were it not a good prouidence , and more profitable both to their publike cause and priuate credit of the writers themselues , that some such reuiew should be made , than that euery man writing what he list without checke or controlement , do come after to shame their owne cause , by so many and manifest vntruthes laid open to the publike sight and laughter of the world , as in this and other bookes appeareth ? But this point of prouidence concerneth not me , and I haue mentioned it only by inforcement of M. Mortons importunitie . Let vs passe to the sebond imputation . THE SECOND Charge of wilfull falshood against M. Morton , and pretended to be answered by him , but poorely performed . § II. AFTER this first charge which he tooke vnto himselfe out of my Epistle Dedicatory , and hath so badly discharged , as you haue heard , with adding of new falshoods ; he taketh the second out of the fourth Paragraph of my second Chapter of the said Treatise of Mitigation , where I hauing reprehēded him for false accusing of Pope Sixtus Quintus , that he censured the late K. Henry of France , for this only crime ( as he auerreth ) for that himselfe being a Papist , yet fauoured the Protestants &c. concealing the two knowne murthers both of the Cardinall & Duke o● Guise , I do passe on to tell him of another egregious falsity about the feigned death of our English Pope Adrian by a fly in these wordes . The Charge . 21. And againe in the same place , or precedent page , he hath these words : Pope Adrian being guilty of like sedi●ious practice against the Emperour Henry the second , was choked with a fly . And in his quotation citeth Nauclerus for it , Generatione 139. which should be 39. for that Nauclerus hath nothing neere so many Generations in that part : and insteed of Henry the second , he should haue said Fredericke the first of that name , for that Henry the second was before the time of our Conquest , and almost two hundred yeares before Adrian the 4. our English Pope , of whom we now speake , who liued in the time of King Stephen , and King Henry the second of England , and was a holy man , and accompted the Apostle of Noruegia , for conuerting the same to our Christian faith , before he was Pope : and all Authors do write honourably of him , and so doth Nauclerus affirme ; and therfore though he maketh mention of such a fable related by Vrspergensis that was a Schismaticall writer in those dayes ( who also doth not absolutly auouch it , but with this temperament , vt ●ertur , as the report goeth ) yet doth the sayd Nauclerus reiect the same as false , and confuteth it by the testimonies of all other writers , especially of Italy that liued with him , & therby knew best both his life , and death . And yet ( said I ) all this notwithstanding will this false ladde T. M. needes set downe this history as true , affirming it for such , and neuer so much as giuing his Reader to vnderstand , that any other denyed the same , or that the only Author himselfe of this fiction doubted therof . And is not this perfidious dealing ? Or can any man excuse him from falshood and malice in this open treachery ? The pretended discharge . 22. This was the Charge . What doth he now answere for the discharge of this imputation ? First for a ground of euasion he saith , I do truly protest ( for the man is euery where full of protestations ) that I did not write this out o● the Author himselfe , which I had neuer seene , but from collection out of some other bookes . So he . Which though it be a thing litle standing with his owne credit to confesse ; yet in this protestation he must giue me leaue not easely to beleeue him , and this ●or two or three reasons . First , for that he hath made many protestations in his former bookes to God , the King , the L. of Salisbury , and others of true and sincere proceeding , and doth iterate the same heere againe in many places , and especially in the end of this Preamble , with great solemnity , vnder the names of new Chalenges , wherin notwithstanding I find him to haue practized the quite contrary to his protestations . 23. The second reason is , for that it is not probable that he hauing to lay so great and greiuous an accusation vpon our English Pope Adrian , held by the Christ●an world of his tyme for a holy and renowned man , and this vpon the only testimony of Nauclerus , he would presume to do it , without looking vpon the Author himselfe : or if he did , it must needes argue him of great temerity , and of the same crime that heere he would auoyd , to wit , of falshood , and malice , and perfidious dealing . For i● in England one should accuse another of murther or any other like greiuous crime , and that resolutly and affirmatiuely in publike iudgment ( as this was presented by him to the Kings Maiestie of England , and to all Englishmen besides in a printed booke ) and this only vpon hear-say , that some man had spoken it , and the man being in the Citty to be found out ( as Nauclerus booke was in London ) yet that he would not so much as seeke him out nor speake with him , but go presently to the Kinges Bench and accuse the other , and cause the arraignment to be made : and when the witnesse denied the same , he should excuse himselfe , saying , as M. Morton doth heere : It is true , and I do truly protest that I did neuer see the man , or speake with him , but framed my accusation vpon hear-say ; were not this sufficiēt to condemne this man of falshood , and malice ? 24. My third reason is , for that he set downe in the citation the very latin wordes themselues of Nauclerus thus : Hadrianus Pontifex excommunicationem Henrico secundo d●nūcians , ipse à D●o maledictus , a musca suffocatus est . Naucler . geuer . 139. Adrian the Pope pronouncing excommunication against the Emperour Henry the second , himself being cursed by God , was choked with a flye . Which wordes are not to be found in Nauclerus , as heere they lye , nor yet in Vrspergensis , out of whom Nauclerus reciteth this fable , but his wordes are these : Cumque venisset ad quenda● fontem , ha●sit et bibit , ac continuò , vt fertur , musca os cius intrauit &c. And when as he came to a certaine well , he tooke water , and drunke it , and presently , as it is reported , a fly entred into his mouth , & could not be gotten forth vntill he died . So Vrspengensis , saith Naucl●rus . And then refuteth it both by the testimonies of all Italian writers which he could read , & of Iohn Salisburi●nsis ( whome he calleth Falsboriensis ) who was familiar with Adrian himself , and testified his vertues . And if M. Morton had not seene nor read Nauclerus ( as heere to excuse himself he saith ) how did he presume to sett downe his latin wordes so precisely , as his reader could haue noe probable cause to doubt , but that they were his owne proper wordes ? VVas not this cra●tie perfidious dealing ? So as to me it seemeth , that M. Morton by this first part of this euasion which consisteth in his protestation that he he had not seene , nor read the booke , doth more intangle himselfe in the crimes of falsity and malice , which he pretendeth to auoyd , then if he had simply confessed the same . But let vs see the other parts of his Answere . 25 Secondly then he confesseth , that he erred in the misquotatiō of the Generatiō cited out of Nauclerus , to wit , 139. for 39. and goeth about to proue that there was no malice therin , which I easily graunt , nor did I obiect it as any corruption , but only aduised him of it as an errour . And therfore his long excuse of that matter , which was neuer vrged against him , sheweth that he seeketh occasions to intertaine himselfe , and to make a shew that he answereth somwhat , where in effect he saith nothing . 26. Thirdly , he confesseth that he should haue sayd Fredericke the first for Henry the second , against whome he accused Pope Adrian to haue moued sedition , and saith for his excuse : VVhat skilleth it whether it was Henry an Emperour , or Fredericke an Emperour that was excommunicated● wheras the intended conclusion was only this , that Adrian the Pope did excommunicate an Emperour , and conspired against him ? But this now is not so tollerable as the former excuse , no nor tollerable at all in a learned man , especially in an accusation of so great weight , wherin the accuser ought to be exact , and precise . M. Morton saith it importeth no more , then in an examinatiō of a murther , whether the wound were giuen by the right hand or by the left : but ●e is deceiued , or would deceiue in this : For that error personae is of another māner of weight in such kind of accusatiōs then M. Mort. would seeme to make . For if Thomas Haruey ( for example ) should be accused to haue murthered secretly Henry Denham , and that Thomas Harueys friends could proue that Henry Denham was dead two hundred yeares before Tho. Haruey was borne ( as Henry the second was very nere before Fredericke and Adrian ) should this import no more , then whether Denham were slaine with the right or with the left hand of Haruey , wheras he could not be slaine by him at all ? Heere then you see that matters are not exactly handled by M. Morton in this his false accusation of Pope Adrian . 27. Wherfore in the fourth place concerning the principall point it selfe of alleaging Nauclerus , as a witnesse of the disastrous death of Pope Adrian by a fly , he answereth litle or nothing to the purpose , for excuse of his guilfull dealing therin , though he turne himselfe many waies to get out . He saith , that though Nauclerus doth not affirme it , yet Abbas Vrspergensis , related by Nauclerus , doth . But why had not M. Morton mentioned Vrspergensis at the firs● ? and sincerly haue told his Reader that he did only relate the matter with this clause ( vt fertur ) as it is said ? Why , if he would haue dealt plainly , had he not confessed that Nauclerus did mislike and improue the said report , & that by the testimony of all Italian writers that he could read ? Nay , why doth he now againe , being taken in flagrante delicto , misalleage Nauclerus words after that he had seene and read him , saying : Verùm cùm multi Itali nullam de hoc mentionem faciunt &c. but wheras many Italians do make no mention of this , wheras Nauclerus true words are : Verùm cùm Itali , quos legere potui , nullam de hoc faciant mentionem , & Ioannes Flasboriensis alijque multam de Adriano reserant honestatem &c. But wheras the Italian writers , which I could come to see , do make no mention of this matter , & Iohn of Salisbury and other Authors do relate much good of Adrian , &c. Hae● et alia ambiguum me reddunt quid potiùs eligendum , quidùe credendum sit . Scribimus enim res gestas affectu nonnunquam plusquam veritatis amore ducti . Verùm vnum hoc adijcimus , Adrianū Virum ●uisse integrum &c. These and other such things do make me doubtfull , what were to be chosen , or what were to be beleiued . For that we do write other mens acts more oftentimes by affection , then led therunto by the loue of truth . VVhich wordes are euidently meant by Nauclerus , of Vrspergensis , taxing him that he wrote much of passion against Pope Adrian in behalfe of the Emperour Fredericke , with whome he held against the Pope , and that do the next ensuing wordes of Nauclerus shew which are cut of by M. Morton in relating them here , in his Preamble , Ver●m hoc adijcimus , Adrianum Virum ●uisse integrum &c. but we adde notwithstanding to this , that Pope Adrian was an irreprehensible man. So as in this small speach o● Nauclerus by vs now related , M. Morton insteed of Itali quos leg●re potui , reciteth his wordes to be , C●m multi Itali : he striketh out also Ioannes Flasboriensis alijque multam de Adriano re●erant honestatem : he addeth of his owne that he was maledictus à Deo : and finally he cutteth of the last of Nauclerus , which containe his owne iudgment . Adrianum Virum ●uisse integrum . So as , if now after he confesseth to haue seene Nauclerus , he doth relate him so corruptly , what great credit can be giuen to his former protes●ation , that he had not seene nor read him ? Or what importeth whether he saw him or no , for so much as he was resolute to corrupt him , and to make him speake no more nor lesse , then he would haue him to do , as now you haue seene . 28. So as to conclude this accompt , wee see that M. Morton in going about to cleere himselfe f●om this charge of treacherie , doth intangle himselfe with two or three other treacheries more . And last of all , not hauing what to say , runneth to a cōmon place , that foure other Popes are reported to haue had disastrous ends , to wit , Anastasius 2. Ioannes 10. Ioānes 12. & Vrbanus● . as if wee defended , that all Popes had good liues , or prosperous deaths , or that among our Kings of ●ngland & Scotland , who haue been peraduenture fewer then Popes , many lamentable ending● were not to be found : and yet may we not argue therof against the lawfullnesse of Kingly power , or due respect to be borne to their persons and places : or that it might be taken for an argument that God did abandon them and their dig●ity , for suffering them to dye disastrously , as this man would inferre of Popes . And finally how many Popes soeuer did dye vnfortunatly , this doth not excuse M. Morton in belying Adrian , and his Author Nauclerus , from which it seemeth that he cannot be excused . 29. And this in case all were true which he writeth of these other foure Popes , whom impertinently he bringeth in to accompany Adrian : but as in the one we haue found him manifestly false , so in these also you shall not find him exactly true , in any one thing lightly , that he saith of them , but still there must be some mixture of sleightfull tricks to disguise matters . And to help out the dye ( to vse his owne phrase ) he beginneth thus : But why should it be thought a matter incredible , that suth a dismall end should befall a Pope ? Whervnto I answere that the question is not whether it be incredible , that a dismall end may befall a Pope , but whether such an end as yow describe , did befall Pope Adrian , or no ? And whether you haue vsed true dealing in the manner of recounting the same ? 30. It followeth in your narration out of one of our Doctors ( as you say : ) Bene legitur Anastasium diuino nutu percussum interijsse : It is read that Pope Anastasius was stroken with the hand of God and perished , & you cite for it Ioannes de Turrecremata lib. de summa Eccles . de Anastasio . VVhich citation is so set downe , as I perswade my selfe , that at the next reply he will haue the like euasion as before in citing of Nauclerus , to witt , that he saw not the worke it selfe . For that Turrecremata doth not write only one booke de summa Eccles. as heere is insinuated , but foure , ech one of them hauing many chapters , and one only hath more then a hundred , which is this wherout this sentence is pre●ended to be taken . And yet doth M. Mortons citation specify neyther booke nor Chapter , w●ich allwayes you must imagin hath some mystery in it . He quoteth also de Anastasio , as though the Author had some such Chapter , wheras he only speaketh of this Pope Anastasius by way of answering certayne obiections about the cause of infallibility of not erring in the Bishop of Rome , when he is to decree any thing for the Church : wherabout some said , that albeit a Pope might fall into heresy , yet God would not permitt him to decree any thing hereticall , wherof an example was brought of this Pope Anastasius 2. that being inclined , as some thought , by instance of the hereticall Emperour ( of his owne name ) Anastasius then lyuing , to admitt vnto his communion the heretike Acatius , and expecting only for that purpose ( as was thought ) the returning of his legate Festus from Constantinople , God tooke him away before his returne . Turrecremata his wordes are these : Tertium etiam hic inducunt e●emplum de Anastasio , qui licèt voluerit reuocare Acatium , non tamen potuit , quia Diuino nutu percussus est . They bring in also heere a third example of Pope Anastasius , who albeit he had a will to recall the heretike Acatius , yet he could not do it , for that he was stroken by the hand of God and dyed . 31. This is all that ●urrecremata saith of the matter , which maketh much more for the preheminence of the Bishop of Rome , if you marke it , then any way against the same : for it sheweth that God hath such sp●ciall and particuler care of that Sea , and Pastor therof , as he will rather take him away then permit him to do any thing preiudiciall to the Church , which is the blessing , as we know of the elect , and dearly beloued of God , according to the saying of the Scripture : Placens Deo , ●actus dilectus , rap●us est , ne malitia mutaret intellectum eius , albeit I mu●t aduertise the Reader , that the whole current of other writers do deny this matter about the inclination of Pope Anastasius to recall Acatius , affirming that the said Aca●●us was dead diuers yeares before Anastasius was Pope , as do testify Nicep●orus Callix●us , Euag●ius , Anastasius Billiothecarius , Liberatus , Gelasius and others : all which , or the most , are nam●d in the first part of the Decree or * Gratian which is cyted also by M. Morton , and so if he looked vpon it , he abuseth vs greatly in dis●embling the matter : and if he did not , why doth he cite it ? And thus much of Anastasius , whome all writers commonly do hold for a very good man. And if any will see him further defended both for sanctity of lyfe , integrity of faith , and the remouing of this slaunder touching his death , let him see the learned discourse of Albertus a Pighius , Cardinall b Hosius , Doctor c Sanders , Cardinall d Baronius , Cardinall e Bellarmine , and others in the places heere cyted . All which M. Morton in his manner of playne dealing dissembleth , and passeth ouer , and alleageth only 4. or 5. words out of Turrecremata , which that Author proposeth only in the way of obiection , and not of as●ertion . 32. And as for the fable raysed about his suddayne death , it seemeth to haue beene taken by errour , and similitude of the name of Anastasius , of which name the hereticall Emperor being , that lyued with him , as before hath byn sayd , and being stroken suddaynly by death with a thunderbolt , as both Paulus Diaconus , Beda , Cedr●nus , and Zonaras do testifie , it fell out that the one was mistaken ●or the other , as diuers learned men are of opinion . 33. As for the other two Popes Iohn the 10. and Iohn the 12. as they were both violently intruded by fauour and force of friends into that Sea , and gaue no great edification in their liues , so no meruayle if ●hey had no very good ends . Albeit for so much as belongeth to Iohn the 12. otherwyse the 13. diuers Authors do defend him , and namely in our age Franciscus Ioannettus , citing both Otho Frisingensis , and Abbot Vrspergensis for the same . 34. The last of the foure , Vrbanustertius , whome M. Morton bringeth in as noted by Doctor Seuerinus Bin●us out of the testimony of Vrspergensis , that for sedition against the Emperour he was called Turbanus and died as stroken by the hand of God : true it is , that Binius relateth such a thing recorded by Vrspergensis , a Schismaticall Author , standing with the Emperor against the said Pope , but refuteth the same as false and malicious out of Platina , and other Authours , shewing how he died peacebly in his bed at Ferrara , for the sorrow he conceaued of the ouerthrow of the Christian army in the Holy Land , for preuenting wherof he had taken a iourney to Venice Anno Domini 1187. adding these words : Ita Platina de obitu optimi Pontificis , veriùs et melius sentiens quàm Schismaticorum fautor Vrspergensis . So writeth Platina of th● death of this excellent Pope , wherin his iudgment was truer , and better then the iudgment of Vrspergensis the fauourer of Schismaticks : which conclusion M. Morton according to his ordinary art of simplicity thought best to pretermit and conceale from his Reader : and yet to furnish his margent with sundry citations of Doctor Binius , as though he made for him . 35. And besides this testimony of Platina guylefully concealed , he dissembleth also two other Authors of greater antiquity of our owne Nation , to witt , Roger a Houeden , and b Neubrigensis , who both lyued in the same tyme when Pope Vrbanus did , and do write very honorably of his death , saying that when he hea●d the gri●uous calamityes happ●●ed at Hierusalem , dolu●t vehement●r , & incidit in aegri●udin●m , & mort●u●est apud Ferrariam : He ●eceyued ●xceeding griefe the●by , fell into s●cknesse , and so dyed at ●errara , which signifyeth both his piety in Gods cause , and the honourable cause of his d●ath . 36. Thus th●se two ancie●t Engl●sh writers to omit many other that do ensue . And now consider good R●ader the vayne vaunting of M. Morton● speach vpon this fiction : VVhat is now wanting ( saith he ) but an example of one Pope to be produced vpon whome the vengeance of God seiz●d , because of his re●el●ious opposition against temporall Lords ? This was Vrban the third ( saith Abbas Vrspergensis ) commonly called Turban &c. so little cause could I haue to wound my adu●rsaryes with forged inuentions , being thus sufficiently furnished , and prepared to con●ound them with true and playne conf●ssed t●stim●nyes . So he . And do you heare him how he croweth ? Hath he cyted any one Author but V●sp●rge●sis and Binius , wherof the later is expressly against him , as you haue heard , and fully ouerthroweth the former ? And haue not we alleaged three for his one to the contrary ? and may do thrice as many more of those that ensued the other , if we would stand vpon it ? How then is M. Morton so sufficiently furnished to con●ound vs with true and playne confessed testimonyes ? VVhere are they ? ●Vhat are their names ? When lyued they ? VVhere dwell they ? VVhy did he not bring them forth with the rest ? Is it not playne that Morton●elleth ●elleth wynd , and wordes , and vaunts for workes ? but let vs furnish him with testimonies to the contrary , of Authors who write right honourably of this Popes death . Let him read and consider what Sabellicus hath left written , Aenead . 9. lib. 5. What Cranzius , lib. 6. histor . Saxon. cap. 52. What Na●ul●●us , pa●te 2 , generatione 43. What VVe●ne●us in fas●●●●lo temporum a●tate 6. anno 1184. What Onuphrius Pa●●inus in vita Vrbani te●tij . What Ioanne●iu● in Chron. cap. 151. What Phili●pus in suppl●mento ●istoriarum anno 1186. What Carolus Sigonius lib. 15. de ●egno Italiae anno 1187. What Genebrardus in Chronico anno 1185. And finally what Blondus doth testifie lib. 6. de●ad . 2. anno 1181. whose wordes be these and may stand for all the rest that agree in the same : Orb●m Christianorum ( saith he , speaking of the life and death of this Pope Vrban the third ) de mittendis in Asiam copiis monuerat &c. Pope Vrbanus 3. aduertised the Christian world by an vniuersall decree to send forces into Asia , ( for recouering the holy Land ) the succes●e wherof when he saw to proceed more slowly and negligently , then the feruour of his hart desyred , he dete●mined to go in person to Venice , there by his presence , to draw togeather more aboundantly , and with greater speed a Christian army . VVherfore being arriued vnto Ferrara , and aduertised first by common rumour of an vnfortunate fight had with the Infidels , and then afterward vnderstanding more certainly the truth therof , he fell into such sorrow , as caused an Ague , and soone after death it selfe , through the force of griefe . 37. Thus wrote Blondus . And with him agree the rest of the Authors cited , & many others by me pretermitted . And now consider M. Mortons words , VVhat is now wanting ( saith he ) but an example to be produced of one Pope vpon whom the vengeance of God seized , because of his rebellious opposition against t●mporall Lordes ? Was it a vengeance of God to dye peaceably in his bed , through the feruour of holy desires to see the holy Land recouered ? But I will pose M. Morton no further in th●se matters , for that euery man seeth what necessity driueth him to speake and write so absurdly , as he doth . THE THIRD Charge of falshood against M. Morton , which he pretendeth to answere . §. III. IN the third place it pleaseth M. Morton to choose out another imputation of mine against him , in t●e same 2. Chapter , & 4. Paragraph of my booke , which is about the egregious abusing of a place of D. B●ucher the French-man De iusta abdicatione &c. th●rby to make all English Catholicks odious , as allowing his doctrine . The controuersy is clearly set downe in my reprehensiō of his fraud , expressed in these wordes . The Charge . 29. An other like tricke he plaieth vs some few pages before this againe , citing out of D. Bouchers booke , De iusta abdicatione these wordes : Tyrannum occidere honestum est , quod cuiuis impunè facere permittitur , quod ex communi consensu dico . And then he English●th the same thus : Any man may lawfully murder a Tyrant , which I defend ( saith he ) by common consent . But he that shall read the place in the Author himselfe , shall find that he houldeth the very contrary , to wit , that a priuate man may not kill a Tyrant , that is not first iudged and declared to be a publicke enemy by the common wealth . And he proueth the same at large , first out of Scriptures , & by the decree of the generall Councell of Constance : his wordes be these . Neque verò eo iure quod ad regnum , habet , nisi per publicum Iudicium , spoliari potest &c. Neither can a tyrant be depriued of that right which he hath to a Kingdome , but only by publicke iudgmēt : yea further also so long as that right of kingdome remayneth , his person must be held for sacred , wherof ensueth , that no right remaineth to any priuate man against his life . And albeit any priuate man should bring forth neuer so many priuate iniuries done by the said Tyrant against him , as that he had whipped him with iron rodds , oppressed him , afflicted him , yet in this case must he haue patience , according to the admonition of S. Peter : That we must be obedient not only vnto good and modest Lordes , but also vnto those , that be disorderly : and that this is grace when a man for Gods cause doth sustayne , and beare with patience iniuries vniustly done vnto him &c. 40. And in this sense ( saith he ) is the decree of the Councell of Constance to be vnderstood , when they say , Errorem in fide esse &c. It is errour in faith to hold ( as Iohn VVickliffe did ) that euery Tyrant may be slayne meritoriously by any vassall or subiect of his , by free or secret treasons &c. Thus writeth that Author , holding as you see , that no Tyrant whatsoeuer , though he be neuer so great a tyrant may be touched by any priuate man , for any priuate iniuryes though neuer so great , nor yet for publicke , though neuer so manifest , except he be first publickly condēned by the Commonwealth , which is an other manner of moderation and security for Princes , then the Protestant doctrine before rehearsed , and namely that of Knox vttered in the name of the whole Protestant congregation both of Scotland and Geneua : If Princes be tyrants against God and his truth , his subiects are freed from their Oathes of Obedience . So he . 41. And who shall be iudge of this ? The people : for that the people ( saith he ) are bound by oath to God to reuenge the ini●ry done against his M●iesty . Let Princes thinke well of this , and let the Reader consider the malicious falshood of this Minister T. M. who in alleag●ng that litle sentence before mētioned , about killing of a Tyrant , strooke out the wordes of most importance quem hostem Resp. iudicauerit : whome the common-wealth adiudged for a publick enemy , & adding that other clause , which I say by common consent , which is not there to be found : and with such people we are forced to deale that haue no conscience at all in cosenage : and yet they cry out of Equiuocation against vs , where it is lawfull to be vsed ; making no scruple at all thēselues to lie , which in our doctrine is alwaies vnlawfull for any cause whatsoeuer . Thus farre were my wordes of charge & reprehension to him in my former Treatise of Mitigation . The pretended discharge . 42. And now you hauing heard this large Inditement , it is reason you heare also what the prisoner at the barre can bring forth for informing the Iury to his discharge . You must stand attent , for he would gladly slyde away , vnder a veile of wordes . Wherfore first he layeth forth at larg the drift of D. Bouchers discourse , saying that he maketh a double consideration of a Tyrant : one , as he doth any iniury to any priuate man , and that for this he may not be slaine of a priuate man : the other , as he doth commit publicke iniurie and violence either in case of religion , or the ciuill state , and this Tyrant may be slaine by the common wealth ; yea also and by any priuate man , when the common wealth hath declared him for a publicke enemy . And then he inferreth thus for himselfe : VVe see now that Boucher hath def●nded , both that no priuate man may kill a Tyrant for priuate iniuries done against priuate men , and also , that any priuate man may kill a Tyrant for common iniuries . I haue alleaged the later , and P. R. hath opposed the former , both of vs haue affirmed a truth , where then is the falshood ? Thus seeketh M. Morton to escape , and goeth about by two similitudes to confirme this manner of answering . The first , that if an Esquire haue a sonne that is a knight , he shall sit aboue him in publike meetings , but not in priuate : that is , that he shall fit aboue him , and not sit aboue him , and so Christ commaunding ( ●aith he ) that we should do as the Pharisies did ordaine , but not as they did in their lif● & manners : he willed vs to do , & not to do as the Pharisies do , in different respects and senses &c. And thus thinketh to haue quitted himselfe learnedly by a distinction , for that as he saith the selfe same Tyrant may be killed , and not killed by a priuate man , in regard of publicke or priuate iniuries . 43. But this euasion is ouerthrowne by the words & whole discourse of Doctor Boucher now alledged , for that he speaketh not only against killing a Tyrāt for priuate iniuries by a priuate man , but also in publicke iniuries : for so doth shew his allegation of the Decree of the Councell of Constance that condemned as an errour in faith to hold with Iohn VVickcliffe , that euery Tyrant may be slayne meritoriously by any vassall or subiect of his , by open or secret treasons , which is vnderstood , as well for publicke as priuate iniuries . 44. But it is graunted by D. Boucher , saith M. Morton , that when the common wealth hath condemned and declared any Tyrant for a publick enemy , he may be slaine by a priuate man. Wherto I answere , that then he is no priuate man , for that he doth it by a publike authority of the Common Wealth , as doth the ex●cutioner , that cutteth of a Noble mans head , by order and authority of the publicke Magistrate : so as in this M Mor●ons distinction se●ueth him to no purpose , for that neither for priuate or publicke iniuries can a priuate man , as a priuate man , that is to say , by priuate authoritie kill any Prince though he were a Tyrant for any cause either priuate or publicke whatsoeuer . So as in this principall charge M. Morton remaineth wholy conuicted as you see . 45. There do rest the two other wings of falshod obiected vnto him : the first , that he stroke out the wordes of most importance frō D. Bouchers discourse , which made the matter cleare , to wit , quem hostem Respublica iudicauerit , whome the Common-wealth hath adiudged for a publicke enemie , him may a priuate man kill : and the second , that he addeth the other clause of his owne that are not found in Bouchers wordes , VVhich I say by common consent . The first of these two falshoods he would excuse by saying , that albeit that D. Boucher in the place before alleadged , out of his third booke , doth set downe this position with the foresaid restriction , priuato etiam cuiuis Tyrannum quem hostem Respub . iudicauerit , occidere licitum esse : that it is lawfull also to any priuate man to kill a Tyrant , whome the Commonwealth hath iudged for a publike enemy , ( for then he doth it not by priuate authority : ) yet that in his fourth booke he hath a whole Chapter to proue , that in some vrgent cause the matter may be preuented , as when the thing is so notorious , instant , and perilous , as the said publicke iudgement cannot well be expected , and may be presumed , as graunted , especially ( saith he ) in po●na priuatiua in priuatiue punishment , that is to say , when subiects in punishmēt of open and manifest tyranny do withdraw their due respect and obedience , by seeking only to defend themselues : though not in positiua , in positiue punishment of actuall rebellion or warre offensiue . But this doth not any way satisfy the falshood obiected in striking out thes● wordes in the former booke & place , where D. Boucher set them downe for declaration of this doctrine , that a priuate man was not licenced to kill a Tyrant by his owne priuate authority : for when Subiects are forced to vse this way of preuention by armes defensiue , before the common-wealth can make publicke declaration ; in such cause they do it not , as priuate men , but as the body of the Common-wealth : So as considering what heere is in question , he must needs be condemned of a nihil dicit , if not also of ●alsum dicit . 46. And the very like may be said about the second accessory vntruth , for adding the wordes ( which I say by common consent , ) for excuse wherof he runneth to the other Chapters wherin he saith that D. Boucher auoucheth , Mirum esse in affirmand● consensū , there is wōderfull cōsent in allowing this doctrine , and then in another Chapter , that he who denieth this ( that he sayth ) is destitute of common sense : But these are of other matters and spoken vpon other occasiōs and not annexed to the former sentence of D. Boucher , produced and corrupted by M. Morton , and consequently they are mere impertinent euasions , that do more confirme and establish , then any way remoue the fraudes and falshoods obiected against him . And so much of this matter , which would grow ouer long , if we should prosecute the same , as M. Mortons manner of answere would inuite vs. THE FOVRTH Charge of falshood pretended to be answered or rather shifted of by M. Morton , and cast vpon R. C. §. IIII. AMONG other examples that I alleaged of M. Mortons spirit in dealing vnsincerely by calumniating our Catholicke writers , therby to get some shew of aduantage against them , and the Catholick cause , I produced a place out of M. VVilliam Reynolds his booke de Reipublicae authoritate , most notoriously abused and peruerted to make him seeme to abase the authority of Kings , and Princes in that very place where M. Reynolds did specially imploy himselfe in aduancing their dignity : I shall heere lay forth the fraude ; you shall iudge what manner of consciences these men haue , and whether they defend their cause as a cause of truth or no. This then was my former reprehēsion about his dealing in this point . The Charge . 48. In his booke of Discouery pag. 8. hauing set downe this false proposition , that all Catholick Priests did pro●esse a prerogatiue o● the people over all Princes , for proo●e therof he cy●ed this position of M. Reynolde● in the place aforsaid , Rex human● creatura est , quia ab hominibus consti●uta : and englisheth it in this manner , a King is but a creature of mans creation , where you see first that in the translation he addeth , but , & mans creation of himselfe , ●or that the latin hath no such aduersatiue clause as , but , nor , creation , but rather the word constitution . Secondly these words are not the words of M. Reynolds , but only cited by him out of S. Peter , and thirdly they are alleaged heere by Thomas Morton to a quitte contrary sense from the whole discourse and meaning of the Author , which was to exalt and magnify the Authority of Princes , as descending from God , and not to debase the same as M. Reynolds is calumniated to say . For proofe heerof whosoeuer will looke vpon the booke and place it selfe before mentioned , shall fynd that M. Reynolds purpose therin is , to proue , that albeit earthly Principality , power and authority be called by the Apostle , humana creatura : yet that it is originally from God , and by his commandement to be obeied . His words are these : Hinc enimest &c. Hence it is , that albeit the Apostle do call all earthly principality a humane creature , for that it is placed in certayne men ( from the beginning ) by suffrages of the people : yet election of Princes doth flow from the law of Nature , which God created , and from the vse of reason , which God powred into man , and which is a litle beame of diuine light drawne from that infinite brightnes of Almighty God : therfore doth the Apostle S. Paul pronounce , that there is no power but from God , and that he which resisteth this povver resisteth God himsel●e . So M. Reynolds . 49. In which wordes we see that M. Renoyldes is so farre of from debasing Kings in this his discourse or subiecting them vnto the people , as he doth both extoll & magnifie their dignity , as proceeding frō God himselfe , and reconcileth togeather the speach of P. Peter , calling a King a humane creature , with the wordes of S. Paul , pronouncing it to be of God , and vnder payne of damnation to be obeyed . And can there be any more vntrue dealing then this ? Let vs see then how M. Morton will heere discharge himselfe : you shall see him somwhat more humiliated then before ( would God to his conuersion , and not to his greater obduration and confusion : ) and yet will he in any case defend & not amēd his error : for thus he procedeth . The pretended discharge . 50 This Allegation is ( saith he ) of all which yet I haue foūd most obnoxious , and alliable vnto taxation ; which ( God knoweth that I lye not ) I receiued frō suggestion , as the Author therof R. C. can witnesse . For at that time I had not that Rosaeus , aliâs Reynolds , neither by that present importunity of occasions could seeke after him , which I confesse , is greatly exorbitant : for I receiued it as a testimony debasing the authority of Kings . So he . And truly when first I read the beginning of this answere , and heard him so earnestly , and solemnly to protest before God that he receyued this fraud against M. Reynolds by suggestion , I imagined he would haue said of the Diuell , for that he cōmonly is the proper suggestour of all such vniust and wicked calumniations : but when I saw the letters of R. C. follow insteed of the Diuell , I began to muse and thinke with my selfe whether there were any Diuell of that name or no , or if it were no Diuell himself , what instrument or chosen seruant of Sathan it might be , that had made this false suggestion , which M. Morton himselfe confesseth heere to be greatly exorbitant from the truth , and insteed of one thing to haue suggested the quite contrary , & that wittingly against his conscience ; yea with a double malice as may seeme . The first to calumniat● M. Reynolds , and Catholike doctrine by him : and the other to disgrace M. Morton , by making him put in print so notorious a lye and corruption . 51. But when afterwards I was aduertised by some that would seeme to know the mistery , that R. C. did signify Ri. Can. I was driuen into a farre greater me●uaile , how M. Morton could be permitted to publish such a matter in print ( the thing hauing to pas●e the view of R.C. his officers ) and how he could presume to haue more care of his owne credit , then of the others that is his head and Chiefteyne ? For as a scarre the more higher it standeth in the forhead , the more deformity it worketh to the whole body : so such a notorious cryme of wilfull falsification being proued to be in the Head it self , euen by the asseueration and testimony of so principall a member of the same Head , cannot be but very disgracefull to the whole body : though it may be that M. Morton being the party most interessed , might pretend in this , not only his owne personall defence , in this particuler escape , but a protection also more generall heerby for all Ministers to vse this art with lesse reprehension , when the Head of Ministers should be conuinced to vse the same with such liberty and lacke of conscience , especially in a matter so odious , preiudicious and calumnious to all the ranke of Catholiks . I do confesse ( saith M. Morton ) that it is greatly exorbitant , for I receyued it as a testimony debasing the authority of Kings . And from whome ? From R. C. But did he gather it himselfe ( thinke you ) or did he take it also by tradition of others & vpon credit as you professe your selfe to haue donne ? The later were disgracefull : the first hatefull . For if he looked vpon the Authour himselfe he must needs see , that M. Reynolds drift was to aduance Kingly authority , and not to debase it : and therfore for R. C , to sett downe the quite cōtrary , and make another to print it also with his allowance and approbation , was a double or triple iniquity . And surely if the like may be proued in any Prelate of ours , let him haue for pennance neuer to be trusted after , which is the greatest satisfaction that I would wish to be exacted of R. C , if he acknowledge this accusation of M. Morton for true . 52. But now , though this charging of R. C. be some disburdening to T. M. that he inuented not the slaunder of himselfe : yet doth it not wholy free him frō all falshood in the matter . For he should not haue yealded to the false suggestion , nor● e● admitted so vniust a temptation : for supposing that R. C. would needes play the part of the tempting and lying serpent , yet ought T. M. not to haue followed the frailty of the credulous & infirme womā : & although R. C. had deliuered vnto him the note so ba●ely , as he puteth it downe , out of M. Reynolds , to wit , Rex humana creatura est , quia ab hominilus cōstituta : yet could not M. Morton but remember , that the effect therof was in the Epistle of S. Peter , and that in no sense it could be truly Englished as he doth , A King is but a creature of mans creation : both for that the word ( but ) which is a particle aduersatiue or exclusiue , is not to be found in the latin wordes of M. Reynolds : nor could it stand in any reasonable good meaning , that a Kings authority is nothing els but a humayne creature , as though it had no dependance or causation from God. Wherfore as there was great malice in the suggestor of this false imputation : so was there no lesse want of truth in him that so willingly yealded to so bad and false a suggestion . But what saith he heere for his defence ? This which now ensueth . 53. Vpon this presumption , saith he , ( if true , ) ( to wit , that M. Reynolds had spoken to the debasemēt of Kings authority as he did not , but to the contrary ) it could be no falshood in me , to insert the particle ( but , ) especially being acquainted with the doctrine of Cardinall Bellarmine , who that he may disable the authority of a King in comparisō of the dignity of a Pope , doth defend , ●hat Kings , being chosen by men , are not immediatly created by God : and yet , the Pope elected by Cardinalls , hath his authority immediatly from God. 54. Wherto I answere , that well he might say so , for that Christ both God and man did institute in particuler , and immediatly the Supreme Authority of S. Peter , and his successors , when he gaue to him , and by him to them the keyes of heauen , but he i●stituted not the Authority of Kings immediatly , but left to each people to be gouerned by what sort of gouernment they best liked : albeit , that where that forme of gouernment , or any other ( as of Dukes , Common-wealth , or the like ) was once lawfully introduced , he commanded due obedience to be performed therūto . So as though we may truly say , that Kingly Authority is immediatly but from man ; yet can we not say , that a King is but a creature o● mans creation , for that this includeth both immediatly and mediatly , which is false : For that kingly Authority is the creature of God mediatly and originally ; for that God giueth power to the people to chuse him , with commandement to obey him when he is chosen , and it is the creature of man immediatly , for that by choice of men that dignity is appointed in some Coūtries , and not in other , which is not so in the Popes , and their Authority . For though their persons be chosen immediatly by Cardinalls , that are men , as here M. Morton obiecteth : yet is not their office , power or authority chosen or appointed by those men as in Kinges , but immediatly by God. So as this hole will not serue M. Morton to runne out at , or to excuse his fraudulent thrusting in of the word ( but ) that peruerted the whole sentence of his aduersary . 55. And yet is it further to be considered by the Reader● that all which heere he hath said for his excuse therin , is but vpon a supposition , that this sentence in M. Reynolds did tend to the abasing of Kings Authority : which suppositiō being t●ue●●aith he ) it could be no falshood in me to insert the particle ● but● ) which I haue shewed to be●alse . For that albeit we admit the supposition to be true , that M. Reynolds intention was in that place , to preferre the Popes authority before the Kings , in that it is immediatly from God● and the other mediatly only : yet that the sentence of S. Peter could not admit the inserting of the particle ( but ) without falshood . 56. But now this supposition is not true but false that M. Reynolds pretended that , in the place alleaged , but the quite contrary , as was deliuered in my reprehension : and M. Morton hauing seene the place before the making of this his last Reply , & therupon made his protestation which you heard , saying , God knoweth that I lye not , but receiued it from suggestion of R. C● yet this notwithstanding he maketh all his defence out of a supposed presumption , saying : If it be true ( sayth he ) then it could be no falshood in me : but now being proued and graunted not to be true , it must needes follow that it was a falshood in him . And this is the substantiall manner of clearing himselfe . 57. Lastly he frameth to himselfe an obiection , & seeketh to intertaine time by answering the same to no purpose in the world , for thus he saith . I know that P. R. may possibly insist , that he cited the text o● S. Peter 1. Pet. 2. who calleth a King or Gouernor constituted by man , humanam creaturam , a humane creature , and then how could those wordes be reprehensible in M. Reynolds , which are warrantable by S. Peter ? This is his obiection , which indeed hath no solution : for that the wordes being taken out of S. Peter , and vsed by M. Reynolds in S. Peters sense , and to ●he same end that S. Peter did , as heere ●s both proued and confessed , th●y can haue no reprehension , except we will reprehend the Apostle himselfe , and consequently they were absurdly brought in by M. Morton against M. Reynolds as picking a quart●ll where none was . 58. But to this M. Morton answereth , that the selfe same sentence may be vsed by diuers in seuerall senses , laudably in the one , and reprehensibly in the other , as haile Maister was to Christ by the Disciples , and by the Pharisies , and , thou art the Sonne of God by S. Peter , and by the Diuell , & so it might haue bene presumed ( saith M. Morton ) that M. Reynolds vsed S. Peters wordes , but not in S. Peters sense . And let the Reader obserue that he saith that it might haue be●ne presumed , to wit , when R. C. did falsely suggest it so , but now that M. Morton hath seene , and read the place both in my reprehension heere set downe , & in M. Reynolds himselfe , and hath found that he vsed this place in the very sense of S. Peter for exalting the Kings authoritie ; yea in the sense of M. Morton here set downe , saying : Let euery Christian learne that , that Gouernour whome S. Peter calleth a creature of man , S. Paul calleth the Ordinance of God. If this I say be so , how can M. Morton excuse himselfe from a grosse malicious falshood , in that he obiected this sentence in his Discouery against M. Reynolds , as though therby he had debased Princes Authority ? Heare I pray yow his last shift . Though not the place alleaged ( saith he ) yet the scope of M. Reynolds whole booke doth conuince him of rebellious doctrine , as will more plainly appeare in the Encoūter . Marke now whither he is fled . He confesseth , that in the place alleadged by M. Reynolds ( wherabout only standeth our controuersy ) his dri●t was not to debase , but exalt Princes Authority , and consequently he must graunt , that he abused him in that crimination . But he saith , that the scope of his Booke is otherwise , which he deferreth to proue vntill he make his larger Encounter , which I suppose will require a large tyme : and in the meane space we haue both by our euiction and his owne confession , that he be●ied M. Reinolds in this accusation , and fraudulently also put in the particle ( but ) to make it seeme more heynous and odious , especially to his Maiestie , whome both he & R. C. purposed to incense by this their false cōspiracy against vs , and our whole cause , vsing such inuentions of their owne for our assertions ; then which manner of proceeding nothing can be more malicious or wicked . And it being once discouered to his Maies●y by so authenticall witnesses as are the confessions of these two Ministers so cōbyned togeather , may iustly moue his Maiesty not so ●asely to belieue hereafter , what is presented by such people vnto him . And now to the sequent imputation , for this is not only not put of , but confessed and confirmed , as you haue seene . THE FIFTH Imputation of lying pretended to be answered by M. Morton , or rather by M. Stocke for him . §. V. NEXT vnto this M. Mort. culleth out of my book some dozen pages after the former , an imputation of false dealing about certaine places cited out of the Canon law . My reprehension of his said false dealing is set downe in these wordes . But will you heare a case or two more out of the Canō law , how dextrous Syr Thomas is in corrupting that which he loueth not , nor seemeth well to vnderstand ? You may read in the fourth page of his pamphlet an ancient decree ( for so he calleth it ) alleaged by him out of Gratian in the Glosse , determining , that though a man hath sworne to pay money to one that is excōmunicated , yet is he not bound to pay the same , & he alleageth the latin text thus : Si iuraui me soluturum alicui pecuniā qui excōmunicatur , non ●eneor ei soluere : If I haue sworne to pay money to any mā that is excommunicated , I am not bound to pay it , adding this reason , quia qualiter cumque possumus , debemus vexare malos , vt cessent à malo : We ought to vexe euill men by what meanes soeuer we may to the end they may cease from doing euill . In the allegation of which little text a man would hardly belieue how many false tricks there be to make Catholicke doctrine to seeme odious and absurd . For first these wordes not being found in any text of law , or decision of any Pope or Coūcell , but only in the Glosse or commētary , they ma●e not any anciēt or moderne decree , as the Minister falsely auouch●th , but rather shew the opinion of him who writeth the Commentary , if his wordes were as heere they are alleaged . 60. But the truth is that the wordes of the Glosse cōteyne only a certaine obiection , vpon a clause of a Canon , cōcerning promise to be obserued to one that is exōmunicated , after the promise was made : and the obiection or doubt is made in these wordes by the Author of the Glosse or Commentary : Sed quid dices , si iuraui &c. But what will you say , if I haue sworne to pay money to any persō , or haue promised the same vnder some forfeiture , and in the meane space , he , to whom I made the promise , is excommunicated , am I bound to pay the same or not ? This is the question : and then he argueth on both sides , and first for the negatiue , Vi●etur quòd non , It seem●th I am not : for the Canon law saith causa 23. q. 6. That we ought to afflict wi●kedmen by all meanes possible , to the ●nd they may cease from their wickednesse . So he● alledging diuers other arguments for the same opiniō , but yet afterwards comming to glue his owne resolution he saith thus : Verius credo , quòd licèt ill● non habeat ius petendi , tamen debet et solui : I do belieue the truer opinion to be , that albeit he , that is so excommunicated , do leese his right to demaund his money yet is the other bound to pay him . And for this he citeth diuers lawes and reasons , therin mentioned , as namely Extrau . de iure debitoris , & Extra . de senten . Excom . Si verè & 11. q. 3. Cum excommunicato . 61. So as heere our Minister , not of ignorance but of falshood , taketh the obiection for the resolution , as Pl●ssis Mo●nay did in his booke against the Mas●e , where he would proue , that S●otus , Durand , and other Schoole diuines did doubt of the Reall presence , and transubstantiation , for that hauing proposed the question , they began to argue for the negatiue part , saying : Videtur quòd non , though afterwards they resolued the contrary , and solued the argument . And the very like doth our Minister heere , calling this obiection of Videtur quòd non , not only a resolution but an ancient Decree . Secondly , there is willfull deceipt in leauing out the first wordes of the Author , Sed quòd dices , si iuraui ? But what will you say , if I haue sworne ? which doe plainly shew that it is but an obiectiō . Thirdly that he alledgeth the reason of the obiection , Quia quali●ercumque possumus &c. for the reason of the solution , which is false : for that the resolution is made against that reason . Fourthly , the true resolution of the Commentor is vtterly concealed , and a contrary determination by him impugned set downe , and this not as a priuate opinion , but as an ancient decree of the law and Canon it selfe . Consider I pray you how many fraudes and falshoodes there be in one litle quotation , and what a volume I should be in●orced to make , if I would examine exactly such a multitude of citations , as he quoteth against vs. Thus farre wrote I at that tyme in my Treatise of Mitigation : now let vs see how M. Morton will quit himselfe heerof . He beginneth his discharge in these wordes . 62. My aduersary , P. R. ( saith he ) may satisfy himselfe for me , who a litle afte● concerning this same allegation of this Authority hath said , that , It may seeme to import that he ( T. M. ) scarce read the bookes thems●lues , but cited the same out of some other mans notes . Heere , we see , in his vehement crimina●ion of malitious falshood , he hath inserted a charitable and true diuination of my integrity . I am glad to see in the mingling of a poūd of worme-wood , and ten ounces of gall , he had the grace to let fall this drame of sugar , and that so seasonably . For the truth is , that I tooke vp these allegations of Gratian vpon credit , & therfore returne these peeces vnto him , of whome I receiu●d them , who is to proue them currant , and to satisfy for himselfe . So M. Morton . 63. Wherby we may see , first how doughty a man M. Morton is to be a publike writer , when so often he is forced either to cōfesse that he neuer saw the Authors which he citeth , or that he tooke them vp by credit or borrowing of others : we may see also how poore men in substance our Ministers are , who for some shew of defence of their bad cause , and for some ostētation or rather calumniation against Catholicks they ioine their labours togeather like emmitts , the one to carry straw , the other earth , the other some more contemptible matter to make a cōmon treasure , out of which euery man may take for furnishing himselfe : but yet when it cōmeth to be handled and weighed , it proueth nothing but drosse , euery one of them following rather his preiudicate passion & appetite in making his collections , then the truth or substance of the things he gathereth together : and wheras he taketh so kindly the dram of sugar , that I l●t fall , in saying , that it seemed that he scarce read the books which he citeth against vs , I cannot but be delighted with his gratitude : yet if he had set downe my whole words , they had some worme-wood ●lso in them : for I say , that this fau●t we●e more pardonable , if he did not vse fraud in like manner in the things themselues deduced by him f●om those m●salleadged authorities , as you shal heare in the next imputation . 64. Now then finding himselfe pressed in such so●t as he cannot tell which way to turne for defending his credit , he is forced to make recourse to stockes aud stones , blockes and bones , ( as their phrase is , of our recourse to intercession of Saints and honouring of their reliques ) that is to say , he is constrained to referre vs ouer to one M. Richard Stocke a brother-Minister of his , and digni●ied by him in the margent with the title of a learned Preacher of London . This Stocke then being a bad storehouse of such as write against vs to furnish them with false wares , lent M. Morton the places , or rather deceaued & abused him with them , as Ri. Can. did before , which Stocke acknowledgeth the matters & beginneth his recognisance thus : I Richard Stocke brought this allegation with some others to the Author of the Discouery &c. And can there be any thing more ridiculous then this , when one Minister is brought in to help out another in matter of false dealing . If I would bring in a Colloquium here betweene M. Morton and M. Stock about the defence of this place for sauing mutually their honesties , should I not haue other manner of matter for an interlude the M. Morton framed to himselfe before out of his fingers ends betweene the Moderate Answerer , and the Mitigator . 65. But I meane not to spend time in such trifles : only I would haue the iudicious Reader in earnest to consider , that if M. Morton either of himselfe or with the help of his creditor M. Stocke , that lent him the falsified authorities before alleadged against Catholickes , could any way in the world with any probable shift haue answered the said falsities himselfe though neuer so slenderly ; it may be presumed that for his credits sake he would haue done it rather in his owne name , then haue confessed his pouerty , or rather patchery in borrowing it of another , and much lesse would he haue sent vs to M. Stocke for answere therof , but rather would he haue taken Stockes direction , & haue deliuered the same as frō himselfe , if any way he had foūd it to be sufficiēt for some probability of truth ? But indeed they cōferring matters togeather , and examining the places , and finding that they were both of them taken in a false measure , the one for lending the false authority , the other for borrowing and abusing ; they concluded like good fellowes & frends to deuide the shame betweene them , M. Morton for his beggarly borrowing and deceiptfull vsage of that which he had borrowed , and M. Stocke for his fraudulent lending of that which was not true , nor verifiable . 66. Let vs come then to the tryall how both ioyning togeather , do indeauour ech one for his part to satisfie my former charge . There be foure or fiue points of falsity obiected to them as you haue heard . The first , that M. Morton in his Discouery auerred ( & repeated the same afterward againe in his full Satisfaction ) that it is an ancient decree of the Canon law , that Catholickes are not bound to pay debts vnto hereticall creditors , notwithstanding they haue sworne to do it . And for this he citeth thus : Apud Gratian● causa 15. q. 6. cap. 4. yet cited he no particuler Canon but only certaine wordes in latin found in a Glosse vpon the 4. Canō that beginneth Nos Sanctorū &c. but so fraudulently patched togeather by M. Morton , or by his Creditor M. Stocke , as where the said wordes lye not togeather , nor are spoken by the Glosse to one purpose but to quite contrary and opposite senses , M. Morton alleadged them as appertaining to one & the same effect : the wordes are before set downe : Si iuraui me soluturum &c. and the different fraudes and falsities therin vsed haue byn before displayed . Now only we must see how M. Stocke ( the Champion or vndertaker ) can defend himselfe about the first point , whether there be an ancient decree or no , for not paying debts to excommunicate persons , which both he , and his borrower M. Morton are bound to bring forth vnder paine of discredit , for that the wordes of any Glosse do not proue a Canonicall decree , nor do these heere alleadged , Si iuraui me soluturū , make to that purpose but expresly to the cōtrary that a man is bound to pay , as hath bene declared . How then are these two first pointes answered of falsifying a decree , and peruerting the Glos●e ? Let vs heare the new aduocate M. Stocke speake for himselfe . 67. This allegation ( saith he ) with some others , I Richard Stocke brought vnto the Author of the Discouery , which P. R. challengeth to be maliciously cited , partly for that the wordes of the Glosse were only set downe , when the decree is mentioned , wherin I conceiue P. R. complayneth no otherwise , then one , who being smitten with the scabbard , should complayne that he was not strucke with the sword : So he , because T. M. talked of the decree , and vrged only the Glosse . For the decree is farre more playne against them then the Glosse . Nos sanctorum praedecessorum statuta tenentes , eos qui excommunicatis ●idelitate aut Sacramento constricti sunt , Apostolica Authoritate à iuramento absoluimus : & ne sibi fidelitatem obseruent , omnibus modis prohibemus , quousque ipsi ad satisfactionem veniant . This is the Decree , which in the generall carrieth as much or more , as is set downe by him , and so cleareth him from any malice in this point . So M. Stocke . 68. But as for malice , we shall treat afterwards . Now wee are to see how he hath beaten vs with both the sword & scabbard , that is , both with the Canon or Decree it selfe of Gregory the 7. Nos Sanctorum : as also with the scabbard , which is the Glosse vpon that Canon : and for this later we haue proued before , that being peruerted & manifestly corrupted by M. Morton , quite contrary to the sense , wordes , and meaning of the writer , who saith , and proueth the quite opposite to that which he was made say by M. Morton : though it be but a scabbard ; yet hath it wounded and broken M. Mortons head , and M. Stockes also , if he had part in the corrupting therof . 69. As for the sword it selfe which is the Canon Nos Sanctorum heere alleaged , M. Stocke himselfe confesseth , that it striketh not vs in particuler in determining any thing about or against paying of debts to excommunicate people , and therfore he maketh his inference thus : This is the Decree which in the generall carrieth as much or more as is set downe . Marke that he saith , that it carrieth as much in generall : but generalities are not sufficient to auouch particulers . This Canon doth prohibite obedience to be exhibited to excommunicate persons vntill they do conforme thēselues : it speaketh nothing of debts : how shall we try it ? First by the wordes themselues , wherin there is no mention at all of debts : and for that cause it is probable that M. Stocke was ashamed to English them , as M. Morton before to recite them . Secondly by the Cōmentary or Glosse , whose wordes are plaine Licèt excommunicatio tollat obligationem quoad ●●●●li●at●m , non tamen quoad alios contractus : albeit Excommunication do take away obligation of fidelitie or subiection towards the person excommunicated , yet not in other contracts : So as if I do owe to an Excommunicate person money , I am bound to pay him . Thus doth the Glos●e expound the Canon , and the scabbard doth agree with the sword , and both of them do hurt M. Mortō & M. Stocke , though neuer so good fencers in a bad cause . 70. After this M. Stocke , to helpe out somwhat his Client M. Morton , telleth vs that the selfe same Glos●e ( that after disputing to and fro , concluded before for vs , as we haue seene , that we are bound to pay debts to excommunicate persons ) granteth notwithstanding in the end , that probabiliter dici potest &c. probably , notwithstanding , it may be said that by excōmunication of the person a man is excused from paying debts vnto him in respect of the sundry authorities and reasons that he had recited for that opiniō before : but what of this ? We know his owne resolution before was , Verius credo &c. I do thinke the truer opinion to be , that we are boūd to pay , though this other be not improbable also for the reasons alleaged : what maketh this for the excuse of M. Morton that alleaged this Glosse , as holding the quite contrary . 71. M Stocke goeth further to alleage another begining of a Canō , Absolutos se nouerint , which was made by Pope Gregory the 9. almost two hundred yeares after the former , wherin the very same thing is decreed as in the other , to wit , that he who falleth into manifest heresy , ( and is by name denounced , as both Medina and other expositours do obserue ) leeseth all se●u●ce and obe●●ence due vnto him , vntill he be absolued againe : Wherin there is no one word of debts , though by occasion of this decree a certayne Glos●e● , which is of Bernardus de Buttono Parmensis , doth probably hold , that to such a man there is not obligation of payment of debt ( at leastwise of such debts as are only contracted by promises , but are not reall debts ) so long as he remayneth in that case . And to this effect also speaketh Tolet in the place heere cited by M. Morton , and we haue heard before , how the other Glosse of Bartholomaeus Brixiensis held it for probable , though the contrary for more true , vpon the Canon Nos Sanctorum . 72. Wherfore to conclude , we see that neyther M. Mort. nor his new Aduocate M. Stocke , nor both of them together haue beene able to bring forth the ancient decree which was promised about not paying of debts due to Protestants ( for this he would inferre to make our doctrine more odious vnto thē ) for besides that Protestants are not nominatim excommunicati , and cōsequently not comprehended in the cases alleaged , the two decrees mentioned , do speake only of temporall seruice and obedience , and secondly the Glosse , alleaged and corrupted by M. Morton and M. Stocke both in wordes and sence is not heere iustified nor defēded at all , according to their former allegation therof , but that the foure abuses obiected by me out of the same , remaine still lyable vpō them , as if they had answered nothing at all , so valiāt vndertakers haue they shewed themselues , and stout Champions . Let vs passe vnto another no better defended by them then this . THE SIXT Imputation of falshood pretended to be answered by M. Morton with the help of the same M. Stocke . §. VI. THE sixt charge giuen by me vpon M. Morton for wilfull and fraudulent dealing , chosen out by him to be defended is set downe by me somwhat largely in my Treatise of Mitigatiō , for that it contayneth sundry branches : and I beseech the Reader to haue patience to read it out , & to marke with attention the poynts therof . Thus then I wrote before . The Charge . 74. In the sixt page ( quoth I ) of his Discouery he hath this grieuous accusation out of the Canon law against vs : Haeretici filij , vel consanguinei non dicuntur , sed iuxta legem sit manus tua super eos , vt fundas sanguinem ipsorū . And then he quoteth thus , apud Grat. gloss . in decret . lib. 5. Ex decret . Greg. 9. caus . 23. q. 8. cap. Legi . which distracted kind of quotation separating the first and last wordes that should haue gone togeather , seeme to import that he scarce read the bookes thēselues , but cited the same out of some other mans notes . But that fault were easely pardoned , if he vsed no greater fraud in the thing it selfe . For first he Englisheth the words thus , Heretickes may not be termed eyther children or kindred , but according to the old law thy hand must be against them to spill their bloud , and then in the margent he setteth downe this speciall printed note , The professed bloudy massacre against the Protestants without distinction of sex or kindred . And what can be more odiously vrged then this ? Now thē let vs see how many false trickes and shiftes , fit for a Protestant Minister , do lye lurcking in this short citation . 75. First of all is to be considered that this Glosse or commentary of the Canon law , which heere is both vnt●uely cited and maliciously applyed , is vpon a Canon , beginning Si quis ; which Canon is taken out of the third Councell of Carthage , wherin the famous Doctor and holy Father S. Austin was present , as a chiefe Bishop that had voyce in that Councell , and the decree of the Canon is : That if any Bishop should institute heretickes or pagans for his heirs , whether they were consanguinei or extranei , kinsmen or externes , ei Anathema dicatur , atque eius nomen inter Dei Sacerdotes nullo modo recitetur : let him be accursed , and let not his name be remēbred any way among the Priests o● God. 76. This is the seuerity of that Canon : for ground wherof , another precedent Canon s●tteth downe out of the same S. Augustine , quòd haereticus perseuerans , aeternaliter damnatur &c. that an hereticke perseuering in his heresy is da●ned eternally ; Neither can he receaue any profit by baptisme , almes , martyrdome , nor any other good workes . So hath the tytle of the Canon . But the wordes of S. Augustine are these : ●irmissimè tene & nullatenus dubites &c. Hold for most certaine and no wayes doubt , but that euery hereticke or schismaticke shal be partaker of hell fyre euerlastingly , togeather with the Diuel and his Angels , except before the end of his life he be restored and incorporated againe into the Catholicke Church . Ne●ther shall baptisme , nor almes n●u●r so aboundantly bestowed , no nor death it selfe suffered for the name of Christ , profit him any thing to saluation . So S. Augustine . 77. Vpon this ground then that hereticks out of ●he Church & so censured as here you haue heard , t●ough they be neuer ●o neere of kin , may not be made heires , especially by Church men , the Glosse yealding a rea●on therof , hath these wordes : Qui● isti Haeret●●s , iam non dicuntur filij vel consanguinei . Vnde dicitur in lege ; si frater tuus , & amicus tuus , & vxor tua depra●are volue●it veritate , s● manus ●ua super illos : For that these heretickes are not now called childrē or kinsfolkes , therfore , as such , they cannot be made Inheritors by Ecclesiasticall men . Wherupon it is said in the law ( of Deutronomy ) if thy brother , & friend , or wi●e will go about to depraue the truth , let thy hand be vpon them . And presently he citeth to the same effect , th● Authority of S. Hierome , out of another Canon , in another place of the law , as presenly we shall see . 78. So as first heere we may behold that T. M. hath not put downe this his quoted Glosse , as it is foūd in the true Glosse it selfe , but left out both the beginning , Quia isti haeretici &c. which imported sōwhat to the vnderstanding of his meaning : as also he le●t out the reason alleaged by the Glosse out of Gods owne wordes in Deutronomy , to wit , the wil●ull corrupting o● his truth . And thirdly he added these words vt ●undas sanguinem ipsorum , which heere ( as you see ) the Glosse hath not , but they are cited out of S. Hierome , in another Canon , & volume of the law , where the holy Father excusing to his friend Ripariu● a Priest his earnest zeale & desire to haue Vigil●ntiu● the hereticke ( against whome he had writtē ) punished by his Bishop , alleadgeth diuers examples of seuerity in like cases out of the Scriptures , as of Phin●es , Elias , Symon Can●naeus , S. Peter , S. Paul , & lastly citeth also the foresaid words of Gods Ordinance in Deutronomy : I● thy brother , thy wife , thy friend , &c. shall go about to peruert thee from Gods true worship &c. heare him not , nor conceale him , but bring him forth to Iudgement , and let thy hand be vp● him ●i●st , & then after the hād o● all the people &c. which is to be vnderstod according to the forme of law appointed afterward in the 17. Chapter , that he be orderly brought ●orth to Iudgement , and then when sentence is passed against him , he which heard or saw him commit the sinne , and is a witnesse against him , must cast the first stone at him , and the rest must ●ollow . And this also doth the ordinary commentary or Glosse of Lyranus , and others vpon those texts of Scripture , declare . 79. And now let the iudicious Reader consider how many corruptiōs this crafty Minister hath vsed to bring forth to his purpose this one litle distracted text for profe of professed bloudy massacres intēded by vs against Protestants . For first he corrupteth the words of the Glosse apparantly , and that in diuers poynts , leauing out that which the Glosse saith , and adding that which the Glosse hath not ; then he corrupteth the meaning both of Glosse and Canon , deprauing that to a wicked sense of bloudy massacring without distinction of sex or kindred ; which the Canon and Councell of Carthage , with S. Augustine , meant only of ciuill punishmēt against heretickes , to wit , that they could not be made heires to Ecclesiasticall men . Thirdly he peruerteth in like manner S. Hieromes intent , which was , that albeit he wished that heretiks should be punished also bodily , yet by order and forme of law , and not that any one should kill another , and much lesse by ●loudy massacres , as this fellow setteth it downe in his marginall note . And lastly he presumeth to peruert the very wordes of God himselfe in the law , by translating , fundas sanguinem ipsorum , spill their bloud , in steed o● shed their bloud , as though God were a bloud-spiller , or commaunded the same to be done vniustly by others . But all is ●trayned by the Minister , to make vs odious , wheras himsel●e indeed is therby made ridiculous . And thus farre endured my former Charge . The pretended Discharge . 80. To this impo●tant Charge , let vs see now how Morton●●ameth ●●ameth his discharge : for it ●ay be presumed , that if he had not byn ab●e to do the same sufficiently in his owne conceipt , he would not haue made choice of defending this before so many others as he hath let passe without answere . First then , you must know , that heere agayne he referreth vs to his frend M. Stocke , to help him out , which he doth so miserably , as it is pittifull to see in what plight they both are . For that M. Stocke , though ●e confesse that he lent him this place also out of the Glos●e , yet he will not take vpon him to iusti●y any thing the●in , but only the citation to be true which notwithstanding he cannot performe , as presently shall be shewed : ) but as for the corruptions and falsi●ications vs●d about the same , he leaueth them all to M. Morton to shift with them as he can . And in truth it is a very Comedy to see , how they deale togeather . For first you must imagine M. Morton to enter on the scaf●old , and there being charged with this imputation of so many falsityes , as now you haue heard , first looketh round about him who will come forth to help him therin : and then seing no body appeare sayth thus : To the allegatiō o● thi● place of Gratian , Ric. Stocke doth owe you an answere . And so goeth of the scaffold agayne , leauing the other to play his part , who cōming vp , prosecuteth the matter thus . 81. This second place also I brought ( saith R. Stocke ) vnto T. Morton , the whole being no otherwise distractedly quoted then the Glosse , whence I had it , warranted by me : so that if P. R. reproue me , he must checke his Glossary : for when the Glosse had set downe the first part , he quoted for the later , Causa 23. q. 8. cap. Legi . &c. And this being said , he presently recoyleth , and leaueth the stage for M. Morton againe to make the Epilogue , and end the Comedie . But we must call him back againe , for the glos●e cited by him doth not warrant this citation , to wit , apud Gratianum Glossae in decret . lib. 5. ex Decret . Grego●ij 9. caus . 23. q. 8. cap. Legi . for it had bin ridiculous that this Glosse heere cited vpon the 5. of the Decretals of Pope Gregory , should haue beene found cited in Gratian , as the Collectour of these Decretals of Gregory the ninth , for so much as the said Gratian was dead many yeares before this Pope Gregory the 9. was made Pope , which was vpon the yeare 1227. as in the beginning of the said Decretals is set downe : and Gratian collected his Decrees seauenty & six yeares before , to wit , 1151. So as M. Morton in his first two bookes , the Discouery , and full Satisfaction , citing the sentence , Haeretici filij vel con●anguinei non dicuntur , quoteth the place thus , apud Gratian. Glossa in Decret . lib. 5. ex decreto Gregorij noni , did miste ●irst in saving apud Gratianum Glossa , for that the Glosse cyted is not vpon Gr●ti●n , but vpon the Dec●etals of Gregory , and the Author therof is Be●nardus de Bottono . Secondly it is not in Decretis gathered by Gratian , but vpon the Decretals of Pope Gregory , gathered by Saint Raimondus Bar●inon●●sis almost a hundred yeares after Gratian , as hath beene sayd . 82. VVherfore , though before I said to M Morton , that this ●ault of distracted quotation were easely pardonable , if he vsed no greater fraud in the thing it selfe , for that it was likely he read not the bookes which he cyted ( & he thanketh me hartely for it , as now you haue heard , as for a dram of sugar ●alling seasonably vpon him out of a pound of worme-wood , that had gone before : ) yet I cānot so easely pardon it in M. Stocke , who will cōfesse nothing , nor imitate M. Morton in his humility , but will needs stand to his former errour , and redouble it by a new out-facing that he quoted the place no otherwise then the Glosse had warranted : which is manifestly false . For albeit the Glosse did cite the later part well out of Gratian , to wit causa 23. q. 8. cap. Legi . which I reprehended not : yet the former part , to wit , Apud Gratian. Glossa in decret . lib. 5. ex decret . Greg. 9. can neuer be defended or iustifyed . And so M. Stocke , though he tooke but litle vpon him for defence of M. Morton which was to defend only the bare quotations : yet hath he not performed so much as he promised , but left his Client more intangled then before . For now the errour is not only of ignorance , as befo●e , but made malicious also by this extrauagant defence . Let vs heare how M. Morton will satisfie the rest . He beginneth his defence in these wordes , after M. Sto●ke is departed of the stage . 83. So hath M. Stocke satisfied ( saith he ) for ●i● all●gation : It remayneth that I likewise iusti●y both my collection and ●ranslation . VVherto may be answered , that if you do iustify no better thē he hath done , you will proue both of you iust men alike . And first of all it is ridiculous in you , that being charged with so many graue matters of shiftes and falsi●ications , as are set downe in the precedent charge , which you haue related most brokenly and corruptly , leauing out many chiefe partes therof to hide them from the sight of your Reader ; yow runne to a certayne Dilemma , set downe in your margent , and say , that you will take me vp vpon a Logicall racke , demaunding me whether the Canon of murdering kindred ( which wordes are taken out of Deutronomy , & applyed by S. Hierome against the hereticke Vigilantius ) if they should be applied to Protestants , whether I would hold it for a Massacre or for Catholicke iustice . For if I answere the one , then am I a Traytour , if the other , then am I against the Canō . VVherto I answere , that the demand is foolish , and not worthy the answering at all : for that the like odious demandes may be made about the execution of all criminall lawes . And it is a token that M. Morton is at a Non-plus , when he seeketh to intertayne tyme in these impertinences . VVhy doth he not answere directly to some of the mayne charges layd against himselfe before : as first , the manifest corruption of the wordes o● the Glosse it sel●e : secondly , the falsification of the meaning , b●t● o● the Glosse and Canon : thirdly , the perue●●ing of S. Hieromes sense and intention : ●ourthly the peruerting of the wordes of God himselfe b● translating bloud● insteed o● shed their bloud , as though that God were a bloud-spiller , and commanded the same to be done vniustly by others : for that spilling of bloud is commonly vnderstood in the worst sense . And this translation is seemed to be vsed by him , rather then the other to make the very wordes of Deutronom● odious , as they lye in the Popes Canon taken out of S. Hierome . 84. But now he pretermitting all the other three points , taketh vpon him only to write some few lynes in defence of this fourth and last poynt about spilling of bloud , going about to shew out of diuers places of the Rhemish Translation of the new Testament , that not only spilling of bloud , but shedding of bloud also is somtimes taken in ill part , as Rom. 3.15 . Their feete are swift to shed bloud : and aga●ne Apoc. 16. They haue shed the bloud of Saints , and other such places , where shedding of bloud is vnderstood vn●u●● shedding , or spilling of bloud : which I deny not , but that oftentynes shedding of bloud may be taken for spilling of bloud : but yet this difference you shall finde , if I be not deceaued , that spilling is alwayes taken in the euill part , and shedding somtymes in one , and somtimes in the other , as k●lling a●d murthering for example , killing may be applyed both to good and bad , iust and vniust slaying , but murthering can neuer be taken in good part . And so M. Morton , if passion against the Popes Canon had not letted him , would neuer haue translated the wordes of God sundere sanguinē , to spill bloud , which alwaies is takē in the worst sense , but rather shedd bloud , that may haue a good sense . And against this distinction , and obseruation , let M. Morton alleadge me but three examples , where spilling of bloud is taken in good sense for law●ull shedding of bloud , & I will say he hath done some what . And for so much as he hath not bene able to do it heere , where most it imported him , & where he most endeauoured to seeke out some one example for the purpose , the discreet Reader will easely consider of his passionate speach and conclusion in this place , which is this : Now then ( saith he ) what a notable Critike haue I met withall , whome euery good wise is able to conuince of idle dotage , the vulgar vse of speach being , tha● drinke is spilt , and drinke is shedd : this is the man priuiledged to send me to the Vniuersity to make a syllogisme , whom I may more iustly send to an Ale-house to learne English. So farre M. Morton in his choller . And now all this ( as you see ) requireth no answere , but compassion rather towards the party , so pittifully put out of tune by the weaknes of his cause , as he is forced to draw vs to an Ale-house for ending therof . But let him proue by any of his Ale-wiues , that spilling of good ale is takē in good ●ense , to wit , that it is well spilt , & then he proueth somewhat out of his Ale-house , where I p●rswade me that he shall find few good drinkers , that will be of his opinion . 85. Finally then he concludeth his defence in these wordes : The last point ( saith he ) which is obserued in our Mitigator , is , that he a●fi●meth this Canon to haue byn de●reed in the third Councel● o● Carthage , where no such thing can be ●ound : ther●ore must his o●ne ●●●mes of falshood , fraud , treachery , reue●b●rate vpon himselfe . Thus he . And truly I cannot but maruaile greatly what he meaneth to deny matters so resolutly , that are so apparant as this is , & may inuincibly be proued against him . For first the Canon it selfe that b●ginneth : Si quis Episcopus &c. If any Bishop do institute hereticks for his heirs &c. is cited by the Collector of the Decretals ex Concilio Africano , out of the Councell of Afrike , wherby some do vnderstād to be meant the said ● . Coūcell of Carthage , as held in Afri●ke : but the note in the margent vpon the Canō it selfe doth expressely referre the reader to the said third Councell of Carthage , and 13. Chapter , and to the testimony of Theodorus Balsamon a Greeke writer in his Collections vpon the Councel of Carth●ge , and 25. Chapter . 86. But what need more testimonies when the thing is cleerly extant in the Councell of Carthage it selfe , where it is written in the 13. Canon , Vt Episcopi vel Clerici &c. that neither Bishops nor Clergie mē shall bestow any of their goods vpon any that be not Catholick●ly Christian , though they be their kinsfolkes . And the Councell of Hippo where S. Austen was Bishop , which Councell professeth to make Abbreuiationes Concilij Carthaginensis tertij , an abridgment of the third Carthage Councell , hath this Canon : That Bishops and Clergie men shall bestow nothing of their goods vpō any , but such as are Catholickes . So as for M. Mort. to deny this matter now , and to say boldly that there is no such thing found , ye● t● t●●ne it ouer againe to me as falshood , fraud , and t●each●●y , I know not in what accompt of speach or proceeding it may be reckoned ; but onely that the necessity of intertaining his Reader forced him to say somwhat , though neuer so false or farre from the purpose , yea voyd of modesty and shame , as now you haue seene , in denying that , which his own eyes must needes testify against him . But let this passe with the rest . THE SEAVENTH Imputation of falshood pretended to be answered by M. Morton . §. VII . THE Reader cannot forget how that in the beginning of this Chapter M. Morton protested that he had not chosen out those imputatiōs which were most easie to be answered , but such rather , as his Aduersary did most insist and insult vpon . Now he layeth further forth against me , that I do charge him with falshood about alleadging an Extrauagant of the Pope insteed of a Glosse , and that after my whole charge giuen , I do insult in these words : Thus much ●or his variety o● corruptions in this littl● sentence . To which I answere , that this is no great insuitatiō , if the particulers of the Charge giuen be considered . For thus it standeth in my booke of Mitigation . The Charge . 88. To passe no further ( said I ) in this second poynt of arguments , vnder the n●w Testamēt , we shall say a word or two only of the third , to wit of proofes affirmed to be deduced by vs from force of reason , for so M. Morton intituleth them , to wit , Popish Arguments from Reason . And to the end you may see his talent therin , we shall examine only the third reason in this place , which he declareth in these words : Except ( saith the Romish pretence ) there were a way of deposing Apostata Princes , God had not prouided sufficiently ●or his Church . And for this he citeth the Constitution Extrauagant of Pope Boni●acius , and saith , this obiection is in your Extrauagants , and so it may be called , because it rangeth extra , that is without the boūds of Gods Ordināce &c. But as in all his other citations generally he is neuer lightly true , and sincere in all poynts , no not thrice ( I thinke verily ) throughout all this lying Booke of his : so neyther heere . And it would require a great volume alone to examine only some part of his leaues about this point of his shifts & corruptions , they are so many , and thicke , & craftily hudled vp togeather . As for example heere , first this sentence is not in the Popes Extrauagant at all , but only in a certayne addition to the ordinary Glosse , or Commentary of Iohn Picard , which addition was made by Petrus Bertrandus a late writer . Secondly this Commentary saith nothing of deposing Apostata Princes , but only affirming the foresaid opinion of Canonists to be true , that Christ was Lord absolutely in this life ouer all , not only in spirituall authority , but in temporall also , he inferreth therby , Christ should not haue sufficiently prouided for the gouernment of his Church , and Kingdome vpon earth , Nisi vnicum post se talem Vicarium reliquisset , qui haec omnia posset , except he had left some such one Substitute or Vicar after him , as should be able to performe all these things , to wit , as belong both to spirituall & temporall power , according as necessity shall require , which later clause you see , that T.M. cut of , as he added the other about Apostata Princes . And thus much for his variety of corruptions in this litle sentence . The pretended discharge . 89. We see the points of iugglings heere obiected , let vs also see how sincerly they will be now answered by M. Morton in this his last Reply . First he sayd in his Booke of Full Satisfaction , that the sentence by him proposed , was in the Popes Extrauagants , or Extrauagant Constitutions : now it is shewed that they are not found in any Extrauagant Constitution at all , but only in a certayne addition of one Petrus Bertrandus a late writer vpon the Glosse or Commentary what answereth he to this ? For cityng ( saith he ) the Extrauagants of the Pope , an ingenious Reader would haue vnderstood a figure called Synecdoche , where the part is put for the whole : as when we say , This man shall not come vnder my roofe , meaning by roofe , which is ●ut a part of the house , the whole house i● sel●e : so heere by Extrauagāt might haue byn meant the whole body of their Constitutions , which contayne both Extrauagāts and Glosses &c. 90. This is the first part of his answere , that we must vnderstād him by a figure , Pars pro toto , as if a man should say in diuinity , the Scripture hath this or that , because some that write Commentaryes or Annotations vpon it haue it : so as all Commentaryes must be held for Scriptures . And the like in Philosophy , Aristotle may be affirmed to say this or that , for that some of his Expositours doe say the same . VVere not this a substantiall kind of arguing ou● of the figure Synecdoche , which is Pars pro toto , a part for the whole ? Will not M. Morton be ashamed of this shift , and blush at the consequence ? But indeed here is not so much as any Synecdoche , or such figure at all , but only the figure of playne lying . For neyther are the Extrauagant Constitutions of Popes , partes of the ●losses , nor the Glosses are parts of the Constitutions , & much lesse may Additions or Annotatiōs be accompted any partes at all of the same : So as heere M. Morton cannot be defended or excused by his Synecdoche in cyting an Annotation for an Extrauagant Decree , or Papall Cōstitution . And this is his first shift : let vs see his second . 91. The second is not so fyne , but much more soule and ●raudulent , or rather shameles , which he deliuereth in these wordes , therby to proue that Glosses and Annotations are not only partes of the Popes Constitutions , but of the very same Authority and validity with them : a strange desperate assertion , if you consider it well . But how will he proue it thinke you ? Let vs heare his wordes and reason . 92. Pope Gregory the 13. ( saith he ) hath ratifyed the foresaid Glosse and Annotatiōs , with priuiledge and authority equiualent and answerable to the anthority o● the Decretals & Ex●rauagants themselues . Wherof he inferreth , that whether a man do cite Decretals , Extrauagāts , Glosses , and Annotations , all is one , for that all haue equiualent authority . And will any man of sense belieue this to be true ? It is incredible . And how then doth he auouch it ? Or what reason can he alleadge for it ? You shall heare his ma●ner of proofe how substantiall it is . First then you must know that Pope Gregory the 13. in these our dayes being demaunded licence to print the Canō●aw a new , prefixed an Epistle before the Decretals of Gratian with this tytle , Ad suturam rei memoriam , wherin he giueth licence to Paulus Constabilis Magister Sacri Palatij to reuiew the same , and to the Printers to print it exactly according to the Roman example , saying among other things therupon : Vt hoc Iuris Canonici Corpus fideliter & incorruptè , iuxta exemplar Romae impr●ssum , imprimi possit , that this Corps of the Canon law may be faithfully , and without corruption printed , according to the Copie set forth at Rome : wherof M. Morton will needs inferre , that for so much as Pope Gregory did ordayne , that all the whole Corps of the Canon law should be printed togeather , according to the Roman Copie , as well of Constitutions , Decrees , Extrauagants , Glosses , Annotations , and the rest , he made them all equall , and of the same and equall authority , for so runne his wordes : Pope G●egory the 13. ( saith he ) hath ratifyed the foresaid Glosse and Annotations with priuiledge and authority equiualent and answerable to the autho●ity of the Decretals and Extrauagants thēselues . 93. And what man in the world in his right witts , besydes M. Morton , would haue had the face to alledge this Licence of printing , for an equalling the credit and authority of all the things printed ? Can there any match be found to this ? Tell me I pray you , when king Henry the eight did allow at the beginning , and gaue priuiledg for printing the great English Bible with Tindals notes ( which afterward he called in againe & censured for hereticall , did he therby make these notes of Tindall of equall Authority with the Scripture it selfe ? Or if Queene Elizabeth did approue the printing of the English new Testament with Beza his notes , did she therby equall the said Notes with the text of the Testament it selfe ? VVho would reason so , or who would go about so to abuse his Reader , and himselfe , that had care of conscience or credit ? Can these fraudes be committed but of deliberation and set purpose ? Surely if any one such tricke should be brought and proued against any writer of ours , it were inough to shame him for euer . Let any man read the said Breue of Gregory the 13. and he will say , that these men are driuen to great extremities , when they are forced to lay hands vpon such base and bare thiftes . 94. But let vs see how he shifteth of the last two charges of adding to the beginning , and cutting frō the end of the sentence alleadged out of the Glosse . He sayth to the first , that albeit the wordes Apostat● Princes be not in the text of the Glosse , totidem verbis , that is in precise wordes ( nor indeed are they found at all : ) yet may the matter handled in that Glosse be extended vnto them , and to their deposition , for so much as in that glosse is disputed the Popes authority in generall ouer temporall Princes : which is farre fetcht as you see , to be set downe by him in a different letter , as the very wordes not only of the Glosse , but also of the Canon or Extrauagant it selfe . And as for the second clause which is the cutting of the last wordes of the sentence , Nisi vnicum post se talem Vicarium reliquisset &c. he answereth thus : VVhat needed any addition of that which was sufficiently expressed in my Aduersaryes obiection ? But Syr , we require no addition by you , but why did you cut of these last wordes of the sentence that immediatly followed in the Glosse , and made so much for explication of his meaning ? What need these niblings , strechings , and other such shifts in so small sentences ( as now we are to see also in the next imputation ) but only that the misery and necessity of your cause cannot else be defended ? For that otherwise it may be supposed , that you are not so delighted in falshood , as to vse it so often , without vtility or necessity : yea more or les●e in euery least sentēce lightly , that is alleaged , as now the Reader shall see in another that ensueth . In the meane space it is euident , that you are so farre of from being able to deliuer your selfe from the Charge and imputation of falshood in this place obiected , as you haue incurred new , and that most notorious in slaundering Pope Gregory the 13. to haue equalled Glosses and Annotations with Extrauagants and Canonicall Decrees , which neuer passed through his cogitations . And the mistaking is not only ridiculous , but also malicious , to discredit therby Pope Gregory , as by it self is most euident . THE EIGHT Imputation of falshood pretended to be answered by T. M. §. VIII . THIS eight imputation in like manner , is about an other wilfull corruption vsed by M. Morton in a litle sentence alleaged by him out of Cardinall Bellarmine , which though it conteyne scarce two or three lines : yet hath it two or three corruptions therin , so set downe , as could not by any probability be of ouersight or errour , but of set purpose for helping of a bad cause . I handled this matter somewhat before in the precedent Chapter , but Morton●or ●or want of new store , draweth it heere in agayne . The controuersy arose about a certayne speach brought in by M. Morton of Caluin and Beza , how they were accused by F. Campian , Genebrard , & other Catholike writers , for holding the heresy of the Autotheans , who deny Christ to be God of God● & Light of Light , as the Councell of Nice teacheth vs to speake , but that he is God of himself : which doctrine notwithstanding M. Morton said , that Cardinall Bellarmine holdeth for Catholicall , and consequently he both deliuereth Caluin and Beza from imputation of heresy therin , and is contrary to his fellowes , who of ignorance or passion ascribed this for heresy to Caluin and Beza ; wherin M. Morton goeth about by Equiuocation to beguile his Reader . For albeit Bellarmine doth teach that in some sense it may be truly said , that Christ is God of himselfe : yet absolutely doth he condemne the speach of Caluin for hereticall therin , and he proueth it by many arguments , which point M. Morton concealed , and besydes craftely corrupted the words alleaged out of Bellarmine , as presently will be seene . For thus my former Charge was made after the recitall both of M. Morton and Cardinall Bellarmines wordes at large . The Charge . 96. But now ( said I ) aswell Caluin and Beza ( as also M. VVillet and Doctor Fulke their Schollers ) in a particuler sense ( saith our Minister ) do deny Christ to be God of God , to wit , that the Essence of his God-head hath no generation , though as he is Sonne , and the second person in Trinity , he is by generation from his Father : which doctrine he sayth our Bellarmine doth hold for Catholicall , whose wordes he alledgeth in the margent thus : Dum rem ipsam excutio , non facilè audeo pronuncia●e ill●s in errore fuisse , while I do examine well the thing it selfe , I date not presume to pronounce them to haue byn in errour , to wit , Caluin and Beza : wheras Bellarmines words are , fuisse● while I examine the matter it selfe , and diligently consider Caluins opinions , I do not easely presume to pronoūce him to haue bin in this errour , to wit , in the particuler errour , or heresy of the Autotheans , set downe and confuted by Genebrard , and in his sense condēned expresly by the anciēt Catholike Church , for denying Christ to be , and to haue his Essence from the Father : but yet though in some sense it seemeth to Bellarmine , that Caluin may be excused in this priuate & particuler meaning of his , yet not absolutely as T. M. would m●ke his Reader to thinke , by striking out cūningly the particle hoc ( this errour ) & leauing the word ( error ) in cōmon , as though Bellarmine had excused him from all kind of errour , which is most false , for that presently after , he both impugneth of purpose and confuteth by many arguments his manner of speach , as hereticall in this behalfe . 97. Restat ( saith he ) vt modum loquendi Calumi , qui dicit Filium à se habere essentiam , simpliciter esse repudiandum , & contrario modo loquendum esse demonstremus &c. It remayneth that we do demonstrate Caluins manner of speach , that saith the Sonne to haue his essence of himselfe , is simply to be reiected , and that we must speake in a quite contrary manner , to wit , that the Sonne hath not only his person , but essence also from the Father , and so is God of God , and light of light , as the Councell of Nice declared : and this he proueth by foure wayes . First , Quia pugnat cum Verbo Dei , for that Caluins manner of speach is opposite to the word of God &c. Pugnat secundò cum Concilijs , and secondly it is repugnāt to the manner of speach of ancient Councels , as the Nicene and others . Pugnat tertiò cum doctrina Patrum , thirdly it is contrary to the doctrine of the old Fathers . Fourthly it agreeth with the speach of the old Arians : and other such proofes , which Bellarmine doth prosecute at large , cōfirming ech one of these members by diuers examples and instances , and that Caluin spake heretically in fauour of the Arians in this behalfe . 98. So as the cosenage heere of striking out ( hoc ) out of Bellarmines wordes , making him to say , non audeo pronuntiare illos in errore ●uisse , insteed of illum in hoc errore fuisse , though it be small in sound of wordes , yet in substance it is much . For that therby Thomas Morton would make his reader belieue that Bellarmine cleareth Caluin & Beza frō all sortes of errour in this point , and for that propose turneth illum into illos , & hoc errore , into errore , that is to say , him into them , and this errour , into any errour at all : wheras Bellarmine though in one sense he excuse him , yet absolutely doth he condemne him , as you haue heard . And no man can deny , but that his latin wordes were heere fraudulently and per●idiously alleadged , and mangled by Thomas Morto● , for that he could not do it but wittingly and of purpose : and yet forsooth this man will not equiuocate as he saith for a world , though lye he will manifestly for much lesse as yow see . Thus wrote I then . The pretended Discharge . 99. For answere to this Charge M. Morton saith three things . First , that for a signe of his sincere meaning , and that he had not any such diuelish disposition to cosen his Reader , as is pretended , he alledgeth that he left the latin sentence of Bellarmine vntranslated : wheras if he had recited it also in English , he had layd as it were a double nett to trap his Reader &c. But this is a poore excuse : For he that shall read the contexture and threed of his text in that place , shall see that he could not conueniently bring in the sentence of Bellarmine Englished , but it was inough to cite the latin wordes for the more learned , and deceaue the vulgar Reader with the false assertion , that Bellarmine held the doctrine of Caluin and Beza for Catholike , without any mislike or reprehension at all . 100. Secondly for nibling of the word hoc , and citing errore , for hoc errore , he saith the fault was nothing , for that all was one in Bellarmines speach . For proofe wherof he runneth to diuers experiments of speach , as before to the Alehouse and Ale-wyues about spilling and shedding ale : so heere he taketh example of his Hostesse and of eating at the table , affirming that if one should say , of two sortes of bread vsed at table , giue me the courser bread , and his seruant should fetch him hors-bread , ●or that he had not added ( hoc ) that is to say , giue me of this sort of courser bread , and not hors-bread , for so much as it was so to be vnderstood of it self : so when the question was about a particuler heresy of the Autotheans , when Bellarmine deliuered Caluin ( ab errore ) it was as much to say , as ab hoc errore , from this particuler errour . And the like he answereth about illos for illum , saying that for so much as Bellarmin doth afterward in the same place exuse one Simlerus a follower of Caluin for the same opinion o● Caluin , he doth consequently also excuse Beza : and so M. Morton might quote illos for illum . 101. Thus he trifleth out matters ad excusanda● excusationes in peccatis . And what may not be defended or deluded in this sort ? but let him answere directly and substantially to this demaund ? VVhy had not he ( if he had meant playnly and sincerely ) set downe Bellarmines wordes as he found them in his text ? especially they being so few ? VVhy did he alter them ? VVas it by chance or of purpose ? If by errour he missed in the citation , why happened it vpon those things that were all to his aduantage ? To witt , the leauing out of ( hoc ) therby to make it seeme that Bellarmine cleered Caluin of all errour in that matter , wherin he expressely condemned him quoad modū loquendi , in his manner of speach , which he proueth to be hereticall by foure sortes of arguments , as now you haue heard . Or why had not M. Morton so much as mentioned this condemnation by Bellarmine , seing it imported the matter so mightely ? If it were not by chance , but by industry and set purpose ( though it be but a word : ) yet is it sufficient to argue the faulty mynd of the Corrupter . And in this sort might I argue in all the rest of other points , that are peruerted : It could not probably fall out ( especially so often ) by chāce or errour , ergo of purpose , ergo of fraudulent meaning , and of desyre to deceaue . And so much for this to prooue in M. Morton mentem reā , a guilty mind , that according to S. Augustins iudgement maketh him mendacij reum , guilty of willfull lying , though it be but in smaller things , where malyce is more thē the matter it self . 102. Hytherto M. Morton hath gone vp and downe , seeking and picking out the weakest sort of imputatiōs layd against him● wherunto he thought himself best able to make some shew of probable answere : wherin notwithstanding you haue seene how litle he hath beene able to performe in any substance of truth , and how in three or foure of these eyght aready proposed , he hath beene forced eyther to confesse , that he saw not the Authour which he cited , or to remit vs to other men for answering the falshoodes therin obiected . And now he betaketh himselfe to another shift , for making vp a number of imputations , as satisfyed by him ( for it seemed somewhat to touch his credit to answere fourteene imputations , which was the nūber he obiected against me , though he leaue more then twice fourteene vnanswered ) and this new shift is to repeate , and bring in agayne in this place fiue seuerall imputations treated both by him , and vs before , and some of them twice at least : and yet would he nedes fetch them in the third tyme , not for want of other layd against him , of much more force & difficulty to be answered , but for that these being things of small moment , and lightly obiected for such by me , they do serue him to make a bulke of worke , as though he had dispatched much matter , and solued great difficultyes , wheras indeed they are nothing but wordes , on his behalfe , and ostentatiō without substance . Let vs see then what they are . THE NINTH Imputation twice handled before , and now again● brought in by M. Morton . §. IX . THIS is about a place of Isay the Prophet in the 29. Chapter and 9. verse , where it is said in the common Latin trāslation of S. Hierome , Obstupescite & admiramini , fluctuate & vacillate , inebriamini , & non à vino , mouemini , & non ab ebrietate : Be ye astonished and wonder , wauer yee and reele , yee are drunke , but not with wine , ye are moued but not with drunkennesse : and cōforme to this are the other texts also both in Hebrue & Greeke . VVhich sentence M. Morton translateth into English , & setteth it forth for his poesie in the first page of his booke in these wordes : But stay your selues and wonder , they are blind and make you blind , applying it to our Catholicke Doctors and doctrine : for which I noted him only in the end of my second Chapter , for falsly alleaging , corrupting , and mangling this place : the Reader will se my reason by looking vpon the text . And how little he hath bene able to say for himselfe in iustification of this his fancy , may be seene in the two Chapters before mentioned . And so we passe to another as trifling as this . THE TENTH Imputation twyce also handled before , and now againe brought in by M. Morton . §. X. THIS also is a Colewort twice already sodden , and now brought in agayne the third tyme , for lacke of better victualls , to witt , about the text of Carerius the Paduan Doctor , whether it should be Nuperrimè verè Celsus , or nuperrimè verò Celsus , wherof I spake but a word or two in my Treatise of Mitigation , censuring it for a trifle : and now M. Morton hath so stretched out the matter , for that he may seeme to haue some litle patronage for his errour by the later errour of another prynt , as hauing brought it in twice already in two seuerall Chapters for an ostentation of his manhood , he cōmeth now againe the third tyme with the same thing , as you see , wheras my booke might haue lent him a great many of other more reall Charges , wherin his said manhood might better haue beene tryed . But he desired only to make a florish . THE ELEVENTH Imputation pretended to be answered , which is handled also before . §. XI . THIS Imputation was for that M. Morton had affirmed that Doleman doth pronounce sētence , That whosoeuer shall consent to the succession of a Protestant Prince , is a most grieuous and damnable synner . VVhich sentence I do affirme in my Treatise of Mitigation , that it is neyther in wordes nor in sense to be found in Doleman , which I do proue by producing his whole text that hath no such wordes , though M. Mo●ton hath sett them downe in a different letter , as Dolemans prope● wordes . Nor are they there in true sense , as more preiudiciall to Protestants , then to men of other religion : for that the discourse is generall for all sortes of men of what Religiō or sect soeuer , that they do sinne grieuously , if willingly they doe concurre to the making of a King , whome they thinke in their conscience to be contrary to Gods true religion ? Where M. Mortō ( saying nothing to the substance of the matter it selfe ) indeuoureth to shew , that as a man may sometymes alleage the sense of Scriptures only , and not the very wordes , citing for the same diuers examples , as Ephes. 5.14 . Heb. 1. 1. Heb. 3.5 . Act. 10.43 . and so might he alleage the sense of Doleman though he varied from his wordes . But I deny , that eyther the true wordes , or true sense of Doleman was related by him , and consequently , it cannot be excused from a witting falshood . See this matter handled before Cap. 1. § . 7. THE TWELVTH Imputation handled before Chap. 1. and pretended now againe to be answered . §. XII . THIS Imputation was about false dealing on M. Mortons behalfe , in setting downe a generall as●ertion , that all Popish Priests vpon the pretended supremacy and prerogatiu● of Pope and People ( ouer Princes ) do vtterly abolish the title of succession in all Protestant Prin●es . Wherin he is conuinced of diuers falshoods , handled before by vs in the first Chapter of this Treatise , where we haue shewed euidently , that he cannot defend his position , but with multiplying more fal●ityes one vpon another , for view wherof I remitt the Reader to the place quoted : for so much , as M. Morton in this last Reply writeth only fiue lines therof in this place , remitting vs in like māner to that which before hath bene handled . THE THIRTEENTH Imputation handled also before , and now brought in againe by M. Morton . §. XIII . IT is a great argument of M. Mortons penury that he is forced to repeat things so often , thereby to make some shew of answering to somwhat , though in truth it be nothing in effect : for that he dissembling aboue 30. weighty and maine Charges giuen him by his Aduersary , as will appeare in the next Chapter , he seeketh to intertaine his Reader heere with smaller matters , twice or thrice repeated . And now this thirteenth Imputation , if yow remēber , was about alleaging the authority of the Historiographer Otto Frisingensis , against the cause of Pope Gregory the seauenth , in fauour of the Emperour Henry the fourth , quite contrary to the wordes & meaning of the said Historiographer , who defendeth the cause of the said Pope , speaking much good of his lyfe & vertue . And M. Mort. is so farre of frō being able to quit himself from false dealing in this behalf , as he is forced partly to lay the fault vpon others , as vpon Doctor Tolo●anus , partly to abuse the name and testimony of Claudius Espencaeus , and make him to say and auerre that which he doth not , but relateth out of others : And in no one Imputation hitherto touched was he more graueled then in this , as the Reader may see by turning to the place it self . So as it is strange that M. Morton will bring in this againe , but only to make vp a nūber , and yet leaue out so great store of other of farre greater importāce as hath bene said . But now leauing this , let vs peruse another defence of his , which he hath chosē to make , as the last prize of his maistery in this behalfe : and it being reserued by him for the last place , we may imagine , it will be a good one . THE FOVRTEENTH and last Imputation of falshood pretended by M. Morton to be triumphantly answered . §. XIIII . FOR the last place and vpshot of this Combat , M. Morton hath made choice of an Imputation which he pretendeth not only with great aduantage to be able to repell and shake of from himselfe , but to retort the same in like manner vpon his aduersary , & therfore he intertaineth himselfe longer therin then in any other hitherto named , & deuideth his answere both into a seuerall preface & foure distinct heads or paragraphs , promising in the one to shew the falsity of this obiected Imputatiō : in the second the foolishnes : in the third the vn●ortunatnes : in the ●ourth the blasphemy . And surely if he can , not only cleere himself from the imputation , but proue also these foure points against me for obiecting the same , or any one of them ( which is more liberality then he demādeth ) I will say that he hath shewed manhood indeed in this last attēpt , to recompēce the Childhood we haue found in all the rest . 109. But yet before we passe to the particuler triall , I must needes tell him friendly , that this aduētrous anymosity of his is not allwaies either cōmēdable or fortunate , as we shall shew in our eight Chapter , where we shall be forced to treat somewhat of his cōfident & audacious o●fers & protestatiōs . And for that he termeth the Charge made by me of this imputation an Inditemēt , I shal vse the same Metaphor in this my Answere & aduertismēt vnto him , which is that I haue heard of sundry in England , who being called into suspition about criminall imputations , & bound ouer only vpō sleight bandes to appeare at the next Assises , haue vpon like animosity , & to daunt the aduersary with voluntary appearing & defending their owne cause , remayned condemned , & executed , notwithstanding their indiscreet courage in presenting themselues at the barre , when it needed not , & somtimes perhaps the sooner , for that they shewed therby so little respect to the Sea● of Iudgmēt , as to thinke themselues able to delude the same : And euē so fareth it in our case , M. Mort. hauing seene the parts of his inditemēt , as himselfe calleth it , & pondered ( no doubt ) of what weight they are , would , notwithstanding , needs call the matter into question againe before a new ●ury & haue al particulers r●●i●wed , & more exactly looked into , whereas the thing might haue bi● passed ouer with silence , or at least with les●e publicity , if himself had not prouoked the contrary . 110. VVell then for so much as he will needes haue i● so , let vs bring forth our Charge set down in the Trea●ise of Mitigation , which he call●th an Indi●emen● , the subiect wherof is about egregious false dealing , in alleaging the authority of the Germā historiographer Lambertus Scafnaburg . against Pope Gregory the 7. whom Lambertus doth highly commend , euen as the same M. Mor● . had done b●fore in alleaging Otto Frisingensis ; but yet with more audacity , for that he would seeme to excuse the other fact , by laying the fault vpon Doctor Tolosanus as you haue heard . But heere he doth not only not lay it vpon another , nor excuse the fact , nor acknowledg any error or ouer sight , but auerreth both falsity , ●olly , infelicity and blasphemie to be in the imputation . Let vs come thē to the discussion of the whole . My former wordes were these . The Charge . 111. But the next fraud ( after that of misalleaging Fri●ingensis ) or impudency , or rather impudent impiety ( said I ) is that which ensueth within foure lynes after in these words : Pope Gregory the 7. ( saith your Chronographer ) was excommunicate of the Bishops of Italy , for that he had defamed the Apostolike Sea by Symony & other capital crymes . And then cyteth for proof hereof Lambertus Schasnaburg . Anno 1077. As if this our Chronographer had related this as a thing of truth against the said Pope , or that it were approued by him , and not rather as a slanderous obiection cast out by his aduersaries that followed the part of Henry the Emperour . Let any man read the place and yeare heere c●ted , and if he be a modest man , he will blush at such shameles dealing . For that no Author of that time doth more earnestly defend the cause & vertuous life of Pope Hildebrand , thē this man , whose words are : Sed apud omnes sanum aliquid sapientes luce clariùs constabat falsa esse quae dicebantur : Nam & Papa tam eximie tamque Apostoli●è vi●am instituebat &c. But with all men of sound wisdome , it was more cleere then the sunne , that the things which were spoken against Pope Hildebrand were false ; for that the Pope did lead such an excellent & Apostolicall life , as the sublimity of his conuersation did admit no least spot of wicked rumour against him , he lyuing in that great Citty & open concourse of men , it could not haue byn hidden , if he had cōmitted any vnlawfull thing in his life . And moreouer , the signes & miracles which by his prayers were often times done , & his most feruent zeale for God in defen●e of Ecclesiasticall lawes , did sufficiently defend him against the poysoned tongues of his detractours . And againe : Hildebrandi constātia et inuictus aduersus auaritiā animus omnia excludebat argumenta humanae ●allaciae . The constancie of Pope Hildebrand and his inuincible mind against the corruption of auarice , did exclude all arguments of humane fallacie and deceipt . So Lambertus . 112. And now let the Reader consider , with what conscience & fidelity T. M. hath cyted him for cōdemnatiō of Pope Hildebrād . He relateth indeed , what certaine Noblemen , Captaines & others that came with the Emperour to the Cas●le of Canusium , & would not haue had him made peace with the Pope in that place , said in their rage afterward , for that against their Coūsell he had submitted himself vnto the said Pope . And when a certaine Bishop named Eppo was sent to their Camp by the Pope and Emperour to informe them of the agreement & submission made : Fremere omnes ( saith this Storie ) & seuire verbis & manibus coeperunt , Apostolicae legatio●i irrisorijs exclamat●onibus ●bstrepere , conuitia & maledicta turpissima q●aec●mque f●●or sugg●ssisset irrogare . All of them began to fret and wax ●ierce , both in words and casting their hands , & with scornfull outcries to contradict this Apostolicall legation sent vnto them , & to cast vpon the Pope all the most foule reproaches & maledictions that furie could suggest vnto them . Thus saith Lambertus : and then setteth downe the particuler slanderous reproaches heere cyted by T.M. which he approueth not , but condemneth as you haue heard , and highly commendeth not only the vertue , but sanctity also of the Pope . And will euer any man credit T.M. any more in any thing that he alleageth , when this cōscienceles falsification is once discouered in him ? yea though it were but once throughout his whole Booke , it were sufficiēt to proue that he dealeth not out of any faith or conscience at all . 113. If an enemy would discredit both Christ & Christian Religion , and say , your owne Euangelistes do recount foule things against him ( as here this Minister saith our historiographer doth of Pope Gregory ) and namely that he was accused by the Scribes & Pharisies for casting out diuells in the power of Beelzebub , for deceauing the people , for denying tribute to be paid to Cesar , for mouing sedition , and other like crymes , which our Euangelistes doe recount indeed , but do condemne them also as false and calumnious : were not this as good and faithfull a manner of reasoning , as this other of Thomas Morton out of Lambertus and Fri●ingensis against pope Hildebrand , who is by thē both most highly cōmended , as you haue heard , and his aduersaries condemned ? Truly , if any man can shew me out of all the Catholicke writers that be extant , English or other , that euer any one of them vsed this shamefull fraud in writing , where no excuse can free them from malicious and witting falshood , then will I grant that it is not proper to the Protestant spirit alone . Hithert● I must confesse that I neuer found it in any : and if I should , though it were but once , I should hold it for a sufficient argument not to belieue him euer after . And this shall suffice for a tast only of M. Mortons manner of proceeding : for that to prosecute all particulers would require a whole volume , and by these few you may ghesse at the mans veyne and spirit in writing . So I wrote then in my Treatise of Mitigation . The pretended Discharge . 114. To this Charge M. Mort. beginneth his Discharge thus : Thou seest ( Christian Reader ) I haue had patience to heare my Inditement deliuered vnto the full , and suffred my Aduersary without any interruption to say so much in this accusation , as that by this tyme he may seeme to h●●e runne himself out o● breath &c. Now ther●ore I turne my self vnto thee ( good Reader ) as to my Iudge , who may seeme by this tyme to exact of me an answere , and of whome I must desyre and expect a iust censure . Vouchsafe there●ore ( I pray thee ) an inten●iue examination , and I dare presume , thou wilt ackn●wledg this accusation to be both so false , and foolish , and vnfortunate to his cause , and indeed blasphemous , as though he had studied to be eyther ●aithl●s , or fond , or vnluckie , or impious &c. So M. Mort. And you see how passionate the man is in these his speaches , and how needfull it was for me to intitle this Answere A quiet and sober Reckoning , for that otherwise we might haue fallen from all reckoning of reason and moderation . But to come to the matter , what saith he to the point it self of iustifying his allegation of the vn●ruth of Lambertus against Pope Gregory ? You shall heare it deliuer●d by himself . 115. In the beginning ( saith he ) I am charged with impudent impiety for citing Lambert Schafnaburge to affirme that , The Bishops of Italy did excommunicate Pope Gregory for capitall crimes . But why is this impudencie ? As if ( saith P. R. ) this our Chronographer had related this as a thing of truth , or that it were approued of him , and not rather as a slanderous obiection cast out by his Aduersaries that followed the part of Henry the Emperour &c. The point now in question is , whether this Author Lambertꝰ Schafnaburge was of this opiniō ? Which P. R. denieth , calling my assertion an impudent impiety . Let vs be iudged by the euidence of the Author himself who in the place alleadged hath these words : Postquam per It●liam fama percrebuisset &c. After that the fame was spread abroad throughout Italie that K. Henrie had set his foot in their coastes ( certatim omnes Italiae Episcopi &c. ) All the Bishops of Italy did flocke by troups vnto him , receauing him with all honour worthy the magnificence of such a person , and within a few daies after , an army of an infinite multitude was gathered vnto him : for from the first time that he was King , the longed for his comming into Italy , because at this time Italy was pestered with the euery . And what els ? It followeth a litle a●ter . Besides they ( viz. the Bishops & people ) did cōgratulate his cōming , because it was reported that he came with a resolute courage to depose ( Gregory ) the Pope . Heere we see it graunted by Lambert , that all the Bishops of Italy were desirous to haue this Pope Gregory deposed . Thus far are M. Mortons wordes . 116. But to beginne with that which he last mentioneth of all the Bishops of Italy , the word all is fraudulently vrged by him , as you will see : so that scarsly in any thing doth he deale sincerely , for albeit these wordes be in Lambertus , Certatim ad eum omnes Italiae Episcopi & Comi●es confluebant : All Bishops and Earles of Italy did flock vnto him , yet that they were only certaine Italian Bishops & Earles , that dwelt about the Alpes is euidēt by the narration it selfe . For the very next precedent words le●t out by M. Morton are , Superatis asperrimis rupibus , iam in●ra Italiae fines consistere , certatim ad eum omnes Italiae Episcopi . After that it was vnderstood that the Emperour had ouercome the high rockes , and was within the borders of Italy , all the Italian Bishops & Earles flocked vnto him . And what sort of Bishops these were , he expoundeth with in few l●nes after saying : Qui fe iampridem ab ●cclesiastica communione suspenderat : they hated Pope Gregory● as him that had suspended them from Ecclesiasticall Cōmunion . And againe a litle after , about the cause of their suspension : Passimiactantibus Regis sa●●●ribus & pre●ipuè Cleri●is , quibus i●ici●a & con●ra s●ita Canonum cont●acta coniugia prohibe●at . The Emperours ●auorers did cast abroad , especially Clergimen , vnto whom Pope Gregory had forbidden vnlawfull marriages , contracted against the Decrees of the Canons , that he liued dissolutely &c. 117. These thē are the Bishops of Italy whome he mētioneth , to wit , some of Lobardy that liued about the Alpes & were of dissolute life and excommunicated by Pope Gregory , who were the first that ranne to the exommunicated Emperour , hoping , as the said Lambert saith , by his meanes , vt iniuriam suam idoneè vindicarent , that they should fitly be able to reuenge by his power their iniury receiued , as they acompted it . And albeit in respect of the multitude of German Bishops , and also of Burgūdi● and other Countries that came with the Emperour , some for him and some against him , Lambertus doth call them Ital●s & Italiae Episcopos : yet doth h● no● meane that all the Bishops of Italy , nor yet all of the Northward partes therof ( and much lesse of the Southerne ) were against Pope Gregory , or fauoured the Emperour . For that expres●ely he sheweth that the Countesse Mathildes which was Lady of the most and greatest Sta●es bordering vpon those Countries of Lombardy was wholy with the Pope against the Emperour : so as all those Italian Bishops ( in which word M. Morton standeth much ) that did make Conuenticles against Pope Gregory , were only those , and of that sort which I haue mentioned . And this did M. Morton craftely conceale , as his fashion is though it lay in the very same lynes , from whence he tooke the rest . 118. But this is not the chief question , that now we must handle , whether these Bishops were all the Bishops of Italy or not ( which no man will imagine , that shall read the endeauours o● S. Anselmus of Luca , and of many other holy Bishops of Italy for the Pope : ) but whether Lambertus did affirme or approue , that those Schismaticall Bishops did depose Pope Gregory or no● For if he did not te●tify both these points , ●●en was he no fit witnes for M. Morton to disgrace Pope Gregory withall , yet doth he to auoid this illation propose the matter otherwise in the●e words . 119. The point in question is ( quoth he ) whether this Author Lambertus did thinke that those Bishops of Italy had condemned this Pope Gregory ( for whether they did it iusty or iniustly is the second question ) for such crimes or no. I haue affirmed that Lambertus was of this opinion , but P. R. denieth it . So he . 120. VVherto I answere , that this is not the point in question , wh●ther Lambertus did thinke , that they had excōm●nicated him or no ? Ne●ther did we euer ioyne issue therupon , as doth appe●re in my charge before set downe : though Lamber●us is not found any where to affirme that they did excomunicate him , but only rela●eth , that some of his enemies in their fury , rage , and passion did obiect ●uch things against him : but the true question is , Whether Lambertus supposing such a thing had byn done , were of opinion , that it was iustly or iniustly , rightly or wrong●ully done , for otherwise he should impertinently be brought in for the cōdemnation of Pope Gregory : for so much as if he had bin wrongfully and iniuriously so condemned , it would haue bin more for his praise , as by the examples of S. Athanas. S. Chrys. & other holi● men so cōdemned by multitudes of either bad or deceyued Bishops , may appeare . 121. Wherfore we see M. Morton brought heere into great straites , and forced first to chang the whole state of the question : and then to say , that I did deny that which I did not , and himselfe to affirme that thing which is neither to the purpose , nor can be proued to be true . For neither did I deny that Lambertus knew of such a condemnation , nor is M. Morton able out of him to proue , that he knew it . And if it were , yet is it a very absurd and iniurious manner of proceeding , vpon another mans relation only , without approbation or liking the fame , to infame & condemne so grea● a man as P. Greg. was . Let vs set down the Case in true tearms . 122. A Sonne complayning that his Father hath byn iniustly infamed , saith , that his enemies amongst other things did slaunderously accuse him of murder , stealth , adultery and the like , but that all was false & done of hatred against him . Wherupon notwithstanding som● of them hauing no authority therunto did depriue him of an high office which he bare in the Comonwealth● and his cōplaint remaining in Record , some enemy of his house many yeares after , should alleadg these things for true against him , and should cite the ●estimony o● his owne Sonn● for witnes therof , might not he be accompted for a notable bad fellow & malicious calumniator , that would do this ? M. Mort. Case is iust the same towards P. Greg. and Lambertꝰ alleaging the later for infaming the first : wheras he doth defend , prayse and extoll him . Can there be more wilfull malice then this ? But let vs examine yet further some wordes of his defence . 123. Besides this ( saith he ) the said Bishops and people did congratulate the Emperours comming , because it was reported that he came with a resolute courage to depose ( Gregory ) the Pope . And thē he inferreth thus . Here we see it graunted by Lambertus that all the Bishops of Italy were desirous to haue this Pope Greg. deposed● But we haue shewed a little before what manner of Bishops those were . And now if M. Morton would haue dealt plainly , and without fraud ( as scarce he doth in any thing ) and haue continued the wordes of Lambertus but a little further , as they ly in his text , we should hau●●eene the causes of this their desire : for thus L●●bertus writeth . Praeterea quia fama vulgauerat ad deponendum Papam ●er●cibus eum ●nimis properare ( which M. Morton translateth , with a resolute courage ) admodum gratulabantur oblatam sibi occasionem esse , qua in cum , qui se iampridē ab Ecclesi● comm●●ione suspenderat &c. Moreouer , ●or so much as the same was now publike , that the Emperour came hastening his iorney with a ●yerce mynd to depose the Pope , they did greatly congratulate , that they had an occasion offered , whereby they might fitly reueng their iniury vpon him , that had before suspended them fr● Ecclesiast . Cōmunion . And by this you see the true case why these delinquents were glad to see a potent enemy come to vex him that was their lawful iudg : was this any dispraise to him ? but let vs see yet further in M. Mort. defēce . 124. After all this ( saith he ) the Emperour goeth to Rome , seeketh absolution of the Pope , returneth backe againe , and the Bishop Eppo is sent after to signify to the Italians this submission to the Pope . VVhat now ? Now followeth the testimony which was alleaged : Qui cum causā Italis expofuisset &c. VVhen Eppo had told his message to the Italians , all of them began to rage and fret &c. casting vpon the Pope all opprobrious reproaches , whom all the Bishops of Italy had before iustly excōmunicated , because by Symony he had defiled the Sea Apostolicke . Could this Cronologer but acknowledg that the Pope had byn excōmunicated by the Bishops of Italy , who ( as he cōfessed in the beginning ) did reioice at the cōming of the Emperour , because he came with a resolution to depose the Pope ? 125. To this now I haue answered , that this is not the point in question , whether this Cronologer acknowleged the Pope to haue byn excōmunicated by sōe schismaticall Bishops of Italy or no : but whether he approued the same or no , by alleaging a cause : for so saith M. Mortons first accusation in these words before alleaged : Pope Greg. the 7. ( saith Lābertus ) was excōmunicated of the Bishops of Italy , for that he had defamed the Apostolicke Sea by Symony , & other Capitall crymes . By which words it is euident that M. Mortons intent was to make his Reader belieue , that Lambertus knew there was such a deposition , and besids reproued not the same , in that he alleaged so graue a cause and motiue therof . In both which points M. Morton doth maliciously deceaue his Reader : for neither doth Lambertus expressely affirme the thing it self , ( that is to say , that he was excommunicated by those bishops , but only that his passionate enemies in their fury & rage said so : ) neither did he any way approue or allow thereof , but impug●e it . Neither doth he assigne this Reason ( for that he had defamed the Apostolike Sea by Simony ) as M. Morton affirmeth , and after againe in other words , because by Simony he had defyled the Sea Apostolick . For making vp of which sense M. Morton corrupteth againe the text of Lambertus , putting in ( quia ) for ( qui ) so as euer he must help the die in somewhat . The words of Lambertus may be sene a litle before in our Charge , to wit : That those seditious Italian people that were banded against the Pope , and grieued with the peace made betwene the Emperour and him , did fret and wax fierce both in words , and casting their hands , and with scornefull outcries to contradict his Apostolicall legation sent vnto them : and did cast vpon the Pope all the most foule reproaches and maledictions that fury could suggest vnto them . VVhich words for the most part M. Morton leaueth out , as you may see in his English citation , & he adioyneth , whome all the Bishops of Italy had before iustly excōmunicate , because by Symony he had de●yled the Sea Apostolik . But the words of Lābert are , Sese excōmunicationem illius nihili aestimare &c. that they did esteme nothing his excōmunication , whom all the Bishops of Italy for iust cause had excōmunicated , who had by violence obteyned the Sea Apostolike by the heresy of Simony , and had defiled the same by murthers , adulteries , and other Capitall crimes . In which words we find nothing spoken against the Pope on the part of Lābertus , or as approued by him , but vtterly reproued as proceding from rage & furie of those schismaticall people . And is this a good witnes ? & secōdly we fynd no causatiue for that , or because by Simony he had defiled &c. vttered either on the part of Lābert , or of the Schismatikes , but a thing made out of the malice of M. Morton , who turneth Qui Sedem Apostolicā ; into Quia Sedem Apostolicam per Symoniā &c. to make it seme to be a reasō of their deposing Pope Greg. wheras Lamb. doth not recite it as a reasō ( which allwais supposeth some ground of truth ) but ōly as a meere malicious calūniatiō , cōtumely , & reproach proceeding from men put in fury by suddaine discontentment and despaire . And thus hath M. Mort. deliuered himself in the first point from falsity according to his fashiō , in adding more falsityes to the former . Let vs see his second point which he termeth the foolishnes & so●tishnes of his Accuser . 126. This ●olly he foundeth vpon this principle : That an Author may be cited to testify some fact , without regard of his approouing or reproouing the thing : and that so he cited Lambertꝰ as testi●ying that Pope Gregory was excōmunicated by the Bishops of Italy , though not approouing the same as lawfully donne . Wherunto first we answere , that whē nothing is fought but the bare testimony of the fact , this ground may be admitted : as in the example before alleaged of the Child in the case of his Father , if a man would only make knowne that such and such crimes had byn obiected against the Father , which there we mētioned , he might with sincerity alleage the testimony of his sonne that complained of the same , as we are wont to do in the history of Saints liues , putting downe their reproches published against them by aduersaries ; but in this , if we will proceed with Christian truth and sincerity , we must alleadg such facts in such sense as the Relator or witnes meant them , to wit , shewing that they were falsly , wrongfully and iniuriously obi●cted . And so in this our Case , if M. Morton had only alleaged the testimony of Lambertus for the fact and speaches of these passionate men against Pope Gregory , and had added more ouer sincerely for the discrediting therof , that which the Author addeth , to wit , that it it was false and spoken in passion and fury of anger &c. and had told in like māner the contrary vertues that were in Pope Gregory which Lambertus recounteth , it might well haue passed : but doing the plaine contrary , and endeauoring to defame Pope Gregory by him that greatly defēdeth and cōmendeth both his person and cause , it may be wit in M. Morton , as wit goeth with him , that calleth me a foole for holding the contrary : But sure I am , honesty it can not be , which is neuer separated from truth & plaine dealing . 127. And this shal suffice for this point , p̄termitting sōe other trifles , which M. Mort. toucheth in this place vpon some stomake of reuenge , as it semeth , though meerly false , & without any ●oundation . And therfore passing to his third point of infelicity , which he will needs lay vpō me , for obiecting this matter of Lambertꝰ against him , we shall see , whether he hath any more substance in this , then in the former . 128. First of all noteth me not only for not acute ( as his words are ) but for absurde , in that I do say , that Lambertus doth highly commend not only the vertue , but also the sanctity of Pope Gregory : as though ( saith he ) vertue and sanctity were different things , and might be separated . Wherin I know not how acute M. Morton may seeme to the iudicious Reader , for so much as euery man knoweth lightly that vertue is commonly held but for the way to sanctity , & that via & terminus are different things . And I presume M. Mort. himselfe will make profession of some kind of vertue , though not pretend perchance to be yet a full Saint , at leastwise in this common sense of Sanctity , wherin it is taken & vnderstood ordinarily for aggregation of all vertues in their perfection . 129. Well , I know that the word Sanctity is takē also in some other sense , as namly for that Sanctity which we receaue by our redēption & vocation by Christ , in which sense all baptized Christiās are called Saints by vocatiō , though afterward in life they should be neuer so wicked euen as S. Paul writing to the Corinthiās , termeth thē vocatis Sanctis , Saintes by vocatiō : though afterwards he signifieth diuers of thē to be loaden with grieuous & heinous sinnes , and of these Saints there is store in the world . 130. Thirdly , Sanctity is takē also of Scholmē for a speciall vertue , not differing in substāce from the verue of Religiō , but only that it hath a certaine generality in it , not only to apply our minds firmly to Gods seruice , but also to li●t vp all the works of other morall vertues vnto the same seruice & honor of God : as for exāple the act of abstinēce or temperance which in a morall man may be vsed to other morall ends , as to the health of body , opinion of sobriety & the like , this speciall vertue of Sanctity directeth the same to the glory of Almi . God : & the like in the actions of all other moral vertues . But for so much as concerneth our matter , Sanctity was taken by me in the first sense , wherin a man may be vertuous , and yet no Saint , according to the definition of S. Dionysius Areopagita . Sanctitas quidem est , vt secundū nos loquamur , omni scelere libera perfectaque & penitus in coinquinata munditia . Sanctitie ( to speake according to our vse ) is a certaine perfect and vnspotted puritie o● life , free from all touch o● wickednes : which is somewhat more if you marke it then common vertue , as M. Morton would haue it . And thus much for his acutenes in reprehending my speach in distinguishing vertue from sanctitie , which it seemeth that either he vnderstood not , or considered not well of his reprehensiō before he vttered it : but to the matter it selfe for proof of my vnlucky imputing falshood vnto him in alleaging the authoritie of Lambertus , he bringeth forth three witnesses , to wit , Benno Cardinalis , Abbas Vrspergensis & Sigebertus , all German writers , that reprehend the life of Pope Greg. the 7. called before Hildebrandu● . But what infelicitie is this vnto my imputation out of Lābertus ? It is felicitie inough for my attempt ( if M. Mort. will needs haue it so ) that he hath not byn able to cleere him selfe from opē fraud in alleaging Lambertus against Pope Hildebrand , as now you haue heard . This other is a new matter and from the purpose : whether there be other Authors that speake and write euill of Pope Gregory or no ? it is sufficient for me to haue shewed that Lambertus did not , but in his behalfe and prayse , & consequently that he was falsely brought in for his discredit . 132. But yet to say somewhat of these three other Authors also alleaged here by M. Morton to proue my infelicitie , that in taking frō him one Lambertus I haue gotten three others to come out against me , to wit , a Monke , an Abbot , & a Cardinall : I will answere first vnto the Cardinall , to wit Benno , who being not made by the true Pope Gregory the 7. but by the Antipope calling himselfe Clement the 3. at the procurement of the Emperour , that was his professed enemy , he cānot be accompted either a true Cardinall , or a lawfull witnes , & therefore no maruaile , though in the booke ascribed vnto him by the Protestāts of our days , he be found to raile most intēperatly against the true Pope Greg. about which booke of Bēno notwithstanding I referre me to the Iudgment of another Cardinall whose name beginneth with the same letters , I meane Card. Bellarmine , who hauing diligētly pervsed the said rayling booke , testifieth that he found it excessiue railing , & so extreme full of lies , cōtrary to the writings of all other Authors , that had written of the same Pope , either whiles he liued or after his death vntill Luthers time ( wherof he nameth 32. Anthors in particuler , & ten of thē that wrot whiles he was liuing ) as he protesteth , that he was forced to doubt least some L●theran had writtē the same vnder the name of the foresaid false Card. Benno . Wherfore of this man , being such as he was & conuinced for an open liar by so many witnesses , we say no more , but leaue him to M. Morton , as a fit Knight of the Post for his purpose . 133. As for the other two monkes , Vrsperg . & Sigebertus , the same Card. Bellarmines iudgmēt is , that albeit they being fauorers of the Emperour in that factiō , durst not write ouer plainly in the praise of Pope Greg. & dispraise of his enemy the Emperor their patrone ; yet doth he shew out of their workes , that setting aside a manifest error of Sigebert , that imagined Pope Gregory to be of opiniō that the Masle of a Concubinary Priest was not good ( which he neuer said , but for a punishmēt only cōmanded men not to heare such a naughty Priest ) in the rest Card. Bellarmine , as I said , doth proue that in sundry other occasions both of thē did rather cōmend Pope Greg. thē discommend him , as is euident out of sundry places in their owne workes which Bellarmine citeth . 134. But nothing doth discredit more the bringing in of these two witnesses by M. Mort. then the ioyning thē to Benno , as though they had byn of his opinion , or had written against Pope Gregory as he did . Let vs examine but only this one place alleaged heere out of Vrsperg . & then let any man say , what is to be thought of M. Mort. fidelity : thus he alleageth him . The Abbot Vrsperg . ( saith he ) writeth thus : P. Gregory was an vsurper of the Sea of Rome , not appointed by God , but intruded by fraud & money , a disturber o● the Empire , a subuerter o● the Church . So he . But now let any man read the place & yeare by him quoted : and he shal find the wordes indeed and wors● related by Vrspergensis , as vttered against Pope Gregory by certaine enemies of his gathered togeather iussu Regis Henrici , by the cōmandment of K. Henry , in forme of a Councell or Synod at Brixia , they being in number 30. Bishops : but that Vrspergēsis did affirme any thing of himselfe , or approue the same is not to be found , but rather the quite contrary . For in the very same place and page , he sheweth how these things were cōtradicted & refuted by the famous Anselmus Bishop of Luca then liuing● A man ( saith he ) most excellent , well learned , sharpe in wit &c. and that which exceedeth all , a man knowne to ●eare God , and o● all holy conuersation , in so much as both in his li●e and after his death he was famous in doing miracles . So Vrspergēsis of him , that did defend Pope Gregory against these slaunders which M. Morton alleageth as auerred by Vrsperg . & wil not he yet blush at this new fraud of his discouered ? wil he still cōtinue of forge new lyes against the Authors expresse wordes and meaning ? 135. But yet me thinks that the other which ensu●th is more shamefull , to wit , the ioyning of Seuerinus Biniꝰ for a fourth witnes to the former three , wherof he writeth thus : I● three witnesses be not sufficient against the Pope , wherof one is a Monke , another an Abbot , the third a Card. let vs further vnderstand , that fourthly Seuerinus Binius in his new Editiō o● the Councells , confesseth that the Bishops in a Councell at Wormes An. 1076. declared that Gregory was to be deposed : And that the Councell at Papia An. 1076. did excommunicate ●im : and that the Coūcell of Bishops at Brixia did depose him : the Asts of which Coūcell , as they are recited by Vrspergēsis shew these causes : because he was an vsurper o● the Sea &c. And the Coūcell at Mentz An. 1085. declared him to be iustly deposed . Thus we see that P. R. by denying one Coūcell of Bishops of Italy in Papia , to haue opposed thēselues against this Gregorie , hath contrary to his desire , gayued with that one of Papia , three other Councells , one of Brixia , another of Wormes , the last of Mentz . So vnlucky hath he byn &c. 136. To this I answere first , that the whole supposall of this narratiō ( to wit ) that I did deny the Coūcell or Conciliabulū of Pauia to haue excōmunicated Pope Gregory is vtterly false . For that this was not in questiō betweene vs , as hath appeared by the former discourse , but whether Lambertus did relate and allow of the same , or no : wherof neyther point is found in him , to wit , neither that he relateth the fact , as out of his owne asseueration , but only as obiected by passionate enemies , & much lesse doth he approue the lawfulnes therof but impugne it . This was the state of our question , which now M. Morton seing his errour would willingly chang : but nothing falleth out more aptly for his conuiction then the bringing in of Seuerinus Binius in this place to be a fourth witnes with Benno , Vrspergensis , and Sigebertus for disgracing of Pope Gregory , by affirming that he was condemned in foure seuerall Councells here mētioned . But what if Binius do expressely say , that all these Coūcells were but factious metings and no Councells , and set vp by the Emperour & the Antipope made by him , for malice against the true Pope : & that they were wicked and schismaticall Bishops that met there in conspiracy against their true head ? doth this serue to M. Mortons purpose for disgracing of Pope Gregory by Binius his testimony ? Or doth he deale plainly with his Reader in telling him that Binius is a 4. witnes that ioyneth with Benno , Vrspergensis , & Sigebert , in condemning Pope Greg ? 137. As for Benno the counterfait Card. no man denieth but that he did condemne Pope Gregory , if that Booke be his that goeth in his name : & the like we must vnderstand of Vrspergensis and Sigebert , if we belieue M. Morton , who saith that they wrote out of their owne iudgment against him , wherof notwithstanding we haue shewed the contrary : how then can he coople Binius as a fourth witnes to these three , which Binius he confesseth to be contrary in iudgement , and to defend Pope Gregory most ●arnestly , calling these Councells Conciliabula , factious and schismaticall conspiracies ? Let vs set downe here a comparison for better cōceauing the matter . If a Iew of our time should take vpon him to disgrace the Apostle S. Paul , as many of them haue sought to do , for enuy , that he was first a zealous follower of their law , and should reckon vp the conspiracies made against him in diuers tymes & different places , how he was condemned by sundry metings of principall men , both Iewes & Gentiles , often layd in pryson , often escaped by flying , and the like : inferring therof that he was a troublesome & euill man , & should for witnes hereof bring forth the testimonies , not only of some ancient hereticall enemy of his that liued with him , but other two also , who in the accu●ers opinion were not his frends , and then for a fourth witnesse should ioyne vnto them the testimony of S. Luke himself , that recounteth these things , but in the Apostles high praise , and then should vaunt , & tell his Reader , as heere M. Morton doth , that now he had foure witnesses conspiring togeather in the same matter : would you say that this man dealt otherwise then as a Iew indeed , that is to say , perfidiously ? 138. Let vs heare then what this Binius cited here for the fourth witnes , saith against , or rather for , & in the behalfe of Pope Gregory . First he speaking of a certaine pious embassage or Legation sent by the said Pope to the excommunicated Henry , he saith thus : Quam cùm numinis contemptor & cultor per●idiae excepisset &c. VVhich embassage when the Emperour that contemned God & followed perfidiousnes , had receiued , & cōtrary to the law of Natiōs had beaten with w●ips the Legates that brought the same , & had afflicted thē with most grieuous iniuries , he presently thereupon gathered together at Wormes in Germany a Cōuenti●le of excommunicated & Schismaticall Bishops against the Pope , in which Cōuenticle with the greatest cōtum●ly that could be deuised , were appointed set forth & published those things which Lambertus Schaffnaburge doth relate in his history , to wit , about the deposing of Pope Gregory &c. This is his narration . And is not this a good fourth witn●sse to ioyne with the former for discrediting of Pope Gregory ? and may not a man aswell alleage S. Luke against S. Paul as Binius against this Pope in this cause ? Or might not wee obiect the sacred sufferings and persecutions of that holy Apostle out of S. Luke by the same sort of argumēts that M. Morton doth here the conspiracies of the wicked Emperour & schismaticall Bishops against Pope Gregory their Apostolicall gouernour ? though I do not compare the person of Pope Gregory with the person of S. Paul , as M. Morton will presently calumniate , but the manner of proceding and arguing in their supposed aduersaries , the Iew & M. Morton . But we shall haue occasion to speake more of this in the next point concerning blasphemy : for needs he will haue this my reprehension of him , not only to be false , foolish & vnlucky , as you haue heard , but also blasphemous : this point then we must in this last place consider of . 139. In the end of my former charge I do set downe an example to shew the absurdity of M. Mortōs disgracing of Pope Gregory out of the writings of Lambertꝰ & Frisingensis , by a comparison takē out of the new Testament in these words . If an enemy ( said I ) would discredit both Christ & Christiā religion , & say , Your owne Euangelists do recount foule things against him ( as heere this Minister saith that our Historiographer doth o● Pope Gregory ) & namely that he was accused by the Scribes & Pharisies for casting out diuells in the power of Beelzebub &c. which our Euangelistes do recoūt indeed , but do condemne thē also as false & calumnious , were not this as good & as faithfull a manner of reasoning , as this other of T. Morton out of Lambertus & Frising . against Pope Hildebrand , who is by them most highly commended ? 140. Thus I said at that tyme : & now M. Mort. āswereth that this comparison conteineth blaspemy , which to me semeth strange . And if he had proposed the definition of blaspemie togeather with his accusation , the question would quickly haue byn decided . For that Schole-doctors do define blasphemie to be , Cùm aliquid negatur de Deo , quod ei conuenit , vel asseritur de eo , quod ei non conuenit . VVhen any thing is denied to be in God which is in him , or when any thing is affirmed to be in him , which agreeth not vnto him . By which definition M. Mort. who●e accusation falleth to the ground . For that in my comparison nothing is falsely affirmed or denied to be in God at all : neither doth the comparison touch God himselfe in any affirmation or negation , but only a certaine māner of reasoning , that may be vsed by an enemie , concerning him ; which I do shew to be like to that of M. Mortons : but let vs heare his proofes . 141. VVhosoeuer ( saith he ) shall exactly examine the Analogy of this comparison , must needs acknowl●dg it to be in a manner blasphemous . Marke how he beginneth to temper the matter , calling that in a manner blasphemous , which in the title of his Paragraph he absolutly calleth blaspemie . Let vs heare his reason : For either must Christ ( saith he ) the Sonne of God be compared with Pope Gregory , or ●lse the likenes consisteth in the cōparison of th● Reporter , matching the holy ●uangelists & their Monkes Frisingensis and Lambertus togeather . Wherto I answere , that M. Morton misseth wholy the cushion : for that in neither of these two is the comparison made , but in the manner of reasoning . For as it were no good forme of argument in an enemy to say , These & these things were obiected against Christ as your owne Euangelists do testify , ergo , he was no good man : So is it not in M. Mort. to say , These & these enormious crimes were obiected against Pope Greg. , & recorded by your owne Monk●s Frising . & Lambertꝰ , Ergo , he was a wicked man. Wherein you see that the comparisō by me here brought in , is only in the forme of argumēt in the one & in the other case , and neither betwene Christ & Pope Gregory , nor betwen the Euāgelists & our Monkes is there any comparison made , except only in this , that as Christ was wrongfully slādered , so was Pope Gregory , & many other of his seruāts are daily : & as the Euāgelists should be greatly iniured to be brought in for witnesses as accusing our Sauiour , whō they most dutifully reuerenced & highly cōmended for that they recount slanders obiected against him , by enemies : so are Lambertꝰ & Frising● no lesse abused in being cited ●or authors to disgrace Pope Gregory , whom they defended , iustified , & reuerenced . One other cōparison also may be betweene M. Morton & the enemy , who do reasō after one fashiō , & do seeke to deceiue after one manner . 142. These three later cōparisons I made not in my former speach , but only the first about the form of argumēt : these other do follow ex natura rei : nor is it blasphemy to frame a cōparison betwene God & man , or betweene him & inferior things to mā , so the point be true , wherin the comparison is made . And it seemeth great simplicity or peruersity in M. Mort. to hold the cōtrary : for that all the Scripture is full of comparisons betweene God , heauen , man & other Creatures ; which things , though in themselus they be not cōparable for their natures and qualities , yet may they be in some other points . As the kingdome of heauē is cōpared to a mustard-seed , & God to a husband man , yea to a couetous man , to a theefe that commeth in the night , which in the proportiō of their owne natures , worth , value , dignity or indignity are incōparable : yet in some respect cōparisons may be made without all blasphemy , which I do note the rather to the Reader , for that it is a cōmon refuge of M. Mort. & his fellowes , when they are pressed with any similitude or cōparisō , to runne frō the point wherin the cōparison is made indeed and to seeke out disparities between the things thēselues in points wherin no comparison is made : As if a man out of the Ghospell should alleage any one of the forsaid similitudes ; as that God is like the husband-man , in this point of cultiuating or dunging his groūd , his aduersary should laugh at him , and say it were blasphemy to cōpare such base things as dūging , to the vnspeakable maiesty of almighty God , which were a vayne cauill as you see , because in that point of dignity or indignity , worthines or basenes , the cōparison is not made ; but only in cultiuating : & so is this of M. Morton . And with this we shall leaue him for this argument , only noting by the way , that notwithstanding all the disgrace he hath receaued for vnsincere dealing , yet cā he not passe ouer this place without shewing a tricke or two in that kind , euē in recityng my words . 143. For wheras I said : If an enemy would discredit both Christ and Christian Religion , and say your owne Euangelists do recount &c. he reciteth my wordes thus : If any man would discredit both Christ and Christian religion , and say our Euangelists do recount &c. turning ( an enemy ) into ( any man ) and ( your Euangelists ) into ( our Euangelists ) in the first person , and all this to make my speach seeme more odious by these slippery trickes and helping the dye vnderhand , for that my similitude soundeth differently from the mouth of an enemy , and from a man of our owne Religiō . And finally I would aske M. Morton why he did change these words , if he had no intent of falshood , for so much as the other were as few and as easily to be written as these : but because this Paragraph was to charg me with blasphemy , and finding nothing in my words sounding that way , he thought good by altering them , to make some little appearance : which is an art most vsuall with him . Let him shew the same but in any of our writers , and I promise to stād to my offer before made of neuer belieuing him afterward ; which I confesse , that I must performe in like manner towards M. Morton , vntill I see him alter his course , and become more scupulous of truth , and punctuall sinceritie in his writings . THE SVMME AND finall Reckon●ng of this whole Chapter . §. XV. TO come then to an end of this triall , and to see what substance there is on either syde : M. Morton taking vpon him to answere to the charges of falshood & vntrue dealing layd against him in my late Treatise of Mitigation , chose out fourteene of those which he thought he could best answere , or make some shew at least of satisfaction vnto them , which he hath performed in the manner that you haue heard , to wit , first leauing out the greatest number of such as pressed him most , as in the sequent Chapter you are to behold And albeit he professed in the beginning to satisfy those that I most insisted in , yet that hath appeared to be false , and may be tried for such by any man that will but looke vpō my booke . 145. Secondly , for furnishing vp the shew of these fourten Charges pretēded to be discharged by him , he hath layd hāds of sundry that are very impertinent , & scarse obiected by me as pointes of moment . For which cause he hādleth thē ouer againe & againe , & some three tim● as you haue heard : as namely the 9.10.11.12 . & 13. where as once handling had bin sufficient , especially for that others remayned of far greater weight to haue bin treated , if he had listed or thought it easy . 146. Thirdly , of the rest which he pretendeth to satisfy ( for touching sōe , he cōfesseth in effect his owne weaknes & imbecility , either dēying that he read the books & Authors , which he had cyted & vrged against vs , or remitting vs to other men for the answere , that had lēt him the said authorities ) are the 2. the 4. the 5. & 6. So as these two sorts making vp ten of his fourteen Charges , there remayned to him but foure more to discharge , which how māfully he hath performed I remit me to the view , wherby wil be seen ( I doubt not ) that he hath not ●nly not wyped of the scarrs ( to vse his phrase ) of the former imputatiōs , but hath made also many more , not only scars & scratches , but also deeper woūds a new by making new escapes no lesse enormous then the former : & cōsequētly you may consider of the truth of his promise and vaunt made in the entrance to this Chapter , to wit , that he would giue such satisfaction , as that not only the wound of slander may be cured , but euen also the s●spicious scars of imputation wiped away . Thus he promised then , but now for lacke of performance , both scarres & wounds are renewed , & deeply impressed , as will appeare more euidently by the ensuing Chapter , which is to lay downe a very pittifull list of many scarres & wounds left vncured by him , that is to say many grieuous charges of vntrue dealing , that were obiected vnto him , & vrged by his aduersary , are now wholy pretermitted , concealed , & dissembled by him in this his Answer , whē most effectually he should haue sought to heale them . THE SIXT CHAPTER CONTEYNING A recapitulatiō of many manifest vntruthes wherwith M. Morton being charged by his Aduersary P. R. did wittingly pretermit to mention them in his last Reply , & therby left suspitiō , that he could not answere thē . PREFACE IT hath appeared now by that which hath byn writen before , that albeit the first & principall end , for which T.M. framed this Booke of Preamble was to make some shew of answering , or shifting of some of the great multitude of vntruthes & falshoods layd against him , or to vse his owne words , to s●ay the preiudice of his Reader : yet that the successe therof hath byn far wide frō his expectatiō ; for that he hath not only not cleared , but much more intāgled himself therin , especially in regard of these 2. or 3. points . First that he making a seuerall Chapter for answering the accusations of falshood ( which is the precedent ) he chooseth out both the fewest & weakest of all the rest , & secōdly answereth thē in such sort , as he addeth new falshods to the old : & thirdly though he professe not to haue singled out such , which might seeme vnto him most easily answered , but those which P. R. hath most vehemē●ly p●●ssed & vrged , as he saith : yet doth he in very deed the quite cōtrary , chusing out both the weakest & least insisted vpon , as will appear by examinatiō . For which cause though I desired here to make an end : yet haue I byn inforced , for the presenting more liuely to the Readers eye the falshood of this assertiō , to set down some nūber of other vntruths laid against him in my Treatise , & for the indignity therof pressed & vrged by me against him , as much , or more thē any of these 14. which he hath chosen out , wherof diuers were of the lightest sort that I obiected against him , & many of thē treated & discussed before , as now you haue seen . Let vs run ouerthen if you please some nūber of other falshoods obiected to him by me ( for that to resume & discusse all would aske a seueral Treatise ) which are cōcealed by him in this his answere . The cause why is easy to be cōiectured . THE FIRST Pretermitted falshood by Thomas Morton without mention or answere . §. I. ANd first I shall begyn with that , which I obiected against him of the abusing of the learned man Gabriel Vasquez concerning the nature of heresy , wherof I wrote thus . In the third page ( quoth I ) of his said reply ( of satisfactiō● he beginning to talke of the nature of heresie , hath these words : VVe may not be ignorant first that seing the nature of heresie is such , that it is a vice proper to the mind , it may denominate the subiect whatsoeuer an hereticke , without obstinacie , which is only a peruerse obliquity of the will , & therfore a man may be an hereticke , though he be not obstinate . And for proofe of this false doctrine he citeth in his margent , Vasquez Iesuita , whose words are : Malitia huius peccati intellectu non in voluntate consummatur : The malice of this synne of heresie is prefected and made consummate in the vnderstāding & not in the will , which our Mynister vnderstanding not , and yet desirous , as in the preface to the Kings Maiesty he insinuateth , to deuide our tongues , and to make our wryters seeme contrary the one to the other ; hath fondly slandered the learned man Vasquez in this place , by making him seeme to be patron of this his absurd doctrine , that heresie may be without obstinacy , wheras Vasquez in the very same disputation heere by him cyted , expresly doth imp●gne this doctrine and establisheth the contrary , defyning heresy thus : Haeresis nihil aliud est , quàm error in rebus ●id●i cum pertina●ia : Heresie is nothing els , but an ●rrour in matters of faith with obstinacy . 3. Which an other learned man of the same schoole , by somewhat a more ample definition declareth thus : Heresie ( saith he ) is an errour contrari● to the Catholicke fayth , ●herunto a man that hath professed ●he said faith in his Baptisme doth adhere , with an obstimat● mind : which definition he proueth ex communi mente D●c●orum , by the common consent of schoole doctours . And finally not to stand vpon a thing so cleere among vs , S. Thomas for decision hereof hath th●se wordes : de ratione haer●sis sunt duo , ●lectio priuatae disciplinae , & pertinacia . Two things are of the es●ence and intrinsecall nature of heresie , without which heresy cānot be : the one , the choice or election of a particuler doctrine , discipline or opinion , contrary to the doctrine of the vniuersall Church : the oth●r , pertinacy or obstinacy in defending the same , though the party know , that it be against the doctrine of the Church , without which knowledge & obstinacy there can be no heresie . 4. This is our Catholicke doctrine about the nature of heresy , to wit , that it cannot be without obstinacy , which is so common and triuiall , as it is now come into an ordinary Prouerb , to say : well I may be in errour , but hereticke wi●● I neuer be , for that I hold nothing obstinately . And as for the words of Vasqu●z : That the malice of heresy is consummated in the vnderstanding , and not in the will : If our Mynister had read the other words immediatly going before , he might perhaps haue vnderstood Vasquez meaning , for they are these . Vt aliquis sit v●●è reus h●resis &c. To make a man be truly guilty of heresie , it is not necessary , that he be carried directly in his affection or will against the authority of the Church , that is to say it is not needfull , that he haue an expresse will ●nd purpose to disobay or contradict the Church , but it is inough that he do contradict the same re ipsa , indeed , knowing that opinion which he defendeth to be against the authority of the sayd vniuersall Church , albeit he be not induced to this belief with a direct will to impugne the Church , but either by desyre of glorie or other inducement : so as indeed the malice of this sinne is consummated in the vnderstanding , and not in the will. 5. This is the dis●ourse and doctrine of Vasquez in this place about the nature and essence of Heresie , wherin he doth not exclude either the vnderstanding or will , but includeth them both expresly : for that as there must be knowledg , which apperteyneth to the mynd or vnderstanding : so must there be choice with obstinacie , which belongeth to the will and affection : but his scholasticall consideration is , in which of these two powers of our soule this synne of heresy receaueth her consummation . For better explication wherof , let vs vse this example . 6. If a man should hold or belieue an erroneous proposition contrary to the doctrine of the Catholicke Church : as for example , that there were but one nature in Christ , not knowing yt to be against the Catholicke Church , yt were false in yt selfe , and an errour in his vnderstanding , but not Heresy , except also by act of his will , he should choose to hold it with resolution and obstinacy euen after that he knoweth the same to be against the doctrine of the said Church : for then this knowledg ( saith Vasques ) that it is against the Church , maketh it perfect and consummate Heresy : albeit the matter passe not to a further act of will , to wit , that he chooseth expresly to contradict the authority of the Church therin , which should be a greater synne , but yet is not necessary , for that the perfect nature of heresy is consummated , by knowing that it is against the Church . And for that this notice or knowledg belongeth to the vnderstanding , therfore Vasquez holdet● that the last perfection or consummation of this synne is in the vnderstanding , and not in the will , not meaning to exclude therby obstinacie of the will ( as ignorantly T.M. doth when he sayth , VVe● may not be ignorant : ) but to shew in what power of the mind the last perfection and consummation of this heynous synne consisteth , to wit , that a man may be a perfect and consummate hereticke by holding ob●tinately any opinion against the Doctrine of the Church , after we once know it to be against the said Churches doctrine , though wee haue not that further malice also of expresse will & purpose to contradict therby the sayd Church , but only we hold the same , for that the opinion pleaseth vs , or is profitable , or honorable vnto vs , or thereby to contradict an other , or some such like inducement , according to those words of S. Augustine to Honoratus : Haereticus est , qui alicuius temporalis cōmodi , & maxime gloriae principatusque sui gratia , falsas ac nouas opiniones vel gignit , vel sequitur . An hereticke is he , who in respect of some temporall commodity , but especially for his owne glory and preheminence , doth beget or follow false and new opinions . 7. The same S. Augustine also against the Donatists proposeth this example : Consti●uamus ( sayth he ) aliquem sentire de Christo quod Photinus &c. Let vs imagine one to thinke of Christ , as Photinus the heretike did , perswading himselfe , that it is the Catholicke faith &c. Istū nondum haereticum dico ( ●ayth he ) nisi mani●estata sibi doctrina Catholicae fidei resistere maluerit , & illud quod tenebat , elegerit . I do not yet say this man is an her●tick , vntill a●ter that the doctrine of the Catholicke fayth being opened vnto him , he shall choose notwithstanding to resist , & to hold by choice that whi●h before he held by errour . In which words S. Augustine doth euidently declare , how necessary both knowledge and will are vnto heresie : and consequentlie how absurd and ridiculous the as●ertion of M. Morton is , that heresie being a vice proper to the vnderstanding , may denominate the subi●ct whatsoeuer an her●ti●ke , without obstinacie of will. For a●beit we grant withall Deuines , that heresie is in the vnderstāding as in her subiect ( & so is faith also that is her opposite ; ) & further that her last persection & consummation is from the forsaid knowledge in the vnderstanding , as Vasquez doth explane yt : yet doth not Vasquez or any Deuine els exclude the necessity of pertinacity also and election in the will : and consequently both his words and meaning haue byn euidently falsifyed and calumniated by T. M. And so much of this first charge , wherby you may see what bookes might be made against him , if wee would follow his ●●●pps in all his fraudulent traces . 8. This was my charge to M. Morton at that tyme , and yt was a great Charge as yow see , and more earnestly pressed then diuers of these other smaller matters , which in the former Chapter he singled out to answere , though as you haue heard he professeth the contrary . But why said he nothing to this , seing it hath more difficulty in it , then many other layd togeather ? Surely no other so probable cause can be alleaged , as the difficulty made him to flie the endeauour of answering it . But let vs see some others , of not much vnlike quality to this . THE SECOND Pretermitted falshood by Thomas Morton . §. II. THIS is a like abuse practized by M. Morton against the learned Azor , thus by me set downe , in my former Treatise . In the very same page ( said I ) he going about to make vs odious by our seuere censuring of hereticks , putteth downe first these words of Alphonsus de Castro : He that vnderstanding any opinion to be expressely condemned by the Church , shall hold the same , is to be accompted an obstinate hereticke . Wherupo● M. Morton plaieth his pageant thus . What obstinate ? It may be , some do but doubtingly defend it , what will yow iudge of these ? Wherunto he answereth out of Azor : If he doubt therof willingly , he is certainly an hereticke . But by our Ministers leaue Azor addeth more . Quoties quis voluntariè & per●inaciter de fide dubitat , eo ipso est Haereticus . As often as a man doth doubt willingly and obstinatly of his faith , he is thereby an hereticke . For that faith is a sure and certaine assent of mind vnto those things that are to be belieued : and he that willingly and obstinatly doubteth of the truth therof , ●an not haue this firme and perfect assent and consequently hath no fayth during the tyme of this wilfull and obstinate doubting . 10. And that yow may vnderstaud of what importance this word Pertinaciter is , that this ma● cūningly so cutteth out of Azor his words , yow must know that he in the very same Chapter holdeth that if a man doubt without pertinacity , being ready to submit his iudgment , when he shal be instructed in the truth , incurreth not heresie at all . So as heere the most substantiall word is left out , and craftily conueyed away by our deuider of tongues , wherby the Author is made to say the quite opposyte to that he sayth and protesteth . 11. These were my words at that tyme. And now let the iudicious Reader iudge , what cause I had to complaine as I did , and yet got no satisfaction of M. Morton at all , though the title of his former booke was a full Satisfaction : and this later Preamble was cast out for a supply or complement to the said Satisfaction . Did not this obiection deserue to be satisfyed before diuers other trifles , wherwith you haue heard him now to fill vp paper , and intertaine his Reader ? Let vs go forward . THE THIRD Pretermitted falshood by Thomas Morton . §. III. AND for that we haue begone to talke of Azor , whome M. Morton some tymes will seeme highly to esteeme , wee shall cyte an example or two of his abuse towards him , which is s●t downe in my Treatise , about a Case of comming from a Citty infected , or belieued to be inf●cted , in these wordes . 13. The first Case shal be ( quoth I ) that which our Mynister so often proposeth , and odiously doth exaggerate about Couentry , saying : That our English Equiuocators do teach , that if a man come from Couentry , for exāple , which towne is held to be infected with the plague , himselfe dwelling in a part of that Citty , which is free frō infec●ion , and being asked at London gates , whether he came from Couentry , th●y intending to aske him concerning a place infected he may answere , no. For that herin he deceiueth not the mynd of the questioner , but answereth directly to his intention . So propoundeth he the Case , as he pretendeth , out of the Catholicke Treatise of Equiuocation , which hitherto I haue not seene , and consequently cannot affirme , how truly or falsely the same is related : but he hauing so vttered the said Case , doth in opposition therof cyte the foresaid Iesuite Azor his sentence against this , as though he said , that if we admit this Case : Nihil tam falsum esse posse , quod non queat ab omni mendacio liberari : nothing is so false , but that it may be freed from a ly : which words are indeed in Azor , but not applied by him to this Case , but to another , saying : That is it were lawfull ●or vs , to feigne what words wee would in an Oath without regard to the circumstances of tyme , place and persons before mentioned , t●en nothing were so false indeed , that might not be freed from all lying . But this Case of ours goeth not cōioyned with these words of Azor , as M. Morton hath perfidiously heere tyed them togeather : but Azor speaking twice of this our Case in one page , first in the name of others by way of obiection , and againe in his owne name by way of resolution , he saith : Libenter concedimus de eo , qui ad portas Vrbis rogatur &c. VVe do willingly grant the example of him , who comming to the gates of a Citty & being asked whether he came from a certai●e place , which by errour is thought to be infected with the plague , and is not , tutò citra mendacium iurare pot●st● se ex eo loco non venire : he may secur●ly sweare without lying , that he commeth not ●●om that place : so as he vnderstand that he commeth not ●rom any place infected with the plague , nor that himselfe ●s infected This is Azor his iudgment & resolution . And before him this Case was resolued by Doctor Syluester , Nauar , Tolet , Roderiquez , Cosmus Philiarchus and diuers other learned men : as after him also by our often named Countrey man Gregorius Sayer : and the reason of the lawfulnes of this answere is , for that the answere being sure , that either the place is not infected from whence he came , or that himselfe hath brought no infection about him ( for otherwise he should be periured ) it were great iniurie vnto him to be staied at the gate wit●out cause . And therefore for declyning this iniurie and iniustice , it is lawfull for him to answere to the finall end and intention of the keeper , and of the Citty or Common wealth ( whose intention only is to exclude infected people ) and not to their immediate words about the particuler place . 14. And now all this being so , cōsider , I praie yow ( said I ) the shamelesse forehead of this deceauing Minister , in citing Azor quite against himselfe , and his owne sense and meaning : and tying his wordes togeather that were spoken separately to another end : and yet as though he had played no such iugling tricke , but had gotten some victory ouer vs , heare his insolent speach about this answere , set downe by so many learned men as yow haue heard named . An answere ( saith he ) so grossely false , that a Iesuit , of high esteme in your Church ●to wit Azor ) writing against this spirituall iuggling of his subtile lying brethren doth confesse , that if this kind of answere concerning a place infected with the plague &c. be not false , then there is no speach so false , but it may be freed from falshood . By whome your Equiuocators ( sayth he ) may learne , that if the man yow fancied came not from a place infected with bodily pestilence , yet this your Equiuoting procedeth from mynds spiritually infected w●th the contagion of pestilent lying . So he 15. And I do willingly remit my selfe to the indifferent Reader , where this contagion of pestilent lying raigneth , either in these graue learned m●n , that haue decided this qu●stion without lying and against lying : or in M. Morton that hath multipli●d so many lies togeather in this place , as is a shame to number them ? For b●sides all that I haue noted alreadie , he cor●upteth also h●re the v●ry text of Azor , which himselfe alleadg●th in his marg●nt , by translating it falsely into English , where as Azor saith in the Case proposed , Si venit ex loco aliquo p●ste minimè insecto , qui ●alsò habet●r pro ins●cto : he ●ngl●sh●th the same by le●uing out the words ( minime & ●alsò ) saying : If ●e c●me ●rom a place in●●c●ed : which alt●r●th the whole Case . For if either the place , or h●mse●fe be in●ected , he cannot sweare without periury , as hath byn sayd . Secondly , he sayth that Azor t●● lesuite doth write against the spirituall iuggl●ng o● his subtile-lying br●thr●n : & yet are neither the principall Authors of this answere and resolution Iesuites , as by their names you haue heard ; nor writeth Azor against them , but with them , and for them in this Case , conforming his iudgment as you see to theirs , that a man comming ●rom such a place , may ius●lie sweare in the ●or●e that hath byn sayd . Nor is their answere subtile iuggling , as the Mynister slaundereth , but plaine and reall dealing , yelding their resolution , togeather with the reason therof , as hath byn declared . And all the iuggling is on M. Mortons syde , who declaming against lying , doth nothing but lye : and yet fynally concludeth most rydiculously his speach thus : Therefore be you exhorted ●or the loue of God , who is truth , to recant your doctrine of Equiuocating , the M●tropolis o● lies Wherunto my answere is , that in my opinion T. Mort. is well worthy to be the Metropolitan of that Metropolis : for if euer man , honest or vnhonest , lay or clergie , l●arned or vnlearned ( to vse his manner of exaggeratiōs ) did tell so many lyes togeather , ●nd in print , and within the compasse of so few lynes , as Morton here hath done , I am much deceiued &c. Thus I wrote at that tyme , & can M. Morton say that this abuse is not much insisted vpon by me for wringing out some answere ? Let the Reader be iudge betweene vs. He sayth in the beginning of his precedent Chapter , that he tooke vpon him to answer , not such points as were easiest to answere , but such as I most insisted vpō : which you see to be false in both points . Let vs passe to others . THE FOVRTH Pretermitted falshood by M. Morton . §. IIII. THERE followeth another falshood vsed against the same Author Azor , more notable perhaps thē any of the former : & thus by me expressed in my Treatise of Mitigation : where hauing shewed how impertinētly M. Mortō had produced a place of Exodus , to wit , Thou shalt not beare false witnesse , to proue that euery mentall Equiuocation was a lye , I went forward with this speach . 17. But harken further ( quoth I ) for that M. Morton will bring another proo●e more strange then this . Your great Moralist Azor ( saith he ) doth condemne all Equiuocators herin ( to wit for mentall Equiuocation in an Oath ) as periured lyars , or otherwise ( sayth he ) there is nothing in an Oath , that may not be affirmed and denied without a lye . Thus he . And I would demaund M. Mortō about this matter , whether he will sweare this to be true which he sayth of Azor ? For if Ministers & Priests go in equall ranke in England , a Mynisters word ought to be equall to an Oath : as a Priests word , laying his hand on his brest , is with vs : and then must I needs cōclude Morton●or ●or a periured lyar indeed , who hath so perfidiously belyed Azor in this place , and that in so many points . For first Azor handling in the Booke and Chapter by him cyted , De iure●urando cui videtur veritas aliquo modo deesse : Of an Oath which may seeme in some sort to want truth , he doth put downe diuers example● ( 8. or 9. at least ) wherin the swearer may sweare truly in his owne s●nse , though false in the sense of him that exacteth the Oath . All which are so many plaine approbations of swearing equiuocall propositions without periury , and so many publicke contradictions and confutations of Tho. Mortons notorious slaunder auouch●d here against him , that he condemneth all Equiuocators for lyars . Of which Cases here determyned by Azor against M. Morton , the first is , Si Sacerdos rogetur &c. If a priest be asked any thing which he hath heard in Confession , he may answere , Se ●ihil scire , nihil audiuisse : that he knoweth nothing , he hath h●ard nothing . And how thē doth this great Morali●● condemne all Equiuocators herin as periured lyars ? Is not this public●e lying in Tho. Morton ? and that in print ? And were not this formall periury , if he did sweare it in any Court whatsoeuer ? as namely in his Lords Court of the Arches ? And should he not be punished in that Court , as a periured person , if it were proued against him ? And how then dareth he to commit the same so publikely without blushing ? But let vs leaue him to his Lords correction in this behalfe , and so passe on to another point . 18. Secondly th●n , not only the sense and drift , but the words themselues set downe by T.M. out of Azor , are most fraudulently and falsely alleaged : Quidam putauit ( saith he ) ●as esse cuiquam , vt vitam suam conseruet , hosti iurare , tantūmodo ●o sensu , quem mente in●us concipit : possemus enim hac ratione quiduis negare , & nihil non absque menda●io dicere . Some haue thought it lawfull ( sayth he ) to euery man , for the conseruation of his life to sweare to his enemy only in that sense which he conceiueth inwardly in his owne mynd , which if it should be graunted , then might we by this meanes deny anything , & speake what we will without a lye . 19. These are alleaged for Azor his words , and indeed the most of them are in Azor , but not togeather as they lye heere , but some in one place , and some in another , spoken to different purposes , & in different sense from that T. M. alleageth thē corruptly in this place . And for proofe herof , & of the egregious consenage of this Minister , it shal be sufficient to let yow know , that this speciall example alleaged here as out of Azor , & as reiected by him of one that sware to his enemy for sauing his life in another sense thē his words did soūd , is not reiected , but allowed & approued by Azor. For that he hauing proposed the Case first vnder other learned mens names , much after the sense as here is set down by M. Mortō , he commeth at length to resolue , and approue the same in his owne name saying : quare libenter concedimus id quod paulò ante dicebatur de co , qui , vt se saluum tueatur , promittit latroni , Tyrano , aut hosti , daturum se illi pecuniae quantitatē &c. Wher●or● we do willingly grant that , which before was proposed of him that by Oath doth promise vnto a theefe , a Tyrant , or his enemy for sauing his life , to giue him a certaine quātity of money , which yet notwithstanding in his mynd he hath no purpose to do , he swearing with this reseruation ( of mind ) dabo si debeo : I will giue yt , if I owe yt . 20. Now then consider , good Reader , the honestie and truth of T. Morton that bringeth in Azor to condemne that as lying periury , which he doth not onlie allow , as truth , and no lye ; but proueth also the lawfulnes therof by many examples , and especially by this of him that sweareth by Equiuocation , which example M. Morton bringeth in as condemned by Azor for periurious lying . What will you say ? or what will you do with such men ? And do you note also that in the former words of Azor he cutteth of La●roni & Tyranno , and this to peru●nt a Case resolued against him afterward by Ci●●ro predonibus & pira●is , to theeues and pirats periury is not committed : what then ( I say ) is to be thought , or said , or done with such men ? Himselfe setteth downe a rule in his epistle Dedicatory to the Kings Matie cyted out of ●ully , which is , that such are as taken once in lying , may neuer after be credited againe , which he applieth against the Catholicks : but how iustly it ought to be practised in him and his followes , that are taken at euery turne in such notorious willfull lying , is euident to the discreet Reader , &c. 21. So wrote I in my la●t Treatise , laying downe the falsity and indignity of this manner of dealing . And this I thinke also to haue byn sufficiently insisted vpō by me , which might haue moued M. Morton to haue yelded vs some peece of answere , if he had pleased , or had thought himselfe able : Wherunto he was specially bound , for that in the precedent Chapter , as you haue heard , he cyted Azor for one of his three Iesuits that condēne all Equiuocation : but it semeth that he careth litle what he saith in one place , so he may scape out in another , where he is most pressed . And yet after all this in the very end of his book , he maketh new Chalēges of sincere integrity , as freshly , as if he hadneuer bene taken in the turnings , windings , and contradictions , which now you haue heard and wondered at , I doubt not . THE FIFTH Pretermitted falshood by M. Morton . §. V. LET VS passe from these two Iesuits to a third : for ●t seemeth that M. Morton hath a speciall grace in ●i●gracing these men , though with his owne litle grace & credit . The falshood obiected against him in this place is about a 〈◊〉 of the w●●ds & sense of Cardinall ●olet by a sleight or two of M. Morton , thus by me recorded in my Treatise of Mitigation . 23. If followeth presently in the same text ( said I ) where M. Morton continueth his pleasant veyne of playi●g with vs. But i● may ●e ( saith he ) that he which doubteth is ignorant : ●ill no ignorance excuse him ? Wherunto he ●rameth of himselfe this answere , cyting Tolet in the margent for the same : Affected ignorance doth argue him an obstinate Heretick . Which if you marke , doth not answere the demaund , for he demaundeth , whether no ignorance at all doth excuse him , and then answereth ; that affected ignorance doth not excuse him , but doth rather argue him an heretick . Now those that be learned do know , that there be diuers sortes of ignorance , and of diuers d●grees , wherof affec●ed is the most culpable : so as this is very impertinent . For that albeit affected ignorance do not excuse him , yet some other , lesse faulty may do yt . And this for the sense . But if we looke vpon the words themselues of Tolet , cyted by this man in the margent , we shall discouer much more impertinency or impudencie rather : for they are these : Ignorantia crassa non excusat aliquem à pertinacia : Grosse ignorance doth not excuse a man from pertinacy . Now grosse ignorance and affected ignorance are two different things , which may be vnderstood by this example : That one may be ignorant o● Catholicke R●ligion by grosse ignorāce , in that attending to worldly a●●airs , he doth not care to informe hims●l●e : but he is ignorant by affected ignorance , that doth purposely fly to be informed . So as here still our ignora●● Mynister either ex ignorantia crassa or aff●ctata , telleth vs quid pro quo , in translating affected i●norance , for grosse ignorance . And then againe in eng●●sh●ng , non ex●u●at aliquem à per●inacia , doth argue ●●m ●n ob●●●●●●●ereticke : ●or that it is one t●ing to argue , and another not to excuse . And wh●r●s ●e●ore ● . M. held , that pert●nacie appertained not at all to the nature of heresy , here contrary wise he translateth pe●tinacia , an obstinate here●ick , making it to signify both substātiue & adi●ctiue , subs●āce & q●a●ity . But yet further then this you must note , that in cyting this sentēce out of Tolet , he cunninglie dissebleth the Authors assertiō set downe clerely not six lynes before these word● : Pertinacia necessaria est ad consti●uendum hominē●ae●e●i●um : Pertinacie is necessary to make a man an heretic●e : being the quite contrary proposition to that of this man before set downe in the first example of his corruptions in the former part of his Reply &c. 24. This was myformer discourse and conuiction against him . And was not this worthy of some consideration in his answere ? But we must go forward , for there resteth much to recount . THE SIXT Pretermitted falshood by Thomas Morton . §. VI. AFTER Cardinall Tolet may succeed Bellarmine of the same dignity , and of no lesse fame for learning and vertue , whome as you haue heard him abused before by M. Morton in the precedent Chapter ( though he wēt about to excuse it : ) so more notably shall yow see it heere , which I insisted vpon so earnestly , moued with the indignity of the abuse , as I cannot but maruaile , that M. Morton with any credit could pretermit to answere somewhat therunto . My words are these : 26. But yet in the very next page after , he vseth a farre greater immodestie , or rather per●idie in my opiniō , in calūniation of Cardinall Bellarmine , whom he abuseth both in allegatiō , translatiō , application , and vayne insultation : for thus he citeth in his text out of him . Ancient generall Councells ( sayth the Romish Pretence ) were not gathered without the cost of good and Christian Emperours , and were made by their consents . For in those dayes , the Popes did make supplication to the Emperours , that by his authority he would gather Synods : but after those tymes all causes were changed , because the Pope , who is Head in spirituall matters , cannot be subiect in temporall . Bellarm. lib. 1. de Concil . c. 13. § . Habemus ergo . 27. And hauing alledged this resolution of Bellarmine , the Minister insulteth ouer him in these words● Who would think this man could be a Papist , much lesse a Iesuite , how much lesse a Cardinall , who thus disableth the title of the Pope , granting to vs in these words : After these tymes ( that is a●ter six hundred yeares ) the truth of purer antiquities challenging Popes to be subiect vnto Christian Emperours . And yet who but a Papist would ( as it were in despite of antiquity ) defend the degenerate state , saying : After those tymes Popes might not be subiect in temporall matters ? as if he should haue sayd : Thou gracious fauour of ancient Christian Emperours : Thou sound iudgment of ancient reuerend Fathers : Thou deuout subiection of ancient holy Popes : in summe , Thou ancient purity and pure antiquity , adieu . But we may not so bastardly reiect the depositum and doctrine of humble subiection , which we haue receiued from our Fathers of the first six hundred yeares : and not so only , but which ( as your Barkley witnesseth ) the vniuersall Christian world imbraced with common consent for a full thousand yeares . So he . 28. And do yow see how this Mynister tryumpheth ? Who would thinke that men of conscien●e or credit could make such ostentation vpon meere lyes deuised by themselues as now we shall shew all this brag to be ? And as for D. Barkley alleadged ●n the last lynes , let any man read him in the book● & Chapter cyted and he will wonder at the impudency of this vaunter : for he speaketh no one word of gathering Councells , or comparison of spirituall authority betweene the Pope and Emperour , concerning their gathering of Councells or Synods : but of a quite different subiect , of taking armes by subiects against their lawfull temporall Princes . And what will our Minister then answere to this manifest calumniation so apparently conuinced out of D. Barkley ? But let vs passe to the view of that which toucheth Cardinall Bellarmine , against whom all this tempest is raised . 29. First then we shall set downe his words in Latyn according as T. M. cyteth him in his margent . Tunc Concilia generalia sievant ( sayth he ) non sin● Imperatorum sumptibus , & e● tempore Pontifex subijcie●at se Imperatoribus in temporalibus , & ideo non poterant inuito Imperatore aliquid agere : idcirco Ponti●ex supplica●at Imperatori , vt iuberet conuocari Synodum . At post illa tempora omnes causae mutatae sunt , quia Pontifex , qui est Caput in spiritualibus , non est subiectus in temporalibus . Then in those daies generall Councells were made not without the charges of Emperours , and in that tyme the Pope did subiect himselfe vnto Emperours in temporall affaires , and therefore they could do nothing against the Emperours will : for which cause the Pope did make supplication to the Emperour , that he would commaund Synods to be gathered : but after those tymes al● causes were changed , for that the Pope who is head in spirituall matters is not subiect in temporall affaires . So he . 30. And here let vs cōsider the varietie of ●leights and shifts of this our Mynister , not only in cyting Bellarmynes wordes falsely and against his meaning and drift in Latin , wherof we shall speake presently : but in peruerting this Latin , that he hath so corruptly set downe in his former English translatiō . For first hauing said according to the latin , that generall Councells in these daies were not gathered without the cost of Emperours , he addeth presently of his owne , & were made by their consents , which is not in the Latin : & then he cutteth of the other words immediatly ensuing which conteine the cause , to wit , for that the Popes subiecting themselues in those dayes touching temporalities vnto the Emperours ( as hauing no temporall States or dominion yet of their owne ) could do nothing without them , and therefore did make supplication to the said Emperours , that they would cōmaund Synods to be gathered : which T.M. translateth that they would gather Synods , as though Bellarmine did affirme , that it lay in the Emperours by right to do it : but after those tymes omnes causae mutatae sunt , all causes were changed : but he should haue said are changed , as Bellarmyns true words are , omnes istae causae , all these causes are changed , to wit , foure sortes of causes , which he setteth downe why generall Councells could not be well gathered in those dayes without the Emperours help and authority , with causes are guilfully cut of by this deceiuer , as in like manner the last words put downe here by himselfe , Pontifex non est subiectus in temporalibus , are falsely translated , cannot be subiect in temporall . And againe afterward , Popes might not be subiect in temporall matters , which is to make Bellarmine contrary to himselfe , who saith a litle b●fore , that the Popes did subiect themselues for many yeares : wherby is proued that they could do it . But Bellarmyns meaning is , that in right by the prehemynence of their spirituall dignity , they were exempted and not bound therunto . 31. And thus much now for the corruptions vsed in the words heere set downe both in Latin and English. But if we would go to Bellarmyne himselfe , and see his whole discourse , and how brokenly & perfidiously these lynes are cut out of him and heere patched togeather , as one entire context , contrary to his drift and meaning● we shall maruaile more at the insolencie of Tho. Morton , tryumphing ouer his owne lye , as before hath byn sayd . For that Bellarmyne hauing proued at large , and by many sortes of arguments and demonstrations , throughout diuers Chapters togeather , that the right of gathering generall Councells belongeth only to the B. of Rome , and hauing answered all obiections that could be made against the same in the behalfe of Emperours or other temporall Princes , granting only that for certaine causes in those first ages , the same could not be done ( in respect of temporall difficulties ) without the help and assistance of the said Emperours , that were Lords of the world ; he commeth to make this conclusiō , which heere is cyted by T. M. but in farre other words and meaning then here he is cyted . Yow shall heare how he setteth it downe , and therupon consider of the truth of this Mynister . Habemus ergo ( sayth he ) prima illa Concilia &c. Wee haue then by all this disputation seene , how those first Christian Councells were commanded by Emperours to be gathered , but by the sentence and consent of Popes , and why the Pope alone in those dayes did not call Councells , as afterward hath byn accustomed : the reason was● not for that Councells gathered without the Emperours cōsēt , are not lawful , as our aduersaries would haue it , for against that is the expresse authority of S. Athanasius , saying : Quādo vnquā iudicium Ecclesiae ab Imperatore authoritatem habuit ? When was it euer seene that the iudgment of the Church did take authority from the Emperour ? But for many other most iust causes was the Emperours consent required therin &c. So Bellarmyne . 32. And heere now see , that Bellarmins drift is wholy against M. Mortons assertion : for that he denieth that euer the Emperours had any spirituall authority for calling of Councells , but only that they could not well in those daies be made without them , and that for foure seuerall causes : wherof the first was for that the old Imperiall lawes made by Gentills were yet in vse , wherby all great meetings of people were forbidden , for feare of sedition , except by the Emperours knowledge and license . The second , for that Emperours being temporall Lords of the whole world , the Councell● could be made in no Citty of their● without their leaue . The third , for that generall Councells being made in those daies by the publike charges and contributions of Cytties , and especially of Christian Emperours themselues , as appeareth by Eusebius , Theodoretus , and other writers , it was necessary to haue their consent and approbation in so publike an action , as that was . 33. The fourth and last cause was ( sayth Bellarmine ) for that in those dayes , albeit the B. of Rome were Head in spirituall matters ouer the Emperours themselues : yet in temporall a●fairs he did subiect himselfe vnto them , as hauing no temporall State of his owne ; and therefore acknowleging them to be his temporall Lords , he did make supplication vnto them to commaund Synods to be gathered by their authority and licence . At post illa tempora istae omnes caus● mutatae sunt : But since those dayes all these ( foure ) causes are changed , & ipse in suis Prouincijs est Princeps supremus temporalis , sicut sunt Reges & Principes alij . And the Pope himselfe now in his temporall Prouinces is supreme temporall Lord also , as other Kings and Princes are : which was brought to pas●e by Gods prouidence ( sayth Bellarmyne ) to the end , that he might with more freedome , liberty & reputatiō exercise his office of generall Pastourship . 34. And this is all that Bellarmyne hath of this matter . And now may we consider the vanity of M. Mortons triumph ouer him be●ore , and how falsely he dealeth with him , alleaging him against his owne drift and meaning : leauing out also those foure causes by mer● cited , & then cutting of frauduiently the particle ( istae ) these causes are now changed , which includeth reference to these foure : and furthermore speaking indefinitely , as though ●ll causes , and matters were now changed , seeketh therby to deceaue his Reader , and to extort from Bellarmyne that confession of antiquity on his syde , which he neuer meant , and much lesse vttered in his writings . What dealing , what conscience , what truth is this ? &c. 35. Thus I insisted then : and was not this sufficient to draw some answere from M Morton , if he had resolued to answere the points of most moment and most insisted vpon , as he professeth ? But it shameth me to see him thus taken at euery turne . Let vs go forward , THE SEAVENTH Pretermitted falshood by Thomas Morton . §. VII . AFT●R Bellarmine yt shall not be amysse to bring in Salmeron another Iesuit , whome M. Morton will needs shake also by the sleeue , and shew him a tricke or two of his art in sundry places of his Booke , wherof one is somewhat largely handled by me in this manner . 37. In the second page ( quoth I ) of his pretended Confutation , M. Morton hath these words : In the old Testament the Iesuits are forced to allow , that the King was supreme ouer t●e Pri●sts in sp●ri●uall a●faires , and ordering Priests . For proofe wherof he cit●th in the margent Salmeron a Iesuite , a very learned man , that hath left written in our dayes many volumes vpon the Gospells , Epistles of S. Paul , and oth●r partes of Scripture , and was one of the first ten , that ioyned themselues with the famous holy Man , Ignatius de Loyola , for the beginnyng of that Religious Order : in which citation diuers notable corruptions are to be seene . First , for that Salmeron proueth the quite contrary in the place by this man quoted , to wit , that neuer Kings were Head of the Church or aboue Priests by their ordinary Kingly authority in Ecclesiasticall matters in the new or old Testament : and hauing proued the same largely , he commeth at length to set downe obiections to the contrary , and to ●olue and answere them saying : Sed contra hanc solidam veritatem &c. But now against this sound truth by me hitherto cōfirmed I know that many things may be obiected , which we are diligētly to confute . First thē may be obiected that Kings in the old Testament did sometymes prescribe vnto Priests , what they were to do in sacred things , as also did put some negligēt Priests frō the executiō of their office . To which is answered : Vbi id euenisset , mirum esse non debere : If it had so fallen out , yt had byn no meruaile : for that the Synagogue of the Iewes , albeit it conteyned some iust men , yet was it called rather an earthly then ●n heauenly Kingdome : in so much as S. Augustine doth doubt , whether in the old Testament , the Kingdome of heauen was euer so much as named , and much lesse promised for reward : and therfore those things that were then done among them , foreshewed only or prefigured diuine things that were to succeed vnder the new Testament , the other being not diuine but humane and earthly . So Salmeron . 1 38. Here then are sundrie important corruptions and frauds vttered by T. M. the one that the Iesuits and namely Salmeron are in●orced to allow the temporall King to haue byn supreme ouer the high Priest in spirituall matters , vnder the old law : whereas he doth expressely affirme and proue the contrary , both out of the Scripture it selfe , by the sacrifice appointed more worthy for the Priest , thē the Prince , and many other Testimonies , as that he must take the law and interpretation therof at the Priests hands , that he must ingredi & egredi ad verbum Sacerdotis , go in and out , and proceed in his affaires by the word & direction of the Priest , and the like : as also by the testimonie of Philo and Iosephus two learned Iewes : and other reasons handled at large in this very disputation , and in the selfe same place from whence this obiection is taken . And this is the first falsyfication concerning the Authors meaning and principall drift . 39. The secōd corruptiō is in the words as they ly in the latin copy , & as by me before mentioned : 2 Vbi id euenisset mirū esse non debere . If any such thing had fallē out as was obiected , to wyt , that Kings sometimes had prescribed to the Priests what they should do in Ecclesiasticall things , deposed some &c. yt had byn no maruaile : for so much as their Ecclesiasticall Kingdome or Synagogue was an earthly & imperfect thing , but yet this proueth not that it was so , but only it is spoken vpō a suppositiō : which suppositiō this Minister that he might the more cūningly shift of and auoid , left out of purpose the most essentiall words therof , vbi id euenisset , if that had happened &c. as also for the same cause to make things more obscure , after those words of Salmeron that stand in his text , Synagoga Iud●orum dicebatur terrenū potiùs quàm caeleste regnum : The Synagogue or Ecclesiasticall gouerment of the Iewes was called rather an earthly then an heauenly Kingdome ( where as contrarywise the Ecclesia●ticall power in the Christian Church is euery where called Celestiall : ) after those words ( I say ) this man cutteth of againe many lynes that followed● togeather with S. Augustines iudgment before touched , which serued to make the Authors meaning more plaine , and yet left no signe of ( &c. ) wherby his Reader might vnderstand that somewhat was omitted , but ioyneth againe presently , as though it had immediatly followed ; Itaque cum populus Dei constet corpore & animo , carnalis pars in veteri populo primas tenebat . Wheras Gods people doth consist of body & mind , the carnall or bodily part did chie●ly preuaile among the Iewes : and herewith endeth , as though nothing more had ensued of that matter , thrusting out these words , that imediatly followed , & made the thing cleare , which are : Et ad spiritualia significanda constituebatur : & that kind of earthly power was appointed to signify the spirituall , that was to be in the new Testament : Wherby is euidētly seene that Salmeron vnderstood not by carnalis pars , and regnum terrenum , the temporall Kingdome of Iury , as this Mynister doth insinuate to make the matter odious : but the Ecclesiasticall gouerment of the Sinagogue vnder the old law , in respect of the Ecclesiasticall power in the new , wherof the other was but an earthly figure or signification . 40. But now the third corruption , 3 and most egregious of all is in his English Translation out of the Latin words of Salmeron : for thus he translateth them in our name : In the Synagogue of the Iewes ( sayth Salmeron ) was a State rather earthly then heauenly : so that in that people ( which was as in the body of a man , consisting of body and soule ) the carnall part was more emynent : meaning the temporall to haue byn supreme . In which translation are many seuerall shiftes & frauds . For where as Salmeron sayth : Synagoga Iudaeorum dicebatur potiùs terrenum , quàm caeleste regnum . The Synagogue or Ecclesiasti●all power among the Iewes was called rather an earthly , th●n a heauenly Kingdome : he translateth yt : The Synagogue of the Iewes was a State , rather earthly then heauenly . And this , to the end he might apply the word of eart● to the temporall Prince , and heauenly to the Iudaicall Priests , which is quite from Salmerons meaning . Secondly those other words of Salmeron being , Cùm populus Dei constet ex corpore & animo : VVhere as the people of God do consist of body and mynd , meaning therby aswell Christians as Iewes : and that the Iewes are as the bodily or carnall part of the man , and the Christians the spirituall , and consequently their Ecclesiasticall authority earthly , and ours heauenly : this fellow to deceiue his reader putteth out first the word ( Dei ) the people of God , which could not but signify Christians in Salmerons meaning , and then translateth , In that people ( to wit the Iewes ) the carnall part was the more eminent , meaning ( sayth he ) the temp●rall : which is fals● , for he speaketh expresly of the Ecclesiasticall power among the Iewes , which he calleth carnall and terrene , in respect of the spirituall Ecclesiasticall among the Christians , and not the temporall or kingly power vnder the old Testamēt , as this man to make vs odious to temporall Princes as debasing their authority would haue it thought . And Salmerons contraposition or antithesis is not betweene the temporall and Ecclesiasticall gouerment among the ●ewes : but betwene their Ecclesiasticall gouernment and ours , that of the Synagogue , and this of the Christian Church , wherof the one ( he sayth ) to be terrene and earthly , the other spirituall and heauenly : the one infirme , the other powerfull ouer soules &c. So as all these sortes and kinds of corruptiōs being seene in this one litle authority , you may imagine what wil be found in the whole Booke , if a man had so much patience and time to leese , as to discusse the same exactly throughout . So in that place . And did not this require some answere also among the rest ? Had it not bene good that M. M●rton had ●ent vs some few lines of satisfactiō to this , insteed of so many idle triflings , as he hath prosecuted largely in this his Reply ? But it is easily seene , that he sought for choice matter , wherby to intertayne his reader , and seeme to say somewhat . THE EIGHT Falshood pretermitted by Thomas Morton . §. VIII . THERE remayneth yet another notable abuse , which I may not pas●e ouer , against the same Salmeron , though by order I should haue mentioned yt be●ore : thus it is la●d forth in my Booke of Mitigation . It followeth in the same place ( said I ) as a second Romish pretence , produced by M. Morton , That the old ●estament was a figure of the new in Christ , and th●rf●re that in the new , the spirituall power ( as the Popedome sayth he ) must be the chiefe or substantiue &c. which short sentence he patcheth out of two different authors Salmeron & Carerius , part of one & part of another , & then frameth this graue answere therunto : In this obiection ( sayth he ) there is more childhood then manhood , ba●ish grammer then sound diuinity . So he . And will you heare his manhood in sound diuinity ? It followeth immediatly . The old Testament indeed ( saith he ) in his earthlie elements was a figure o● this s●irituall and heau●nly , but o● the truly heauenly , the day of that eternall Sabboth , and the celesticall Hierusalem , the mother-Citty of the Sai●ts o● God. Behold his manhood in sound Diuinity ! 42. Let it be so , that the old Testament was in many thinges a figure of the heauenly Sabboth and celestiall Hierusalem : but what , Syr , will you cōclude of this by your sound diuinity ? was it not a ●igure also of many things vpō earth , which should be fulfilled in the new Testament ? Were not their Cerimonies and Sacrifices a figure of our Sacramēts & Sacrifice ? their Manna of our Eucharist ? their Circumcisions and washings figures of our Baptisme ? doth not S. Paul in the 9. an 10. of his first Epistle to the Corinthians set downe many examples to this effect ? as that of Deutronomy , Non alligabis os boui trituranti : thou shalt not bynd vp the mouth of the oxe that laboureth , applying it vnto our Preachers of the new Testament that must haue their maintenance ? as also he expoundeth the passing of the Red-sea by the Israelits , their being baptized in the Cloud , their food of the Manna , their drinking out of the Rocke which prefigured Christ , and diuers other things , wherof he sayth : Haec autem in figura facta sunt nostri : these things were done in figure of our present St●te . And againe : Haec autem omnia in figura contingebant illis : All these things did happen to the Iewes in figure , but were to be fullfilled truly and really according to the spirituall meaning in the new Testament Is not all this so ? Were not these things to be fulfilled aswell vpon earth as in heauen ? How then doth our Mynister put that aduersatiue clause ( but of the truly heauenly , ) as though the old Testament in her earthly elements had pre●igured nothing to be fulfilled but only in heauē ? Is this sound Diuinity ? Is this Manhood ? Nay is it not rather babish Childhood , that semeth not to know the very first elements of true Diuinity ? 43. I let passe the shameles corruption which he vseth in translating the very words cyted by him out of Salmeron , for proofe of his obiection made in our behalfe : and I call yt shameles , for that euery Child which vnderstandeth Latyn may see the Ministers shift therin . The Authors words are these as this man here recounteth them : Et hoc regnum terrenum vmbra tamen suit spiritualis regiminis in Ecclesia Christiana : and yet this earthly Kingdome ( of the Iewes ) was a shaddow of the spirituall gouerment , that was to be in the Christian Church : meaning therby the most excellent spirituall power and gouerment ouer soules , which Christ was to institute in his Church , at his comming in flesh , to wit , the power of absoluing from synnes vpon earth , the assistance giuen by the Sacraments , and the like , were shadowed in a certaine manner by the earthly Ecclesiasticall Kingdome among the Iewes . And how doth T. M. now translate these wordes and frame our obiection out of them . The old Testament ( sayth he ) was a figure of the new in Christ , therfore in the new , the Popedome is the substantiue &c. Here are two short propositions you see , the Antecedent & Consequent , and both framed with falshood : for that the Antecedent set downe , as out of Salmeron , is not that which he affirmeth in his Latin words , as already we haue shewed : though otherwise in it selfe the proposition be true , to wit , that the old Testament was a figure of the new in Christ : nor will ( I thinke ) T. M. denie it . There followeth then the Consequent or second proposition ( that therefore in the new the Popedome is the substantiue ) which is no lesse corruptly inferred in our name , then was the Antecedent affirmed : for that we do not inferre , nor yet the Author Carerius in the said second propositiō or Cōsequence by him alleaged , that for so much as the old Testament is a figure of the new , therefore in the new , the Popes spirituall authority is the substantiue &c. for that this were a weake inference , as euery man seeth . Nay Carerius maketh no inferēce at all in the place by him alleaged , but only vseth that similitude , which before you haue heard of the substantiue and adiectiue : So as this inference is only a fiction of the Minister to make himselfe & other men merry , and to giue occasion to play vpon his aduersarie , with reproach of Childhood and babish grammer , as now he hath done : but indeed the true Consequence that may be made vpon the Catholicke Authors words which hitherto he hath alleaged , is only this : that for so much as the Kingdome and gouerment among the Iewes , euen in Ecclesiasticall things , was but earthly , and a figure or shadow , in respect of that which was to be ouer soules , in the Christian Church , it followeth , that this in respect of spirituality was to be much more emynent then the other , as the thing figured , then the figure or shadow it selfe . And what inconuenience hath this doctrine that it should be called Childhood and babish grammer ? So much I set downe in my former reprehension of M. Morton for this abuse of Salmeron , all which he now in his last Reply thought best to passe ouer with sylence : for that belike he esteemed it not sufficiently insisted vpon by me , therby to presse him to answere it . But this may be amended at another tyme : and so I passe on now to recount others of like sort . THE NINTH Pretermitted falshood by Thomas Morton . §. IX . THERE followeth now against Dolman a like sleight , thus recorded by me in my booke . M. Mortons second reason why his Maiesties Catholicke & Protestant subiects may not liue togeather in England is : For that all Popish Priests ( sayth he ) d● attribute a double prerogatiue ouer Kings , that is to say , a Democraticall and Monarchicall soueraigne Ciuill power : the first to the people , the second to the Pope . And for proofe of the first concerning the people , he alleageth foure seueral authorities of Catholick wryters , but so corruptly & perfidiously , as if nothing els did shew his talent of cogging & treacherous dealing , this were sufficient to discouer the same : though afterwards greater store will occure , we shall runne ouer briefly all those foure . 45. First he saith that Dolman in his Con●erence about Succession hath these words : The common wealth hath authority to choose a King , and to lymit him lawes at their pleasure : which if it were truly alleadged , as it lieth in the Author , yet here is no mention o● the people , or of Democraticall state , but only of the Common wealth , which includeth both nobility and people , and all other States . Secondly Dolmans words are not of choosing a King , but of choosing a forme of gouerment , be it Democraticall , Aristocraticall , or Monarchicall . Let vs heare the Author himselfe speake . In lyke mā●●r ( saith he ) it is euidēt , that as the Cōmon wealth hath this authority to choose & chāge her gouerment ( as hath byn proued : ) so hath it also to lymit the same , with what lawes and condi●ions shee pleaseth : wherof ensueth great diuers●●y of authority a●d power , which ech one of the ●ormer gouerments hath in it selfe . So he . Where we see that Doleman speaketh of the power which a Common wealth that is deuoid of any certaine gouerment , to chuse vnto themselues that forme that best liketh thē , with the limitatiōs they thinke most expedient : & so we see in Engla●d , France , Polonia , Germany , Venice , Genua , and in the Empire it selfe , different formes and manners of gouerment , with different lawes and lymitations , according to the choice and liking of ech Nation . This place then of Dolman is corrupted by T. M. both in words and sense . For he neither speaketh nor meaneth as the false Minister auoucheth him , of gyuing Democraticall power to the people ouer Princes established . 46. So wrote I in my former booke . And albeit I do not insist and dwell vpon the matter so long as vpon some other sleights : yet doth it conteine notable falshood , yf yow consider it well ; first to alleage the words of an Author that are not his : and thē to inferre therof , that , which neither the words thēselues do beare , nor the Author euer dreamed of . 47. And here I might alleage diuers other Wryters , but especially Iesuits wrongfully abused by him , both in cyting of their works and words , and falsifying their meaning : as namely those three whome he bringeth in for witnes in the end of the fourth Chapter against Equiuocation , euen in those places , where they do most resolutely affirme Equiuocation to be lawfull : namely Azor , Emanuel Sà , & Maldonatus : but these will haue their place afterward . And so from Iesuits I passe to other Authors , who haue receiued the like sort of dealing from him . THE TENTH Pretermitted falshood by Thomas Morton . §. X. AS you haue heard how M. Morton hath dealt fraudulently with the Iesuits , so shall you see him vse the same measure also towards others , as namely toward the Paduan Doctor Carerius , out of whome he hath made great styrre before , if you remember in answering three seuerall tymes at lea●t a certaine reprehension of myne , for that he cyted the words Celsus verè , for Celsus verò , though I obiected the same but sleightly , & by the way , & said expresly that I held yt for a tri●le . But now you shal heare a more graue and grieuous charge made against him for worse abusing of the same Carerius . Thus it lyeth in my booke . 49. The next sentence ( quoth I ) or obiection after the former preface ( which is the very first of his discourse ) is framed by him ( but yet in our name ) vnder the title of the Roman pretence in these words . The high Priests in the old ●estament ( sayth he ) were supreme in ciuill Causes : Ergo , they ought to be so also in the new . For which he c●teth one Carerius a Lawyer , that wrote of late in Padua , de potestate Romani Pon●ificis , defending the former opinion of Canonists for direct dominion , and citeth his words in Latyn thus : Dico Pontificem in veteri Testamento suisse Rege maiorem : and Englisheth the same as before you haue heard , That the high Priest was supreme in Ciuill causes : which words of Ciuill causes , he pu●teth in of his owne , and if you marke them , do marre the whole market . For that Carerius hath them not either in words or sense , but teacheth the plaine cōtrary in all his discourse , to wit , that he meaneth in matters appertayning to Religion and Priesthood , & not of temporall Principality : which temporall principality this Author granteth to haue byn greater in the old Testament in dealing with Ecclesiasticall men and matters , then in the new : and to that effect is he cited presently after by the Mynister himselfe , contrary to that which here he feigneth him to say . But let vs heare the words of Carerius . Tertiò dico ( saith he ) etiam in Testamento vete●i , fuisse Ponti●ic●m Rege maiorem : quod quidem probatur &c. Thirdly , I say , that the high Prie●t was greater a●so in the old Testament then the King : which is proued first out of the 27. Chapter of Numbers , where it is appointed by God , that Iosue , and all the people should be directed by the word of the high Priest Eleazar , saying : Whē any thing is to be done , let Eleazar the high Priest cōsult with God , & at his word aswell Iosue , as all the Children of Israell , and whole multitude shall go forth and come in &c. And secondly the same is proued out of the fourth of Leuiticus , where foure kind of Sacrifices being ordayned according to the dignity of the persons : the first two are of a Calse for the high Priest and Common wealth : the third and fourth of a hee and shee-goat for the Prince and priuate persons . Wherby Carerius inferreth a most certaine dignitie and preheminence of the Priestes state aboue the temporall Prince , though he say not in Ciuil causes , as this Mynister doth bely him . 50. And whereas Carerius had sayd in two former answers , first that in the old Testament , Ecclesiasticall and secular iurisdiction were not so distinct but that both might be in some Cases in the King : & secōdly that in the law , the new spirituall power was more emynēt thē in the old , he cōmeth thirdly to say , that in the old law , the high Priest in some respects was greater also then the King , which cannot be vnderstood of Ciuill ●ower , except the Author wil be contrary to himselfe . And ther●ore that clause was very ●alsely & perfidiously thrust in by the Mynister , & this with so much the lesse shame , ●or that in the end of the same Capter , he citeth the same Author to th● plaine cōtrary sēse saying : In veteri lege Regnū erat subs●anti●um , & Sacerdo●iū adiectiuū &c. That in the old Law the Kingdome was the substātiue that stood of it selfe , and Priesthood was the adiectiue that leaned theron : but contrarywise in the new law , Priesthood and spirituall iurisdiction is the substantiue or principall in gouernment , and temporall principality is the adiectiue depending therof for direction and assistance : the one , both by nature , and Gods law being subordinate to the other , to wit , the temporall to the spirituall . And thus much concerning this guyle by flat falshood . Now to a tricke or two of other sortes of shifting , by him vsed for deluding the Reader . 51. This was my reprehension and complaint then , and if M. Morton had dealt really , he would rather haue thought how to haue answered somewhat to this substantiall imputation , then to haue trif●ed so often with the other of verò & verè , out of the same Author , but that he had some shadow how to shift of that , by a shew of a later erroneous print of Cullen , but none at all for this . THE ELEVENTH Falshood dissembled by Thomas Morton . §. XI . AFTER the Paduan Doctor of law Carerius , followeth the famous Religious Doctor of the Order of S. Dominicke , named Franciscus de Victoria , whome in like manner he doth egregiously abuse , as by my former complaint may appeare , which I deliuered in these words . 53. It followeth in the 16. page thus : Your deuise ( sayth M. Morton ) of exemption of Priests ( from the ●urisdiction of temporall Princes in certaine Cases ) is too crude to be disgested by any reasonable Deuine , for ( as ●our Victoria sayth ) Priests , besides that they are Mynisters of the Church , they are likewise members of the Common wealth : & a King is aswell King of the Clergy as of the Laity : therfore the Clergie is subiect to the Ciuill authority in t●mporall things , for such matter is not ruled by any power spirituall . A plaine demonstratiō . So he . And I say the same , that indeed it is a plaine demonstration of M. Mortons egregious falshood and abusing his Reader . First in making him belieue that the learned man Franciscus de Victoria doth fauour him or his in this matter of exemption of Priests , whereas in this very place heere cyted by T.M. his first propositiō of all in this matter is this : Ecclesiastici iure sunt exempti &c. I do affirme that Ecclesiasticall men are by law exempted , and fr●ed from Ciuill power , so as they may not be conuented before a secular Iudge , either in criminall or Ciuill causes , and the contrary doctrine to this is condemned for hereticall among the articles of Iohn Wickliffe , in the Councell of Constance . So he . And now see whether Victoria make for him or no ; or whether he disgested well this crude doctrine of Pries●es exemptiō , as this Mynisters phrase is . 54. Secondly , if we consider either the English translation heere set downe out of the words of Victoria , or his Latin text for ostentation sake put in the margent by M. Morton ; we shall find so many & monstrous foule corruptions , intercisions , geldings and mutilations , as is a shame to behold : and I beseech the learned Reader to haue patience to conferre but this one place only with the Author , & he will rest instructed in the mans spirit for the re●t : but he must find them as I haue now cited them heere in the margent , and not as T. M. erroneously quoteth them , if not of purpose to escape the examine . For that Victoria hauing set downe his precedent generall proposition for the exemption of Clergy men , that they were exempted Iure , by law , he pass●th on to examine in his second proposition , Quo iure ? by what law , Diuine or humane they are exempted ? And in his third he holdeth , that aliqua exemptio Clericorum ●st de iure diuino : that some kind of exemptions of Clergy men from Ciuill power , is by diuine law , and not humane only : and fourthly he commeth to this which here is set downe by T.M. but not as he setteth it downe . Our ●ourth proposition ( saith Victoria ) is that the persons of Clergy men are not absolutely and in all things exempted from Ciuill power , ●ither by Diuine or humane law , which is euident by that cleargy men are bound to obey the temporall lawes of the Citty or Common wealth , wherin they liue , in those things that do appertaine to the temporall gouerment and administration therof , and do not let or hind●r Ecclesiasticall gouerment . 55. These are the words of Victoria , as they lye togeather in him , and then after some arguments interposed for his sayd conclusion , he addeth also this proofe . That ●or so much as Clergy men besides this that they are Mynisters of the Church , are Cittizens also of the common wealth , they are bound to obey the temporall lawes of that Common wealth or Prince in temporall affaires : and then ensueth the last reason ( here set downe in English by T. M. ) in th●se words . Moreouer ( sayth Victoria ) for that a King is King , not only of Laymen , but of Clergy men also , therefore , aliquo modo subi●ciuntur ei : in some sort they are subiect vnto him . Which words aliquo modo , in some sort , the Mynister leaueth out . And is this plaine dealing ? And thē it followeth imediatly in Victoria : And ●or that Cl●rgie men are not gouerned in temporall matters by Ecclesiasticall power , there●ore they haue their temporall Prince , vnto whom they are bound to yield obedience in tēporall affaires . And this is all that Victoria hath in this matter , and in ●hese very words . And let any man consider the patching , which T. M. vseth both in English and Latin in this place , to make some shew for his feygned demonstration out of Victoria , and he will see how poore and miserable a man he is , and how miserable a cause he defendeth . And in particuler , let the very last proposition be noted which he cyteth and Englisheth , as out of victoria , to wit , the Clergy is subiect to th● Ciuill authority intēporall things , ●or such matter is not ruled by any power spirituall : wherby he would haue his Reader to imagine , that no spirituall power may haue authority to gouerne temporall matters : whereas the words of Victoria are : Clerici quantum ad temporalia non administrantur potestate Ecclesiastica , that Clergy men ●or so much as apperteineth to temporall affaires , are not gouerned by Ecclesiasticall power , but by the temporall , which there beareth rule . So as this fellow by a subtile sleight changing the nominatiue Case from Clerici non administrantur , to temporalia non administrantur , frameth his plaine Demonstration out of plaine cosenage and forgerie . And is this naked innocency & c ? Thus farre I had in my former Treatise . And heere you see , I was earnest inough in vrging & pressing for an answere , if it might haue byn had : but none came at all , but other trifling toyes in steed therof : and that in great store , as our former discourses , haue declared : and yet we must go forward to recount more● THE TWELFE falshood pretermitted by Thomas Morton . §. XII . VVE shall passe from priuate Doctors to an Archbishop and Martyr of our owne Countrey S. Boniface : whome M. Morton seemeth to make a Pope also , for that his speach is alleadged in one of the Popes Constitutions . My former charge against M. Morton about that matter , was this that ensueth . 57. Now ( sayd I ) to the second , wherin he sayth , that one of our Popes placed also in the Calends of our Martyrs , doth affirme , that though a Pope should carrie many people with himselfe to hell , no mortall man may presume to say , why do you so ? I do greatly maruaile with what conscience , or if not conscience , with what forehead at least , these men can write and print , and reiterate so often in their bookes , things that they know , or may know , to be meerly fa●se and forge ? Is not this a signe of obstinate wilfulnes , and that neither God nor truth is sought for by them , but only to mainteine a part or faction with what sleight or falshood so euer ? I fynd this very obiection set forth in print not many yeares agone by Syr Francis Hastings in his Watchword and Defence therof , and the same auouched stoutly after him for a tyme by Matthew Sutclisse the Mynister , Aduocate and Proctour of that De●ence : but afterward I find the same so confuted at large by the VVarn-word , and so many lies , falshoods , and euident frauds discouered therin , as the said M. Sutclisse in his Replie intituled , A full & round answ●re , though good roundly to let it passe without any answere at all , which I can find in his said booke , though I haue vsed some diligence in search therof : which I do adde , for that he changeth the whole order of answering , from the method of his Aduersary , to the end not to be found : and so answereth nothing in order or place , as it is set downed by him , whom he pretēdeth to answere , but rather taking a new , vast , and wild discourse to himself , snatcheth here a word and there a word to carp at , not as they lye in his Aduersaries booke , but as it pleaseth him to admit them , now from the end of the booke , then from the beginning , then from the myddle . And with this substantiall method he taketh vpon him to answere all books that come in his way : for so he hath answered of late the booke also of Three Conuersions of England , and may do easely all that is written by Catholicks , if carping only and scolding be answering . 58. Wherfore to this instance here resumed by T. M. though I must remit him , or rather the Reader , for larger satisfactiō to the said Catholick Treatise , intituled The VVarnwoord ; yet here briefly I am to tell him first , that he erreth grossely in affirming in this place , the Author of this Canon cited by him , Si Papa , to haue byn a Pope : for that the said Canon was gathered by Gratian out of the sayings of S. Boniface Martyr , as in the title of the sayd Canon is expressed : which Boniface , was neuer Pope , but a vertuous learned English-man , that liued aboue 850. yeares agone , and was the first Archbishop of Mentz or Moguntia in Germany : of which people , & Countrey he is called by all ancient writers the Apostle , for that he first publikely conuerted that Natiō , erected that primate Sea , and suffred glorious Martyrdome by the Gentills for the faith of Christ. Wherfore the scoffe of T.M. calling him our Pope placed in the Calends of our Martyrs , besides the ignorāce tasteth also of much profane malice and impiety . 59. Secondly , I say , that these words of his are corruptly set downe , as ouer commonly els where , and that both in latin and English. In latin , for that he leaueth out the beginning of the Canon , which sheweth the drift therof , whose title is : Damnatur Apostolicus qui suae & ●raternae salutis est negligens . The Pope is damned , which is negligent in the affaire of his owne saluation and o● his brethren : and then beginneth the Canon , Si Papa suae & fraternae salutis negligens &c. shewing that albeit the Pope haue no Superiour-iudge in this world which may by authority check him , vnles he fall into heresie : yet shall his damnation be greater then of other synners , for that by reason of his high dignity , he draweth more after him to perdition then any other . Wherby we may perceiue that this Canon was not writtē to flatter the Pope , as Protestants would haue it seeme , but to warne him rather of his perill , togeather with his high authority . 60. After this the better to couer this pious meaning of S. Boniface , T.M. alleaging two lines of the same in Latin he cutteth of presently a third line that immediatly ensueth , to wit , Cum ipso plagis multis in aeternum vapulaturus : that such a Pope is to suffer eternall punishmēts , and to be scourged with many stripes togeather with the Diuell himselfe , if by his euill or negligent life , he be the cause of others perdition : which threat this man hauing cut of he ioyneth presently againe with the antecedent words , these as following immediatly in the Canon : Huius culpas redarguere praesumet nemo mortalium : This mans faultes ( to wit the Pope ) no mortall man shall or may presume to reprehend , and there endeth . In which short phrase are many ●raudes . For first he leaueth out ( i●ti● ) here in this life : and then for ( praesumit ) in the present tense , that no man doth presume to checke him in respect of the greatnes of his dignity , this man saith ( praesumet ) in the future tense , that is , no man shall presume , or as himselfe translateth it , may presume to cotroll him , which is a malicious falshood . And lastly he leaueth out all that immediatly followeth conteining a reason of all that is sayd : Quia cunctos ipse iudicaturus , à nemine est iudicandus , nisi depre●endatur à fide deuius &c. for that whereas he is Iudge of all other men , he cannot himsel●e be iudged by any , except he be found to swarue from the true faith . Here then is nothing but fraudulent cyting & abusing of Authors . 61. But now thirdly remayneth the greatest corruption and abuse of all in his English translation , which is , that which most importeth his simple Reader that looketh not into the Latin , and this is that he translateth the former sentence of the Canon thus as before you haue heard : Though he should carry many peo●le with him to hell : yet no mortall creature may presume to say why do you so ? But in the Latyn neither here , nor in the Canon it selfe , is there any such interrogation at all , as why do you so ? And therefore I may aske T. M. why do you lye so ? Or why do you delude your Reader so ? Or why do yow corrupt your Author so ? Or why do yow translate in English for the abu●ing of your Reader , that which neither your selfe do set downe in your Latin text , nor the Canon yt selfe by yow cited hath yt at all ? Is not this wilfull and malicious fraud ? Wherin when you shall answere me directly and sincerely , it shal be a great discharge of your credit with those , who in the meane space will iustly hold you for a Deceiuer . 62. Thus I pleaded with M. Morton at that tyme , and was earnest inough as you see , if not ouer earnest , but all will not get an answere . Now we shall expect , that in his promised Reioinder he will answer all togeather , and that he may the better remember to do it , I thought conuenient to giue him this new record for remembring the sam● . THE THIRTEENTH falshood wittingly pretermitted by Thomas Morton . §. XIII . FROM S. Boni●ace an Archbishop and the Pope● Legate we shall passe to a Pope indeed , namely S. Leo the first , a man of high esteeme in the Churc● of God , as all Christians know : and therefore the abuse offred to him by M. Morton is the more reprehensible , wherof I wrote thus in my last Treatise . 63. The eight Father ( sayth M. Morton ) is Pope Leo , writing to a true Catholike Emperour , saying : You may not be ignorant that ●our Princely power is giuen vnto you , not only in worldly regiment , but also spirituall , for the preseruation of the Church . As if he said not only in Causes tēporall , but also in spirituall , so far as i● belongeth to the outward preseruation , not to the personall administration of them : and this is the substance of our English Oath . And further neither do our Kings of England challeng , nor Subiects condescend vnto . In which words you see two things are conteined : first what authority S. Leo the Pope aboue eleuen hundred yeares agone ascribed vnto Leo the Emperour in matters spirituall and Ecclesiasticall . ● The second , by this mans assertion , that neither our Kings of England challeng , nor do the Subiects condescend vnto any more in the Oath of the Supremacy , that is proposed vnto them : which if it be so , I see no cause why all English Catholickes may not take the same in like manner , so farre forth as S. Leo alloweth spirituall authority to the Emperour of his tyme. Wherfore i● behoueth that the Reader stand attent to the deciding of this question : for if this be true , which here M. Morton auoucheth , our controuersie about the Suprema●y is at an end . 64. First then about the former point , let vs cōsider how many wayes T. M. hath corrupted the foresaid authority of S. Leo , partly by fraudulent allegation in Latin , and partly by false translation into English. For that in Latin it goeth thus , as himselfe putteth it downe in the margent : Debes incunctanter aduertere , Regiam potestatem non solùm ad mundi regimen , sed maximè ad Ecclesiae praesidium esse collatam . You ought ( o Emperour ) resolutly to consider , that your Kingly power is not only giuen vnto you for gouerment of the world or wordly a●●aires , but especially for defence of the Church : and then do ensue immediatly these other words also in S. Leo , suppressed fraudulently by the Mynister , for that they explicate the meaning of the Author : Vt ausus nefarios comprimendo , & quae bene sunt statuta defendas , & veram pacem hijs quae sunt turbata , restituas . To the end that yow may by repressing audacious attēpts ●oth defend those things that are well ordeined and decreed ( as namely in the late generall Councell of Calcedon ) and restore peace where matters are troubled ( as in the Citty and Sea of Alexandria , ) where the Patriarch Proterius being slayne and murdered by the conspiracy of the Dioscorian hereticks lately condemned in the sayd Councell , all things are in most violent garboyles , which require your Imperiall power to remedy , compose and compresse the same . 65. This is the true meaning of S. Leo his speach to the good and religious Emperour of the same name , as appeareth throughout the whole Epistle here cited and diuers others . Nonne perspicuum est ( sayth he ) qui●us P●e●as Vestra succurrere & q●●bu● obuiare , ●e Alexandrina Ecclesia &c. ●s it not euident whome your ●mperiall piety ought to ass●st and succour , and whom yow ought to resist and represse , to the end the Church of Alexandria that hitherto hath byn the ●ouse of prayer , become not a denne of theeues ? Surely it is most mani●est that by this late barbarous and most furious cruelty ( in murdering that Patriarch ) all the light of heauenly Sacraments is there extinguished : Intercepta est Sacrificiij oblatio , defecit Chrismatis sanctificatio &c. The oblation of Sacrifice is intermitted , the hallowing of Chrisme is ceased● and all diuine mysteries of our religion haue withdrawne themselues ●rom the parricidiall hands of those hereticks , that haue murdered their owne Father and Patriarch Proterius , burned his body , and cast the ashes into the ayre . 66. This thē was the cause & occasiō , wherin the holy Pope Leo did implore the help & secular arme of Leo the Emperour , for chastising those turbulent hereticks : to which effect he saith , that his Kingly power was not only giuen him for the gouerment of the world , but also for the defence of the Church , which our Mynister doth absurdly translate , not only in worldly regiment , but also spirituall for the preseruation of the Church : turning ad into in , and praesidium into preseruation , and then maketh the Commentary which before we haue set downe : As if he had said ( quoth he ) not only in causes temporall , but also in spirituall , so far as it belongeth to outward preseruation , not to the personall administration of them . 67. Thus far I wrote hereof before , and proceded also further , shewing not only that he had corrupted both the text , sense and meaning of S. Leo , but also that fondly he had affirmed , that the Oath of Supremacie exacted by King Henry and some of his followers in England , was , nor is any thing els but the acknowledging of so much authority spirituall as S. Leo granted to the Emperour of his dayes . Wherupon I do ioyne is●ue with him and promise that if he can proue it to be no other , then that ; all Catholicks in my opinion will accept the same , and so come to vnion and concord in that point . And therupon I did vrge very earnestly that this assertion might be mainteyned , saying among other things : Me thinks such publike doctrine should not be so publikely printed and set forth , without publike allowance and intention to performe and make it good . If this be really meant , we may easily be accorded : yf not , then will the Reader see what credit may be giuen to any thing they publish , notwithstanding this Booke commeth forth with this speciall commendation of , published by authority &c. Which words in my iudgmēt should haue moued M. Morton to haue sayd somwhat to the matter in this his answere , and not to haue passed it ouer so slyly , as though neuer mention had byn made therof . But euery man will ghesse at the cause , and so we shall expect it at some other time . THE FOVRTEENTH Pretermitted falshood by T. M. §. XIIII . LET vs come backe from Pope Leo vnto another priuate Doctor named Genesius Sepulueda , whom M. Morton in words calleth ours , but yet would make him his , if he could , in the question of Equiuocation : and for that he will not come of himselfe so farre as he would haue him , he giueth him a " wrinch or two to force him to draw neerer , wherof my former accusation was this that ensueth . 69. And lastly ( quoth I ) where M. Morton concludeth the whole matter by the testimony of our Doctor Genesius , as he calleth him , I haue told before how he is ours , and how in some sort he may in this controuersie be called his , though he detested his Religion , as by his works appeareth . Ours he is , as in all other points of Religion , so in the subs●antiall and principall point of this question , for that he defendeth the vse of Equiuocation in concealing some secrets , but denieth it in others , wherein he fauoreth somewhat the aduerse party , with small ground , as in the next Chapter shal be declared . But what saith this Doctor Genesius ? He will tell yow ( sayth M. Morton ) that this sense ( of this text of Scripture ) which yow conceale , is not only contrary to the sentence o● all Fathers , but also against all common sense . And is this possible ? Will Sepulueda deny all those Fathers , alleadged by me before for our interpretatiō , to be Fathers ? Will he say , that their exposition is cōtrary to all common sense ? doth not Genesius himselfe in the very Chapter here cited alleage both S. Hierome and S. Augustine for this interpretation , and alloweth the same ? What shameles dealing then is this of our Mynister to charge Genesius with such folly or impiety which he neuer thought of ? For Genesius denieth not either the sense or interpretation of the place , and much lesse sayth , that it is cōtrary to the sentence of the Fathers , and least of all to cōmon sense : but denieth only the application therof for vse and practise to certaine Cases , wherin he admitteth not Equiuocation , and saith , that vpon this interpretation to bring in such a new law were greatly inconuenient ( wherin afterwards notwithstanding we shall shew him to haue byn greatly deceiued : ) & his Latin words are : Contrà non modò veterum & grauissimorum Doctorum , sed communem hominum sensum quasi legem inducere : to bring in as it were a law , not only against the iudgment of ancient & most graue schole Doctors ( for of thē only he speaketh in that place ) but also against the common sense or opinion of men . 70. This is Genesius his speach , wherin though his iudgment be reiected by other Scholmen as singular and paradoxicall in this point , as after shal be declared : yet is he egregiously abused by M. Morton , who first maketh him to say of the interpretatiō & sense of this place of scripture , that which he speaketh only of the applicatiō therof , to vse & practice in tribunalls . And secondly he maketh him to discredit the Fathers which himselfe alleageth : then he englisheth ancient Fathers for anciēt Schoole doctors : & last of all addeth consensum of his own , leauing out hominum , to make it sound common sense : and other such abuses , which any man may see by conferring the place . And these are other manner of synnes then symple Equiuocation , yf the art of falsifying or forgery be any synne with him at all . And so much for this place of Scripture . Thus wrote I in my said Treatise , being earnest , as you see , to draw some answere from M. Morton : but it would not come . It must be our patience to expect the same at his more commodity hereafter . THE FIFTEENTH Falshood pretermitted by Thomas Morton . §. XV. FROM Sepulueda we passe to another Spanish Doctor his equall or rather much better learned , named Sotus , whom M. Morton erroneously taketh for Scotus , vnder the title of subtil Doctor , and abuseth him egregiously , as I do shew in my former booke of Mitigation in these words . 72. Behold ( sayth M. Morton ) one Doctor amōg you so subtile , that for that faculty he hath by figure of excellencie byn called The subtile Doctor , who doth conclude all your Equiuocators for Lyars , saying : To say that I did not that which I know I haue done , although I speake it with this lymitation or reseruatiō of mind , vt tibi significem , it is not Equiuocation but a lye . And then he quoteth Sotus in his books De iure & ius●itia , setting downe also in margent the Latin words conforme to this . But all is treachery , falshood and lying in this impertinent impugner of Equiuocation . For first by the subtile Doctor according to the phrase of Catholike Schooles , euery child knoweth to be meāt Ioan. Scotus , & not Dominicus Sotus , who liued more then 200● yeares after the other , & was of the order of S. Dominicke , the other being of S. Francis : so as this is folish & ridiculous errour , if it be errour : but the other is cleerly false and malicious , that these words as here they are cited , are in Sotu● , which M. Morton will neuer be albe to shew for ●auing his honestie in this point : and much lesse will he be able to proue , that Sotus doth conclude all Equi●●cators for lyars , which is an other incredible impudency in him to affirme . For that Sotus in this very booke , question and article by him cited doth te●ch and proue largely the plaine contrary , ●o wit , t●at to equiuocate is lawfull in diuers Cases , to which e●●ect wee haue cit●d him before , when he saith in generall : Poss●nt & debent sic contra ius requisiti quac●●que vti amphibologia . They which are vnlawfully required to speake or sweare as we haue declared , may and ought to vse any kind of Amphibologie or Equiuocation . 73. This is his generall assertion : but a●terward in particuler he putteth many examples to proue the same . And first he setteth downe this proposition : Dum testis de alieno actu interrogatur , potest ri●● respondere , Se nescire . When a witnes is ( vnlawfully ) demanded of another mans actiō which he knoweth , he may iustly answere he knoweth nothing : the reason wherof he sayth is this . Quia oratio illa , nescio , recipere hunc sensum citra mendacium potest , nescio , vt tibi modò dicam For that the answere , I know nothing therof , may without falsyty admit this sense , I know it not ●o tell it yow at this tyme. Sicut silius hominis nescit diem iudicij , vt dicat , as Christ knew not the day of iudgment , to tell or vtter yt to his disciples . And doth it seeme to you , that Sotus in this place doth go about to conclude all Equiuocators for lyars , as M. Morton affirmeth ? If he did , he concludeth one Sauiour Christ also in his sense . What extreme impudencie is this in a Myni●ter ? But let vs heare Sotus yet further in this matter . 74. In his booke De tegendo Secreto , the third member and third question , he repeateth againe the very same Conclusion heere mentioned : That a witnes being iniustly demaunded whether he knoweth such & such a thing of another , may answere he knoweth nothing , though he secretly know it : and then going further , he demaundeth : Whether I hauing seene Peter kill Iohn , and being after examined vpon the same iniustly , whether I may say , I know nothing therof ? To which he giueth this answere : Respondetur , quod iure possum respondere , nescio : quia iure intelligitur , nescio , vt dicam : aut nescio eo modo , quo iure debeam di●ere . I affirme ( saith he ) that I may rightly ans●ere I know nothing therof , ●or that by law it is vnderstood , that I know it not to tell it : or , I know it not in such manner , as by law I ought to vtter the same . And pr●sently he re●ut●th T. Mo●tons Do●tor Genesius Sepulueda , that calleth this pulchrum commētum , a faire gloze , and putting him in number of Iuniores quidam , certaine yonger fellowes , that would reprehend that which they vnderstood not , sayth : Hij aut non capiunt , aut dissimulant vim argumenti : These ( yonglings ) either do not vnderstand , or do dissemble the force of the argument , for this our doctrine &c. 75. Thus wrote I in my former booke , and hauing conuinced so euident falsificatiōs , as ●ere haue byn layed downe , quite contrary to the meaning & sense of the Author alleaged , I meruaile that some litle place had not byn allowed for some piece of answere to this also among the rest . But belike M. Morton was not ready . THE SIXTEENTH Falshood pretermited by Thomas Morton . §. XVI . FROM the Spanish Doctor Sotus we come to the Flemish Doctor Cunerus , for that from all sortes of men , and from all Countries M. Morton draweth t●stimonies , either gathered of himself or by others : but allwayes bestoweth some sleight of his owne bugget to peruert them from their owne meaning . Now then heare ( good Reader ) what I alleaged in my late Treatise as practized against a place of Cu●erus , noe lesse iniuriously , then against the former . 77. Within few lynes after this M. Morton beginneth his third Chapter with these words : That is only true R●ligion ( say your Romish Doctors ) which is tau●ht in the Romish Church , and therfore whosoeuer mainteyn●th any doctrine condemned in that Church , must be accomp●ed ●n obstinate hereticke . And in the margent he citeth Cunerus , alleaging his Latin words thus . Haec est Religionis sola ratio , vt omnes intelligant sic simpliciter esse credendum atque loquendum , quemadmodum Romana Ecclesia credendum esse docet , ac praedicat . which words if they were truly alleaged out of the Author , yet were they not truly translated : For if only true Religion ( a corrupt translation of Religionis solaratio ) be applied to particuler positions and articles of Religion : then we grant that such true Religion may be also among hereticks , & not only taught in the Romā Church , for that as S. Austine well noteth , Hereticks also hold many articles of true Catholi●ke Religion . But here the corruption and falsifycation goeth yet further , and it is worthy the noting : for that Cunerus hauing treated largly against the insurrections and rebellions of those of Holland and Z●land for cause of Religion and other pretences against their lawfull King , taketh vpon him in his thirteenth Chapter to lay downe some meanes , how in his opinion those dissentions may be compounded , giuing this title to the sayd Chapter : Quae sit vera componendi d●ssi●ij ratio : what is the true way of composing this dissention . And then after some discourse setteth downe this Conclusion : Haec igitur in Religione concordiae sola est ratio , vt omnes pio ac simplici animo , purè ac integr● sic sap●ant , viuant , loquantur ac praedicent , quemadmodum Sancta Catholica Romana Eccl●sia , quae Dei prouidentia magistra veritatis orbi praeposita ●st , docet , loquitur , ac praedicat . This therefore in Religion is the only way of concord , that all men with a pious and simple mynd , do wholy and purely conceiue , liue , speake and preach , as the holy Catholicke Roman Church , which God by his prouidence hath giuen for a teacher of truth vnto the whole world , doth teach , speake and preach . 78. And now consider yow this dealing , that whereas Bish. Cunerus sayth : Haec est in religione concordiae sola ratio ; this is the only way or meanes of concord in Religion ; this man alleageth it in his margent , Haec est Religionis sola ratio : this is the only way of religion , as though concord and Religion were all one : & then by another tricke of crafty translation in his English text , that is only true religion ; as though true religion and the way or meanes to come to true Religion were not different . And then for all the rest how it is mangled , and how many words and sentēces are put in by this Minister , which are none of Cunerus : and how many of his altered and put out , is easy for the Reader to see by comparing the two Latin texts before alleaged , and thereby to consider how facile a matter it is for this fellow to deuide tongues : A course ( sayth he ) which I professe in all disputes , when he deuideth and separateth the words from their Authors , and the sense from the words , and the whole drift from them both : a very fine course and fit for a man of his profession . So much wrote I at that tyme : which had as you see some acrimony to draw out some satifaction frō M. Morton , if he had byn as full therof , as the title of his former booke of Full satisfaction pretendeth . THE SEAVENTEENTH Pretermitted falshood by T. M. §. XVII . NOw we come to another abuse apperteyning to two men indifferētly , to wit Cassander● German School●maister and Bellarmine an Italiā Cardinall● but we shall ascribe it rather to the Germ●n for this present , for that we haue spoken often , and haue had diuers examples about Cardinall Bellarmine before . Thus then I did propose the matter in my former Treatise . 80. Albeit I haue not yet passed ouer ( sayd I ) the halfe of the first part of this first Treatise of M. Mort. Ful satisfaction : for it is deuided into sundry Treatises , and that in this● first halfe also I haue pretermitted willingly many other exāples , that might haue byn alleadged : yet fynding my selfe weary to prosecute any further so large a Labyrinth of these intricate iuggling tricks , vsed by this Mynister in his whole corps of citations , which do consist principally therof : I meane to draw to an end , adding only one example more in this place , about a matter more neerly concerning our argument , which is of Reconciliation of Protestants with Catholicks in points of Religion , which T.M. willing to accuse I●suits , as the only hinderers therof writeth thus . Only by the insolency ( sayth he ) of Iesuits , all such hope of reconciliation is debarred , as is playne by Bellarmyne : for whereas that most graue learned Cassander , honoured o●●●o ●mperours ●or his singular learning and piety , did teach , That Emperours should endeauour a reconciliation betwixt Papists and Protestants , because ( saith he ) Protestants hold the Articles of the Creed , and are true members of the Church , although they dissent from vs in some particuler opinions : the grand Iesuit doth answere , that this iudgment of Cassander is false , for that Catholicks cannot be reconciled with hereticks , heretically meaning Protestants . So he . 81. But here I would aske him , why he had not vttered also that which immediatly followeth in Bellar. that Iohn Caluin had writtē a book against this ●rrour of Cassander , and that among Catholicke writers Ioannes à Louanio had done the same , and shewed that it was an old heresie of Appelles , as Eusebius testifieth , and of other hereticks a●terward vnder Zeno the Emperour , named Pacifyers , as Euagrius testifyeth : who held that Catholicks & heretiks might be cōposed together : why ( I say ) did T.M. cōceale this ? As also the many great & strōg argumēts that Bellarmyne alleageth to proue his assertion ? And why would he lay all the fault of not agreeing , vpon the insolency o● Iesuits , seeing Ioannes à Louanio was no Iesuite , nor Caluin neither . 82. But to leaue this and to come to the thing it selfe , and to take some more particuler view of the false behauiour of Tho. Morton in citing this authority : yt is strange , that in so small a matter , he would shew so great want of truth , or true meaning as heere he doth . For first to pretermit that he goeth about to deceiue his Reader by the opiniō of grauity & learning in George Cassander of Bruges , who was but a Grammarian in his dayes : and that he was a Catholicke , who is censured for an Hereticke prima classis in the index of prohibited Bookes : and not only for heresies of this tyme , but also , quòd dicit Spiritum Sanctum minùs aduocandū & adorandū esse , for that he saith that the holy Ghost is lesse to be called vpon or adored &c. as the Index expurgatorius testifyeth : Besides all this , I say , M. Mort. corrupteth manifestly in the sentēce before alleaged , the words and plaine meaning of his Author , to wit Bellarmine , from whom he citeth Cassanders iudgment : for thus they lye in him : Tertius error ( sayth he ) est Georgij Cassandri in libro de Officio pij Viri : vbi docet debere Principes inuenire rationem pacis inter Catholicos , Lutheranos &c. Sed interim dum non inueniunt debere permittere vnicuique suam fidem , modò omnes recipiant Scripturam & Symbolum Apostolicū : Sic enim omnes sunt verae Ecclesiae membra , licèt in particularibus dogmatibus dissentiant● 83. The third errour is of George Cassander in his booke Of the office of a pious man , where he teacheth that Princes ought to seeke out some meanes of peace betwixt Catholicks , Lutherās , Caluinists & other Sectes of our tyme : but in the meane space whiles they fynd no such meanes , the ought to permit euery one to follow his owne particuler faith , so as all do receaue the Scripture and common Creed of the Apostles : for so all are true members of the Church , albeit they disagree among thēselues in particuler doctrines . These are Bellarmines wordes . Now let vs see how they are mangled by M. Morton both in Latin & English , as by him that hath the notablest talent therin ( notwithstanding his solemne protestations to the contrary ) that euer I read in my life . 84. He putteth downe first the latin wordes in his margent thus : Debent Principes inuenire rationem pacis inter Catholicos , Lutheranos , Caluinistas &c. qui omnes , dum Symbolum tenent Apostolicum , vera sunt membra Ecclesiae , licèt à nobis in particularibus dissentiant . Which wordes M. Morton doth very d●ceiptfully English thus : Emperours should endeuour a reconciliation betwixt Papists and Protestants , because Protestāts hold the articles of the Creed , and are true mēbers of the Church , although they dissent from vs in some particuler opinions . So he . 85. And here now you see , first to be omitted cunningly and wilfully by this crafty Minister the wordes of much moment , before mentioned ; to wit , That whiles Princes do not find a fit meane of peace , they ought to permit all to liue according to their particuler saith : which sentence of his graue and learned Cassander not seeming to himselfe allowable in our English State , or to his owne brethrē the English Caluinists , that now hauing gotten the gouernment , will suffer no other Religion but their owne , he thought best to suppresse and cut them quite out . Secondly insteed of the conditionall speach vsed by Cassander , modò omnes ac●ipiant Scripturam &c. so that all do receiue the Scripture and Apostolicall Creed , he putteth it downe in English with a causitiue clause , as if it were , quia omnes Symbolum tenent &c. All Which Sects , because they do hold the Articles of the Creed , are true members of the Church , leauing out the word Scripture , and the English of ( dum ) that is , whiles they receaue the Scripture , and thereby doth , as yow see , peruert the other wholy in sense . For who will not hold it absurd , that Catholicks , Lutherans , Caluinists & other Sectes of our tyme , though in words they do admit both Scripture and Apostolicall Creed : yet differing in sense , and so many doctrines as they do , are all to be held notwithstanding for true members of one and the self same Church ? Can any thing be more ridiculous then this ? 86. Thirdly he doth most notably cogge in thrusting in the words ( à nobis ) from vs , which are not in the originall , meaning therby to make Cassander seeme a Catholicke , and to speake in the behalf of Catholicks , which is plaine cosenage : and to this end also he leaueth out dogmatibus . And fynally you see , that he shapeth euery thing to his owne purpose & by making C●ss●nder as a Catholike , seeme to wish and indeauour this vnion , and Bellarmine to reiect it , he would confirme his former calumniation , that only by the insolency of Iesuites , all such hope is debarred . 87. And thus much for the corruption of the latin text . But his English hath other corruptions also , according to his ordinary custome . For first he translateth Debent Principes , that Emperours should endeauour a reconciliation , to confirme therby his former vanity , that Cassander was so great a man with Emperours , as he talketh not but to Emperors , wheras the word Principes vsed by Cassander doth cōprehend all sortes of Princes . Secondly he translateth Catholicos , Lutheranos , Caluinistas● &c. which words of ( & caetera ) comprehend all other Sects of our time as Anabaptists , Arrians , Trinitarians , H●ssites , Picardians and the like : he translateth them , I say , Papists , and Protestants , as though all those Sects of our tyme were to be comprehended vnder the name of Protestants of the English faith : or as though Cassander , yf he were a Catholike , as here he is pretended , would call vs Papists . 88. Thirdly wheras in his owne Latin here set downe , he saith : Qui omnes dum Symbolum tenent &c. All which , to wit , Catholiks , Lutherans , Caluinists & other Sectaries , whiles they hold the Apostolicall Creed , are true members of the Church : he doth English it thus , because Protestants hold the Articles of the Creed , and are true members of the Church , excluding Catholicks from belieuing the said Articles , or being true members : which in his owne Latin ( and that of Bellarmines ) also are included . And fourthly is the corruption before mentioned ( although they dissent from vs in some particuler opinions ) which in Bellarmine is although they dissent among themselues in particuler doctrines . And finally the wordes by him cited of Bellarmines iudgment , which he controlleth , to wit , falsa est haec sententia Cassandri : non possunt enim Catholici reconciliari cum haereticis , are not so in Bellarmine : but these , potest facilè reselli haec Cassandri sententia : primum enim non possunt Catholici , Lutherani & Caluinistae eo modo conciliari &c. This sentence of ( Cassander ) may easily be refelled : first , for that Catholicks , Lutherans , and Caluinists ( for example ) cannot so be reconciled as Cassander appointeth , to wit , by admitting only the wordes of the Creed , for that we differ in the sense and somtimes in the Articles themselues , as in that , descendit ad inferos , he descended into Hell : & in like manner we agree not about the sense of those other Articles , I belieue the Catholicke Church , and Communion of Saints , Remission of sinnes &c. So Bellarmine : all which this fellow omitteth . 89. And so you see there is no truth or sinceritie with him in any thing . Neither can these escapes b● ascribed any way to ouersight , errour , mystaking or forgetfulnes : but must needs be attributed to wilfull fraud & malicious meaning , purposely to deceaue , as the things themselues do euidently declare . For which cause I shall leaue him to be censured by his owne brethrē , but specially by his Lord & Maister , for so notable discrediting their Cause , by so manifest false manner of proceeding . 90. These were my words in the other Treatise whereupon I insisted the more in regard of the multiplicitie of fraudes discouered . And so M. Morton had not any iust pretence to say ( as he insinuateth ) that this with the rest of the Charges layd against him , and pretermitted by him , were either of lesse importance , or lesse insisted vpon then those other fourteene which he chose out to answere . THE EIGHTEENTH Falshood pretermitted by Thomas Morton . §. XVIII . AS the former example apperteyned vnto the abuse of two together : so doth this that next weare to alleage which are indeed two distinct things : but that drawing to an end I am forced to ioine diuers togeather . Wherfore I accused him in my former writing to haue corrupted two Authors ioyntly , Royard a Friar , and Cunerus a Bishop : which accusation I set downe in these words . 92. And heere will I passe ouer ( said I ) many things that might be noted out of the sequent pages namely 30.31.34 . where he doth so peruert and abuse both the wordes , discourse , and sense of diuers Authours alledged by him , as is not credible to him that doth not compare thē with the bookes themselues from whence they are taken . As for example , Royardus the Franciscan Friar is brought in with commendation of an honest Friar , for that he saith ; That a King when he is made by the people , cannot be deposed by thē againe at their pleasure : which is the same doctrine , that all other Friars & learned Catholiks do hold , so long as he conteyneth himselfe within the nature of a King : for that otherwise ( which is the question in controuersie ) Royard himselfe saith parendum ei non esse , that he is not to be obeyed : but this is not to be iudged by the people and their mutiny , as Protestant Doctors do teach . 93. And to like effect he citeth a discourse , though most brokenly out of B. Cunerus writing against the Rebels of Flanders , and testifying , that it lyeth not in the peoples handes to reiect their Prince at their pleasure , as those Protestant subiects did : and then M. Morton as though he had atchiued some great victory triumpheth exceedingly , saying : That for so much as Friars in our Councells haue no voice , but only Bishops , he hath brought forth a Bishop against vs ; whom for that the moderate Answerer had named a little before , this man scornfully telleth him Caesarem appellasti , ad Caesaremibis . You haue appealed to Cunerus , and now he shall be your Iudge against you . And is not this great folly & insolency ? for that Cunerus in all that his booke saith nothing against vs , but altogeather for vs , to represse the rebellion in Flanders , as ha●h byn signified . And secondly , notwithstanding all this exact obedience , which both he and we prescribe and require at subi●cts handes towards their lawfull Princes , he hath a speciall C●apter which is the third after this alleaged here by T. M. wherin he doth expressely & larg●ly proue , that in some Cases when Princes fall into intollerable disorders , there is authoritie le●t in the Common wealth and Church of Christ to restraine & remoue thē . What falshood is this then to alleadge Authors thus directly against their owne sense , meaning , and whole drift ? Doth this become a Minister o● simple truth ? Is this for a man that so much abhorreth Equiuocation ? So said I to M. Mor●ō at that time , when I expected that he would haue returned me some answere to my demaund . The like I do repeat againe now , and shall attend what may come from him herafter . THE NINTEENTH Falshood pretermitted by Thomas Morton . §. XIX . FROM strangers we returne to a Countrey-man of our owne , no lesse abused by M. Morton , then any commonly of the former , which I set downe in these wordes . 95. But the greatest corruption in this page said I ( & it is notable indeed ) is of the words , sense & meaning of our learned Countrey-man Sayer , of whom T. M. writeth thus . In beiefe our Countrey-man vpon this Case of conscience saith : An obstinate hereticke is as well he that is presumed so to be , as he that is manifest . And againe in the same page : Seeing therfore that ( as your great Casuist hath said ) euery one presumed to be an Here●i●ke , is taken for an obstinate , who can be free from your censures ? And then citeth in the margent these wordes of Sayer : Contumax haereticus est tam praesumptus quàm mani●estus . An obstinate hereticke is as well ●e that is presumed to be so , as he that is manifest , or knowne for such : which may seeme to be a great iniustice in our doctrine . But if I do not shew this deuise to be one of the most manifest and faithles deceiptes and corruptions that euer any honest man put in paper against his Aduersary , thē let me be censured for too sharp a reprehēder . 96. For first● Sayer hath no such matter at all concerning obstinacy in heresy , his whole purpose being only to declare who may be excōmunicated by a Iudge for contumacie in not appearing ( which is a different thing from obstinacy or pertinacie ) & this whether he be hereticke or Catholike : nay he speaketh either only or principally of Catholicks , who do shew contumacie in any Court or Tribunall , in not appearing , and answering , according as they are cited and summoned by a lawfull Iudge : and so he defineth Contumacie in these words : Contumacia ( saith he ) nihil aliud est quàm inobedientia quaedam qua ius dicenti non paretur . Contumacie is nothing els , but a certaine disobedience , wherby he is not obeyed that ●itteth in iudgment . So as here is no mentiō or meaning of obstinacie in heresie . And further he puteth downe two sorts of contumacie thus : Cōtumax duobus modis esse potest , nimirum mani●estus & praesūptus : A man may be contumacious in two sorts or manners , either manifest or by presumption : and he giueth diuers exāples of both● as namely : Yf a man cited do refuse openly to appeare or obey his Iudge , this mans cōtumacie or disobedience is publicke and manifest , and therby he is made contumax manifestus : but if he do not refuse openly , but by idle dilations & shifte● doth put of , or delude the Court , he is contumax praesumptus , that is , presumed to be contumacious , and so may excōmunicatiō ( if it be a spirituall Court ) proceed against him , as if his contumacie were manifest . 97. Now then what hath all this to do with Contumax haereticus tā praesumptus quàm mani●estus ? Hath Sayer any such word or sentence ? No truely : or shall we thinke Tho. Morton to be so simple both in Grāmar , Law , & Deuinitie , as that he doth not know what difference there is betweene contumax and pertinax ? wherof the one is a fault in obedience towards our Superiours , as now hath byn shewed , the other of tenacity of opinion , as before we haue declared ? Of if Tho. Morton will not confesse this ignorance , but that he knoweth the difference of the wordes & of their significations , sense & applications here vsed by the Authors then must he cōfesse wilfull deceipt in vsing one for the other , and much more in twice translating the words Co●●umax haereticus in this one page , for an obstinate hereticke : and much more yet in foisting in the word haereticus , which Sayer hath not : and most of all in making his Reader belieue that contumax , praesumptus , & mani●estus doth signify in Sayer one that vpon presumption only is iudged to be as obstinate an hereticke , as if he were manifest : wherof Sayer neither spake nor meant , but in a quite different sense ( not appertayning to heresy at all ) saith : That a man may be condemned as contumacious by presumption , if he appeare not before his lawfull iudge , or vseth sleights , diuerticles or delayes , aswell as if openly he refused to appeare . Now then consider what a Mynister of truth this is , and of what naked innocencie , thus perfidiously to delude his Reader : and yet to come forth after all with this dissembled Hypocrisy , Now let me be beholding vnto you ( saith he ) for an answere . And so I thinke he is , but if not sharpe inough for so shamefull an abuse , it may be amended and augmented hereafter vpon like occasions , which euery where are offered throughout his whole booke . And there were no end if I would answere him to all . Hitherto was my former reprehension to M. Morton for his shamefull dealing , which seemed to me to import either great ignorance , or intolerable lacke of conscience in going about to deceiue his Reader . Some word of answere had bene worth the writing in so great a Charge : but he thought it not expedient . THE TWENTITH Falshood pretermitted by Thomas Morton . §. XX. FROM Christians and Coūtrey-men he passeth to Heathens & committeth such notorious falshoods against one of them , euen then and there , where he speaketh of faithfull dealing against perfidiousnes , as may iustly make any man admyre , what he did suppose his iudicious Reader would thinke of him , when he should see the fraud disclosed , of which fraud I wrote thus in my former Treatise , beginning first with the relation of his owne words in this manner . 99. There was a man ( saith M. Morton ) who togeather with nyne other prisoners being dismissed out of the prison of Carthage vpon his Oath , that he within a prefixed time should returne againe : as soone as he was out of prisō , he returned as though he had forgotten something , and by & by departeth home to Rome , where he stayed beyond the time appointed , answering that he was freed frō his Oath : But see now the opinion of his owne Countreymā Cicero , concerning this Equiuocatiō of returne . This was not well done ( sayth Tully ) for that craft in an oath doth not lessē but make the periury more heynous . Wherfore the graue Senators of Rome sent this cosening mate backe againe to the prison of Hanniball their enimy , from whom he had escaped &c. 100. Thus relateth M. Morton the Case , and then maketh this malicious Conclusion against vs : This was the honestie of the ancient heathenish Rome , whi●h must rise vp in iudgment against this present Rome to condemne it , which hath changed that faythfull Romā fayth in fidem Punicā into Carthaginiā●ayth , which now by custome of speach is taken for per●idiousnesse it selfe . And would not you thinke that M. Mort. did hold himselfe very free from this perfidiousnes , who obiecteth the same so freely against vs ? And not only against vs , but to the whole Church of Rome it selfe , and to the vniuersall Catholicke Religiō conioyned therwith ? Marke then the deportment of this man in this one point , and if you knew him not befo●e , learne to know him by this● 101. First then I would haue some Grammer scholler that studieth Tullies Offices , to turne to the places here quoted , and comparing them with that which this Minister setteth downe in english , consider how they hang togeather , & how he picketh out one sentence in one place , & another in another , and leapeth forth & backe to make some coherence of speach contrarie to the Authors order , sense & method , as is ridiculous to behould , and fit for the cosening mate , of whom he talketh in his text . And secondly after this , is to be noted , tha● he setteth downe the narration it selfe of ten men deliuered vpon their Oath by Hanniball , not as Cicero doth out of two historiographers Polybius & Accilius , and in particuler against the faith of both their histories , and Tullies asseueration , which saith that those ten were dismissed by Hāniball out of his Camp post Cānensem pugnā after the famous battaile of Cāna in Apulia , Mort. ignorātly saith , they were dismissed out o● the prison of Carthage , wheras they of all liklyhood had neuer seene Carthage in their liues . 102. But the most notorious cosenage is , that he peruerteth all Cicero his meaning , words , sense , and discourse in this matter , alleaging them quite contrary to himself , as before you haue heard him do many other Authors , so as he belieth and corrupteth them all , both profane and diuine . And if in this one point , he can deliuer himself from Punica fides , I will say he playeth the man indeed . For first Cicero whome here he would seme to bring against vs , doth fully agree with vs , for that we say in the Case of those ten Romans deliuered by Hanniball vpon their oath to returne againe , if they should not obtayne that with they were sent for ( which was to perswade the Senate to redeeme diuers thousands of other Roman souldiers , whome Hanniball had taken in the said victory at Canna : ) we hold , I say , first , that if they sware absolutly to returne againe , if they obteined not their suite , they were bound truly and sincerely to performe the same . And secondly , that they being now iustly by law of armes prisoners of Hanniball , they were bound to sweare sincerely to his intention , and not to any other reserued meaning of their owne , as in the former Chapter hath byn declared . And this very same doctrine also teacheth Cicero by light of nature , in these words , perfidiously ●ut of and left out by this Minister in the very same place , out of which he taketh the rest . Est aute● ( saith he ) ius etiam bellicum , fidesque i●siurandi saepe hosti seruanda : quod enim ita iuratum ●st , vt mens con●iper●● fi●ri oportere , id seruandum est : quod aliter id si non 〈◊〉 , nullum periurium ●st . There is al●o a law of armes saith he ) and a faith in our swearing to be obserued oftētymes , ●uen vnto our enemy . For that which is so sworne by vs , ●s our mind doth cōceiue that it must be done , that is to be obserued : but if it be otherwise sworne , that is no periury , if he per●orme it not . 103. Behold here the very same distinction which Catholike deuines put downe of swearing according to the intention & vnderstanding of the swearer , or of him to whome it is sworne : & that the former is that byndeth & maketh periury , if it be not performed , and not allwayes the second , to wit , when any violence or force is vsed : which Cicero doth expresse in the very next immediate words by the selfe same example that Azor vsed before : Si praedonibus pactum pro capite pret●um non attule●is , nulla ●raus est : ne , si iuratus quid●m id non seceris &c. nonenim ●alsum iurare peierare est . Sed si ex animi tui sentemi● iuraueris , sicut verbis concipitur more nostro , id non sac●r● periurium est . Scitè enim Erupides : Iuraui lingua , men●em iniuratam gero . If you should not pay the price or ransome vnto publick theeues , which was agreed betweene you for sauing of your life , it is no deceipt , no , though you had sworne to performe it : for that it is not periury to sweare false ( in any sort whatsoeuer . ) But if you sweare a thing which you determine in your mynd and do vtter it in words , according to the common custome of ●peach , and do not performe it , this is periury . For well and fytly to the purpose saith the Poet Euripides , I haue sworne with my tongue , but my mynd hath not sworne . So he . 104. And consider now here I pray you , the Punica fid●s of our Minister against our Roman faith . He saith that Cicero and other heathenish Romans shall rise vp against vs at the day of Iudgment , for that they condemne all reseruation or doubt●ull sēse in an oath , and do condemne it for periury : wheras Cicero affirmeth , that there is neither periury nor fraud therein . And the same Philosopher alloweth the very same example of swearing with a reserued intention to a publick theef , without either meaning or obligation to performe it , which M. Morton obiecteth to Azor in the precedent Chapter , though craftily leauing out the words Latroni and Tyranno , for auoiding the force of this place , as before is noted , saying : that Azor did condemne for lying all such Equiuocation against his subtile brethren : whereas he both affirmeth and proueth the same , no lesse then Cicero doth here in this place , as before hath byn shewed . Who then shall ryse in iudgement against T. Morton for all this wilfull lying ? No doubt but Sathā himself , that is the Father of lyers in this life , & shal be their tormentor in the next . 105. Thus farre at that tyme I wrote against M. Morton . And truly when I read it ouer agayne , togeather with many other points before mentioned and do consider how weighty matter of accusatiō they do conteyne , and how much I do insist vpon them to make the deformity therof appeare in the Readers ey●s , and in those also of M. Morton , if it were possible , and therby to draw from him either some sound answere , or a simple confession of his errours , so farre as such they may be called : or rather of his witting fraud to beguile his Reader , which were the best and truest forme of answere , if almighty God would giue him light to see the same ( though I will presume that he synned not wholy against his conscience therein , but framed rather ●is conscience so , as he might think it law●ull perhaps to streyne truth for helping such a cause as his is : ) yet I can not but meruaile , that he would passe ouer with sylence all these grauer matters , and betake himself to sleighter things in this his last Answere , telling notwithstanding his Reader , that he chose out 14. principall points to answere , such as I insisted most vpon : which by experience hath bin euinced to be most false by these 20. which I haue alledged , as wittingly pretermitted by him , & might sundry more , wherof the most are more weighty , & much more insisted vpon then any of the former . THE ONE and twentith , and two and twentith falshoods pretermitted by M. Morton §. XXI . ALBEIT my intention was to note only these precedent 20. heads of falshood wittingly pretermitted by M. Morton , wherof each one , or most of them do conteyne sundry branches vnder them : yet that you may know that this number of 20. is not precise , but that many others may be added also , if a man will but runne ouer my said Treatise : I haue thought good to note 2. more here togeather concerning one and the self same man , to wit , Doctor Barkley a Scottishman . The first , in that he relateth a certaine cholerick speach of the said Doctor Barkley vsed against an argument of Doctor Boucher , as though it had bene spoken against Bellarmine , whom it concerned not● My words were these . 107. Here then you see ( quoth I ) how many wilfull corruptions there be , first to bring in D. Barkley rating of Cardinall Bellarmine which magna sanè impudentia est &c. whereas he talketh not against Bellarmine at all : nor indeed is Bellarmines manner of speach cōtrary to that which Barkley will haue to be the meaning of the History : for that Barkley doth not so much stand vpon the thing in cōtrouersy for Priests authority , but vpon the manner of proofe by the examples alleaged by D. Boucher , of Ieroboam , Ozias , Athalia and some other Princes , in whose punishmēt God vsed Priests for means and instruments . Non ignoro ( saith he ) ius esse Ecclesiae in Reges & Principes Christianos , nec quale ius sit ignoro , sed id tam alien is argumentis ostendi , prorsus ignoro : imo non ostendi planè scio . I am not ignorant ( saith Doctor Barkley ) that the Church hath right ouer Christian Kings and Princes , nor am I ignorāt , what manner of right it is : yet do I not see , how the same may be proued by such impertinent arguments ; nay I know rather that it can not be so proued : which words going but very few lines before those that T. M. alleageth , he could not but see , and yet left them out , and then beginneth against vs his English text thus . Your owne Doctor calleth this your assertiō most false , & contrary to the direct History of the Bible , to wit , that Ozias was deposed of his Kingdome by Azarias the high Priest. 108. And this is the first abuse , as to me it seemeth , inexcusable . The second is about an authority of S. Ambrose , craftily cut of from the speach of the said D. Barkley by M. Morton wherof my accusation in my former Treatise was this . 109. But yet if we would exāine ( quoth I ) the particuler authorityes that be alleaged about this matter , though nothing making against vs , as hath byn said , and consider how many false shifts are vsed by T. M. therin , you would say he were a Doctor indeed in that science , for that a seuerall Treatise will scarse conteine thē . I will touch one for example sake . He citeth D. Barkley bringing in the authority of S. Ambrose that ●e resisted not by force his Arrian Emperour , when he would take a Church frō him for the Arrians : but he setteth not downe , what āswere of his D● Barkley doth alleadg in the very selfe same place , which is , Allegatur Imperatori licere omnia &c. It is alleadged , that it is lawfull for the Emperor to do all things , for that all things are his ( and cōsequently that he may assigne a Church vnto the Arrians : ) wherto I answere , saith S. Ambrose : Trouble not your selfe ô Emperour , nor think that you haue Imperiall right ouer those things that are diuine . Do not exalt your selfe , but if you will raigne long , be subiect to God : for it is written , that those things that belong to God , must be giuen to God : and to Cesar only those things that belong to Cesar. Pallaces apperteyne to the Emperour , but Churches to the Priest. The right of defending publike walles is cōmitted to you , but not of sacred things . Thus D. Barkley out of S. Ambrose in the very place cited by T. M. which he thought good wholy to pretermit and cut of , and yet to make a florish as though D. Barkley had cited S. Ambrose to prooue that the temporall Prince and Emperour was in noe case , nor in any cause spirituall or temporall , to be withstood or resisted . And what will yee say of this manner of dealing ? Out of what conscience may it proceed ? But let vs see another Charge that conteineth ten falshoods togeather , and so with that we will make an end . OF TEN OTHER Falshoodes set downe togeather and dissembled by Thomas Morton . §. XXIII . AS the former Charge had two examples togeather , so this last hath ten at a clap ( to make vp 32. ) which I set downe in my former Treatise in these wordes . 111. There followeth ( said I ) within 2. leaues after a heape not only of falshoods , but also of impudencies . For wheras his Aduersary the moderate Answerer had said , That not only Kings but Popes also for heresie by the Canō lawes were to be deposed : he answereth thus : The Authours of the doctrine of deposing Kinges in Case of heresy , do professe concerning Popes , That they cannot possibly be hereticks , as Popes , and consequently cannot be deposed : not saith Bellarmine by any power Ecclesiasticall or Temporall , no not by all Bishops assembled in a Councell : not saith Carerius , though he should do anything preiudi●i●ll to the vniuersall state of the Church : not saith Azorius though he should neglect the Canons Ecclesiasticall , or peruert the lawes of Kings : not saith Gratians glosse , though he should car●y infinite multitudes of soules with him to hell . And these f●renamed Authours do auouch for confirmation of this doctrine , the vniuersall consent of Romish Deuines & Canonists for the space of an hundred yeares . 112. So he . Wherto I replyed , that in these wordes are as many notorious and shameles lyes as there be assertiōs & Authors named by him for the same . For first ( quoth I ) the foure writers which he mentioneth there in the t●xt , to wit , Bellarmine , Carerius , Azor , & Gratiā , do expressely , clearly , and resolutely hold the contrary to that he affirmeth out of them : for that they teach and proue by many arguments● that Popes both may fall into heresies , and for the same be deposed by the Church , or rather are ips● facto deposed , and may be so declared by the Church . And their wordes here guilfully alleaged by Tho. Mort. as sounding to the contrary , are manifestly spoken and meant of manners only , and not of faith , that is to say , if they should be of naughty life , yet haue they no Superiour to depose them , for that cause , ( they being immediatly vnder C●●ist ) though for heresy they may be deposed : which insteed of all the rest you may read largely handled in Bellarmine in his second booke de Pontif. where among other proofes he citeth this very Canon of Gratian here mentioned by T. M● saying : ●aereticum Papam posse iudicari expresse habetur Can. Si Papa , dist . 40. It is expressely determined in the Canon Si Papa , that a Pope falling into heresie maybe iudged and d●posed by the Church . And more . That in the 8. generall Councell and 7. Session , Pope Honorius was deposed ●or heresie . So Bellarmine . And the same doctrine hold the other two cited by our Minister , to wit , Carerius , & Azor. So as here be foure notorious lyes togeather , that by no shift or tergiuersation can be auoided : for that T. M. could not but manifestly see , that he alleaged these foure Authors quite contrarie to their expresse wordes , drift and meaning . What then will you say of this ●ellow , and his manner of writing ? Shall he be credited hereafter ? 113. But yet not content with this , he citeth other foure or fiue Authors besids in the margent , to wit , Gregorius de Valentia , Salmeron , Canus , Stapleton , & Costerus : all which in the very places by him cited are expressely against him . And is not this strange dealing ? Let Canus that goeth in the myddest speake , for all fiue , who hauing proued first at large the opposit proposition to T. M. to wit , that Popes may fall into heresy and be deposed for the same , concludeth thus his discourse : negandum●saith ●saith he ) quin Summus Pontisex haereticus esse possit . It cannot ther●ore be denied but that the Pope may be an hereticke , adding presently : wherof one or two examples may be giuen , but none at all that euer Pope though he fell into heresy did decree the same for the whole Church . By which last words of Canus is discouered the ridiculous fallacy of T.M. alleaging here out of our fore●aid writer , That Popes cannot possibly be hereticks as Popes , & consequently cannot be deposed . wherof they say the flat contrary , as you haue heard , That Popes may be hereticks as Popes , and consequently may be deposed . But yet that God ( as Popes ) will neuer permit them to decree any hereticall doctrine to be held by the Church . 114. Consider then I pray you ( said I ) what a fellow this Minister is in abusing thus so many Authors so manifestly : but especially do you note the impudency of his Conclusion . And these ●orenamed Authors ( saith he ) do auouch for confirmation of this doctrine , the vniuersall consent of Romish Deuines and Canonistes for the space of an hūdred yeares . So he . But I would aske him of what doctrine ? That Popes cannot be hereticks or be deposed for the same ? You haue heard them now protest the contrary , and you may read them in the places here cited , out of all the nyne seuerall writers before mentioned , who by their expresse contrary doctrine do proue T. M. to haue made nyne seuerall lyes against them in this his assertion , and now the tenth and most notorious of all , is this his Conclusion , That they do auouch ●or confirmation o● that which he obiecteth the vniuersall consent of Romish Deuines and Canonists for the space of an hundred yeares : which besids the ●anifest falsity therof seene in their owne words and works here by me cited , it cōteineth also great folly & simplicity to say , that they auouch the consent of Romish Deuines and Canonists for an hundred yeares : for that their proofes are much elder : & Bellarmine among the rest for deposition of Popes , doth cite the 8. Generall Councell vnder Pope Adrian the second for aboue six hundred yeares agone : and the Canon Si Papa , out of our Countrey man S. Boniface Archbishop of Ments & Martyr aboue seauen hundred yeares agon , and collected by Gratian and confirmed by Popes , as part of the Canon law , aboue foure hundred years agone . So as to say that now they auouch Authors o● an hundred yeares old , against that , which for so many hundred yeares before was held and established , is meere folly or rather foolish malice . 115. Thus I wrote in my former Treatise of Mitigation , wherby , as by all the rest that here hath bin set downe , the Reader will see , what store of graue matter M. Mortō had to answere for his owne defēce , if indeed he had meant to defend himself really and substantially , and not to haue slipt out vnder the shaddow of a Preamble for answering his aduersary : but indeed laying hands only vpon a few & the lightest imputations that he could picke out . And yet by the way the Reader must note , that euery one , or the most of these examples of falshood here obiected do cōteine diuers & sundry points , which being laid togeather do make ( I dare auouch ) a double number to that , which heere we haue sett downe , if they were seuered & singled out after the manner of M. Mortons mincing his imputations before produced about Goodman , Knox , Buchanan , Syr Thomas VViat , & the like , seuerally set forth to the shew . So as according to this reckoning we may boldly say , that he hath left out heere aboue threescore witting & voluntary vntruthes , which he knew could hardly , or neuer handsomly be answered . And besides these ●e hath purposely also left out the mention of other matters no lesse weighty then the former , though not in the same kind of falshood and lying , yet no lesse cūningly pretermitted , subtracted , or concealed to the aduantage of his cause , in this last Reply of his , thē any lightly of the former , which we are to lay forth in the Chapter that ensueth . THE SEAVENTH CHAPTER WHERIN ARE SET DOVVNE DIVERS SORTS OF M. MORTONS OMISSIONS , besides the former : and namely in not defending certaine Clients of his , whose credit was cōmended to his protectiō in the Tr●atise of Mitigation . And among others , SYR EDWARD COOKE , now L. Chiefe Iustice of the Common Pleas. THE PREFACE . HITHERTO haue we beheld the omissions or rather pretermissiōs ( to wit omissions volūtary ) vsed by M. Morton in answering the chiefe accusations layd against him in matter of falsity , and vntrue dealing ; now you are to see others of another kind , which though in my opinion they do proceed out of the same motiue ( which was by delaying the answere , to auoid the necessity of answering at all ) yet are they in a different subiect or matter , not so much concerning corruptiōs & falsifications immediatly , as the other , but about sūdry principall partes of my Treatise ( yea all in effect ) no lesse craftily concealed then the rest , though with a certaine pretence and faint promise to answere them afterward . But for that I haue iust cause to suspect this promise , as a dilatory shi●t and subtile ●ua●ion , wherby to deteine from the Readers knowledg what I wrote in may said Treatise , making him to thinke by the perusall of this his Preamble of Reply that I had handled nothing therin worthy the relation or confutation , besides those trifles which himself pleased before to lay forth : for this cause ( I say ) I am forced heere to detaine my selfe a litle longer in repeating againe some chiefe points of my said Booke , which M. Morton hath passed ouer with silence leauing only a hope , as hath bene said , that in time he will satisfie them . 2. But in this case I meane to proceed as Creditors do with old & doubtfull debtors , which is , to examine the accōpts , & make vp the Reckoning , while the debts ar yet sōwhat fresh in memory . For better declaration wherof I will vse this example , or comparison . If a marchant in London , or els where hauing many charges of debts laid vpō him , should promise , that ( at such a time , when accompts are wont to be clered , & made streight ) he would answere al , & thē the prefixed time approaching he should suddainly withwraw himselfe , leauing some small & scattered sūmes ( & those also of very bad coines ) to satisfie for great & many obligations , promising further that in time he would yeeld aboūdant satisfactiō for all the rest . 3. In this case I would demaūd , what the prudent Creditors would do , think , or suspect , especially finding the sūmes of money left to be so small , & of so bad coine , as now hath byn said ? Two things do occur vnto me , that they would do for their better assurance . First to informe thēselues well , what store of debts the said party was to be charged withall . Secondly quid habeat in bonis , what substāce he might be presumed to haue for satisfying therof . And this I take to be the very Case also betwene me & M. Mort. who being charged with very many debts and obligatiōs of answering matters obiected against him in my foresaid Treatise , he tooke a respite vntill the ordinary time of payment , which was the time of his Reply : which time comming , he gaue vs insteed of a booke a Preamble only ( though a large one ) answering not to the tenth part of that he was indebted : & this so weakely & fraudulētly , handling matters impertinent , as no way it can passe for currant coine , as now in part you haue seene , and shall do more in that which ensueth . 4. Wherfore I am cōstrained to performe the parts of the forsaid Creditors , making first a suruey of the chiefe debts lyable against him , and which he is to answere , & then to examine what liklihood of paiment , or satisfaction he may be thought to haue , for effectuating the same : both which points you haue in part seene already put in execution by me in my former discourse . For you haue heard the many charges laid against him for falsity & vntrue dealing & you will h●rdly I thinke conceiue , where he will haue the substance to answere them . Now we are to make the search in another sort of debts , wherin I perswade me that the like in many points , though not altog●ather the same will fall out , to wit , that the debts will be found cleare , & the satisfactiō not easy : wherin I referre my selfe to that which is to ensue . OF THE PRETERMISSION of the chiefest points concerning the argument and subiect of Rebellion , in my Treatise of Mitigation . §. I. VVELL then according to this designement let vs looke into the principall heads of matters treated by me cōcerning the first part of our argument about Rebellion : to wit , whether Catholick people aboue others be foūd obnoxious to that heinous crime , & this also by force of their Catholicke doctri●e , & beliefe ; for that this was the chiefe but , wherat M. Mortons first seditious libell of Discouery did leuell , bringing in ten pretended reasons , but indeed calūniations for some shew of proofe therof : which being confuted largely by me for almost twenty pages togeather , & couinced not only not to be reasons of any substance or force against vs , but plaine calūniations & arguments rather against himselfe & his people , did impose , as you see , a great obligation vpō him for answering the same in this his Reply : but he thought good volutarily to pretermit thē , & in●●eed therof to institute almost ten other different Paragraphes about the wit , learning , memory , skill in Logicke , Greeke & Latin , charity , modesty & truth of his Aduersary P. R. as before you haue seene handled : So as this first maine debt remaineth in eff●ct vndischarged : & what probability there is , or may be , how well it will be paid heerafter , is not hard to ghesse : at least I , as his Creditor , haue cause to suspect the matter , & that this putting of or delay vpon expectation of a ●urther Reioynder to come forth , was but a deuise to euacuate the payment . 6. And for so much as the first of these ten reasons again●t vs is ●ounded by him vpon the pretended opiniō that he saith we haue of English Protestants , that they are Heretiks , & that Protestācy is damned heresy , & consequētly are lyable , & obnoxious to all the Canonicall penaltyes , which are set downe against men conuicted of that crime , by the Canon law : albeit I shewed vnto him that this cōsequence in rigour was not necessary , for that all Protestants were not nominatim excōmunicati & denunciati , by name excommunicated , and denounced for such : yet for so much as concerned the guilt of heresy , as it is a choice of a particuler sect and difference of Religiō from that which the knowne Catholicke Church doth hold , and professe , I alleaged sundry authēticall proofes as well out of the definition of heresy , and an hereticke , set downe by S. Augustine vnto Honoratus infected with the heresy of the Manicheans , & out of the same Father against the Donatists , defining who is properly an heretike ( to wit ) Qui manifestata sibi doctrina Catholicae ●idei , resistere maluerit , & illud quod tenebat , eleg●rit : he that after the doctrine of the Catholicke faith ( generally held ) is made knowne vnto him shall determine notwithstanding rather to resist and make choice of that , which before he held . As also I shewed and demonstrated the explication of this definition vnto English Protestants , and professors of the English Religion of our dayes , out of great variety of other Prōtestant Authors of other Countreys , who all affirme , a●d determine that the Religion & doctrine of Iohn Caluin , which is now most followed in England is form●lly and truely heresy , & consequently the Pro●essors and manteyners therof must needs be hereticks : for which I alleaged not only the Censure o● Franci●●us Stancarus a chiefe Protestant Superin●end●nt in Polonia , who saith , that they are deplora●issimi haeretic● , most desperate hereticks , but also the Censure of a whole Lutheran Vniuersitie in Germany named Tubinga , whose cheefe Reader of Deuinity Philippus Nicolaus in the name of the whole Vniuersity decre●th , that Caluinists are dānable heretikes , intituling his booke thus : Fūdamentorum Caluinianae sectae cum Arianis & Nestorianis communium detectio . A discouery of the ●oūdations of the Caluinian sect , which are common to them with the Arians and Nestorians : In which booke this Doctor proueth throughout many Chapters togeather that Caluinists are no lesse Hereticks , then the said Arians & Nestorians : that they agree with them at least in 17. or 18. articles : alleaging also Luthers Authority to the same effect , who saith , that they are alieni ab Ecclesia Dei , & Sathanae membra , cut of from the Church of God , and members of Sathan . 7. And after this I added further to this effect : I will passe ouer ( quoth I ) the testimony of many other learned protestant Ministers , Doctors , & teachers , as namely Conradus Sclusselburgius , who affirmeth Caluinists , To belieue and teach rightly no one article of the Creed : as also I will do that of Heshusiꝰ , affirming , That their associatiō is a most blasphemous & sacrilegious sect : that of Hunnius , That it is most damnable , & the right way to hell : that of Ioannes Schutzius , That it is the sinke of all wicked heresyes ; that of Ioannes Modestus , that affirmeth Caluinists , To be as bad as Iewes & Mahomets : that of Ioannes Matthias , and of Albertus Grauerus , and others , that affirme all those that follow the doctrine of Caluin , to be professed enemyes of Christ. All which I do cyte in my last book against M. Mort. quoting their names , works and Chapters , & years when they wrote , more largely , & particulerly in the pages heere set downe in the margent . All which men being chiefe Doctors , Readers , Preachers or Pastours of our Protestant people , & such as our Protestāt Ministers of Englād hold for their brethrē against vs that are Catholicks , do easely wype away with these their as●euerations , the childish clamour of M. Morton against Catholiks for holding his Caluiniā doctrine to be heresy , seing that so many learned & graue Protestants inlightened with the spirit of God ( as they must needs graunt ) do hold & auerre the same . 8. And why then had not he answered somwhat to this Charge , being so weighty , & substantiall as it is ? Why had he not giuen some satisfaction ? Or at leastwise mētioned the same in this his last Reply ? Was not this as necessary a subiect to be handled as to put himself to discusse the wit , memory , skill , and other qualities of his Aduersary ? Or when do you thinke will he be able to answere this matter ? Or what substance hath he , or may be presumed to haue for making this payment ? 9. Nay , that his substance is small , or rather none at all for discharging these debts , may well appeare , for that he being further pressed by me afterward about the like argument of Iohn Caluins being an hereticke , and that most heinous & damnable by the publike testimony of his said Protestant brethren the Lutheran Doctors , and this not only in the common known controuersies betweene thē , about the Reall presence , & other Sacraments , for which by Luther they were called Sacramentaries : but euen about the highest articles of the blessed Trinity , Diuinity of Christ , & equality with his Father , Godhead of the Holyghost & the like ; he hath shifted of the same in this his Reply by no lesse silence , then the former : not so much as naming the matter , but in generall termes telling vs that he will pay all his debts in time : & yet did I vrge him as much as might be , to draw frō him some answere . For thus I said vnto him , when he had accused al our writers of extreme malignity in cēsuring Caluin & Caluinists for heretiks , insinuati●g also in his booke of Full satisfaction , that the former Lutheran Doctors , wherof some had bene obiected before by the moderate answerer , had bene corrupted , & depraued by vs , ( a poore shift you see , when their owne bookes are extant in print , & the places knowne of their printing ) I told him , I say , that I would bring against him a new booke of a famous late Lutheran Doctor , & Reader of Deuinity called Aegidius Hunnius printed at VVittemberg vpon the yeare 1593. which should confirme this and much more . My words were these . 10. VVe shall heere ( quoth I ) with as much breuity as may be , bring ●orth the Iudgment of another renowned Protestant Doctor cōcurring with the forsaid , he being a publike Reader of Deuinity in another famous Vniuersity of Germany , namely Wittemberg , where Martin Luther himselfe once held the chaire , as Caluin did in Geneua , & this Doctour whose name is Agidius Hunnius in a seuerall Treatise set forth about a dozen yeares gone , intituled by him , Calu●us Iudaizans , & dedicated vnto one Dauid Pareus a principall Caluinian Doctor , setteth downe the argument of his booke thus , in the first front therof : This booke is to shew ( saith he ) that Iohn Caluin hath most detestably presumed to corrupt ( in ●auour of Iewes & Arians ) the most cleare places , & testimonies of Scripture , concerning the glorious Trinity , Deity of Christ , of the Holy-ghost , & aboue all , the predictions of Prophets ●or the comming of the Messias , his Natiuity , passion , ascension , and sitting at the right hād of God &c. with a cleare confutation of his false corruptiōs therin &c. This is the title & argument of the booke , which he doth prosecute for almost two hundred pages togeather , diuiding the same into two partes : the first wherin he sheweth , how Iohn Caluin most wickedly , & maliciously vnder pretence of interpreting the Scripture in differēt sense from the ancient Fathers , did go about couertly to weaken , infringe , or take from the Christi●ns all the strong●st arguments which they had , or haue out of the Scriptures for the Godhead of Christ , and his equality , and consubstantiality with the Father &c. And in the second part of his booke Doctor Hunnius sheweth that the said Caluin vseth the same fraud , and malice by ouerthrowing all the predictions , & fortellings of Prophets about Christ , is he was man. 11. Thus far I wrote at that time , and then produced somewhat largely and particulerly 18. examples partly out of the old , and partly out of the new Testament , maliciously peruerted by him in fauour of Iewes and Arrians , against the truth and certainty of Christian Religion , leauing out 20. more , which Doctor Hunnius doth handle , and in the end concludeth thus : Quapropter vt receptui canam , detectū satis superque iudico , Angelum illum tenebrarum Ioannem Caluinum , qui ex abyssi puteo emergens &c. VVherfore that I may now ( saith he ) retire my selfe , I do iudge that Angell of darknes Iohn Caluin to be sufficiently , and more then sufficiently discouered , who being raysed from the pit of hell to the peruerting of mankind , hath partly by his detestable desire of wresting Scriptures & ouerthrowing the bulwarkes of Christiā Religion , which it hath against Iewes and Arians : partly also by his impious pen against the holy and sacred Maiestie of Iesus Nazarenus , now exalted in heauen ; partly also by his peruerse doctrine of the Sacraments , and horrible monstrous paradoxes of his absolute predestination , hath obscured in these our later dayes no small part of the light and sunne of Gods truth , and drawne with him a great number of starres , as the Apocalyps saith , headlong into hell : from whom God euerlasting by his mercy signe & protect his seruants , least they may be in●ected with this most pestilent plague o● Caluinian errour , & conuert those that are infected , vnto Iesus Christ the Pastour of their soules , to the end they perish not in their error , but be saued euerlasting with those that faithfully do loue God : And this I had to warne the Church of Christ of the most wicked deceipts of Iohn Caluin . 12. Hitherto are the wordes of Doctour Egidius Hunnius which you see with what vehemency of spirit and protestation he vttereth them against the heresies of Caluin and Caluinists , so as they may easely be seene to come from his hart , & full determination of his setled iudgemēt , who being so principall a Protestant , and learned Doctour , and Professour of Deuinity , & held for a brother of the selfe same Church by which M. Morton meaneth to be saued ( if he haue any such meaning ) I meruaile what impression it maketh in him , or whether it maketh any thing at all , which I should haue beene glad to haue vnderstood by a word or two of his answere : but nothing commeth from him ; and so this debt must be laid vp with the rest , vntill the day of payment come , which when it may be , or how much , or what he will be able to pay , yea ( though he de●erre it vntill doomesday ) is a matter easily to be coniectured , by such as cā cast vp accompts , & looke into debtors abilityes , or possibilityes for their discharge . But yet one thing is cleare without any answere of his , & I would haue it noted by the reader , that all his inuectiues to his Maiesty against vs , for calling and holding them as heretiks out of the fo●said definition of S. August●n , & other Fathers do fall to the ground , as vayne & friuolous , for so much as so principall men of their own brotherhood do affirme the same , as now you haue heard . And thus much about the first head or questiō , whether the Protestant Religion of Engla●d , so f●r forth at leastwise , as it followeth the doctrine of Caluin , be truly accompted heresy , or no ? And consequētly damnable to the holders thereof . 13. Two other great heads of cōtrouersy there were betweene vs in this first part of my forsaid Treatise about Rebellion : the first , whether the doctrine of Catholicks , or of Protestants did more fauour obedience vnto their temporall princes , & secondly which part did most practize the same . And about the first for Catholicke doctrine , it is largely proued by me throughout the whole first part of my Treatise , that it is exact in all respects for obliging men to do all due obediēce both vnto temporall & spirituall superiours , not only when they are good and vertuous , but also dis●●lis , that is , bad & fastidious , as the Apostles word is ; & that we must obey thē out of conscience , as Ministers of God , frō whom they haue their authority , & power . And when the exorbitāt defects of any Prince , or gouernor shall impose necessity of redresse or restraint , it may not be by priuate Authority , or popular mutiny : but by order , iudgmēt , & publike authority . Wheras on the other side the Protestāt doctrine is shewed out of their owne words , writers , & authors , to teach the quite cōtrary , which authors I do cite , as namely Caluin , Beza , Hottomā , & others in France , by the testimonyes of Launay , Belforest , & other French writers , & in England & Scotland , Goodman , Gilby , VVhittingham , Knox , Buchanan , & others , by the testimonies of their owne writings , & stories , & of the Archbish● of Canterbury out of his first Booke Of dangerous positions , & of D. Sutcliffe in his Suruey o● pretēded discipline , against the Puritās , that is , the most zealous sort o● Caluinists , all which haue set downe their resolute opiniōs , that it is lawfull , when the Prince offereth iniuries , or becometh , as they call it , a Tyrant , especially in matters of Religiō : they hold it lawfull , I say , by their Deuinity , for the Nobility , or people , or priuate men , as they haue , or may ha●e cōmodity to do it , to make reuenge either vpō his person or otherwise , yea by death it selfe . 14. And as for the second point , which is the practise of this doctrine , I do shew such a notorious difference betwene Catholicke , & Protestant people , out of the experiēce of this our presēt age , as nothing can be more conuincing out of publike histories , & mens memory ye● aliue , that there hath byn more violence offered by the Protestant people & subiects , to their lawfull , & true Princes by armes , actions , cōspiracies , rebellions , & other forcible means , within the compasse of almost one halfe age in the Northern p●rts of the world , to wit , Germanie , France , Flanders , England , Scotland , Denmarke , Sweueland , Polonia , and other partes , then was prac●ised , or heard of in a thous●nd yeares before , throughout all the Christian wor●d . Wherin , for that his Maiestie of England , that now is , vnto whom my Aduersary presumed to dedicate his booke , can be the best , and most honorable , a●d authenticall testimony of any Prince perhaps l●●●●g : in regard of the many troubles and perills , which he and his Royall linage haue passed therin . I do stay my selfe longer vpon the contemplation of broyles raysed by that means in Scotlād , both before the birth of his Maiestie , and afterward , which is so lamentable a storie as no man can read it , but with horrour , and infinite regre●t of mind . 15. These things being layd forth by me , & many other , to this effect , which for breuities sake I doe pretermit here to repeat , had it not bene conuenient that M. Morton in this his last Reply ( seing he would needs reply ) should haue signified in some few words vnto vs , how he would or could satis●ie this mayne charge and debt : especially , for so much as this touched the very hart of his cause in this first argument about rebellion . For albeit his Reply be but a preamble , yet is it a large one , of aboue a hundred & twentie pages in quarto , wherof he might well haue bestowed some one or two in acknowleging at least vnto his Reader , what I had touched concerning this mayne poynt , that is so important . But it seemeth that he would haue his Reader imagin , that no more substantiall matter was treated by me , then he hath set down , in those skirmishes , & other trifling contentions , in this his preamble before discussed 16. But his greatest omission , and pretermissiō indeed , was in this matter , the concealemēt of what soeuer in e●fect I had said for laying open the absurdities , hurts , & inconueniences , that did , and must needs ensue to the Realme and Common wealth by this intolerable licence , taken vp by rayling-Ministers to traduce and slaunder at their plea●ure ●o many thousāds of quiet , & well-meaning people , & faithfull Subiectes of his Maiestie , by way of Sycophancie , drawing them into suspicions of Rebellions , Treasons , conspiracies , & faithles meaning towards their Prince & Countrey , and this in r●gard of their religion , faith and conscience , which lyeth not in their power by force to alter , but with the euerlasting perdition , and ●uine of their soules . 17. This I shewed how damnable a course it was , how seditious , & pernicious to all quiet S●ates : and I declared in particuler , what stinging exasperations there had byn layd vpon English Catholikes for many yeares togeather out of such motiues as these ar● : how grieuous , and dangerous a thing it is to driue men to desperation : how litle thanks , or reward he deserueth , that casteth in fyre-brands to kyndle sedition , & deuideth any Princes subiects among themselues , and from their said Prince : how potent and happy his Maiesty of great Britany were , if such makbates would suffer him to enioy his greatnes and felicitie , and to be beloued and serued of all his people ioyntly : that the pursuing of Catholiks with that ●agernes , that now is seene , for their only religion , & this in the sight of the whole Christian Catholike world , that is of the same religion , cannot but worke pernicious , and preiudiciall effects both at home & abroad , in begetting sinister , & auerse affections , & iudgments , worse wordes and writings conforme therunto : how that when Protestants began their sect , & were vnderlings to Catholiks , all their books preachings and speaches tended to shew , and proue that it was again●● the ghospell of Chris● , and contrary to all reason , Religion , equity , and pietie to vexe men for their conscience : & that now they hauing the gouernement in their owne handes it cannot be but extreme dishonorable vnto them to vse such continuall vexations , & angariations vnto Catholiks for their said Religion , which they neuer changed , nor inuented of themselues , but continued in that , wherin their ancestours had both liued and dyed , from the first planting of Christian faith in that Iland . 18. Many of these points did I touch and handle more largely in this first part of my Treatise , concerning obedience and Rebellion , and did expect that M. Morton would haue returned me some part of substantiall answere in this his Reply . But this credit also remayneth vndischarged , as the rest : & we must expect the full payment at his further leasure , and ability . Yet some few scatterings he left about this matter in his third Inquiry , and eleuenth Paragraph which we haue discussed befor● in the second Chapter of this our Answere , and haue found it to be of no force at all , to giue satisfaction to any of these points which heere we haue mentioned . And therfore we conclude , that in effect he hath omitted and pretermitted all the principall points handled by vs in this affayre . Let vs now pas●e to the secōd generall argument of my said Treatise of Mitigation , which is about ●quiuocation : & let vs s●e , whether M. Morton haue vsed the same sleight of concealment therin also , as in the former . OF M. MORTONS Pretermissions in the second argument of my Treatise , about Equiuocation . §. II. YOV haue heard how many principall points M. Morton hath passed ouer with a deepe silence ( as it were ) in the first argument of my Treatise , concerning the controuersy of Rebellion : Now let vs turne our eyes vpon the second subiect , which is of Equiuocation , against which he made such great clamours and outcries in his former empty booke of full Satisfaction , as if it had beene the most strange , new , absurd ridiculous , and blasphemous doctrine in the world . For clearing of which point I was forced to write fiue or six large Chapters , and bestow almost three hundred pages to represse his sayd clamours , vaine exasperations , and childish insultations against the same , reducing first the whole matter to fiue serious , and important considerations as it were , for an entrance into the whole Treatise . The first , how peruersely , and calumniously M. Morton and his fellowes do deale with vs to make vs odious in this controuersy , mistaking of purpose the true state of the question of which point I wrote then as followeth . 20. And first of all ( said I ) to the end the indifferent Reader may vnderstād with what kind of aduersaries we are to deale in this matter , I thinke it necessary for declaring their peruersity and preuenting some calumniations , to make a certaine briefe protestation or explication here , at the beginning , that we do not take this defence of Equiuocation in hand , either for patronage of lying , as this new discouered false Minister doth euery where most slaunderously in 〈◊〉 , nor for that we delight in this art , or manner of euasion by Equiuocation , though it be no lye at all , but rather do allow , and like ●ar better o● simple , plaine , and resolute speach in all Catholikes , concerning as well matters of ord●nary conuersation , as of their conscience and religion , especially at this t●me when God hath giuen them so singuler an occasion to professe the same to his great honour , & their owne euerlasting good , & increase o● m●ri●t : yet ●or that perfection is one thing , & obligation is another , we may not bind men to more , then Gods precept byndeth , which is neuer to lye , or vtter anyvntruth . But as for the other of Amphibology , doubtfull speach , or Equiuocation , i● law o● nature , diu●ne , and humane , do in certayne cases permit it vnto men , ( as afterward shall be shewed ) eyther for concealing of things secret , or for necessary defence of innocency , we may not without iniustice take that right from them , which by so many titles they may duely challenge . 21. It were greatly to be wished by all good & peaceable men , that the most excellent ●orme of Christian speach prescribed b● our Sauiour , Yea yea : No no , were vsed by all in common conuersation , and no other ; as also Nolite iurare omnino , s●eare not at all : but yet for that the infirmity of man is such ( saith S. Augustine ) as one will hardly belieue another without an oath , the Church of God hath allwaies so interpreted those words of Christ , so as they take not all liberty of swering from Christians in necessary cases , albeit perfect men would passe with the same . And this is S. Augustines reason in sundry partes of his workes , and is translated into the Canon law by Gratiā , and consequently also allowed by Popes , and the sea Apostolicke &c. 22. Thus I wrote at that time alleadging many other authorityes & examples of Scripture , for proofe of the same , shewing that many things are cōmended for perfection , but yet are not cōmanded by ordinary obligation : as , bonum est homini mulierem non tangere 1. Cor. 7. It is good ●or a man not to marry at all . And then : If a man do marry , not to make any diuorce at all , Matth. 19. And so likewise it were good not to striue , or go to law at all , 2. Cor. 6. And it were perfectiō for a preacher not to take any wages , or temporall rewardes at all , but maintayne himsef by the labors of his owne hands , as S. Paul did , which he called his glory , 1. Cor. 15. 23. All these things I say , were good & higly to be cōmēded , but yet the cōtrary therof is not to be cōdēned for sinne , but permissible : & the li●e in Equiuocation . Vnto which consideration I adioyned 4. others . First that the allowāce , & vse of this Amphibologie , or Equiuocation was knowne , & practized in Catholick Christiā Schooles ouer the world for aboue 400. yeares past , by M. Mortons owne confession . The second , that the men that both taught , and vsed the same , were holy , learned , & graue , and great louers otherwise of truth , & consequently would neuer haue approued , or exercised the same , if it had byn so great an iniquity , & offensiue to God , as M. Mort. & his fellowes do pretēd . 24. The third consideration , or rather fourth in order is , that there be many cases , which do fall out in mans life , ( as afterward more at large , & in particule● is declared ) wherin a man is bound in consciēce to vse the refuge & help of this kind of doubtfull speach , or Equiuocatiō , for defence of innocēcy , and auoyding other greater inconueniences . And lastly the fifth consideration is of the great seuerity in detesting all sorts of lying both great and small , mortall , and veniall , which those men had , that permitted notwithstanding the vse of Equiuocation , as S. Augustine & others , in such a rigour , as for sauing a mans life , either our owne , or our neighbours , we ought not to commit the least sort of lying that can be imagined , which is an euidēt argumēt , that they did distinguish between lying and Equiuocation , which M. Morton euery where holdeth to be the same , and would haue vs to be of that mind too . And for approuing the one condemneth vs of the other , against all right , and reason as you see . 25. And these were my first fiue Considerations for stopping M. Mortons clamours , exaggerations , and exclamations , and reducing him to a more moderate temper in treating this controuersie . And it had byn good , that in this his Reply he had bestowed some ●ew wordes vpon the answering of these reasons . ●●uth it is , that he maketh mention of the one of them , which is the 2. by way of an obiection , as though I had presumed him to cō●es●e more thē he doth , about the 400. yeares , wherin the doctrine of ●quiuocation had byn receiued , but this is ans●ered be●ore in the fourth Chapter , & shewed to be a meere cauill ; and consequently , we may truely say , as we do , that M. Mortō hath not answered any thing at all to these fiue considerations , at least foure of thē , nor yet so much as mentioned them in this his last Reply , nor giuen notice to the Reader , that any such thing was ●et downe in my behalfe . 26. Next vnto this entring into the substance of the matter it selfe , I do discusse the principall points belonging to this controuersy , as namely what Eq●iuocation truly is : what is the definitiō of truth ; what of falsit●e ; what of lying : what differēces they haue , and wherin they do agree , shewing the same by many reasons , & authorities not only of Philosophers , where the matters do appertaine vnto them , but out of ancient holy Fathers also , and variety of examples taken out of holy Scriptures , and of the wordes and factes of Christ our Sauiour , and his Apostles themselues : and this very largely , and copiously throughout diuers Paragraphes , wherby it is made most euident that the holiest men that euer were vpon earth , did equiuocate sometimes in their speaches , and vsed clauses of reseruatiō in a far different sense from that which the hearer did apprehend . And yet for that they had a true meaning in their owne mind , it cannot be reprehended without impiety , both in respect of their excellent persons for sanctitie , and the receiued sentence of S. Augustine , Non facit linguam ream , nisi mens rea ; Nothing maketh the tongue guilty of lying but a guilty mind , when one thing is meant , and another spoken . 27. As for example when S. Iohn Baptist was dem●nded , Propheta es tu ? Are you a Prophet ? and he answered , No. And yet doth Christ call him a Prophet expresly Luc. 7. And so did Zacharie his Father , before he was borne Luc. 1. yea more then a Prophet Matth. 11. which is shewed to import as much as whē a Priest is vnlaw●ully demaunded , Are you a Priest ? And he answereth , No : for as S. Iohn Baptist had a mētall reseruation in his wordes , and therby an Equiuocation ( as is shewed out of the exposition of Origen , S. Chrysostome , S. Cyril , S. Augustiue , Theophilact , Euthymius , Rupertus and others ) so saith the Priest in his answere : and consequently Equiuocation is a different thing from lying , and not so hellish , heathenish , heynous , & monstrous , as intēperatly M. Mort. calleth it . 28. After this do follow many other examples , as that of our Sauiour in S. Iohns gospel , Ego non iudico quēquam : I do not iudge any one . And yet himselfe saith in the same gospell , Pater omne iudiciū dedit ●ilio , my Father hath giuen all iudgmēt vnto ( me ) his Sōne . And againe in the Actes of the Apostles S. Peter auoucheth that Christ is appointed Iudg by God his Father , both of the quick & the dead : which S. Paul cōfirmeth in diuers places , as Rom. 13. 1. Cor. 3. So as that first ●peach of Christ that he iudged no man , cannot be verified , but by a mentall reseruation : which what it was , the holy Fathers and expositors do labour to explicate . And the like to this , is that speach of Christ , of the daughter of the Archisinagogue , The maid is not dead but asleep , and yet she was truly dead : and the hearers were deceiued in Christs meaning , which could not be true , nor was held for true in the literall & externall meaning , but by some mentall reseruation , which S. Augustine , and other holy Fathers do labour to seeke out what it was ; and in ●hat sense it was to be vnderstood . And many other exāples to like effect are produced , and discussed , both out of the old and new Testament , wherby it is made more cleare then the sunne , that this kind of speach in answering by Equiuocation and doubtfull speach when need requireth , that is to say , when one sense soundeth in the wordes conceaued by the hearer , and another is reserued in the mind of the speaker vpon iust causes , is no lye , but a truth , and most lawfull , & that it were impiety , and blasphemy to hold or say the contrary in sundry persons , and speaches , which holy Scriptures do recount . 29. Now then why hath not M. Morton in this his last Reply giuen some satisfaction about this great debt : I know his answere will be , to say , that he will do it in his promised Reioynder , which shall be his last day of payment : but there remayneth to be considered , what liklyhood there is , that he will be able to pay at that day : especially for so much as he hauing in his last full Satisfaction attempted to answere some like places alleaged before in a litle ●reatise of this matter writtē as he saith by Garnet● was not able to satisfy any one substantially , and to the contentment of any meane iudgement , as I do shew at larg throughout the third part of my ninth Chapter : adding further in the fourth part therof many more authorityes both of Scriptures , and holy Fathers to conuince M. Morton , that Equiuocation is to be freed both from the name and nature of lying , falsity or falshood . All which in like manner is concealed by him in this his friuolous Preamble . 30. Wherfore hauing cleared all this matter by Scrip●ures , holy Fathers , euident arguments and reasons , ●rom the imputations and calumniations of M. Mor●ō , ● do further set downe the assertions , groundes , and determinatiōs of School-Doctours , Deuines , Canon & Ciuill lawyers , with their reasons , foundations & practise : as also I do proue the same by the practise of our very aduersaries thēselues . And moreouer I do set downe sundry particuler cases , & occasiōs , wherin Equi●ocatiō may & must needs be graunted lawfully to be vsed . And ●inally I do āswere & solue all M. Mor●ōs pretended argumēts & obiectiōs made against vs , & this common doctrine , with such perspicuous euidency , as to me it seemeth , that no man can doubt therof hereafter . And last of all I do conclude with a large exhortatiō to Catholike people , that notwithstanding the lawfulnes of Equiuocatiō in sundry cases : yet for the seeming iniustice , that it may appeare to haue , and therby also giue disedification to them , that vnderstand not the true ground & reason of the lawfulnes : for this cause ( I say ) and for that in confession of our faith ( wherof the necessity is frequent in these our dayes of persecution ) it is no wayes to be admitted or tollerated : therefore I do counsell them to be very sparing in vsing the liberty of this Equiuocation , when they are not pressed therunto , for auoiding some greater euill . 31. All which limitations , restrictions , and explications of our Christian sincere meaning , and hatred of lying , M. Morton doth conceale from his Reader , & still cryeth out , that we are Patrons of lying , no● will he vnderstand the difference , nor heare our defence . And though he do heare and vnders●●nd vs , y●● will he conceale it from the Reader , and go on with his clamour , as before : nay , which is more strange , he will make proclamation , as he doth in this his preamble , that he hath gayned the victory in both causes , as well of Rebellion , as of Equiuocation : and yet hath he in effect said no more about the former , but what you haue heard touched before , which is plain nothing . And cōcerning the second , he hath chosen out the Example only of the poore woman Saphyra , that according to his imagination answered to S. Peter in the Acts of the Apostles with an Equiuocation , concerning the selling of her landes , but as we hold and proue , with a lye , and not with Equiuocation . And what is this to so long and large a discourse as mine was ? Wherfore M. Mortons voluntary omissions in this matter are notorious , & in my iudgement are ●uident signes of great weaknes in his cause . Now we are to see others also of an other ●ort which we shall handle in this next Paragraph . OTHER OMISSIONS OF M. Morton cōcerning the defence of ten other Protestāt writers charged with false dealing : which defence being remitted ouer vnto him , was wholy pretermitted & concealed by him . §. III. IN the the 12. and last Chapter of my Treatise of Mitigatiō , for that M. Mort. had cōtinually in his former pāphlets & Treatises both o● Discouery & Full satisfactiō inueighed bitterly against all kind of Equiuocatiō as falshood & lying , and against Catholicks , as louers , & fautors therof ; I thought best to descend vnto some particulers with him , for the remouing this vniust reproach , and for laying it where it was due , to wit , vpon Protestant-writers themselues , granting , that as in a large sense , and vnproperly , Equiu●cation might be called lying and deceyuing , when the due conditions and circumstances of true Equiuocation are not obserued ( which are , to haue a iust cause , and true meaning ; ) so I said , that this kynd of vnlawfull Equiuocati● doth alwayes lightly fall vpon the Protestant side , and not vpon Catholiks . Which as I had shewed before in multiplicity of occasions against M. Morton himselfe ( as now you haue seeme and heard in the ●ormer eleuen Chapters of that booke of Mitigation : ) so in this last , I thought it not amisse to assigne him some parteners in his cōdemnation shewing that others also of his brethren were of like spirit in lying with him , though perhaps himself had out-gone most of them now in that damnable liberty . 33. And then for more easy vnderstanding herof I deuided Equiuocation into two sortes , the one lawfull , & the other vnlawfull , as hath byn said : and this vnlawfull , I subdeuided againe ( as also lying ) into materiall and formall vnlawfull Equiuocation● the later being much more heynous then the former : for that the speaker knoweth that he doth vniustly deceaue by Equiuocation . And albeit I do exemplify there in many particulers against M. Morton , wherin I do chalenge him to haue often vsed the worst sort of these formall lying Equiuocations , whilest he impugneth the other sort , that lawfully and without lying is vsed some tymes , and in some cases by Catholiks , and was by the Apostles , Prophets , and Christ himself , as now you haue heard , yet in this his Reply he pretermitting to answere to the things themselues obiected , picketh only quarrels at the forme of the diuision and subdiuision , as you may see before in our first Chapter , where the matter is hādled largely and the cauill layd open , and refuted . But to the end that M. Mort. omissions , and sly dealing in the principall poyntes may better appeare , it shal not be amisse perhaps to set downe some particulers wherwith he was charged at that time . The Charge . 34. As for example ( said I ) when he writeth in his late booke of Full satisfaction , No one iota of Scrip●ure , 〈◊〉 one example in all antiquity , no one reason in the natural● wi● of man , no one Author , Gre●ke or Latin , no one Father , no on● Pope Christian or Antichristian , doth make for Equiuocation ( as we defend it ) or any colour therof : neyther did they so much as 〈◊〉 any such thing . Heere is first seene a notorious vntruth of the assertion it selfe , and cōsequently it is a mat●riall lye , and materiall Equiuocation : for that the matter deliue●ed is vntrue . And secondly it is most probable that Tho. Mort. must needs know it to be a lye , hauing seene so many Authors and reasons alleaged ●or it by the Catholicke Treatise which he pretendeth to cō●ute . Wherof it followeth , that it was a ●o●mall ly● also , and a ●ormall lying Equiuocation in the highest degree of deceipt and falshood . 35. And so in like manner in the fo●mer Chapter when he alleageth Azor , Dominicus Sotus , and Cicero , directly against their owne meaning , words and drift in the very same places , which he citeth , and taketh words out of thē for his pretended purpose , he could not but see and know that it was a lye to cyte them to the contrary : and yet he thought best to do it , and tel his Reader that they were of a contrary opinion . This then is formally to lye , and Equiuocate in the worst and superlatiue degree of false Equiuocation . 36. About which point the Reader may be remitted to the second Chapter of this treatise , & last Paragraph therof , where he shall see diuers exāples layd togeather , and among other , that which he reporteth of the death of our English Pope Adrian choaked ( as he saith ) with a flye , and citeth Nauclerus for the same : who though he mention , yet refuteth expresly that ●able , which T.M. concealed : where he is shewed in like manner to corrupt notably a passage of Doctor Boucher , auouching him to say that which he expresly impugneth about the killing of a Tyrant by a priuate man , and priuate authority . 37. And the like corruption he is conuinced to haue vsed in citing Gratian the Collector of the Canon law●s , and his Glosses , peruerting their wordes , and whole sense , as is there set downe , with sundry other examples , which shew that the man did not lye of error , or ouersight , but meerlie out of malice to deceiue the simple and credulous Reader , knowing in deed , that he did lie . And the same is demonstrated by many exāples most apparent , & euident throughout the whole sixt Chapter of this booke , and other places : so as if we had no● other proofe of this spirit , but in Tho. Morton himself , it were sufficient to proue our purpose , for that of all other lightly of his coate , he professeth most innocency , simplicity , and sincerity in this behalfe , & by this doth principally proue our purpose , which is , that they Equiuocate & lye , both wittingly & willingly , & then most of all , whē they make greatest protestation of truth . 38. As when T. M. talketh of his naked innocency in his Epistle to the Kings Maiesty , of detesting Equiuocation from his soule , of styling himself A Minister of simple truth : & finally his vsurping of those protestations of S. Paul before mētioned , That in all things he spake the truth , and lyed not , which Thomas Morton , as we often haue proued before , could not choose but know to be a wilfull lye indeed , hauing seene & read the A●thors which so manifestly he be●yeth , as neuer in this he will be able to cleare himselfe . And heerof we do fynally inferre , that he and his do equiuocate in the worst kynd , which by vs and ours is neuer vsed : and so while he declameth against law●ull Equiuocatiō & practiseth vnlawfull , he sheweth himselfe a playne preuaricator . 39. And for that this matter is of so great importance for the Reader well to conceaue in these dayes of controuersyes betweene vs , I meane to stay my self somewhat in this Chapter vpon this point , & to shew that indeed it is a substantiall signe distinctiue betweene all Sectaries and Vs , at this tyme , and ●hat in matters of controuersy our writers shall neuer be found guilty in these kyndes of false lying , and malicious ●quiuocations , where not only vntruth is vttered , but it is wittingly also vttered , the writer knowing that he writeth vntruth , as often now hath bene said . Which manner of dealing inferreth two pointes : the one that such a writer or speaker hath no conscience that vttereth things against his owne knowledge , and which God seeth to be false , and falsely meant in his hart : and the other that his cause hath no ground of substantiall truth , which cannot be defended without such wilfull lyes . 40. In this thē if you please let vs insist a while , & let Tho. Mort. bring forth any Catholicke Author whatsoeuer , that wrote against Protestants since these heresyes began , that hath bene taken in this impiety , I meane , that hath set downe in print any such falsity , as cannot be excused eyther by ignorance , ouersight , negligence , errour of print , translation , diuersitie of editions , or the like , but that it must needes be presumed that he knew the vntruth , and yet would set it ●orth : of this kind ( I say ) let him shew me bu● one example among all Catholike writers of our time , and I will in my conscience greatly mistrust and discredit the Author , whether it be another or my selfe : but if he shew me two or three in any writer of this kind , I shall neuer be able to belieue him more . And wheras the number and variety of Catholike writers is so great as the world seeth , it were no great labour to shew it in some , if that spirit did raigne amongst them , as it doth in Protestāt writers , out of whom great volumes might be framed of this one point , if a man would imbrace them all throughout all nations : but I meaning to speake of Englishmen , and those very few in respect of the multitude , and not hauing all their workes by me at this presēt , am forced only to vse some few notes taken heertofore out of their bookes , which notwithstanding shall suffice for this short view , which we pretend . And for better methode & memory , I haue thought good to reduce my notes at this time to three sortes of men , that haue written against vs. First Protestāt Bishops : then Ministers : and ●astly Lay-men , but of good sort , I meane Knightes : and of ech one of these shall we make our seuerall paragraphs . 41. Thus farre I wrote at that tyme : and as for the first part of that which I did set downe , that M. Morton had byn taken in many and inexcusable false Equiuocations , which in effect are the same with lying ; if before it was euident by the particuler examples heere alleaged and many others , I do presume that now it will be much more manifest after his Reply , and this my reioynder made vnto the same . For that not only his former faults cōmitted in this kind in his former Treatises o● Discouery & Full Satisfaction , are more orderly layd forth , as by the precedent part of this Chapter appeareth , then they were in my Treatise of Mitigation , but many ●ew escapes are detected in like manner , as will ●ppeare in the sequēt Chapter dedicated only to this particul●r effect . 42. And as for the second point to d●●lare that this spirit of false dealing ioyned with nec●ssity and mysery of their bad cause is comm●● not only vnto him but vnto many of his brethr●n , & must needs be vnto all of them , whensoeuer they tak● pen in hand to defend the same , for that one lye cannot be defended without another , as hath beene said : therfore I do produce tē seuerall witnesses , two of them called Bishops M. Iewell and M. Horne : fiue inferiour Ministers M. Iohn Fox , M. Cal●ield , M. Hanmer , M. Charke , & M. Perkins , and might haue named 5. tymes more : three lay men also & Knights that haue written against vs , Syr Frācis Hastings , Syr Philip Mornay , & Syr Edward Cooke , alleadging not one , but sundry examples out of ech o● their workes : & might enlarge my selfe to a volūe i● that argumēt if I would say what I haue foūd in their , & their brethrens workes in this kynd , stāding only & precisely vpō this , that they be such exāples , as there is not only materiall falshood foūd in the thing , but so apparāt also , as it must needs be presumed the partie knew it to be such when he wrote it , & consequētly was formall lying , & false equiuocating indeed . 43. As for example : when M. Iewell in the beginning of Q. Elizabeths time to draw her & the Realme to change Religion , & become Protestāt , did preach at Paules Crosse & in the Court , & with a most confident semblance , and sundry teares , did cast fo●th 28. seuerall articles against Catholike Religion , saying , that if eyther the English , or any other learned Catholicks in the world could shew but one place of Scripture , one Father , one Doctor , one allowed example of the Primitiue Church within the ●irst 6. hundred yeares after Christ for cleare proofe of any one of these 28. articles , he would yield & subscribe , & be no more a Protestant , adding also these words : I speake not this in vehemency of spirit or heat of talke , but euen as before God , by way of simplicity , and truth , least any of you should happily be deceiued , and thinke there is more weight on the other side , then in conclusion will be found &c. Which protestation he repeated diuers times and in diuers sermons . And then yet further he brake into this vehement Apostrophe : O merci●ull God! who would thinke that there could be so much wilfulnes in the hart of man ! O Gregory ! O Austine ! O Hierome ! O Chrysostome ! O Leo ! O Dionyse ! O Anaclete ! O Sixtus ! O Paul ! O Christ ! if we be deceiued herein , you are they that haue deceiued vs &c. 44. In which words & protestations I did shew by 5. or 6. conuincing reasons that there must needs be much hypocrisie , dissimulation , and Equiuocation against his owne conscience : and that consequently euery member and branch of this deceipt●ull speach must needs conteyne a formall lye , & knowne for such to himselfe , when he vttered them : for that he could not be ignorant how many , not only places and sentences the ancient Fathers , for example , had against diuers of these Protestant articles that he holdeth , but whole Treatises also against some . And as for that of the Reall Presence , which was one of his most principall , he had beene present himselfe , not many yeares before , and one of the Notaries also in the disputation of Cranmer , Ridley , and Latimer , at Ox●ord vnder Q. Mary , wherin there were so many , and so p●rspicuous places , and discourses of ancient Fathers brought against them for the said Reall Presence , as they remayned wholy confoūded , as may be seene by him that is diligent , and will stand attent , by the relation therof , s●t forth by Iohn Fox himself , in his Acts and Monuments , and more pithily collected out of him in a seuerall printed Treatise set forth these yeares past by N.D. in the ●hird Part of the Three Conuersions of England 45. And finally when Doctor Harding , & many other learned Catholickes began to write against M. Iewell , and this hypocrisie of his , they came forth with so huge a number of authenticall authorities in al these kyndes , which he nameth here , Scriptures , Fathers Doctours , Councells , examples of the primitiue Church within the first six hundred yeares , as they forced him to procure a prohibition of their bookes by the State. And thē was he vrged about these speaches of his : Now it standeth vpon you to proue but one affirmation agai●st me , and so to require my promise of subscribing . And againe : If you of your part would vouchsafe to bring but t●o lynes , the ●hole matter were cō●luded . And yet further : Shew forth but one Doctor o● your side , yea one sentence in ●our de●●nce &c. All which I do proue to be notorious cogging , and dissimulation : for that many other Protestants more learned then him selfe do acknowledg the Fathers to haue many sentences against him , and cannot be stood vnto by them , without ouerthrow of their cause . And among others I do alleadge these wordes of Doctor VVhitaker VVe repose no such confid●nce ( saith he ) in the Fathers writings , that we take any certaine proofe of Religion ●rom th●m , because we place all our faith and Religion , not in humane , but in diuine authority . If ther●ore you bring vs , what some Father hath thought , or what the Fathers vniuersally all togeat●er haue deliuered the same , ( except it be approued by testimony of Scriptures ) it auaileth nothing , it gayneth nothing , it conuinceth nothing . For the Fathers a●● such witnesses , as they also haue need of the Scriptures to be their witnesses . I● deceiued by errour they giue ●orth their t●stimony disagreing from Scriptures , albeit they may be pardoned , er●ing ●or want of wisedome , we cannot be pa●doned , if because they ●rred we also ●ill erre with them . So Doctor VVhitaker , more learned perhaps in the Fathers then M. Iewell , though not so confident . For if he had found by his experience , that no Father had any one place or sentence against Protestant religion , he would neuer so much haue discredited them all , as heere he doth . Wherfore the false Equiuocatiō of M. Iewell is notable in this place . 46. But besides this , I do lay forth six seuerall examples of egregious wil●ull corruptions taken out of M. Iewells bookes and wordes , which are ou●r long to be repeated heere : two or three also of M. Hornes practise in that behalfe who possessed the bishopricke of VVinchester for some yeares : sundry out of M. Calfield : diuers out of M. Charke , and M. Hanmer : and no lesse notorious , and wilfull out of M. Perkins : some very markable out of Syr Francis Hastings : a great nūber intolerable out of Syr Philip Mornay , who was chalenged by the Bishop of Eureux for 800. and affrōted with threescore at one offer , and conuinced of nine in one dayes conference before the present King of France , and his Counsell . 47. And finally I adioyne to the former , for my last witnesse of false dealing , Syr Edward Cooke late Attorney Generall to his Maiesty , and not long since manifesting himselfe to the world for a writer against Catholiks , whose spirit I do shew by sundry examples to be like the rest in that behalfe : leauing the defence both of him , and the others to M. Mortons patronage , who hath had so litle care of their credit , as it seemeth , that he hath not so much as once mētioned them , or any one of thē in this his Reply , but leaueth euery one to shift for himselfe , which omission cannot but seeme somewhat preiudiciall vnto them , for that euery man will therof inferre , that their causes were so bad , as he durst not take their defence in hand : but especially will this seeme to be true in the cause of Syr Edward Cooke , whome M. Morton had more obligation to de●end , in that in his booke of full Satisfaction against me , he serued himselfe of diuers examples , & authorityes taken out of the said Knightes booke , & allwayes repo●table Reportes , as there he calleth them . VVhich he hauing seene answered since that tyme , in my Treatise of Mitigation , and shewed to be impertinent , and nothing to the purpose , had obligation therby to haue defēded somewhat in this his Reply , eyther the things themselues , or the Author , or both : but neyther of them hath he donne , and therfore do I meane to handle this omission seuerally in the sequent Paragraph . OF M. MORTONS OMISSIONS Concerning the defence of Syr Edward Cooke , wholy pretermitted by him . §. IIII. ALBEIT perhaps M. Morton may say , that his meaning was , to take in hand the d●fence of his Client Syr Edward Cooke in his other promised Reioynder , and therfore said nothing of him now in this his Preambling Reply : yet hauing now seene him very hardly charged in two seuerall Bookes , the one of the Catholick Deuine in āswering to the fi●th part of his Reportes : the other , the Treatise of Mitigation , with the like imputations of vntrue dealing , as are laid against M. Morton himselfe , it seemed that it had byn a point of frendship ( if not of duty ) to haue said somewhat for preuenting and staying at least the Readers preiudice , as in his Preface he said he did for himselfe , especially for so much as he had seene now and read all those places which he borrowed out of M. Cooke to furnish one whole Chapter of his full Satisfaction , fully answered and confuted by the Catholicke Deuine in his foresaid Booke , which M. Mor●●● might haue at leastwise mentioned , among so many other poyntes of lesse importance , which he handleth , if his hart had not serued him to take vpon him the whole defence . 49. But all these indeed are signes of feeblene in both parties , I meane as well in the Patron 〈◊〉 the Client , for that it is no lesse strange , that Syr 〈◊〉 Cooke himselfe hauing set forth a certaine Preface for some excuse of himselfe , and this after my Treatise of Mitigation ( wherin he was so deeply charged with sundr● grosse and willfull falshoods ) had byn seene and read by him , and yet to say neuer a word of this charge , nor how he could discharge it : this silence ( I say ) is no lesse strāge vnto me then the other of M. Morton , but rather more , for that Syr Edward was to defend himself , M. Morton another : & propria magis premunt , our owne affayres do more presse vs then other mens . Wherfore to the end that I may somewhat oblige both M. Morton in his promised Reioynder to be more myndfull of this matter , and Syr Edward himself ( if he meane to write any more Bookes against vs ) to cleare somewhat this Charge that was layd against him , I shall repeate the same againe here as it was there set downe in my other Treatise : Thus thē I wrote at that tyme. 50. Our last example ( said I ) shall be of Syr Edward Cooke lately the Kings Attorney , who hauing taken vpon him these yeares past to be both a sharpe writer and earnest Actor against Catholicks , semeth therwith also to haue drunke of this spirit in such aboūdant measure , as he is like in time to ouerrunne all the rest , if he go foreward as he hath begunne . For that being admonished not long a goe , by one that answered his last Booke of Reportes , of diuers notorious his excesses committed in this kind , he is ( men say ) so far of from correcting or amending the same as he hath not only in a late large declamatiō against Catholiks , in a Charge giuen by him at Nor●ich , repeated and auouched againe the same excesses , but hath added others also therunto of much more apparant ●alsity . As for example , he was admonished among other points , that it was a notorious v●truth which he had wrytten and printed , that for the first tenne yeares of Q. Elizabethes Raigne , no one person of what religion or Sect soeuer did refuse to go to the Protestants Church & Seruice : which the Answerer confuteth so clearly & by so many witnesses , as a man would haue thought that the matter would neuer haue byn mentioned more for very shame : and yet now ( they say ) that the Attorney being made a Iudge hath not only repeated the same , but auouched it also againe with such asseueration in his foresaid Charge , as if it had neuer byn controlled or proued false . 51. Nay further they wryte , that he adioyned with like asseueration diuers other things , no lesse apparantly false then this : As for example : that Pope Pius Quintus before he proceded to any Ecclesiasticall Censure against Q. Elizabeth wrote vnto her a Letter , offering to allow & rati●y the English Seruice , Bible and Communion booke , as now it is in vse in that kingdome , if she would accept it as from him : which she refusing to doe , he did excōmunicate her . By which tale he acquiteth notwithstanding Catholiks ( if you marke it ) from procuring that Excommunication for rebellion , which elswhere he oftē obiecteth most odiously against them . For if vpon this cause she were excommunicated , what part had Catholicks therin ? But yet I must needs say , that the fiction is one of the most vnlikely things , and the most impossible in morall reason , that any man can deuise . For that Pope Pius Quintus , albeit some man would imagine him to be so good a fellow , as to care for no Religiō ( who is knowne to haue byn most zealous ) yet had he aduentured his Popedome by making such an offer . For he should haue allowed of diuers points in the Cōmunion booke , which are held by the Catholicke Church for heresy , and so condemned by the Councell of Trent and other Councells . And now you know it is a ground among vs , that a Pope that should be an Hereticke , or approue of heresy , thereby ceaseth to be Pope : how improbable then is this of Pius Quintus his offer ? And why had not this Letter in so many yeares byn published to the world for the credit of the English Seruice , and discredit of the Popes ? And yet the voice is , that the Lord Cooke did so earnestly auouch this matter , as he pawned therein not only his credit and honesty by expresse termes of protestation , but euen his ●aith also to God and man : a great aduēture no doubt . And for that I assure my self that the greater part of the Auditory being discreet men , did imagine it to be quite false , as I and others in effect do know it to be : it mu●t needs be a great blemish to my Lords credit at the beginning of his ●udgship , that in other things also he be not belieued . 52. But I vnderstād that the Booke of this speach or charge now printed is expected shortly , togeather with some other appertayning to the same man , and then it may be , that some body will examine matters more particulerly ( especially those that appertaine to the iniuring of Catholicks ) and afterward returne with the agrieuances to the Iudge him selfe ( seing he is now a Iudge ) to giue sentence of his owne ouersightes . Albeit I must confesse that as well my selfe , as diuers other men haue lost great hope of his Lordship by this accidēt : for before we did thinke that his ouerlashing in speaches when he was Attorney did proceed in great part of the liberty of that office , and that when he came to be Iudge he would reforme his Consciēce ratione Status , in regard of his state of life : but now it seemeth that he is far worse : though this I say shal be left by me to others to be discussed vpon the sight of the foresaid printed Bookes . 53. My speach at this time shall be only about that which passed in his Booke of Reportes while he was Attorney , and which hath byn disputed these monethes past betweene him and a Catholicke Deuine of our party in his answere to the said Reports , which Answere is in England . And albeit thereby may easily be seene the talēt which M. Attorney had , while he was Attorney in this kind of worst Equiuocation ( notwithstanding his often declamations against the other sort , that with due circumstances we haue proued to be lawfull ) yet will I heere adioyne one example more , but such a one as is worth the noting and bearing away . And it is this . 54. That whereas in answering of diuers lawes , statutes and ordinances which the Attorney alleaged out of the Raignes of sundry ācient Kinges , to proue that they did exercise spirituall authority and iurisdiction , the Deuine sometymes not hauing the law bookes by him out of which the said lawes or authorities were cyted , supposing the allegations to be ordinarily true ( ●or who would suspect lawiers to be false in their citations , that were wont to be accompted most exact in that point ) did answere the same with that sincerity of truth and reason , as to a man of his profession apperteyned : though sometymes also he was forced to suspect some fraude , and therepon requested such as had commodity in England to see the Bookes , that they would peruse the places and take them out Verbatim : which some haue done , and haue found such store of Equiuocations and false dealing in the alleaging therof , as neuer could be imagined in a man of his calling . I shal only set down one example , and it shal be the first that is cited by him in the whole Booke , to wit , of the Charter of King Kenidphus of the VVest Saxons , vnto the Abbey of Abindon in Barkshire ; which Charter M. Attorney set downe with this Preface . To confirme ( saith he ) those that hold the truth , and to satisfy such as being not instructed know not the ancient and moderne lawes &c. these few demonstratiue prooses shall serue . 55. And then beginneth he with the said Charter of king Kenulphus before the cōquest , meaning to proue therby , that the said king did giue vnto the said Abbey of Abindō spirituall iurisdiction by vertue of his temporall Crowne , exempting the same from all authority of the Bishop : which indeed was done by the Pope ; and so the Charter it self doth plainly expresse , if it had byn truly related by M. Attorney . And for that the Case is not long I shall set it downe Verbatim , as the Attorney hath it in his Booke pag. 9. only putting into English that which is recited by him in Latin , and left without any translation to make the matter more obscure : & then shall we lay forth also the true Case , whereby wil be seene how true a dealer M. Attorney is in those his writyngs and protestations , which after we shall more largely consider of . Thus then beginneth the Charter . 56. Kenulphus Rex &c. per literas suas Patentes , cōsilio & consensu Episcoporum & Senatorū Gentis suae , largitus fuit Monasterio de Abindon in Comitatu Bark . & cuidam Ruchino tunc Abbati Monasterij &c. quandam ruris sui portionem , id est , quindecim mansias , in loco qui à Ruricolis tunc nuncupabatur Culnam , cum omnibus v●i●itatibus ad eandem pertinentibus , tam in magnis quàm in mod●cis rebus , in aeternam haereditatem . Et quòd praedictus Ruchinus &c. ab omni Episcopali iure in sempiternum esset quietus : vt inhabitatores eius nullius Episcopi aut suorum Officialium iugo inde deprimantur : Sed in cunctis rerum euentibus & discussionibus causarum , Abbatis Monasterij predicti decreto subiiciantur : ita quòd &c. Thus goeth the Charter as M. Attorney alleageth it , which in English is as followeth . 57. King Kenulphus &c. by his letters Patents with the Counsayle & consent of the Bishops and Counsaylours of his Nation , did giue to the Monastery of Abindon in Barkeshire , and to one Ruchinus Abbot of that Monastery a certaine portion of his land , to wit , ●ifteene Mansions , in a place called by the Country men Culnam , with all pro●its and co●modities , gr●●t ●nd small appertayning thereunto , for ●ue●las●ing in●eritance . And that the ●oresaid R●●●inus &c. should be quiet from all right of the Bishop for euer : so as the inhabitāts of that place shall not be depressed for the tyme to come by the yoke of any B●shop or his Officers , but that in all euents of things & Controu●rsies , of Cases , they shal be subiect to the d●cree of the Abbot of the said Monastery . So as &c. And thē doth M. Attorney continue his speach thus : 58. This Charter was pleaded in 1. H. 7. & vouched by Stan●ord as at large appeareth : which Charter granted aboue 850. yeares syt●ece , was a●ter confirm●d per Edwinum Britāni●e Angiorū Regem & Monarcham , anno Domini 955 , By which appeare●h , that the King by this Charter made in Parliament ( for it appeareth to be made by the Couns●ll and cons●●nt of his Bishops and Senators of his Kingdome which w●re ass●m●led in * Parlam●nt ) did discharged and ex●mpt the said Abbot fr●m the iurisdiction of the Bishop &c. And by the same Charter did grant to the same Abbot Eccl●sias●icall iurisdiction within his said Abb●● , wh●ch Ecclesias●icall Iurisdiction b●ing * deriued f●ō●he C●o●● , contynned vntill the dissolu●ion o● the said Abbey in the Raigne 〈◊〉 " K. Henry the eight . So he . 59. And by this you may see , what an important Conclusiō he doth in●erre of the Kings supreme Iurisdiction in spirituall affaires at that tyme : whereunto the Deuine comming to answere , and supposing that M. Attorney would not ●alsify or bely his Authors , hauing protested most solemnly fol. 40. o● his Booke , that he had cit●d truly the very words and texts o● the lawes , resolutions , iudgm●nts and actes of Pa●lament all 〈…〉 and in print without any in●erence , argum●nt or ampli●ica●i●n , quoting particulerly the Bookes , years , leaues , Chapters and other such l●ke certayne referenc●s , as euery man at his 〈◊〉 may see and read them &c. The Answerer , I say , hearing this formall protestation , and supposing besides , that the man would haue some respect to ●is credit & honour in this behalf , granting all as it lay , answered the same as you may see in his Booke . But now vpō better search it falleth out , that this whole Case was falsely alleaged by M. Attorney in the very point of the principall Cōtrouersy in hand about the Kings spirituall Iurisdiction : for that whatsoeuer the Char●ter did ascribe expresly to the Pope and his authority , the Attorney suppressing the true words , relateth it as proc●eding from the King & temporall authority of his Crowne . For proofe wherof I shall set downe the very words of my learned frēds letter out of England about this point , after view taken of the law bookes themselues : and then let any man say , how far M. Attorney is to be credited in any thing he writeth or speaketh against Catholicks . 60. As concerning ( saith my friend ) the Charter of King Kenulphus for the Sanctuary of the Monastery of Abindon , you must know that M. Attorney hath egregiously abused his Reader in that and other pointes : for the Case standeth thus . That in the first yeare of King Henry the 7. Humfrey Stafford was attainted by Act of Parlament of high treason , & tooke Sanctuary first in Colchester in Essex , and after fled to Culnam , and tooke Sanctuary in the Abbey of Abindon : and being taken from thence brought vnto the Tower of London , and from thence brought vnto the Kings Bench he pleaded that he was drawne by force out of the said Sāctuary of Culnam : and praied his Counsaile to pleade that point : which by all the Iudges of both Benches was granted vnto him . And so they pleaded in this manner . 91. Idem Humphridus per Consilium suum dixit , quòd Kenulphus Rex Merciorū per Literas suas patētes , consilio & cōsensu Episcoporū & Senatorū gentis suae largitus suit Monasterio de Abindon , accuidam Ruchino tunc Abbati Monasterij illius , quandam ruris sui portionem , id est quindecim Mansias , in loco qui à Ruricolis ●unc nuncupabatur Culnam , cum omnibus v●ilitatibus ad eand●m partinentibus , tam in magnis quam in modicis rebus in aeternam haereditatem . Et quòd praedicius Ruchi●us ab omni Regis obstaculo & ●piscopali ●ure in s●mpit●rnum esset quietus , vt inhabitator●seius nullius Regis aut Mini●●rorū suorum , Episcopi●e , aut suorum Offi●ialium i●go inde deprimerentur , sed in cunctis rerum euentibus & dis●tissionibus causarum Abbatis Monasterij praedicti decreto su●ij●●r●ntur . Ita quòd &c. And here ceaseth M. Attorney leauing out as you see in his recitall the wordes that go before ab omni Regis obstaculo , that the Monastery should be free from all obstacle of the King , as also these words : vt inhabitatores eius nullius Regis aut Ministrorū suorum iugo deprimantur : that the inhabitāts be not opprest with any yoake of any King or his Ministers . Wherby is euidēt that the King in his Charter did for his part giue exemptions from temporall and Royall power But especially the fraud is seene by cutting of the wordes that do ensue , which decide the whole controuersy , which are these . Et etiam allegauit vltra , quòd Leo tunc Papa concessit dicto Abbati dictas immunitates & priuilegia . Et quod Edwinus tunc Britanniae Anglorum Rex & Monarchus cō●●ssit , quòd praesatum Monast●rium omnis terr●nae s●r●●tu●is esset liberum , quae à pr●dec●ssori●us suis Catholicis , videlicet à dic●o sancto L●●ne Papa , & dic●o Rege K●n●lpho &c. Et quòd virtute literarum & Bullar●m praediciarum & t●mpore con●ec●ionis earu●d●m , eadem villa de Culnam suit Sanctuarium & l●cus priuilegiatus &c. Which in English is thus . And moreouer the said ●umphrey Stafford by his Coūsaile alleaged further for himselfe , that Pope Leo had granted vnto the said Abbot the said immunities & pr●uiledges : & that king Edwin thē King & Monarch ouer all the English in Britany had granted that the said Monastery should be free from all earthly seruitude , which by his Catholicke predecessors , to wit , the said holy Pope Leo , and the said King Ken●lphu● was granted : and that at the time of the making of the foresaid letters Patents and Bulles , the said village or Towne of Culnam was a Sanctuary & priuileged place by vertue of the said Patents and Bulles . 62. This is word for word the very plea of Humphrey Stafford for the Sanctuary of the Monastery of Abindon , as it was pleaded by his learned Counsaile in law , euen as it is recorded in the Reports of the years of K. H●nry the seauenth , as they are printed by Pinson the law printer in the tyme of K. Henry the eight , before the Protestant religion came vp . And the Lord Brooke in his Abridgement of the law , in the title of Corone , placito 129. doth accordingly set downe the same Case , with mentioning of the Bulles of Pope Leo for the said immunities and priuileges . But all the Protestant editions in the tyme of the late Quene Elizabeth printed by Tottell and Yestwort haue committed a notable tricke of falsification , in leauing out altogether these markable words : That Leo then Pope did grāt the said immunityes and priuiledges . And also those words of King Edwyn , which of his Catholike predecessors S. Leo & King Kenulphus were granted . And againe : By ●orce of the Letters and Bulles a●oresaid the said village of Culnam was a Sanctuary and place priuiledged . 63. And hereby also is euident , that the King did not by his Charter in Parlament ( for it appeareth to be made by the Counsaile and consent of his Bishops and Senators & not by Parlam●nt , as M. Attorney doth misreport it ) neither was there any Parlament held at that time in the land , or many hundreth yeares after ( for as it appeareth by Holinsheads Chronicle pag. 34. the first vse of Parlaments in England was in the tyme of King Henry the first : ) it is cleare ( I say ) that the King did not discharge and exempt the said Abbot from Iurisdiction of the Bishop , nor did grant vnto the said Abbot Ecclesiasticall Iurisdictiō within the said Abbey , neyther had that abbot any Ecclesiasticall Iurisdictiō deriued frō the Crowne : But as it appeareth by the authētike report of the Case , the Pope & the King did ioyne both in making the said Sanctuary , according to their seuerall powers & authorityes . So that the exemptiō from Episcopall Iurisdictiō proceeded duly from the grant of Pope Leo : as likewise the exēption frō all Regall & temporall Iurisdiction proceeded frō the Charter of King Kenulphus . Note also that King Edwins Grant was only that the said Monastery should be free from all earthly seruitude , & toucheth not any spirituall immunities or Iurisdiction at all . 64. Thus far my friend out of England : and by this now you may see , how well M. Attorney hath obserued his foresaid protestation : that he had cyted the very wordes & textes of the Lawes , without any inference , argument or amplification at all . And this being my friends aduertisment from England with like obseruation of manie other places cyted by M. Attorney with like fydelity , I thought good to produce this one amongst manie ( being the first in order ) for a tast in this place , reseruing the rest to a fitter , or at leastwise to a second edition of the foresaid answere of the Catholike Deuine , where euery thing may be referred to his due place : and with this will I end this Chapter . Thus far wrote I at that tyme in charg of Syr Edward . THE DISCHARGE AND Reckoning about the former Charge made to Syr Edward Cooke . §. V. YOV haue heard now this Charge , how important & substantiall yt is : and who would not haue thought , but that either M● Morton or Syr Edward himself would haue answered somwhat to the same in their Replyes made since the publishing hereof , or at leastwise would haue asmuch as mentioned yt , especially M. Morton , who in a certaine manner and law of vrbanitie was more obliged to take the patronage of Syr Edwards wrytings then himself : for so much as the Charge was giuen in a Booke against M Morton , and he had so highlie commēded the sayd worke of his Reports , as he calleth them The allwaies reportable and memorable Reports : taking out of them sundrie heads of examples , as his words are , that improue the Popes Supremacie in causes Ecclesiasticall & ascribe it to the king : which that yow maie see how substantiall they are , I shall take the paynes to set them downe here , as they stand in his Book . 66. I will point at some ●ew heads o● examples ( saith he ) o● our ancient Christiā kings which Syr Edward Cooke his Maiesties Attorney generall in his allwaies reportable & memorable Reports hath lately published . In the Raigne o● king Edward the fyrst ( saith he ) a Subiect brought in a Bull of excommunication against another Subiect o● this Realme , & published it : But yt was answered that this was th●n according to the ancient lawes o● England , Treason against the King , and the Offendor had byn drawen and hanged , but that by the mercie of the Prince he was only abiured the Realme &c. 67. At the same tyme the Pope by his Bull had by way of prouision bestowed a benefice vpon one within the Prouince of ●orke , the King presented another : 1 the Archbishop re●useth the Kings presentation , and yelded to the Popes prouision . This Archbishop then by the common law o● the land was depriued o● the lands o● his whole Bishopricke during ly●e . 2 And in the Raigne of king Edw●rd ●he third the king presented to a Ben●●ice , & his Presentee was disturbed by one , who had obtayned a Bull from Rome : for the which cause he was condemned to perpetuall imprisonment &c. 68. In the Raigne o● Richard the second , 3 yt was declared in the Parliament ( R. 2. c. 2. ) that England had allwayes byn ●ree and in subiection to no Realme , but imediatly subiect to God & to none other : and that the same ought not in any th●ng touching the Regaltie of the Crowne to be submitted to the Bishop of Rome , nor the lawes of their Realme by him frustrated at his pleasure &c. 4 69. In the Raigne of King Henry the fourth it was confirmed that Excommunication made by the Pope is o● no force in England &c. 5 In the Raigne of King Edward the fourth , the opinion of the Kings Bench was , that whatsoeuer spirituall man should sue another spirituall mā in the Court of Rome for a matter spirituall , where he might haue remedy be●ore his Ordinary within the Realme , did incur the danger of ●remunire , being an heynons offence against the honour of the King , his Crowne and dignity . 70. Thus far M. Morton out of Syr Edward Cooke : then he addeth : Many other examples of like nature I pretermit , and remit the Reader desirous to be further satisfied , vnto the booke o● Reportes : habet enim ille quod det , & dat nemo largiùs . For he hath to giue , and no man giueth more aboundantly . This is his Encomium : But what doth he giue ? truth or falshood ? sincere or wrested allegatiōs ? matter to the purpose or impertinent ? That we shall here now discusse , & shew that neither the exāples themselues are altogeather true as here they are set downe : nor if they were , yet doe they not prooue the purpose , for which they are alleaged : And first we shall proue the second which most importeth : and it is easily proued . 71. For first Syr Edwards purpose & obligation was to proue , that Q. Elizabeth by force of her temporall Crowne had all manner of Supreme authority in spirituall affaires , no lesse then any person euer had , did , or could exercise in England , as the words of the Statute haue , alleaged by him : and the purpose of M. Morton was as appeareth by the title of his Treatise , to improue the Popes supreme authority in Causes Ecclesiasticall : So as both their ends and purposes were by different meanes to proue , that the Pope had no supreme authority in Ecclesiasticall matters for time past in England : the one by ascribing all to the King : the other by denying it to the Pope . But this purpose of theirs either in the one or the other point is not proued by any one of all these examples , nor by them altogeather , though they were granted to be true as here they lye . For that they do not proue , that either our Kings here mentioned did assume to thēselues to haue Supreme authority in spirituall affaires , or to take it from the Pope : nay the Catholike Deuine in answering to Syr Edwards obiections herein , doth euidently shew and proue , yea conuinceth , that these fiue English Kings here mentioned , to wit , King Edward the first , Edward the third , Richard the second , Henry the fourth , & Edward the fourth , vnder whom these Cases fell out , did all of them most effectually acknowledge the Popes supreme authority in Ecclesiasticall matters , and were obedient Children to the same , as he shewed by sundry most cleare and apparant examples of their owne actiōs towards the Sea Apostolike : and that these particuler Cases , supposing they were all true , and fell out as heere they are set downe , to wit , that the publishing of a Bull of Excommunication in some Causes , and vnder some King might be held for Treason : as also that the Archbishops lands might be seysed vpon for refusing to admit the Kings presented Clerke : & that in Parlament it was said , that the Regality of the Crowne of England depended not of Rome : and that in certaine Cases no suites might be made thither , without recourse first to the Ordinaries of England . 72. Albeit I say that these things were all granted as they lie , yet do they not inferre by any true cōsequence that which the Knight and Minister should proue , to wit : that for this either these kings were , or held themselues for supreme in spirituall authority at that tyme , or that it was denied vnto the Pope . Wherof this one is a most conuincent argument , that the like Cases do or may fall out at this day in other Catholicke Countries and Kingdom●s , as in France , Spaine , Naples , and Sicily , where ●here be diuers Concordates , res●rictions & limitations agreed vpon for auoyding further inconueniēces betweene the Pope and Catholicke Kings and Princes , concerning the manner of execution of Ecclesiasticall authority , without any derogation to the Supremacy therof in the Pope . And so might men be punished by the said Princes for breaking rashly the said agreements , as they may and are dayly in the said Kingdomes , especially in the last : and yet do not these Kings thereby either deny the Popes supreme authority , or take it to themselues ( as M. Attorney & M. Morton do falsely ininferre ) in these our cases . And thus it is manifest , that albeit these exāples were in all r●spects truly alleaged : yet are they impertinent to proue that which is pretended . And this for the first point . 73. But neither is it all true , that heere is set down , nor as it is set downe , which is the second point to be considered . For which cause though I find these fyue Cases sufficiently answered by the Catholicke Deuine in his late Booke against M. Attorney : y●t for t●at the said Knight in his last Preface to the sixt part of his Reports , doth say that he fyndeth him vtterly ignorant in the lawes of the Realme ( though as a Deuine he made no profession to be skilfull in the same ) yet shall I adde somewhat to the reuiew of these Cases : whereby it may appeare at leastwise , whether he , to wit , the Deuine , or M. Attorney , or M. Morton haue vsed the skill of their professions with more sincerity in this matter . 74. The first Case th●n is thus set downe by M. Morton , out of the Attorneys booke , though not altogether as it lyeth in his booke , but with some aduantage , as the Attorney did out of his Bookes whereof he tooke his Case . So as here is helping the dye on all hāds as you see . In the Raigne of King Edward the first ( saith M. Morton ) a Subiect brought in a Bull of excommunicati● against another Subiect of this Realme and published it : But it was answered , that this was then according to the ancient lawes of England treason &c. as before is set downe . 75. Wherein I must note first , before I come to examine the answere already made , that M. Mortō can not choose , as it seemeth , but to vse a tricke or two of his art of iugling , euen with M. Attorney himself . For whereas he relateth ( to with the Attorney ) that this Bull of excommunication was published to the Treasurer of England , M. Morton clyppeth of all mētion of the Treasurer , which notwithstāding in this Case is of great moment : for so much as it semeth that if he had published the same to the Archbishop or Bishops appointed to haue the view of such things and had brought their authenticall testimonies for the same , it seemeth by the very booke it self of Iustice Thorpe , who recounteth this Case by occasion of the Case of Syr Thomas Seaton and Lucy , 30. E. 3. that it had byn litle or no peril at all vnto the publisher ; for that this reason is alleaged for the offence therein committed : that for so much as the partie ( to wit , Lucie against Syr Thomas Seaton ) did not shew any writ of excommunication , or any other thing sealed by the Archbishop of England , nor any other Seale that was authentike prouing this : therfore the Bull was not allowed &c. 76. This then was a fine tricke , to cut of all mentiō of the Treasurer : the other also immediatly following hath some subtilitie in it , though not so much as the former , to wit , that it was answered , that this was Treason &c. for that in none of the bookes cited either of Thorpe or Brooke is any mention of such answere giuen , as M. Morton feygneth : nor any such iudgment of Treason passed theron , as M. Attorney would make his Reader belieue , as presētly shall be proued : So as these are the first two trickes of M. Morton , to helpe his dye : all the rest for the substance of the matter is like to fall vpon M. Attorney . 77. First then the Answere of the Deuine vnto this Case ( not hauing commoditie at that time to see the two bookes of Thorpe and Brooke cyted in the margent ) was , that it could not possibly be imagined , by reason that the Case stood altogeather as M. Attorney did set it downe , esp●cially with this note in the margēt , that the bringing in of a Bull against a subiect was Treason by the ancient cōmon lawes of England , before any Statute law was made therof : for that the Deuine demandeth what this Common law was , not made by Statute ? How was it made ? By whome ? Where ? At what time ? Vpon what occasion ? How introduced and commonly receiued ( for all this a Common law supposeth ) especially for so much as the said Deuine had shewed and aboundantly proued now , that all precedent Kings of England both before and after the Conquest were most Catholicke in this very point of acknowledging the Popes supreme and vniuersall authority in spirituall affaires , wherof the power of excommunication throughout the world vpon iust causes is a principall member : so as except they would introduce a law contrary to their owne beliefe , or suffer a law to grow and be made cōmon in their Realme without their knowledge or assent , it is absurd to imagine that there could be such a Common law against the Popes Excōmunications before the dayes of King Edward the first , and before any Statute was made against the same , as M. Attorney auoucheth . 78. Secondly he sheweth out of the testimony of Matth. VVestmonast . that this King Edward being in a great heat of offence against the Cleargy of England , for that they denied to giue him the halfe of their Rents and goods towards his warres , vpon the expresse prohibition of Pope Bonifacius to the contrary : which prohibition some Cleargie men vpon feare transgressing , had compounded & made their peace with the King in that behalfe , he doubting least some of the other part of the Cleargy would bring in an Excōmunicatiō against him , or against some of those that had compounded with him , made a Decree ( saith VVestmonaster . ) commanding vnder payne of imprisonment , that no man should publish any sentence of Excommunication against the King himselfe , or those that had newly sought his protection : he making also a prouocation or appeale as well for himselfe , as those that stood on his side , to the Court of Rome . Thus he . And now let the prudent Reader consider ( saith the Deuine ) that if the King euen in his passion of choler did appoint but imprisonment , to be the punishment for bringing in an Excommunication against himselfe , and Cleargy men that stood with him , how vnlike is it , that by the common law it was treason against the King , his Realme , Crowne and dignity ( as M. Attorneys thundring words are ) to bring in an excommunication against a Subiect , which is much lesse , then against the Kings person himselfe . 79. Thirdly the said Deuine , though he had not perused the law bookes at that time ; yet did he yeld the true Cause , why priuate men might not bring in excōmunications and publish them at their pleasure , as now also is prohibited in other before named Catholicke Kingdomes : but they were to be shewed first to a Bishop , & vnder his Seale were to be certified vnto the Kings Courts : which since that time I haue foūd to be set down expresly in the law-bookes themselues and craftily concealed by M. Attorney : for thus is it found written 11. Henr. 4● fol 64. Hancford the chie●e Iustice said , that he found in his bookes , that in the time of VVill. ●erle ( who was Iudge in the beginning of the raigne of K. Edward the third ) euery officer or cōmissary of the Bishop might certify excōmunicatiō in the K. Court , and for the mischeefe that ensued therof , it was aduised by the Parlamēt that none ought to certify excōmunication but only the Bishop , & soe it is vsed at this day . Thus far are Hanckefords words : wherby we may see why the partie that published a Bull to the Treasurer of England without the Bishops approbatiō incurred so high displeasure . 80. Fourthly , the said Deuine doth conuince M. Attorney out of a Case alleaged by himself afterward in the 31. yeare of the Raigne of King Edward the third , where he saith , that in an attachment vpon a prohibition , the defendant pleading the Popes Bull of excommunication of the Plain●i●e , the Iudges demanded of ●he defendant , if he had not the Certificate of some Bishop within the Realme testifying this excommunication &c. VVhereby ( saith he ) it is made euident first , that priuate men were obliged to shew their Bulles vnto some Bishop , before they published the same : and secondly , it appeareth most clearly by the answers of the Iudges , that they held it not for treasō in those daies , nor made any such inferēce therof : for that their only resolution was this , that for lacke of this Certificate , the partie excōmunicated was not thereby disinabled to follow his plea in that Court : without saying any one word of danger or punishment against him , that had pleaded the Popes Bull of excommunication : which they would neuer haue omytted to do , if 50 yeares before that , vnder K. Edward the first it had bin held for treason by the Cōmon-law , to bring in or publish any Excommunication against a Subiect . 81. This then was the substance of the Deuines answere at that tyme , which though it doth sufficiently conuince M. Attorney to haue abused his Reader egregiously in auouching with such resolution , that in K. Edward the first his tyme , yt was by the ancient law of England , adiudged treason against the king , his Crowne and dignytie to publish any Bull of the Popes against any Subiect of the Realme : yet hauing synce that tyme had better commodity to informe my self of the lawbooks here mētioned , I wil adde some more proofes to those which now you haue heard . 82. First then I must let the Reader vnderstand , that neither of those two bookes cited by M. Attorney lib. Ass. pl. 19.30 . Ed. 3. and Brooke tit . Premunire pl. 10. neither of them , I say , doth affirme , that it was Treason , or that there was any iudgment of Treason giuen in that Case : which Case is related by Iustice Thorpe 30. Edwardi 3. thus . That wheras Syr Thomas Seaton sued a Bill in the Exchequer against a woman named Lucie for calling him Traytor , fellon , and robber , in the presence of the Treasurer and Bar●ns of the Exchequer in cont●mpt of the King and slaunder of the Court. Hereupon the said Lucy shewed forth the Popes Bull , prouing the plainti●e to be excommunicate , and therfore demanded Iudgement , whether he should be answered or not : And for that she did not shew any writ of excommunication , nor any other thing sealed by the Archbishop &c. the Bull was not allowed : whervpon she was forced to answere , and ●leaded not guilty . And in that plea Thorpe Iustice said , that in the tyme of the Grandfather of the King , which was K. Edward the first , ●or that one did notify an excommunication of the Apostle to the Treasurer of the King , the King would he should haue byn drawne and hanged , notwithstāding that the Chancelo●r and Treasurer did kneele before the King ●or him , yet by award he did abiure the Realme : and said that the woman was in a hard Case ●or shewing forth this excommunicatiō , if the king would . Thus far the said Book . 83. VVherein we see first , that here is no answere made about treason as M. Morton affirmeth , nor iudgment giuen as M. Attorney auoucheth , nor any such inference made by the Iudges : but only a case related , of what K. Edward the first in his anger would haue had to be done to a man , that presented an excommunication to the Treasurer , to wit , he would haue had him hanged and drawne about the same : which seming to his Iudges not to be iust , or according to law , did intreat the King not to put it in execution , but rather by way of award they made him abiure the Land ( though this also was not due vnto him by rigour of law ) to pacify thereby the Kings wrath . And it is not vnlike to that Case , that fell out in England Anno Domini 1578. vnder Q. Elizabeth , when in her anger she would haue had Peter Bourchet to haue byn put to death by Martiall law , when he had wounded Syr Iohn Hawkins insteed of Syr Christopher Hattō : but the Iudges would not yeald therunto , as being against law , & therefore found out this temperament , that he should be committed to the Tower , and accused of matters of Religion , as Puritanisme and the like . Where afterwards he gaue them a iust cause of putting him to death , by killing his keeper . But as the Queenes will & passion made this no law , so neither did that other vnder K. Edward the first . So as M. Attorney did much abuse his Reader in auerring it to be treason by the common law , & adiudged for such out of this Case . 84. And if he will vrge that the punishment of hāging and drawing implieth treason ; it is answered , no : but that this rather maketh much for vs. For that the punishment of treason ( I meane high treason ) is not only hanging and drawing but quart●ring also ( excepting only the Case of counterfeyting of money , Stat. de 25. Ed● 3. de proditionibus ) as appeareth by Stanford in his Booke of the Pleas of the Crowne fol. 182. but petty treasons , as of killing the maister or Mystresse by the seruant , or of any Prelate by his subiect &c. ( which in effect are but fellonies ) are punished by hanging & drawi●g o●ly : whe●eof is consequent , that albeit K. Edwards will and commandment had byn according ●o law , as ●t was not , yet had it in●erred no treason at all . 85. And further to satisfy this matter and make it more cleere , that the Reader was abused in this assertion , I will adde foure seuerall Reasons & argumēts more out of the law-books themselues . The first is concerning the abiuring the Realme for pacifying the King , awarded in iu●tice Tho●ps Case : which proueth euidently , that it was not an offence of treason in the delinquent , for that abiura●ce is no punishment for treason , but only for fellony , as appeareth by the said Iustice Stand●ord in his said Booke fol. 116. where he setteth downe the beginning of abiurance , & how it was first ordeyned by S. Edwa●d before the Conqu●st , and was grounded vpon mercy , when a mā had committed fellonie , and fled to a Church or Churchyard for safety of his life : and did choose rather perpetuall banishment then to stand to the law . So as abiurance by the old lawes of England was at t●e election of the Offendours , and not at ●he will of the Prince . And afterward the said Stanford shewing for what offences in particuler a m●n might abiure the Realme , saith , that abiuration doth not lye ●or h●m that hath offended in high treason 86. The second Reason is , that the said Stanford in his said booke of the Pleas of the Crowne fol. 182. intēding to set down all offenc●s of treason , which were either by the Common-law or Statute-law , doth not rela●e any such matter to be treason , as the bringing into the Realme Bulles of excommunication by one Subiect against an other : which he would neuer haue concealed , if he had found it held for such in any law booke before him . 87. The third Reason is to the same effect , that the Statute of 25. Ed. 3. being made for declaration of treasons , doth ●et downe what offences were treasons by the Common law . In this Statute , I say , no mention at all is made , that the bringing in of Bulls of excommunication was treason or any other offence : which of likelyhood cannot be presumed that they would haue pretermitted to touch or mention , if any such thing had bin . 88. The fourth Reason , and most concludent , is that we read in many Bookes of law , as 31. Ed. 3. ●xcommunicat . 6. Fitzh . tit . Excom pl. 6.14 . ●en . 4. ●ol . 14.8 . Hen. 6. fol. 3 and ells where , that diuers Excommunications were pleaded in the Kings Courts , and no matter of treasō or other offence made therof by the Iudges , which no doubt they would neuer haue passed ouer so negligently & carelesely , if it had bin treason by the common-law . Neither would any Counsel haue presumed to plead the same so often in the said Courts , if there had byn such perill or offence therein at that tyme as M. Attorney now pretendeth . Neither doth the authority of Brooke here cyted by M. Attorney patronize him in his voluntary mistaking & misconstruyng of the law-books a foresaid : For that Brooke doth not say , that the bringing in of Bulls was iudged treason by law , as M. Attorney doth , but on●y maketh this note : So see punishment of that before the Statute of Premunire : which maketh nothing for M. Attorn . purpose : and if it did , yet were it not to be equalled with so many graue authorities & euidēt cōuincing reasons , as before we haue alleaged to the contrary . 89. Wherfore we must conclude that in this first Case M. Attorney hath sundry wayes dealt vnsincerly , and gone about to deceiue his Reader , making him belieue : that the bringing in & pleading of the Popes Bulles in ancient time was treason according to the Common-lawes : which being now proued to be false , yet doth he so often repeate the same vpon all occasions against Catholikes both in wryting , speaking , pleading : and vbrayding : as if it were a most certaine truth or principle , and not to be controlled . Let vs see somewhat of the other Cases . TO THE OTHER FOVRE CASES obiected by M. Morton out of Syr Edward Cooke . §. VI. IT were ouer long to answere so largely vnto all the other Cases , as we haue done to this first , especially for so much as the Deuine hath done it very sufficiently and fully before , the second Case conteyning only a temporall matter about Advowsons and authority thereby to present Clearks to benefices , which was an ancient custome of the Church of England , where tēporall men hauing founded Churches and benefices , reserued to themselues the nominatiō and presentation of the persons that should enioy the same : who if they were found fit and nothing to be proued against thē , that might iustly be opposed for their exclusion , then the Bishop of the diocesse was bound to admit them . And if he did not , the Aduowsoner might haue an Action against the said Bishop at the Commonlaw of Quare non admisit , as in a temporall Case : and if the Bishop could not excuse his not admitting of the Clerke of the Recouerer by some sufficient cause , then the Plaintif should recouer domages against the Bishop , or els he might haue vpon the not executing the first writ to the Bishop an Alias , or a Pluries against him . And if these were not serued or sufficient excuse made vpon the return thereof , why they were not serued ; then the partie grieued might haue an Attachment against the Bishop for his contempt . And if he were attached and would obstinate●y re●use to obey the Kings commandment in admitting the sai● Clerk : then might the King for his contempt seyse vpon his tempo●alities which were o● t●e Kings endowment . And this was the vttermos● that the King could by law do against him : for that he could neither imprison , nor depose , or degrade him , there being no presidēt to be found ( as I suppose ) of the first . And for the second , the law it sel● semeth cleare against it , as may appeare by Bracton , fol. 401. Stanford , ●ol . 130. &c. But howsoeuer it be , this proueth nothing against the Popes spirituall Iurisdic●ion in England , this matter of Aduowsons being meere tempo●all things and of the kings temporall inheritance , wherein as in all other temporall affaires , Bishops were bound to obserue the temporall lawes . 91. The other point also that happened out vnder K. Edward the 3. when one was condēned to perpetuall prison for hauing disturbed the Kings Presentee by Bulls from Rome , is nothing to the purpose at all , for that it apperteined not to the Pope , but to the Kings temporall inheritance , as hath byn said , to present Clerkes to such benefices as were of his peculiar patronage : and therfore it was ordeined in the Statute of Carli●le in the 25. of Edw. the first , that such as went about to dis●urbe the same vniustly by false informations and negotiations at Rome , should be punished at the discretion of the Prince , so it were not with losse of lyfe , mēber , or of his liuood . And what inferreth this ? Are not the like lawes at this day in Spaine and Sicily , and els where against them that trāsgres●e ordinations of those Realmes about like affaires ? Or doth this proue that those Catholike Realmes do not acknowledge the Popes Ecclesiasticall Supremacy ? Euery child may see the weaknes of these inferences : and yet vpon these and the like doth all M. A●torneys Treatise layne and consist . 92. As for the other Case vnder K. Richard 2. where it was propounded by the Commons in a certaine narration that the Crowne of England hath byn at all tymes ●ree and in subiection to no Realme , nor to the B. of Rome touching the Regality of the Crowne &c. it is so fully answered by the Deuine in his Reply to the Reports , as no more needeth to be said . For that they speake but of temporall regalities , and haue some reference also ( as may be supposed ) vnto the time when the Sea Apostolicke after the concession of K. Iohn pretēded tēporall right also in that Crown . And the answere o● the Bishops in that Parliament with distinctiō that they would ●eld to that Statute , so far forth as they did not preiudic● the ancient iurisdiction Ecclesiasticall of the said Sea Apostolicke in spirituall affaires , doth euidently shew ; that this obiection maketh nothing to the purpose , to denie thereby any part of the Popes supreme Ecclesiasticall authority ; and consequently as it was impertinently alleaged by M. Attorney to that effect in his Reports : so much more fondly was it chosen out by M. Morton , as a matter of moment to furnish his Booke withall . 93. And as for the last Case vnder K. Edward the fourth where he saith , That it was the opinion of the Kings Bench , that whatsoeuer spirituall man should sue another spirituall man in the Court of Rome for a ma●ter spirituall , where he might haue remedy before his Ordinary , that is the Bishop of the diocesse within the Realme , he incurreth the danger of Premunire , being an heynous of●ence against the honor of the King , his Crown & dignity : though the former answe●e of the Deuine be very sufficient in this case , yet must I needes adde ●n this place , that it is rather an heinous offence in such a man as M. Attorney is , or should be , to misreport and misconster his law-bookes , therby to make some● shew o● probability against the ancie●t power Ecclesiasticall of the Sea Apostolicke in England , whereas the said Books being rightly alleaged & vnderstood , do make wholy for it . As for example heere in this case alleaged out of 9. Ed. the 4. ●ol . 3. the saying is only of Yeluerton of the kings Bench : and his Report is meant , when a spirituall man shall sue an other that is a temporall man in the Court of Rome for a thing meere tempora●l he shall incurre the said punishment : For that for one spirituall man to sue another spirituall man in the Court of Rome in spirituall Causes , was a thing all waies lawfull and vsuall , both before the tyme of K. Ed. 4. and after , vntill it was forbid by King Henry the eight . And that this is true , that it was lawfull by the Cōmon-law in K. Henry 4. tyme appeareth expressely by the Booke of 14. H. 4. fol. 14. Neither can ( I thinke ) M. Attorney alleage any example , where the same is prohibited either by Commō or Statute law , during the tyme aforesaid . 94. And whereas for strengthning this his false assertion he citeth in his Margent , vide Fitzh . in Nat. Breu. fol. 45. lit . ● . agreeing herewith . And further ad●eth a Notandum for the same , as a matter notorious , he doth notoriously abuse his Reader : For that Fitzh . speaketh not at all of a Premunire , but only , That if one sueth another out of the Realme for debt or other cause , wherof the kings Court may haue conusance , he shall haue a prohibition against him : And so if one Clearke sue an other vpon title of Collation o● any Prebendary out of the Realme &c. he shall haue also this prohibi●ion . And if a man purchaseth out of the Court o● Rom against any Clerk or others , any Citation directed vnto the Archbishop of Canterbury or any others to cite such a person to appeare be●ore the Pope &c. to answere for the Collation or Presentation vnto any benefice or Prebendary ; a prohibition shall lye in this Case . Hitherto Fitzher . in his writt of prohibition . And this is all that he hath in that place of this matter . So you see , that all that Fitzherbert saith , is but that a prohibitiō shall lye , for suyng in the Court of Rome for debt or title of Patronage , or such other temporall Causes wherof the Kings Court may haue conusance : and he maketh no mention of any Premunire . And yet euery puny Studēt in the Law can tell how much difference there is betwixt a Premunire and a Prohibition : & that Syr Edward delt not sincerely , whē he brought in the one for the other . 95. So then we soe what striuing & wresting , & worse vsage M. Attorney offereth to his law-bookes , to make them seeme to say somwhat against vs , and for Protestant religion , against which most of them were written , as all of them before our times without exception in fauour of the Catholicks . We see also the pittifull choice that M. Morton hath made of these fiue Cases out of all M. Attorneys Reportable Reports against the Popes supreme Ecclesiasticall authority . But if we will consider the wise glosses Commentaries , and comparings which the Minister maketh very Ministerially vpon euery one of those Cases after he hath related the same , it will appeare much more ridiculous . For to the first ( which euidently conuinced both him and M. Attorney of falsitie if you remember , for affirming that to be treason by the Common law which is not ) he saieth thus : Cōpare this Bull , which did only push at a Subiects benefice , with that Bull which goareth Kings . And to the second : Compare this Bull of disturbans the Presentee of Kings , with that which doth ordinarily violate kings persons . And to the third : Compare this English King imediatly not subiect to the Pope , with the Iesuiticall principle : All Kings are indir●ctly subi●ct to Popes . And to the fourth : Cōpare this that the excōmunication of the Pope is of no force in England , with those excōmunications , which in these later times haue byn m●de against England . 96. And to the fifth : Compare this ( o● the punishment of thē that drew men ●or suites to Rome ) with their acts , who haue made no other suite to Rome , but ●or meanes to d●spossesse English Kings o● their Crowne and dignity . All these comparings I say , are not worth a paring : and it was great idlenes in M. Mort. to fill vp paper & spend time in such cōparings : wheras the matters & things themselues wheron these ●on cōd parisons are founded , are foūd to be falsely applied as now hath byn shewed . Wherfore this hath not serued any whit to iustify his Cliēt or himselfe , but rather to confirme & aggrauate the former Charges giuen against them both . And it is to be considered , that if in these fiue Cases chosen out by M. Morton out of fiue & fifty cyted by M. Attorney against the Popes authority before King Hēry the 8. his Reigne , so many false tricks are found , what would the number be , if we should discusse all the rest with like suruey ? Surely if M. Attorney might be presumed to haue dealt no more sincerely in the rest of his Reportes ( wherof six seuerall parts are now published ) then he hath done in these , concerning R●ligi● , they might be called reportable reports indeed , in respect of the infinite vntruths reported by them : & few Lawye●s , I think , would be at the cost to buy them . But I will not suspect this , for that in those other there is no interest , as I suppose , to wrest them to partiality , as there was in this : both in regard of hi●●erswasion in religion , & fauour with the Pr●ce . But now let vs pa●se to peruse and saie somewhat of his late new preface which subministreth some new matter to be handled in this place . THE EIGHT CHAPTER WHICH BY OCCASION OF TWO NEW PREFACES lately set forth by the sayd SYR EDWARD COOKE , doth handle diuers Controuersies , as well about a Nihil dicit , obiected by him to his Aduersary : AS also about the Antiquity , & Excellency of the Municipall Common lawes of England , and some other points . THE PREFACE . AFTER I was well entred into this worke for answering M. Morton his Preamble , I came to the sight of a new Preface set forth by Syr Edward Cooke before the sixt Part of his Reportes , lately published : & for that the name and argument of Preamble and Preface came so ioyntly togeather from two different Authors , and that the ●inall purpose of the one and the other t●erin ( for so much as concerneth our subiect of Religion and iustifying themselues about that which they had written therof , to the slaunder & iniury of Catholick profes●iō ) semed to me to be one & the very same ; which was , to subtract their shoulders from the weight of the matter in answering the whole that was writt●n against them , and by a new ●leight and deuise o● Pre●aces and Preambles , and promising further ●reatise , to diuert the Readers attention from the principall busines , and to intertayne him with other fancies and generall tearmes , as though they had answered somewhat indeed . For this I thought yt not amisse to ioyne them also togeather in this my Reply ; and as I had answered the one largely and particulerly , so to say somwhat also to the other : especially , for so much as notwithstanding this Preface came forth long after that the Author therof Syr Edward had seene my former Charge layd against him , in the last Chapter of my Treatise of Mitigatiō ; yet heere doth he not only not answere any thing therunto , but neyther so much as mentioneth the same , as before hath beene said : only in this place he hath a certaine snatch at the Deuines answere against his Reportes : and I call it a snatch , for that it conteineth scarce one page against the others whole Booke of aboue 400. and yet doth he so confidently condemne his aduersary both of ignorance , and boldnes , as if he had confuted him indeed by a large conuincement ; wherin yow shall heare his owne wordes . 2. VVhen I looked into the booke ( sayth he ) euer expecting some answere to the matter , in the end I ●ound the Author vtterly ignorant ( but exceeding bold , as commonly those qualities concurre ) in the lawes of the Realme , the only subiect of the matter in hand : but could not fynd in all the booke any authority out of the bookes of the common lawes of the Realme , Acts of Parlament , or any legall , or iudiciall records , quoted or cited by him for the maintenance of any of his opinions or conceipts : wherupon ( as in iustice I ought ) I had iudgment giuen ●or me , vpon a Nihil dicit , and ther●ore cannot make any replication . ●hus farre Syr Edward , wherin as yow see , he answered all that large worke of the Deuine in few words , cōdemning him of ignorance , boldnes , and of saying nothing at all , in so large a Discourse : but as for the former two points of ignorance and boldnes , and whether he cyted no one authority at all out of any law-books , shall be afterward discussed more particulerly : now only in this Paragraph shall we consider how true this last assertion is , that the Deuine said nothing at all , and that therupon Syr Edward had iudgment giuen for him vpon a Nihi● dicit . WHETHER the Catholicke Deuine might be iustly condemned of a Nihil dicit , or no ? §. I. FIRST then for trying of this point● I would demaund , what Iudge gaue this iudgement , ●ith●r Syr Edward himselfe ( for he is now a Iudge ) or an other , and vpon what due information ? If himselfe did giue sentence for himselfe , it may easily be excepted against , as suspected of partiality : for that no man , I thinke , can be both iudge and party , euen by Syr Edwards lawes ( for according to those of Saint Edward I am sure he could not ) in his owne cause . But if another Iudge gaue the sentence , let vs know , who it was and vpon what proofes & groundes ( for that such sentences , I suppose , are not yet brought to be arbitrary in England nor permitted to euery Iudges will , and liking , without any proofes or groundes at all : ) which being supposed , I am content to stand heerin , not only to any Iudge that sitteth vpon any of his Maiesties Benches at this day , but euen to Syr Edward himselfe , with condition only that he will be content with patience to heare my reasons , which are these that ensue . 4. First , a Iudgment of Nihil dicit cannot proceed , as I suppose , but vpon one of these two causes , that ●yther the party sayth nothing at all , as when one standing at the barre to answere for his life , will for sauing of his goods and lands vtterly hold his peace : or when he speaketh , his speach is nothing to the purpose . But neyther of these causes can be iustly alleaged in our case . Not the first , for that the Catholicke Deuines printed Answere is large , and conteyneth , as I haue said , aboue 400. pages in quarto . Not the second as now shall euidently be declared ; ergo , no iudgment could passe in iustice vpon a Nihil dicit in behalfe of Syr Edward against the sayd Deuine . 5. Now then , let vs come to demonstrate that the Catholicke Diuine did speake to the purpose in deed : for better vnderstanding wherof we must recall to memory , the true state of the question , and what Syr Edward Cooke , then Attorney , vpon his offer and obligation was to proue , to wit , that Queene Elizabeth by the right of her temporall Crowne had supreme spirituall , & Ecclesiasticall authority ouer all her subiects , in Ecclesiasticall affayrs , as largely as euer any persō had or could haue in that Realme , and this by the common lawes of England before any Statute law was made in that behalfe . For proofe wherof the sayd Attorney pretended to lay forth a great number of cases , examples , and authorityes out of his law-bookes , which he said should proue the ancient practice of this authority in Christian English Kings , both before and since the Conquest : which being his purpose , whatsoeuer his aduersary the Catholicke Deuine doth alleage substantially to ouerthrow this his assertion , and to proue that Q. Elizabeth neyther had , nor could haue this spirituall Authority , though she had beene a man ; neither that any of her ancestours Kings and Queenes of Englād did euer pretend , or practice the like authority : this ( I say ) cānot be iudged to be frō the purpose , & much lesse a Nihil dicit . Let vs examine then the particulers . 6. The Catholicke Deuine at his first entrance , for procuring more attention in this great and weighty controuersy betweene M. Attorney and him about the Spirituall power and authority ouer soules in the moderne English Church , doth auerre the question to be of such moment , as that the determination of all other controuersies dependeth therof . For that whersoeuer true ●pirituall authority and iurisdiction is found , there must needs be the true Church , to whom it appertaineth to determine of the truth of the doctrine taught therin , or in any other false Church or cōgregatiō , for approuing the one , & condemning the other . Wherof cōsequently also depēdeth euerlasting saluatiō , or condēnatiō of all those that belieue , or not belieue those doctrines . 7. He sheweth further , that the life , & spirit , & essence of the true Church in this world , consisteth in this true iurisdiction of gouerning and directing soules by preaching , teaching , bynding , and absoluing from synne , administring true Sacraments , and the lyke . And that where this true power & Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction is not lawfully foūd , but eyther none at all , or violently assumed , there wanteth this vitall spirit . Neyther is it any Church at all , but a Synagogue rather of Sathan : and therfore that the fir●t and chiefe care of euery Christian ought to be for sauing of his soule , ( e●pecially in tymes of strife , contentions , and heresyes , as are these of ours ) to study well this point , and to informe himselfe diligently therin : for if he fynd this , he fyndeth all : and i● he misse in this , he misseth in all . Nor is it possible for him to be saued . 8. Moreouer he declareth , that as in England at this day there be three different professio●s of religion , the Protes●ant , the Puritan , and the Catholicke , all three clayming this true and vitall power o● Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction to be in their Congregations : so do they deriue the same from three different heads and fountaynes immediatly , though all pretend that mediatly at leastwise it commeth from God. The Prot●stants taking it from the Temporall Princes authority , giuen him from God by right of his Crowne , as here is taught by M. Attorney : The Puritans from the people gathered togeather in their congregation . The Catholicks from their Bishops , and Prelats descending by continuall succession from the Apostles , to whome they belieue that Christ first gaue heauenly power and iurisdiction for gouerning of soules , and especially to the cheefe Bishop Successor to S. Peter , and not vnto temporall Princes , or to lay people or popular Congregations made by themselues , who cannot properly be called Successours of the Apostles : and this difference , as it is mani●est , and euident ; so is it of such weight , as it maketh these three sortes of men , and their Congregations , or Churches irreconciliable : for that which soeuer of these three partes hath this true iurisdiction Ecclesiasticall , hath therby the tru● Church , as hath beene said , & maketh the other two to be no Churches at all , but rather prophane , and Diabolicall S●nagogues , and such as haue neyther true Prelats , nor Prelacy , nor true preaching , nor teaching , nor Sacramēts , nor absolutiō of sinnes , nor any one act , or thing o● a Christian Church in them . And that the tryall of all this dependeth of the discussion of this controuersie betweene M. Attorney and him . All this hath the Deuine in his first entrance . And did he not herin speake to the purpose ? or can this be condemned for a Nihil di●it ? 9. A●ter this for better vnderstāding of the whole controuersie , the Deuine layeth downe at large the ground , beginning and origen of all lawfull power and iurisdiction of men , ouer men , both spirituall and temporall , in this world : shewing how both of them are from God , though differently : the spirituall being instituted immediatly by him , and deliuered to the Apo●●les , and their Successours ; but the temporall mediatly , that is to say , giuen first to the Common wealth to choose what forme of gouernment they list , and by mediation of that election giuing to temporall Princes supreme Authority in all temporall affaires . 10. Then he ●heweth the different ends , and obiects of these powers : the end of spirituall power being to direct vs to euerlasting saluation , both by instruction , discipline , direction , and correction : & of the temporall or ciuill power by lyke meanes , and helpes to gouerne well the Common weal●h in peace , aboundance , order , iustice , and prosperity . And according to th●se ends are also their obiects , matter & meanes . As for exāple , the former hath for her obiect , spirituall things , belonging to the soule , as matters of sayth , doctrine , Sacraments , & such other : and the later handleth the Ciuill affayres of the Realme , and Common wealth , as they appertayne to the temporall good , and prosperity therof . 11. Next after the declaratiō of these three pointes , to wit , of the origens , ends , & obiects of these two powers , spirituall and ●ēporall , the sayd Catholicke Deuine deduceth out of the same the differēt dignity , excellency , & eminency , of the one , & the other power , the one being called Deuine , the other Humane , for that the ends , and obiects of the one are immediatly concerning the soule , as now we haue declared : and the other concerning humane affaires immediatly , though mediatly in a Christian Common wealth referred also to God. And this di●ference of these two powers he declareth by the similitude & likenesse of flesh and spirit out of S. Gregory Nazianzen , who in a certaine narration of his , doth most excellently expresse the same by the comparison of spirit and flesh , soule and sense : which thing ( saith he ) may be considered as two distinct Common wealthes separated the one from the other , or conioyned togeather in one Common wealth only . An example of the former wherin they are separated may be in beasts and Angels , the one hauing their common wealth of sense only , without soule or spirit : and the other Cōmon wealth of Angels , being of spirit only without flesh or body ; but in man are conioyned both the one , & the other . And euen so ( sayth he ) in the Common wealth of Gentils was the Ciuill and Poli●icall , Earthly and Humane power , giuen by God to gouerne worldly and humane things , but not spirituall for the soule : wheras cōtrarywise , in the primitiue Chri●tian Church for almost three hundred yeares togeather none or few Kings , Princes , or Potentates being conuerted , the Common wealth of Christians was gouerned only or principally by spirituall authority vnder the Apostles and Bishops that succeeded them . 12. Out of which consideration confirmed , and strengthened by sundry places of holy scripture , & ancient Fathers alleaged by him , he sheweth the great eminency of spirituall Authority aboue temporall , being considered seuerally in themselues , though they may stand ioyntly , and both togeather in a Christian Common wealth , where the temporall Princes be Christiās , though with this necessary subordination , that in spirituall and Ecclesiasticall affaires belonging to the soule , the spirituall gouernours be chiefly to be respected , as in Ciuill affaires the temporall magistrate is to be obeyed , and this he sheweth by diuers examples , and occasions out of S. Ambrose , S. Chrysostome , S. Gregory Nazianzen , and other Bishops and Prelats , that in Ecclesiasticall affayres prefered themselues , and their authorities before that of Christian Emperours , with whome they lyued , expresly affirming , that in those respects they were their Superiours & Pastours , & the said Emperours their sheep & subiects , though in temporall affaires they acknowledged them to be their Superiours . 13. All this is set downe by the Catholicke Deuine with great variety of proofes , many examples , facts and speaches of ancient Fathers . And will Syr Edward Cooke say , that this was frō the purpose , & a Nihil dicit ? doth not this quite ouerthrow his assertiō that all tēporall Kings by vertue & power of their temporall Crownes , haue supreme authority also in spiritual affaires ? If the forsaid three Fathers ( to pretermit all others ) S. Gregory Nazianzen , S. Chrysostome , and S. Ambrose , that had to do with Christian Emperours , which had tēporall authority ouer all , or the most part of the Christian world , did yet notwithstanding affirme vnto their faces , that they had no authority at all in spirituall matters belonging to soules , but were and ought to be subiect to th●m , their Pastours in that Ecclesiasticall gouerment : how much lesse could a woman-Prince haue the same by right of her temporall Crowne , as most absurdly M. Attorney auerreth ? Which absurdity the Catholicke Deuine doth conuince so largely by all sortes of proofes , both diuine and humane , as well vnder the law o● Nature , as Mosay●all and Christian , that a person of the feminine s●xe is not capable of supreme Spirituall iurisdiction ouer man , as nothing seemeth can be answered therūto . And was this also ●rom the purpose , to proue that Queene Elizabeth could not haue it ? What will Syr Edward answere here for his Nihil dicit ? 14. After all this , and much more alleaged by the Catholicke Deuine , which I pretermit for breuities sake , he commeth to reduce the whole controuersie betweene M. Attorney and him , vnto two generall heads of proofe , the one de Iure , the other de facto , that is of right , and fact , shewing , that in the first of these two proofes de Iure , which is the principall , M. Attorney did not so much as attempt to say any thing ●or proofe , that by right , Queene Elizabeth , or any of her Ancestours had supreme iurisdiction in causes Ecclesiasticall , but only that de ●acto some of them had sometymes taken , and exercised such an authority . Which if it were without right , was as yow know nothing at all : and therfore the sayd Deuine hauing proued more at large , that by no right of any law whatsoeuer , diuine , or humane , Queene Elizabeth , or her predecessours had or could haue supreame authority Spirituall , he cōmeth to ioyne with M. Attorney also in the second , prouing that neyther in fact any such thing was euer pretended or practised by any of her Predecessours , before the tyme of her Father K. Henry the viij either before or after the Conquest . 15. And as for before the Conquest , there haue beene more then an hundred Kings of different Kingdomes within the land , he proueth by ten large demonstrations , that none of them did euer take vpon him such supreme spirituall authority , but acknowledged it expresly to be in the Bishop of Rome ; of which demōstrations , the first is of lawes made by them generally in fauour , and confirmation of the liberties of the English Church , according to the directions and Canons deriued ●rom the authority of the Sea Apostolicke . The second , that Ecclesiasticall lawes in England made before the Conquest , were made by Bishops , and Prelats , who had their Authority from Rome , and not by temporall Kinges . The third , that all determination of weighty Ecclesiasticall affayres were referred not only by the Christian people generally of that Realme , as occasions fell out , but by our Kings also in those dayes , vnto Rome , and the Sea Apostolicke . The ●ourth , that the Confirmations of all Priuiledges , Franchises of Churches , Monasteries , Hospitals , and the like were in those dayes demaunded , and obteyned from the Pope . The fifth , that in all Ecclesiasticall controuersies , suites , and grieuances , there were made Appeales , and complaints to the Sea of Rome for remedy . The sixth , the succession of Bishops & Archbishops in England during that time all acknowledging the supremacy of the Pope , were notwithstanding in high fauour , and reuerence with the English Kings , with whom they lyued : wherof is in●erred , that these Kings also must needs be of the same iudgment and beliefe , and consequently make lawes conforme to that their fayth and beliefe : as contrariwise since the schisme began by K. Henry the 8. other Princes , being of contrary beliefe , haue also made the contrary lawes . 16. These heads of demonstration togeather with foure more not vnlike to these , which for breuity I do pretermit , being laid forth at large by the Deuine with the manifest proofes , and declarations out of the ancient , and irrefragable histories of our Nation to make this euident inference that our Christian Kings before the Conquest did all of thē acknowledge the Popes supreme Iurisdiction in spirituall affayres , and consequently they acknowledged also that it appertayned not to themselues . And wheras the Attorney to proue his assertion alleageth two examples before the Conquest , the one of K. Kenulphus about a Priuiledge he gaue to the Abbey of Abingdon , the other of K. Edward the Con●essour , that sayth , That a King as Vicar of the highest , must defend the Church : it is answered by the Deuine , that both of these examples do make against M. Attorney . The first , for that there is expresse mention , that this Priuiledge was giuen by Authority from the Pope : and the second , that it is nothing to the purpose , K Edward speaking of temporall Authority , whē he sayth , That the King is Vicar of the highest , and in the very same place insinuating most manifestly that in spirituall affayres the Pope is supreme , and consequently that both these authorities were frandulently brought in by M. Attorney : yea the former most will●ully corrupted , as I do shew more largely , and particulerly in the end of my twelfth Chapter of my booke of Mi●igation . And was not all this to the purpose ? Or will M. Attorney call this a Nihil dicit , whē the cause shall come before him in seat of Iudgment ? 17. Lastly , the Deuine comming downe from the tyme of the Conquest vnto our dayes , to wit , to the raigne of K. Henry the viij . sheweth largely in the seuerall liues of euery one of those Kings , that in this point of the Popes supreme Ecclesia●ticall Authority they were all vniforme in one & the selfe same beliefe , and acknowledgment : which he proueth out of their owne wordes , factes , lawes , histories , & other authenticall proofes . And if at any time there fell out any disagreement , or disgust betweene any King , and the Pope that liued in his tyme , it was only vpon particuler interests , complaints of abuses by officers , euill informers or the like : for remedy wherof some restrictions , agreements , or concordates were made , as now they be also in other Catholick Countries : & not for that any English King from the very first Christened , vnto K. Henry the 8. ( nor he neyther for the first 20. yeares of his raigne ) did euer absolutly deny the Popes supreme Iurisdiction in Ecclesiasticall causes . 18. And secondly the sayd Deuine answereth fully to all those pieces and parcels of lawes , that M. Attorney produceth , which are shewed either fraudulently to be alledged , or wholly misconstred , or vtterly to be impertinent to the conclusion which they should inferre . And shall this in like manner be iudged from the purpose , and a Nihil dicit ? where now is that Iudge that gaue sentence ●or him in this behalfe , will he come forth & stand to his sentence ? Or will Syr Edward Cooke be so vnreasonable in this behalf , as to request any man to belieue him that such a Iudgment was giuē for him ? Or that he foūd so vniust a Iudge as would giue such a sentence so contrary to all conscience , sense , and reason ? But yow must note that many men haue noted this to be somewhat singular in Syr Edward Cooke ( as many other points be ) that when he talketh of Catholicks or their a●fayres , he is so confident , resolute , & precipitant in his asseuerations against them ( especially when he preacheth on the Bench , or giueth his Charge ) that except we belieue him at his bare word , contrary to all liklihood of truth , the most part of that he speaketh will seeme to be wilfull vntruthes spoken against his owne conscience : so litle he remembreth the saying of the prophet , Pone ostium circumstantiae labijs meis . I do not say they are lyes , for that were inurbanity , considering his present dignity , but that they may seeme such to the wyser sort , for that they lacke this doore of true circumstances to make them probable , wherof we shall haue occasion to touch some more examples afterward . Now we shall passe on to examine whether this Nihil dicit , obiected to his Aduersary , do not fall more iustly vpon himselfe , and therwith also an opposite charge called a Nimium dicit , which is to speake more then is true . THAT THE Imputation of Nihil dicit , doth fall more rightly vpon M. Attorney : as doth also the Nimium dicit , or euerlashing in his assertions . §. II. HAVING shewed now that the Nihil dicit cannot be ascribed to the Catholicke Deuine , for that he left written so much and so effectuall to the purpose he had in hand , it would be an easie m●tter to shew in regard of the contrary effectes that the sa●e remaineth with M. Attorney : both for that he answered litle or nothing , and that wholy from the purpose . The ●irst is manifest by this new Preface of his , wherin he answereth scarce halfe a page to more then 400. pages of my booke written against him . The second also is not obscure by that I haue written in the precedent Paragraph of the impertinencie of proofs produced against vs , which afterward perhaps may be better examined , and consequently for both these respects , the Nihil dicit lighteth vpon himselfe . 20. Now then l●tting passe this Nihil dicit , we shall contemplate a while the Nimium dicit , when more is vttered then the truth , with shall be the proper argument and subiect of this present section or Paragraph , and this only about such matters as he hath now freshly and las●ly vttered in this Preface , that in all conteyneth but one only printed sheet : wherby appeareth how great a volume it would arise vnto on our behalfe , if we should examine the vnt●uthes of all his other writings against vs. 21. To begin then with that which before we touched , he auoucheth in this his Preamble ; That he could not fynd in all the booke any aut●ority out of the bookes of Common lawes o● this Realme , Acts of Parlaments , or any legall , and Iudi●iall records , quoted or cyted by the Catholi●ke Deuine for the mantenance o● any of his opinions or conceipts : wherupon ( as in Iustice , sayth he , I ought ) I had iudgment giuen for me vpon a Nihil dicit . Thus farre the Knight : wherby you perceaue , that the immediate cause of this iudgment giuen in his fauour was grounded vpon this presumption , that the Deuine neyther quoted nor cyted any one such witnesse throughout all his booke : which if it be euidently false ( as now I shall proue it ) then must the Iudge confesse , if he will not be Iudex iniquus , that the sentence of Nihil dicit is to be reuoked as vniust . 22. Let vs see then how true or false this assertion is , or rather how many seuerall falshoods there are conteyned in one . First then page 163. The Deuin● doth cite the seuerall lawes of William Conquerour out of Roger Houeden parte 2. Annalium in vita Henrici 2. ●ol . 381. and by them doth proue , that the Conquerour acknowledged the Popes supreme Authority in causes Ecclesiasticall . And is not this a legall record ? And in the next two leaues following , he doth cyte aboue twenty di●ferent places out of the Canon law and Canonists , which though perhaps M. Attorney will not cal legall in respect of his Municipall lawes , yet iudiciall records they cannot be d●nyed to be . Moreouer pag. 245. & 246. he doth alleage the testimony of Magna Charta cap. 1. made by king Henry the third , as also Charta de ●oresta made vpon the ninth yeare of his raigne , & Charta de Mertō made in the 18. of the same Kings raigne , as other lawes also of his , made vpon the 51. yeare o● his Gouernement , all in proofe of the Popes iurisdiction , and are all legall authorityes . And furthermore he doth cyte pag. 248. statut . anno 9. Henrici 6. cap. 11. and pag. 262. he citeth againe the said Great Charter , and Charter of the Forest made by K. Henry the 3. and confirmed by his sonne King Edward the first diuers tymes . And pag. 271. he citeth two lawes anno 1. Edward . 3. stat . 2. cap. 2. & 14. eiusdem statut . 3. pro Clero , and doth argue out of them for profe of his principall purpose against Syr Edward . And how then , or with what face doth , or can the Knight auouch heere that the said Deuine alleageth no one Act or law of Parlament or other iudiciall record throughout his whole booke ? doth he remēber his owne saying in this his Preface : That euery man that writeth ought to be so carefull of setting downe truth , as if the credit of his whole worke cōsisted vpō the certainty of euery particuler period ? Doth he obserue this ? How many periods be there heere false of his ? But let vs see further . Pag. 277. in the life of king Edward the first the said Deuine doth cite an expre●se law of King Edward 3. Anno regni 25. as also pag. 283. he doth alleage statut . de consult . editum anno 24. Edwardi 1. and another Anno 16. Edwardi 3. cap. 5. and all these things are cited by the Deuine before he commeth to treat peculierly of the lyfe of King Edward the third : but vnder him , & after him he doth not alleage as few as 20. legall authorities , and statutes of Acts of Parlaments : so as for M. Attorney to auouch here so boldly & peremptorily as he doth , that the Deuine in all his booke did not alleage so much as any one authority eyther out of the cōmon lawes or Acts of Parlament , or other legall or iudiciall record , is a strange boldene●se indeed : And yet he sayth , that he found the Author vtterly ignorant and exceeding bold . But if he could conuince him of such boldnes , as I haue now conuinced himselfe , for affirming a thing so manifestly false , I should thinke him bold indeed , or rather shameles : for that heere are as many vntruthes , as there are negatiue assertions , which is a Nimium dicit , with store of witnesses . 23. It is another Nimium dicit also , yf yow consider it well , that which he writeth in the same place , that , when he looked into the booke , euer expecting some answere to the matter , he found none at all . Wheras he found all that is touched in the former Paragraph and much more , which was so much in effect , as he saw not what reply he could make therunto : which himselfe confesseth a litle before in these wordes , saying : Expect not from me , good Reader , any reply at all : for I will not answer vnto his Inuectiues , and I cannot make any reply at all vnto any part of his discourse : & yet doth he endeauour to mitigate this also , saying : That the Deuine answereth nothing out of the lawes of the Realme , the only subiect ( sayth he ) of the matter in hand . And a litle af●er againe : I will not ( sayth he ) depart from the State of the question whose only subiect is the Municipall lawes of this Realme . But this re●uge will not serue , both for that I haue now shewed that the Deuine hath alleag●d many testimonies out of the Municipall lawes , as also for that this is not true , that the question is only about these lawes : for that as before hath beene shewed the true state of the question betweene vs , is , VVhether supreme Ecclesiasticall authority in spirituall af●a●res did remayne in Queene Elizabeth and her Ancestours by right of their temporall Crownes , or in the Bishop of Rome , by reason of his primacy in the Chaire of S. Peter : which great matter is not to be tryed only ( as in reason yow will see ) by the Municipall lawes of England , or by some few particuler cases deduced from them , but by the whole latitude of diuine and humane proofes , as Scriptures , Fathers , Doctors , histories , practises of the primitiue Church , lawes both Canon and Ciuill , and the like , as the Deuine doth teach in differēt occasions of his booke , adding further : That albeit it should be graunted to Syr Edward that this matter should be discussed by the common Municipall , and Statute lawes of England only , yet would he remayne wholy vanquished , as largely doth appeare by the deduction of the said Deuine throughout all the succession of English Kings from Ethelbert the first Christened , to King Henry the 8. that first fell into schisme against the Church of Rome . This then was a notorious Nimium dicit . 24. Another is when he sayth in reproofe of the Deuines answer to his Reports , that the booke is exceeding all bounds of truth and charity , full of maledictions and calumniations , nothing pertinent to the state of the question : and that it becommeth not Deuines to be of a fiery and Salamandrine spirit , soming out of a hoat mouth &c. which indeed will seeme to any indifferent man a stange passionate exaggeration of Syr Edward , exceeding all tearmes of simple truth , for that there is nothing found in that booke , but temperatly spoken , and with respect as it seemeth both to his Office and Person : but yet when he saw the exobitant intemperance of the Attorneyes hatred against Catholicks to draw him to such acerbity of bloudy calumniations , that he would needes inuolue them all in the heynons cryme of treason by meere sycophancy , & malicious collections vpō false supposed groundes , and fictions of Pius quintus his Bull , and such like impertinent imputations ; no meruaile though he were more earnest in the repulsion of such open wronges ; but yet with that moderation , as I perswade my selfe no iniurious , or contumelious speach can be alleaged to haue passed from him in all that booke , & much lesse such inu●ctiues as heere M. Attorney chargeth him withall : as also with that fierie Salamandrine spirit , foming out of a hoat mouth , wherein , besydes the contumely , which he will easily pardon , Syr Edward speaketh more then I suppose his skill in Philosophie , or history will be able to auerre or beare him out . For that ancient Pliny in his naturall history treating of the nature of the Salamander which lyueth in fyre , sayth not that he is hoat & fiery , but contrary wise so extreme cold of nature , as he resisteth the very force of the fire if selfe . So as whiles M. Attorney goeth about to accuse his aduersary of too much heate , his example inferreth that he is ouer could , & that he mistooke quid pro quo . And was not this a Nimium dicit in like manner ? 25. Another excesse though of meaner marke including also a Nimiū dicit , is cōmouly noted in Syr Edward , & all his speaches & writings , & not wanting also in this litle preface , which is , a heaping together of many latin sentēces without Englishing , or rightly applying them , therby to seeme more admirable to the ignorant , when they heare so frequent phrases and sentences which they vnderstand not : and in other Countries it is accompted Pedanteria , or playing the petty Schoolemaister , nothing fit for graue men to vse , wherof notwithstanding yow haue some store also in this litle Preface , though but of one print●d sheet of paper , as hath beene sayd : for both in the first and last page , he beginneth and endeth with that : and few other pages pas●e without some respe●sion therof , as ille didicit maledicere , & ego maledicta contenmere , which sentence is euidently false in the eye and eares of all men , that either haue read our books , or heard him speake . For as he cannot produce any maledictons of ours against him , so haue we as many witnesses of his most bitter rayling against Catholicks & Catholick Religion , whose cause euery good man ought to esteeme a thousand times more thē his own , as he hath writtē books , scroles , or libels against vs , or hath giuē cōtumelious Charges on the Bench , which are continuall , but especially , and by name I remit my selfe to the most insolent inuectiue which he made against vs in his own Coūtrey at Norwich on the 4. of August anno Domini 1606. set forth afterward in print ; and againe in the same place at sundry tymes in the ensuing years ; in all which iniurious speaches besydes his other poeticall inuentions to make vs odious or ridiculous , he triumphed also in this kynd of Grammaticall Pedanteria , of alleaging sundry la●in sentences against vs , wherof I may chance to haue occasion to treate more afterward . 26. But I am departed vnawares from the examples of his present Preface , and therefore shall returne thither againe . When he saw himselfe ouerloaden with the multitude and variety of testimonies for prouing the principall question of the Popes supreme authority spirituall , he answered thus : For his Deuinitie and histories cyted by him , only published in the sayd Booke , ad faciendum populum , I will not answere : for then I should ●ollow him in his errour . And is not this a goodly answere ? Was yt errour in the Deuine , or vanity ad ●aciendum populum , to proue by grounds of Deuinity , Scriptures , Fathers , practice of the Primitiue Church and other lyke Theologicall proofes , that Q. Elizabeth in right could not haue supreme Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction : and out of all sortes of histories belōging to England to conuince , that none of her Ancestours did euer in fact pretend the same ? Was this only ad ●aciendum populum , to hunt after popular applause ? How impertmently is this Grammaticall phrase applyed by Syr Edward ? 27. But let vs see the next . In reading these and other of my Reportes ( sayth he ) I desire the Reader , that he would not reade ( and as it were swallow ) too much at once : for greedy appetites are not of the best digestion : the whole is to be attayned by partes , and nature ( which is the best guyde ) maketh no leape : Natura non facit saltum . In which words as I acknowlege the aduertisment to be good , that a man ought not to reade too much togeather , least he confound his memory : So why this phrase of Natura non facit saltum is brought in , but only for the forsaid Grammaticall oftentatiō I see not . Nature maketh no leape , but she procedeth orderly , digesting one thing after an other , it is true : but what is this to proue that a man may not reade to much at one tyme ? Surely this leape of M. Attorney was somewhat wyde from the purpose : and if his wrytings in law-matters be no more gracious and attractiue , then are his discourses in Deuinity , and Controuersies , I presume the Reader , that esteemeth his tyme worth the bestowing , will not haue need of this aduertisment , that he read not ouer much at once in his Reportes , for that wearines will soone bring him to that moderation . 28. And thus much haue I thought good to say briefly to such points of this Pre●ace as concerne his Reply to the Catholicke Deuine : for in effect Syr Edward answereth no more to all his large Booke thē now yow haue heard : albeit in the ●ormer part of this his Preface he taketh another matter in hand , which is first to auerre , that the antiquity and excellency of our Municipall lawes in England , which he calleth the Common , do exceed all other humane lawes whatsoeuer in the world . Then for proofe of this he bringeth in a Student of the sayd Cōmon law to propose vnto him foure particuler Cases , wherof the la●t ( for which all the other were brought in ) is : whether the ancien● lawes o●●ngland did admit any Appeales to Rome in Causes spirituall or Ecclesiasticall : and then vaunteth presently thus : I had no so●uer seene these questions ( saith he ) but instantly I found direct and demonstra●iue answere vnto the same . But by his leaue Syr Edward must haue patiēce to let me tell him , that his Answers are so far of from being demonstratiue , that is to say , euident , certaine and irrepugnable , as that they are not so much as Logicall , that is to say , probable ; nor haue any true forme or force of a lawfull argument in them : for that they go about to proue vniuersalls by particulers , and yet do not so much in effect as proue those seely particulers which they pretend . These two points then are to be examined , first about the supposed antiquity & excellēcy of his Municipall lawes : and secondly his proofe and confirmation therof by his Answers to the Students foure questiōs deuised by himselfe . For that no Student I suppose , of any meane tallent of wit or learning would hau● proposed such questions , for confirmation of so great a matter as is pretended : or would haue byn content with so symple Answers , as here are set downe . VVHETHER THE Common Municipall Lawes of England be more ancient and excellent , than any other humane Lawes of the world . §. III. FOR better vnderstanding of this point I shall first set downe some lynes of Syr Edwa●ds narration , which beginn●th thus . Since the publishing of the fifth part of my Reports , a good Student of the Common Lawes desyred to be satisfyed in one speciall point of my Epistle to the second part of my Reports , where I affirmed that yf the ancient Lawes of this noble ●and had not excelled all others ( speaking of humane ) it could not be but some of the seuerall Conquerours & ●ouernours therof , that is to say , the Romans , Saxons , Danes or Normans , and especially the Romanes , who ( as they iustly may ) do boast of their Ciuill Lawes , would ( as euery of them might ) haue altered or chang●d the same . And ( sayth he ) some of another pro●●ssion are not persuaded , that the Common Lawes of England are of so great antiquity , as there superla●iu●ly is spoken . So he . And in these last words I presume he vnderstood the Deuine , that impug●ed this excessiue imaginary antiquity of our Municipall ●awes in his Answere to the Reports , and Syr Edward hauing seene the same , should in reason haue answered somewhat therunto , if he had byn prepared for it . 30. But he thought that course not best , but rather to help himselfe with the pretend●d authority of Syr Iohn Fortescue chiefe Iustice of England in the Raigne of King Henry the 6. saying , that he was a great Antiquary : & he was a notable man indeed , though more as it seemeth , in the skill of our Common Lawes , then in matters of Antiquity , out of whome Syr Edward , to help his cause and assertion , citeth the words following . As touching the antiquity of our Common Lawes ( sayth he ) neither are the Roman Ciuill Lawes , by so long continuance o● ancient tymes confirmed : nor yet the La●es o● the Venetians , which aboue all other are repor●ed to be of most antiquity , ●or so much as their Island in the beginning of the Britans was not then inhabited , as Rome also then vnbuilded : neither the Lawes of any Nation of the world which worshipped God , are of so old and ancient yeares : wher●ore the contrary is no● to be said , nor thought , but that the English customes are very good , yea o● all other the very best . Thus he : if he be rightly cited , for I haue not his booke by m● . 31. And though I do respect and reuerence both these mens professions , and much more their state & place of Iudges : yet doth force of truth oblige me to contradict their errour , which seemeth to me very grosse and palpable , or rather their errours and mistakinges in sundry points here downe . As first in that yt is auerred , that the Ciuill law and Roman lawes are not of so long continuance of ancient tymes , as the anciēt Municipall Lawes of England are , which he goeth about to proue by two seuerall meanes , wherof both do conteine aswell falsyties as absurdities , if I be not greatly deceiued therin . 32. His ●irst meanes of proofe is , ●or that in the beginning o● the Britans , Rome was then vnbuylded , and conquently that the British Lawes are more ancient , then those of the Romans . And then supposing further , that those British Lawes which were in the beginning of the Britans , were neuer changed , but rec●iued in England f●ō time to time , haue indured to our dayes , & are the Common Lawes of our Realme at this day : Wherin there are many suppositions , as yow see , strange to heare , but harder in my opinion to be proued . As first , that the Britans in their beginning euen before Rome was buylt , had such good Lawes as the Romans in Englād seauen hūdred years after the said building of Rome , were cōtent to accept for their Lawes in that land . And the lyke after them the Saxons , & other Cōquerous people that ensued : which is such a paradox vnto men of reason & learning , as the very naming therof cannot but cause laughter . For albeit the British nation be more ancient then the Roman , according to the Story of Geffrey Monmouth , that affirmeth thē to discend from Brutus a Nephew of Aeneas , from whom Romulus the founder of Rome some ages after descended : and that they were a valiant warlike nation from the beginning : yet that they had such good politicke and ciuill Lawes ( themselues being vnciuill in those dayes ) is a matter incredible , which I proue thus : That wheras the Roman Lawes began from Romulus himselfe & from Numa Pompilius & other ancient Law-makers among them , and this soone after the building of Rome ( I meane the more older Lawes of the twelue Tables , ) and the lyke continued from tyme to tyme afterwards , vntill the cōming of Iulius Caesar into Britany , which was aboue 600. yeares after Rome was built , & aboue a thousand after Brutus had byn in England : in which tyme yt is probable , that the British Lawes , would haue growne to greater perfectiō thē they were in the beginning : yet I say that the said Lawes & customes of the Britans are recorded to be such in Iulius Caesar his daies , & set downe by his owne penne , as also by the writings of diuers other Roman & Greeke Authors that succeded for two or three hundred years after him , as must needs be incredible that they should be continued by the Romans , Saxons , and other people that followed them . And then if they were such , and so rude so many ages after their beginning , what may we imagine they were at their very begynning it selfe , which was a thousand yeares before , from which tyme our two Knights heere do inferre their antiquity and eminency aboue the Roman Lawes ? 33● Let vs see then what ancient Histories do report of the British Lawes and Customes in Iulius Caesar his tyme and afterwards . Caesar the Roman-Captaine hauing made two iourneys into England , and informed himselfe diligently about the Lawes and Customes of the Brytans in those dayes , which was about 60. yeares before the Natiuity of our Sauiour , setteth downe many things of their small policy in that time . As first the description of their manner of consultations in their warre , wherin he sayth , that in commune non co●sulunt , they haue no common Counsells : and then describing the chiefe Citty of the Realme where their K. Cassiuelā that was head of all the rest , had his Court & Counsaile somewhat about the Thames ( though not where London was afterward built ) he sheweth that it was in a wood , and that the walles were trees cut downe round about , insteed of fortresses , within which they inclosed both themselues and their Cattle : and this was the symplicity of that tyme. 34. After this he setteth downe many Lawes and customes of theirs , farre vnfit to be receiued by the Romans , & other people after them , as Nummo aereo aut annulis ferreis ad certū pondus examinatis pro num●o vtebantur , Their money was of brasse , and rings of yron giuen out by weight . And then againe that they had a law and custome luto se inficere , quod caeruleum efficit color●m , to paint themselues with a certaine earth , that made a blew colour . And Solinus wryting more then an hundred yeares after Caesar againe , sheweth this law and custome to haue byn so inuiolable among them in his dayes , that the very Children had the figures and shapes of beasts imprinted in their flesh , by launcing & cutting the same first , to the end that the sayd painting with terrible colors might the better sinke in : and Pliny doth adde that the very women also did obserue the same custome , which seemeth also to haue continued somes ages after , for that the Poet Claudianus vnder the Emperours Arcadius and Theodosius about foure hundred yeares after Christ speaking of the Britans of his time , sayth of them : Inde Caledonio velata Britannia monstro , Ferro picta genas : cuius vestigia verrit Caerulus , oceanique●stum mentitur , amictus . In which verses the words ferro picta genas , and caerulus amictus signifying that their faces were paynted with the dint of iron , & their habit blew , do importe that this law and custome was long continued among them : & yet neuer receyued by the Romans , Saxons , nor Danes . And Caesar yet goeth further shewing their Lawes and Customes about their wiues and Children . Vxores habent deni inter se communes &c. Ten men agreeing among themselues haue their wiues and Children in common . 35. The same Caesar also , and Diodorus Siculus and Strabo , which two lyued soone after him vnder Augustus Caesar , do recount other Lawes and Customes of the Britans of their dayes , wherof we see no signe in ours : as their order of fight in Chariots and Coaches , with other thinges belonging to Chiualry . And Pomponius Mela lyuing vnder the Emperour Claudius , that went with an imperiall army into England some fyftie yeares after Christ , sa●th of the Britans in those dayes : Inculti omnes , tantùm pecore & ●inibus dites : that they were all witho●t po●icie , and only rych by their cattle and pastures : which importeth tha● they had no good Lawes to lend the Romās in those daies , and much lesse to deliuer them ouer to posterity . 36. And yet further an hundred & fyfty yeares after that againe , wrote Cornelius Tacitus vnder the Emperour Domitian , as also Solinus before mentioned , who do both concurre in this : that in their dayes the Britans were a people as on the one syde stout and valiant , so on the other very rude and vnciuill for policy , without discipline and order , as also Counsaile or good direction , especially in their warres . Whervpon Tacitus sayth : Dum singuli pugnant , vniuersi vincuntur . whiles euery one fighteth a part after his owne fancy they are all ouercome . And I might hereunto adde diuers Greeke Historians , as well as Latyn , specially Herodian , Dio Nicetus , Xephilinus , and others , writing o● the Brytans , their manners and customes vnder the Raigne of Seuerus the Emperour , who went thither in person , and dyed in Yorke two hundred yeare● after Christ , and almost 300. after the Brytans had byn vnder the Roman gouerment : and yet do the sayd Historiographers recount such extreame want of pollicy and Lawes among the Britans at that tyme ( which I take to be meant principally of the Northerne ) as scarce of any Countrey the like : Nec moenia habent ( say they ) nec Vrbes , nudi , sine calceis , vestis vsum ignorantes &c. they had neither walles nor townes , b●t wēt naked without shoes , not being acquainted with the vse of apparrel . And to the end we may not think that the Southerne p●rtes were in much better state for policy , Dio Nicetu● recoūteth the speach of the Qu. Brundeuica vnder the Raigne of Nero : which Queene dwelt in the most ciuill & wealthy partes of Britany , and yet obiected to the Romans , that they were delicate and could not liue without corne , meale , wyne , oyle , shelter of house , and other lyke commodities : Nobis autem ( sayth shee ) quaeuis herba & radix ●ibus est , quili●et succus oleum , omnis aqua vinum , omnis arbor domus . But vnto vs ( and let vs marke that she putteth her se●fe among the ●est being a woman , Captaine , and Queene ) euery herb and roote is meate , euery ioyce is oyle , euery water is wyne , and euery tree is a house . Thus shee . 37. And now here Syr Edward perhaps will say , a● before he did of Theologicall authorities , that I do alleage all these Histories ad faciendum populum : which I do not , but rather to shew that he hath no cause to vaunt , that either himselfe , or his fellow-Iustice are such Antiquaries as here he mentioneth , not hauing seene , as it seemeth , nor considered this variety of auncient Histories , wherby is proued that the lawes and customes of the Brytans were not such from the beginning , and before Rome was builded , as they may be preferred for their antiquity , and excellency before the Roman Lawes , whereas almost a thousand yeares after that the Roman Lawes had byn receyued in the world , the Brytans had scarce any vse of policy or common Ciuility : though afterward when by the benefit of Christian Religion especially they receiued the same , they exceeded perhaps many othe● Countries in piety and religious polycie . 38. Thus then is the first medium of Syr Edwards probation ouerthrowne about the antiquity of the Brytan Lawes before the Romans : which is neyther true ; nor yf it were , yet maketh it nothing to his purpose , to p●oue that the Cōmon Mu●●cipall Lawes of England were of that antiquity , as pr●sently shal be shewed . And as for the other two instances , that the sayd British Lawes are more an●ient then the Lawes of the Venetians , which are most ancient of any oth●r Nation of the world that worshipped God : this ( I say ) is litle lesse th●n ridiculous . For that first the Venetians ( as Blondus thei● owne Countrey man and Historiographer testifieth , writing of their antiquity ) began ●irst to build their Citty and Common wealth vpon the yeare o● Christ foure hundred fi●ty and six , which was vpon the point of twelue hundred yeares after the building of Rome , and consequently the Venetian Lawes cannot be imagined to be o● more antiquity then the Roma● , and much lesse then of other Nations more ancient then the Romans , as the Carthaginians , Grecians , Aegiptians , Medians , Persians , Syrians , and the like . 39. And secondly wher●as to temper the matter somewhat , he addeth , that the British Lawes are more anci●nt then of any na●ion of the world , that worshipped God : this addition ( of worshiping God ) is both from the purpose & vntrue . From the purpose , for that Syr Edward exprely heere pretēdeth to speake only of humane Lawes : so as whether the people whose Lawes they are , do worship God or not , is from the question . Besides that M. Cooke I thinke will not deny , but that the Romans worshipped God , and were Christians , at least many of them , before the Britans ( if this made any thing to the purpose : ) and yet will he haue the Britans Lawes to be more ancient then those of the Romans : so as this circumstance of worshipping God is neyther true , or to the purpose . 40. Secondly it is vntrue , that the British Lawes were before the Lawes of any Nation that worshipped God , for that the Iewes worshipped God , and may be presumed also to haue had some politicall Lawes for their Ciuill gouerment among themselues , long before the Britans ; yea before Moyses gaue them his written Lawes For that being a Nation so popul●us as they were , cannot well be imagined to hau● l●ued foure hundred yeares in Aegipt without some humane and Ciuill lawes among themselues also , be●●des those of the Aegiptians , albeit they were forced al●o to k●epe , perhaps , the Aegiptians lawes , which in that case may be accompted their lawes , and so more ancient th●n th● Britans . So as all these things were weakely considered by Syr Edward , and he sheweth himselfe no good Antiquary , though he would seme to couet much the opinion therof . 41. But more then in any other point , this def●ct of his is seene in setting downe his second Medium for proofe of the antiquity & excellencie of his Municipall lawes in these words , before recy●ed : That if the ancient lawes of this noble Island had not excelled all the others , speaking of humane , it could not be but some of the seuerall Conquerours and Gouernours therof , that is to say , the Romans , Saxons , Danes or Normans , and especially the Romans , would haue altered or changed the same . Where yow see , he holdeth it for a supposed knowne , & receiued principle , that none of all these Conquerous people , entring into Britany , did alter or chāge the old British lawes : and consequently that those which now we call the Cōmon lawes of England , were also the lawes of the ancient Brytans , and theirs ours : which is one of the most solemne absurdities in my opinion , that euer proceded from the mouth of a man , pretending to be learned in his owne Countrey affayres . 42. For fir●t besides the demonstration before made to the contrary , out of reason and euident probability , that the Britans generally hauing receiued very litle vse of Ciuill policy vntill two hundred yeares after Christ vnder the Emperour Alexander Scuerus , and almost three hundred after they had byn vnder the Romans , it was not likely that the sayd Romans , their Conquerours , would admit their lawes & customes so much condemned by them of barbarism● and inciuility , as by the former related Authors both Greeke and Latin hath byn declared . Besides this ( I say ) there is expresse mention found in antiquity , though M. Attorney seemeth not to know it , of the change of those Lawes and customes by the Roman Emperours . 43. For first Pliny that lyued presently after the Apostles , recounteth that the Emperour Tiberius Caesar , vnder whome our Sauiour suffered , did take away diuers of their Lawes and customes , especially about sacrificing of men , women and Children , in lu●o Andates , in a certaine groue dedicated to that Pagan Goddesse , which signified Victory . He remoued also Druid●s , and cancelled their Lawes which were the instruments , and ministers of those Cruelties . ●hereupon the sayd Pliny maketh this consideration : Non satis aestimari potest , quantum Romanis debeatur , qui sustulere Monstra , in quibus hominem occidere religiosissimum erat , mandi v●rò etiam saluberrimum . It cannot be sufficiently esteemed how much the Britans do owe to the Romans that tooke away these monstrous customes and lawes , wherby it was held a most religious thing , to kill men : and a most wholesome to eate them . Wherby appeareth that diuers lawes of the Britans were changed by the Romans , and namely those of their Pagan sacrifices ( which were their principall ) albeit the Romans were yet heathens and Pagans themselues : so as this ouerthroweth quite Syr Edwards false principle , that British lawes were neuer changed nor altered by the Romans . 44. But yet further , when very shortly after the forsaid speach of Queene Brundeuica ( that was vnder Nero ) Vespasian came to gouerne Britanny , and had that famous victorie , wherin he tooke King Aruiragus and his some Guiderius , and diuers other principall persons of the Brytish Nobility , Hector Boethius in his History of Scotland , doth shew , that vpon mature deliberation , I●ra & paternas leges postea Britonibus ademit Vespasianus , & Romanas introduxit ; V●spasian tooke away and changed their old British lawes & customes , and introduced those of the Romans in place therof . Behold heere a whole change of lawes denied so resolutly by our two Iustices as you haue heard before : were they good Antiquaries in this thinke yow ? If yow say , yea : I will oppose against them our other English Antiquary , and King of Armes VVilliam Cābd●n , who in his Description of Britany speaking of the said Emperour Vespasian , and of his sonne Domitian in their gouerment of England , sayth : Britannis iugum impositum &c. At this time the Britans receiued the Roman yoke : foure Legions of souldiers being appointed to lye there , that with terrour should hold them downe &c. Neque legibus suis patrijs vti permissi sunt , sed magistratus à populo Romano cum Imperio & securibus missi , qui ius dicerent . Neither were they permitted to vse any more their owne Countrey lawes , but Magistrates and Officers were sent to them from the people of Rome with supreme authority and ●nsignes of Iustice , to administer law vnto them . So he . 45. What will Syr Edward say to this ? Was this a change of lawes or no ? And will he still stand to his former assertion , that the Brytish lawes were neuer altered by the Romās ? But let vs adde yet one witnes more and that of great credit , to wit , Gul. Malmesburiensis , who as well in his story of England , as in his Fasti signifi●th the same alteration , saying in the later : That vpon the fourth yeare of Domitian , which was the 86. of Christ , Britannia nunc penitus primùm subiugata , ductu Agricolae , auspicijs Domitiani : Britany was now first of all vtterly subdued by the army of Agricola● and authority of Domitian the Emperour , &c. which full and complete subiugation includeth also the necessity to accept of the vanquishers lawes , and not to giue lawes to them . And what will Syr Edward now say to this also ? Will he recall his temerarious assertion ? Will he remember now his former saying , that Ignorance and bouldnes do commonly concurre ? 46. But let vs go yet forward : for as we haue demonstrated of the Romans in this affaire , so might we shew no lesse also of the other three nations by him mentioned , ●o wit , the Saxo●s , Danes and Normans . For that the Saxo●s comming in after the departure of the Romans , about 450. yeares after Christ , and falling into such extreme emnity and breach with the Brytans , as our histories do testify , both in regard of their quarrell about the Countrey and possession therof : as also for that the Britans were Christians and the Saxons pagans : so as one did not so much as communicate with the other , but as enemies in the field : This being so , I say , yt is not like nor any way in reason probable , that they ( the sayd Saxons● being Conquerours , and such professed enemies , would admit the Britans lawes , or gouerne themselues th●rby , both for that they brought theyr owne lawes with them , nor vnderstood nor regarded those of their aduersaries conquered by them . 47. And the like may be said of the Danes afterward when they came in vpon the Saxons , who had their owne lawes among themselues , & others they made in England , calling them the Danish Lawes , and some of them were admitted generally throughout the Realme in those few yeares wherein they had the peaceable gouerment therof , which in great pa●t were afterward excluded againe or altered by S. ●dward the Confessour , when by him the Saxon ●nglish bloud came to recouer the dominion : as those againe of S. Edward were for the most part changed and altered by VVilliam the Conquerour , as all our ancient Histories do testify , namely Ingulfus , Malmesbury , Polidore & the rest . 48. And albeit it were ouerlong to recount all the forsaid variety of Lawes in particuler brought in by Romans , Saxons , Danes & Normans , which import great chāges & alterations , & therby do cōfute Edwards●ssertion ●ssertion : yet haue some of our Nation not wanted to gather out of more ancient wryters , sundry lawes that haue byn made by seuerall Kinges of different Nations , as namely those of King 1 Inas , 2 Alured , 3 Edward the first , 4 Edgar , Aethelstan , 5 Agilred all Saxons : & of King Canutus the Dane , and of S. 6 Edward the Confessour restorer of the English bloud raigning all before the Conquest . And after the Conquest of King VVilliam that was the Conquerour , who like a Conquerour indeed tooke that liberty to himselfe , as to change and alter at his pleasure all lawes of what nation or people soeuer he found in vse before him in our Iland , which Polidore testifyeth out of ancient authorities in these words : Leges penè omnes à superioribus sanctiss . Regibus olim ad bene beateque viuendum sustulit , nouasque dedit minùs aequas , quas posteri non sine suo damno seruauerunt . He tooke away almost all the lawes , that had byn made before the Conquest by most holy Kings for their happie life and gouerment of the people , and gaue new lawes more vnequall , which they that ensued retayned to their owne losse : as though it had byn a great cryme to break those lawes , which a Conquerour that was no friend of the English natiō brought in , insteed of good lawes . 49. So Polidore , that had examined all our antiquities about this matter of English lawes : for so he saith of himselfe , Diligenter omnia veterum monumenta pers●ruta●us sum , I haue diligently sought all monuments of ancient wryters in this behalfe : and by this assertion of his , doth ouerthrow directly three positions of our two Iustices heere . First of the eminent antiquity of ou● present lawes in England . Secondly that they were neuer changed or altered . The third , that they were the best absolutely of all other Lawes : which last point about the goodnes , Polidore doth impugne expresly as yow see , adding also further for some example , of the iniquity and asperity of our said lawes , left by VVilliam the Conquerour as followeth : Non possum hoc loco ( sayth he ) non memorari rem , tametsi omnibus notam , admirat●one tamen dignissimam , atque dictu incredibilem &c. I cannot choose but recount in this place one thing , albeit knowne to all , yet most worthy of admiration and incredible to be spoken , which is , That these Lawes which ought to be vnderstood by all , were wrytten at that tyme , and now also are in the Norman tongue , which neither English nor French did rightly vnderstand . VVherupon yow should haue seene euen from the very beginning therof , partly by the iniquity or iniustice of the Lawes themselues , and partly by the ignorance or vnskil●ulnes of those that did interprete amisse these l●wes , this man to be depriued of his ancient inheritance : another to be condemned in criminall Causes by the iudgment of most vnskilfull men ; and yet vpon that iudgment put to death : another to be intangled with inextricable suites of law : and finally both diuine and humane a●●aires to be turned vpside downe by these new Lawes . 50. Thus yow see what Polydors iudgment was therof : and he that will see more inconuenience and mischiefes that ensued therof , let him reade Ingulfus , that liued and wrote in the same tyme , and was an eye witnesse of the said miseries . And fynally I will end this matter with the testimonie of Iohn Fox in his Actes & Monuments , a witnesse I suppose which Sir Edward will not refuse : who treating of things that passed in the life of VVilliam the Conquerour hath these words : For so much ( sayth he ) as he obtayned the Kingdome by force and dint o● sword● he changed the whole state of the gouerm●nt of this common weale , and ordayned new lawes at his owne pleasure , pro●itable to himselfe , but grieuous and hurt●ull to the poople● abolishing the lawes of King Edward : wherunto notwithstanding he was sworne be●ore to obserue and maintayne ; for the which great commotions and rebellions remayned long a●ter among the people , as Histories record , to haue the lawes of King Edward receyued againe . So he . And by this may appeare how true it is , that Syr Edward doth affirme , that neyther Romans , Saxons , Danes , or Normans euer altered or changed the ancient British lawes of our Iland , but that they be now the selfe same that they were then : And of all other Nations the best : An assertion worthy of such an Antiquary , as Syr Edward would be thought to be . 51. And albeit this may be sufficient and superaboundāt also for ouerthrow of Syr Edwards imagination , that our common lawes were neuer changed , but continued still for their excellency in goodnes in all tymes , euen from Iulius Caesars dayes downeward , for that he fyndeth , or at leastwise surmiseth some things or customes lyke the one to the other in different tymes , and vnder different Princes , as now you haue heard : yet will I adioyne one consideration more to the contrarie of his , concerning particuler lawes , which are found to haue bene both vnder the Saxons , Danes , and old English , that are not now in vse , and consequently the Iudge must confesse , that in those at least there hath beene a change . As for example , it is read that it was a law in King Inas his dayes the 12. King of the VVest Saxō● almost a thousand years gone , That if a bondman by commandement o● his Maister did worke , or do any seruile thing vpon a Sunday● his Maister should leese his dominion ouer him , and pay thirty shillings besides . Vnder the famous King Alfred , and his sonne Edward the elder , and King Guthrun the Dane , with whome they made peace , it was a law , That a man condemned to death , might not be hindred to confesse his sinnes to what Pri●st he would , nor that he could be executed vpon a Sunday . Vnder renowned King Edgar it was a law , which is yet extant in the Saxon language , That whosoeuer did slaunder an other in a grieuous crime , should eyther leese his tongue , or redeeme it deerly by other meanes . 52. Vnder King Canutus the Dane that changed King Edgars l●wes ( as Fox testifyeth ) it was made a law , That publike ●ayres and markets should not be holden vpon Sundayes . Item , That euery wife that shall , during her husbands li●e , commit adulterie , shall haue her nose and eares cut of . Item , That if a wyddow marrie within a yeare a●ter her husbands death , shee shall leese her ioynture . Item , That whosoeuer , hauing touched t●e holy Bible , haue for sworne himselfe , should leese his hand , except he had redeemed the same at the Iudgment of the Bishop . And the like seuerity was to be vsed vpon vniust Iudges , that by corruption gaue wrong sentēces . And this by the Danish lawes . But vnder King Edward the Confessour that reuiewed ouer all the former lawes againe , both of Saxons and Danes , retayning such as liked him , and excluding the rest , diuers others of his owne were made , which Polidore sayth , were called Leges communes , the Common Lawes ( which importeth farre lesse antiquity then M. Attorney auoucheth ) among which this was one , That Vsurers should leese all their goodes , and besydes be cast into banishment , as being plagues of the people : which rigour is not now vsed , and perhaps may not be by our moderne Cōmon lawes : as neyther the other before mentioned of cutting of the wiues nose and eares that is an adulteresse , which perhaps would make many a pittifull and foule sight in our Countrey . So then these and many other such lawes which were generally receaued in our Iland before the Conquest , are not at all now in vse , as all men will confesse , and therby it euidently followeth , that there hath byn change and alteration of lawes in our Realme , and that our Common Lawes at this day are not so excessiuely ancient , entire , and excellent , as Syr Edward Cooke would haue vs thinke , and belieue that they are . 53. Concerning which excellency next after antiquity and integrity , we must now adde a word or two more , for that notwithstanding all that Polidore , Ingul●us , and Iohn Fox haue said before of the iniquity of such lawes , as were promulgated by the Conquerour against rath●r , then for the English , Syr Edward heere with his fellow Iustice , as yow haue heard , sayth , that without all doubt they are absolutly the best of all other nations . Wherunto the Catholicke Deuine answered before , that as he would not discommend his Countrey lawes , nor diminish any part of that praise which is due vnto them , if they be well and rightly executed : so on the other side the malice and infirmity of men considered , they seeme to learned strāgers , & to diuers also of our own Countrey not to haue such excellēcy in them , but in diuers pointes to be defectuous , & to leaue the subiect open to many iniuries , oppressions , ruines , and other inconueniences in sundry cases , which are piously prouided for by other lawes . 54. As for example , among the rest is noted and censured for most strange , the manner of iudgment for life and death , where no Aduocate , nor learned Counsell is allowed the defendant , for defence , eyther of his honour , liuing , or life , but himselfe only must speake & answere for all , against the impugnations of many and potent aduersaries , that with their authority , and coun●enance , bitter wordes , threats , taunts , terrour of speach , & other like mean●s , may so oppresse him , and put him out of hims●lfe , as that when it importeth him to say most , he can say least , and so perish for lacke of iust defence , as more largely the Deuine doth prosecute : alleaging also many reasons for the same , against all which hu●ts , & inconueniences other countrey lawes , both ciu●ll , and Municipall , do make ample and car●full prouision . 55. Another defect also in the same matter seemeth vnto strangers to be very great , and importable , which is that any one of the 12. men who are to go vpon his life , may haue such passion against him , as he would ouer weary all the rest , except they will yeald to his condemnation . Wherunto this also being added , that if the sayd Iurours do condemne any neuer so wrongfully , there is no punishment for it in this life , but only before God : but if they deliuer him against the inclination of Prince or Court● ( which is easely to be knowne or coniectured ) great perill hangeth ouer their heads to be troubled , vexed , and forced to weare papers for periury . This I say considered by learned men , that are indifferent in the cause , doth make them wonder and thinke , that no Natiō liuing hath more harder lawes in this point , nor more vnequall for the subiect , then ours . 56. The like may be sayd about the dowry of women that do marry , which if it be in money , goods , or Chattels , may be spent and consumed by the euill husband ; against whome she hath no remedy , nor security at all , which by the Roman Ciuill lawes is most carefully prouided for . So as whatsoeuer disorders the euill husband doth commit , eyther in spēding , or offending : yet is his wiues dowry secure , nor can he spend or dilapidate any thing therof , but only the rent , or annuall Income for what occasions soeuer . 57. Another also not vnlike to this is the small prouision by our common lawes for yonger brothers especially of the Gentrie and Nobility , who being brought vp , during their Fathers life in equall condition with the elder brother , are afterward inforced to great inequality ; yea oftentymes to great misery , our common lawes not prouiding for them in the diuident of their Fathers goods , nor yet obliging their said elder brother to allow them competent maintenance , conforme to their state and birth , which other Countreys do . 58. The Case also of Pupils seemeth strange to forraine nations , that the wardship of them both for education and liuings , I meane of such as haue any tenure from the King in Capite should be in the Princes hand , without any obligation of yealding accompt for the Rents receaued , spent , or wasted . Nay that their marriage , and marriage-money , or wyues dowry must appertaine to the Prince , and be in his disposition : wheras in all other Kingdoms abroad there is singular care had , and prouision made by their lawes for Pupills , and Pupillage : and so doth their case in all equity require , as being orphanes , and destitute of their Father , that should protect them . I might touch heere diuers other markable points , which foreiners do consider , and one not the least , that our law doth not seeme to haue sufficiently prouided for the exorbitant liberty and auarice of some of our lawyers ( for all are not culpable ) in taking money without lymit , and enriching themselues therby more swiftly and excessiuely then any other sort of men whatsoeuer , which being ioyned with their authority , & power to oppresse whom they will , they become a terrour ( euery one in his Coūtrey ) to the best of the Kings subiects : so as no man dare to speake or looke against them . And truly the particulers that are recounted of exorbitant Fees taken by diuers , to purchase , as it were , their looke , without saying any one word for thē at the barre are strāg , & yet not so much to be wōdred at , as lamented : for that there is no hope of redresse . And whether Syr Edward himselfe haue beene one of these lawyers , and had his share among them proportionable to the ●est , or aboue the rest , let his neighbours speake , and his aboundant wealth , lands , and lyuings beare witnesse : I do not meane to be his accuser , but his answerer . 59. Only I must say one thing more which I would not haue spoken at this tyme if Syr Edwards last contumelious speach at his departure from Nor●ich in his publike Charge had not moued me therunto , & it is this : That wheras in that speach to make his auditours merry , he brought in an example framed by himselfe , as may be supposed , of a Prior or Monke that craftily induced a Gentleman to giue part of his lands from his sonne and heire to a Monastery ; for which act his sayd sonne comming into his sicke Fathers chamber whiles the matter was in doing , did by his Fathers leaue beat the monke out of the Chāber with good ●udgells , which he caryed away with him insted of inheriting the lāds : wherat the Auditory did laugh merrily . But I must needs te●l Syr Edward not in iest but in very good earnest , that ●f either Monke or Priest that is learned in Deuinity , & of a good cōscience should come to him on his death bed to helpe to make his testament ( according to the old custome ) for better discharge of his soule in the world to come , and should heare but the cōmon speach of people that runneth concerning his grea● wealth and hasty getting therof , should be bound ( according to Catholicke religion ) to seeke further into matters , and to tell him another manner of tale in his eare , then euer yet he heard about restitutions and satisfactions necessarily , & vnder payne of euerlasting damnation to be made before his departure out of this life : which doctrine if Syr Edward did belieue ( as all his ancestours did , and aduentured their souls therin : ) it may be that amōg other good works , he would resolue himselfe perhaps to giue some lāds also to Monasteries , Hospitals , Churches , & other places of piety ●or satisfactiō of thinges not so well gotten , though he left the lesse to his Sonne and heyre . 60. I haue recyted I thinke in some other place & occasion , a true story , that fell out not many yeares agone in the Indies , where a great rich man being very sicke , and hauing had great trafficke of affayres in his life , sent for a Deuine to direct his conscience at his last vpshot , who examining his estate found him obnoxious to great restitutions , as of some hundreth thousand crownes , perhaps , which he had gayned vniustly , and bestowed in rents and lyuings for his sonne and heire . Wherfore the learned man telling him that eyther he must make restitution , or be damned , quia non dimittitur peccatum , nisi restituatur ablatum , he answered him , that it was vnpossible : for that his sonne and whole house would be vtterly decayed therby . Wherūto the other answered that thē it was vnpossible for him to be saued , & that heerof he did assure him vpon his conscience and skill in Deuinity that there was no other remedy to be taken , or help to be had in that case , for that no absolution can saue betweene the Priest , and his Penitent , where is included the interest or hurt of a third . Wherat the sicke Father being somwhat astonished● and terrified desired him to deale with his sonne : but his sonne would not so much as heare any mention therof , but rather was as ready to haue beaten out the sayd Deuine , as Syr Edwards yong Gentleman was to beate out the Monke . Wherupon the Deuine tooke this resolution to bring him before his Father , and told him that vpon his conscience and soule his Father was to go to eternall flames of hell , if due restitutiō were not made : but yet that he had thought vpon a certaine meane , how some satisfaction might be made , wherby God perhaps might be moued to pardon his Father so great extremity of punishment : which was that his said sonne should hold his finger but one halfe quarter of an houre in the fire , or ouer a Candle , therby to deliuer his Father from eternall fyre . But he answered , that he would not do it for ten tymes so much land as his Father was to leaue him . Wherupon the Deuine inferred , saying : And will yow haue your Father to lye body and soule in eternall fire for these landes , and yet will not your selfe suffer halfe a quarter of an houres burning of your finger , for ten tymes as much ? Wherupō his Father resolued absolutly to make restitutiō though with no smal abatement of his sonnes estate . 61. And now of this example I shall not need to make any application , for it is cleere inough of it selfe . I do not wish ●uill vnto the temporall state of Syr Edwards sonne and heire , whom I know not , but rather do heare him commended : yet do I wish better vnto the Fathers eternall state of his soule , no lesse thē to myne own . And so much of this matter by his own prouocatiō , cōcerning the beating of the Mōke by the sonne & heire for giuing that coūsell to his Father , which the prophet Daniel did to one that was heauily loadē with sinnes , peccata tua cleemosynis redime , & iniquitates tuas misericordijs pauperū : sorsitan ignoscet deli●tis tuis Deus , Redeeme by almes thy synnes , and by mercy towards the poore thy iniquities : perchāce God will pardon therby thy offences . But this seemeth but a matter of iest to Syr Edward , and so we shall leaue to treate any further therof , and passe to peruse the second part of his present Preface , wherin he pretendeth by foure cases , or questions propounded by the student , and answered by himselfe , to confirme , and establish his precedent assertion of the supereminent antiquity , and excellency of our English Municipall lawes aboue all others ; but especially their antiquity ; which he doth performe in as strange a māner , as euer commonly I haue heard man dispute . ABOVT FOVRE seuerall questions said to be propounded by the Student in law , and solued by the Iudge for confirmation of the Antiquity , and Eminency of our moderne English Lawes . §. IIII. SYR Edward hauing set downe before the demaund of his student about the supereminent antiquity of the English Lawes maketh him to say thus : That some of another profession are not perswaded , that the common lawes of England are of so great antiquity as there ( in my Preface ) superlatiuely is spoken . In which words no doubt but he meaneth the Catholicke Deuine , and then as glad to see some doubt or cōtradiction made therof for him to shew his skill , and readines in answering , he writeth thus : I was right glad to heare of any exception ( sayth he ) to the end that such as were not perswaded might eyther be rightly instructed , and the truth confirmed , or that I might vpon true grounds be conuerted . Do yow see how confidently he writeth ? And do yow thinke , that he will be a true Conuertite in deed ? If he meaneth sincerly , we haue alleaged him now many and sufficient groundes , which either he must acknowledg , or take vpon him to answere them . Let vs heare how he goeth forward . 63. I desired ( quoth he ) to know some particulers , as many as they would , at length their great desyre was to see some proofs , that the common law in these 4. cases , was before the Conquest , as now it is . First , that the Queene , being wise to a King regnant was a person sole by the common law to sue and be sued , to giue , and take &c. solely without the King. Secondly , that a man seised of lands in see simple shall ●orseit his landes and goodes by Attainder of ●ellony by out-lawry , and therby his heirs should be desinherited . Thirdly , that a woman being attaynted o● petite treason ( for killing her husband ) should be burnt . Fourthly , whether the ancient lawes of England did permit any appeale to Rome in causes spirituall or Ecclesiasticall . 64. Thus farre the questions framed by Syr Edward insteed of his student , for that he persuaded himselfe to haue somewhat to say for their proofe , though in deed it be nothing , as presently yow will see : for that no student of any capacity would haue proposed these particuler cases to proue a generall assertion that the lawes of England , were the most ancient of all other lawes . For though we suppose all these 4. points were true , and to be proued , as he setteth them downe , that they were in vse before the Conquest : yet do they not inferre , that the moderne English lawes are the same without change or alteration that were of the Britans , Saxons , and Danes . For that diuers particuler cases may be common to different lawes , as there were in the lawes of the Lacedimoniās , Carthaginians , Athenians , Romans : and yet we may not for that cause conclude , that they were the selfe same lawes deliuered from the one people to the other , without alteration ; which is heere the badde inference of Syr Edward . But now let vs see whether these particulers can be proued , as heere they are promised , and first let vs heare him vaunt yet once againe . 65. I had no sooner ( sayth he ) seene these questions , but instantly I found direct and demonstratiue answers to the same . Behold the fertility , and felicity of his wit , that fyndeth instantly so direct , and demonstratiue proofes : that is to say , such as are euident , cleere , vniuersall , and irrefragable ( for such only may be called demonstratiue according to the rules of Logicke : ) and yet shall yow now presently perceaue that no one of them is demonstratiue : For the first ( sayth he ) behold an ancient Charter made long before the Conquest , which followeth in these wordes . Our lord Iesus Christ raigning for euer , I Ethelswith Queene of the Mercians by Gods graunt , with consent of my Eldermen , will giue by graunt to Cuthwolfe my most faythfull seruitour a certaine peece of land , being part of my peculiar power ( that is to say ) a peece of land of 15. Manses , in a place which is called Laking , for his obedience , and payable money in this manner : that is to say , a thousand fiue hundred shillings of syluer and gold , or fifteene hundred si●les , that he may haue , possesse and enioy at his pleasure , as long as he liueth , and after his end , and limit of his dayes , he may leaue it to whome soeuer he will for euerlasting power , and perpetuall inheritance . And this my donation is couenanted in the yeare of our Lords Incarnation 868. the first Indiction . And we do charge all secular powers in the name of God the Father , the sonne & the holy ghost to obserue the forsaid inuiolate . These witnesses subscribing , and consenting therunto , whose names heere recited are vnd●r●r●ttē . I Ethelred King of the Westsaxons haue consented and subscribed . I ●urghred K. of the Mercians haue cōsented & subscribed . I Ethelswith Queene haue consented and subscribed &c. 66. Thus farre this Charter , but now I would demaund what Syr Edward meaneth to proue heerby ? He pretendeth to proue that the common law was the same before the Conquest , as it is now , about the priui●edge of Queenes to be able to buy and sell , giue and take of thēselues solely without licence of their husbandes . But first if he could shew this , or somewhat like to this out of some particuler fact of some particuler English Queene before the Conquest : yet what were this to proue eyther the antiquity of the common law before the Danes , Saxons , and Romans , as heere he promiseth ? or that this particuler fact of Qu. Ethelswith was a law , or according to the cōmon law in those dayes ? doth one particuler instance or action make a law , or proue a law with Syr Edward ? Might not Queene Ethelswith make that sale and gift which heere she doth to her seruant , out of her own dowry , portion , or inheritance , which she brought with her from her Father , and brother Kings of the VVest Saxons ? And if she did , the case proueth nothing . For so may not only married Queens , but all other wiues also giue of their owne . 67. And supposing she had receaued that land in gift from the King her husband , and had had his leaue , and consent also to alienate , sell , or giue the same , it had byn no proofe of a common law but a particuler fact by licence of her husband , as euery one will confesse . Now then , that not only one but both these conditions were in this fact of Queene Ethelswith ( to wit , that she disposed of her owne , & this also with the speciall consent of her husband ) appeareth clearly by the very wordes of the Charter it selfe , where first it is sayd : Donabo aliquam telluris partem meae propriae potestatis , I will giue a certaine part of land , which is of my owne proper power : that is to say of my owne right and possession . And secondly , both her brother King Ethelred of the VVest Saxons ( in whose dominions it may be that the sayd p●ece of land , or part of it did lye , ) and her husband King Burghred of the Mercians did expresly consent , subscribe , and beare witnesse therunto . And was this a good exāple to proue that it was a law at that tyme , that euery Queene might take , & giue solely without the King her husband ? did Syr Edward when he was Attorney make such good consequences , and frame such demonstratiue arguments in his pleadings at the barre● Surely among vs heere he would neuer haue gotten ha●fe his wealth , by such like disputing . 68. But to vnderstand better this Charter , it is to be considered , that , as all our ancient wryters do testify , this King Burghred of the Mercians being in great distresse by the ●anes of one syde , and the northerne Britans of the o●her , ●●at ioyntly inuaded his Kingdome , knowing not what to do for defending the same ( which after also was lost to the Danes ) he made recourse to Athul●hus , called also otherwise Adelnulphus K. of the VVest Saxons , who did not only help & assist him , but gaue him also this his daughter Ethelswith in marriage , with such wealth and riches , as it seemeth that it eased both vectigalium pen●●u●● , ●●ostiū dep●●dationē , ( to vse Malmesb. his words ) that is , both the paying of his pension or tribute to the Danes , as also the spoile of his enemies . And againe in another place he saith of him : Burghredum regem Merciorum & additamento exercitus contra Britones iuuit , & filiae nuptijs ●on par●m exaltauit . King Ethelwolfe of the VVest Saxons did both help King Burghred of the Mercians against the Britans by increasing his army , as also did not a litle exalt him , with the marriage of his daughter Ethelswith . And the lyke hath Huntington , and Ethelwerd in their histories , wherby it is euident that Queene Ethelswith came rich , and powerable to her husbād King Burghred , & was a great stay vnto him in his great distresse , and therfore she might well presume to dispose of such things as were her own ( propriae potestatis ) especially her said husband , and Brother King Ethelred then raigning after his Father , consenting and subscribing to the same , as now yow haue seene . And so this first demonstratiue answer of Syr Edward doth demonstrate nothing els but that he answereth nothing at all to the purpose . Let vs see the second ●hether it will be any better . 69. The second question was , as you well remember , whether it was a law before the Conquest , that a man seysed in ●ee simple shall forseyte both lands and goods by attaynder of ●ellonie , or by out-lawry , and that ther●y his heyres shall be disi●herited . Vnto which question , sayth Syr Edward , I haue heere s●t downe anot●er Charter of Record , made long before the Conque●t , ●or direct answere . And then he relateth a donation made by King Eth●ldred Father of K. Edward the Confesso●● , vpō the yeares 995. Which was but 71. yeares before the Conquest ( though Syr Edward sayd it was long : ) and the donation was of a certaine piece of land , that was forfeyted to the King by one Ethelsig , that hauing committed theft , and flying to the woods was out-lawed therupon : whereby the King came to haue his goods and lands & made donation therof to another , to wit Vls●icke , And this is all the proofe , direct or indirect which Syr Edward alleageth . But heere againe I would aske him , how doth this prooue the principall question , of the great antiquity of the moderne English Common lawes before the Danes , Saxons , and Romans , seeing the case fell out so neare before the Conquest . Secōdly ● would demand of him , how he can prooue that it is proper alone to our English Common lawes to punish theft , murther , out-lawry , and other such crimes , by losse of lāds & goods : for that I do see it practized commonly in all other countreis besides , except only in the Kingdome of Naples : where by peculiar graunt and Concession of the Kings of Spayne , since it came to their dominion , the goods and lands of such delinquents are reserued to their children , except only in crymes of high treason . But in other Kingdomes to my knowledge there is no such reseruation . And I haue vnderstood , that diuers Great men haue forfeyted their lands from their heyres , not only for being outlawes themselues , vpon murthers and such other fellonies , but also ●or fauouring & ayding such men : wherof I could giue diuers examples fresh yet in memorie , but that it is not expedient for vs to medle in matters of other Common wealthes : so as this is no proper law of England , as heere it seemeth to be presumed by Syr Edward , but cōmon to all or most Nations : and therefore no maruayle though it were in vse also among the English before the Conquest . 70. His third case proposed is this , that a wise being attaynted of petty treason , for killing her husband , should be burnt , as now is vsed in England : & to proue that this is an anciēt law of the Brittans , & frō them come down to our tyme without change or alteration , he citeth a place out of Caesar in his Commentaries lib. 6. affirming , that i● the wise be suspected o● the death of her husband , & si compertum est , igne &c. interficiunt : that is ( saith he ) if she be sound guilty of the death of her husband ( which is petty treason ) she is burnt to death , as she is in that case at t●is day in England . So the Iudge . For now he speaketh as a Iudge , though not like a Iudge , that is truly and sincerely , as presently yow will see . For first though the matter were so in Iulius Caesar his Cōmentari●s , as here is related : yet what doth this make to the maine questiō to prooue , that the English municipall lawes are the same now that they were vnder the Brittans in Caesars tyme without alteration ? Is one example of similitude sufficient to proue this ? May not the different lawes of diuers countries agree in some one case or other , without this inference , that therefore they are the same lawes ? Was not hanging for theft in vse also among the Brittans , Romans , and Grecians ? and yet were not the lawes one and the selfe same . And supposing that the Brittans had had this punishmēt of wiues for killing their husbands in Cesars tyme , how will Syr ●dward proue , that this endured allwayes afterward , & was neuer changed by the Romans , Saxons , Danes , or Normans ? why had he not alleaged some examples of the continued vse and practise of the same throughout the raignes of the subsequent Kings , and Nations ? Was his store house so barren , that he had but one only example to bring forth , and that so farre fecht as from Cesar by a leap to our time ? heere Natura ●acit sal●um indeed : or rather my Lord leapeth frō nature & against nature , in making such a skippe ab extremo , ad extrem●●n , sine medic , which nature neuer doth , or can do . 71. But now I must shew that nothing is heere sincerely related , but all corrupted & peruerted . For first Caesar in the place of his Cōmentaries heere alleaged , doth not talke of Britans , but expressely of Frenchmen , when he setteth downe their lawes and customes cōcerning the power and vse they haue in punishing their wiues , beginning his narration thus : Galli se omnes ( sayth Caesar ) ab Dite patre prognatos praedicant , all Frenchmen do affirme themselues to descend from Pluto the God of riches &c. And then a little after addeth further : Viri in vxores , sicuti in liberos , vitae necisque habent potestatem : & cùm paterfamilias illustriore loco natus decessit , cius propinqui conueniunt , & de morte si res in suspicionem venit , in seruilem modum quaestionem habent : & si compertum est , igne atque omnibus tormentis excruciatas int●rficiunt . Men ( in France ) haue power of life and death vpon their wiues , as also vpon their children : and when the head of any honourable family dieth , all his kinred do gather themselues togeather to make inquiry of his death , if there be any suspicion that he was made away , then they do vse torments vpon the wiues , as if they were slaues : and if it be found that they were guilty of the sayd death , then after they haue bene tormented by fire and all other torments , they put them to death . 72. In which narration first you see no mention of Britans , but only of Frenchmen , as hath bene noted : the nobility wherof are deuided by Caesar into two sortes ; the one Druides , that had care of their sacrifices , and matters of Religion , the other Equites , Knights that made as it were the lay nobility , and of whome he recounteth this that we haue here related . You will aske then perchance with what truth or syncerity Syr Edward can recite this as the Law of the Britans which is related by Caesar as the Law of the Frenchmen ? He hath no other shift for excuse of this , but to make this note in his margent : See in the Preface to the third part of my Reportes out of Caesars Comment . Disciplina Druidum in Britannia reperta , atque inde in Galliam translata esse existimatur . It is t●ought that the discipline o● the Druides was first found in Britanny , and ●rom thence translated into France . And is not this a good reason , that whatsoeuer is recounted by Caesar of Frenchmen should be ascribed to Brittans , ●or that in tymes past the discipline of the Druides is thought by some to haue come from Britanny ? What coherence hath this togeather ? May not all lawes of the Frenchmen be ascribed by this meanes vnto the Brittans ? Is not this a strange direct and demonstratiue proofe , to proue one thing by another ? This indeed is an argumēt à disparatis as Logitians do call it . But let vs see more tricks besids this . 73. Why had not he alleaged the whole place out of Caesar as I haue done ? and why doth he cyte the words so cuttedly , & si compertum est , igne &c. interficiunt : & yet in the English leaueth out ( &c. ) saying And if she be found guilty of the death of her husband ( which is petty treason ) the wife is burnt to death , as she is in that case at this day . Why had not he set downe ( &c. ) also in the English , therby to let his Reader vnderstand , that there were some words left out , to wit , atque omnibus tormentis excruciatas , interficiunt : they do kill such wiues as are found culpable after they haue byn tormented with fyre and all other torments . What needed the word ( &c. ) for excluding so few syllables but that yt stood not well with Syr Edwards purpose to haue them seene & read , for that they shew plainly , that neyther Brittans nor Frenchmen had any such Law or custome to put such wiues to death by burning , though they vsed the same for a torment , before their death . No more then it may be truly sayd , that Englishmen at this day haue a law or Custome , to put Priests or other men to death by the Racke , though diuers of them haue byn racked , and aft●rward put to death . And this could not my Lord but see in reading Caesar : wherby is euident that his Lordship also commeth into the Classes of them that auouch wilfull and formall vntruthes against their owne conscience and knowledge , when they make for their purpose : and yet is this far from the office & manner of proceeding of a Iudge , that ought to be exact and punctuall in his truth . 74. But now further to his inference , suppose that he had related his Author truly , and that Caesar had sayd as he sayth : That the ancient Brittans had this law and custome to burne wiues that should be ●ound guilty of their husbands deathes , which Syr Edward saith hath continued to our tyme : why if it were so ( to answere coniecture with coniecture ) should not the other part of the same law haue remayned also , that husbands should haue power of life and death ouer their wiues , as the Brittans according to Syr Edward had : or how , where , or when can he proue , that , that part of the Law was abrog●ted , and the other of burning them left to remaine ? or if he cannot , or that he will say that the other part in like manner doth in rigour remaine , then would it go hard no dout with many wiues at this day , that are scarse patient of farre lesse power and dominion in their husbands ouer them , then is that of life and death : which Case , as it apperteineth not to me to discusse , nor to Syr Edward , I thinke , to determine , so is it sufficient for our purpose to haue demonstrated , that his answere to this third question hath neither byn Direct nor Demonstratiue , nor sincerly handled , nor grounded vpon true relatiō . Now then to the fourth and last . 75. If in all the former three questions , the Iudges answere haue byn found to haue byn defectuous , much more in this then in all the rest . For whereas before yow haue heard them say , that the Students desire was , to see some proofes , that the Common law in these foure particuler Cases , was before the Conqu●st as now it is , and that Syr Edward had no sooner seene them , but that instantly he found dire●t and demonstratiue answere to the same : now comming to answere indeed , he alleageth an act of Parliament holden in the 10. yeare of King Henry the second , which was Anno Do. 1164. wherin it was enacted , That i● any Appeale came ●rom any Archdeacon or Bishop vnto the Archbishop , and he should fayle to do iustice , it must lastly come to the King , nor proceed any further without the assent of the King : which is a strāge falling from the purpose , if yow marke it well . For that the question was , whether this Common law of England , that is now in vse , was in vse also before the Conquest , and that as now it is vsed , which the iudge affirmeth , and for proofe therof alleageth a Statute made an hundred yeares after the Conquest . What will yow say to this ? Why had he not alleaged some one example or proofe before the Conquest as the Case and question required ? Or why had he not gone about to satisfy some of those examples to the contrary , alleaged by me in the 6. Chapter of my former Answere to his Reportes and fi●th demonstration , to wit , of Appeales to Rome of the two Archbishops of Canterbury , Lambert , and Athelard , vnder the two Mercian Kinges Offa and Kenulphus : as also the two other famous Appeales of S. VVilfrid Archbishop of Yorke against the two Kinges successiuely of the Northumbers , Egfrid & Alfrid ? All which are recounted by S. Bede & others long before the Conquest , which in my sayd Booke are set downe , and Syr Edward could not but haue read them , and are full to the purpose to proue the lawfulnes of Appeales in our primitiue Church of Englād : yet now he saith no one word of thē , but cōmeth in with an impertinent instance , that there was a prohibition of Appeales made vnder King Henry the second by Act of Parliament in the tenth yeare of his Raigne , whereas yet there was no Parliament in vse , nor Statute law was begone , vntill the 9. yeare of King Henry the third , which was aboue 60. yeares after , as appeareth both by the Collection of Iustice Rastall , and other Law-bookes . 76. I do not deny but that King Henry the second entring into passion against S. Thomas Archb. of Canterbury made a decree at a certayne meeting of the Nobility at Claringdon , rather moderating , as himselfe pretended , then taking away Appeales to Rome , not denying that they ought to be made in respect of the Popes supreme authority Ecclesiasticall : but for restrayning of abuses in appealing thither without iust cause or necessity , especially in temporall affaires , he ordeyned that matters should first orderly be handled in England , in the Bishops and Archbishops Courtes : and if that way they could not be ended , they should not be carried to Rome without the Kings assent : which declaratiō of the kings intention is set downe by Roger Houeden out of the Epistle of Gilbert Bishop of London to Pope Alexander the third , written by the kings own Commission : which not being admitted afterward by the said Pope , the king recalled the same with an Oath vnder his owne hand , wherof the said Houeden writeth thus : Iurauit etiam , quòd neque Appellationes impediret , neque impediri permitteret , quin liberè fierent in Regno suo ad Romanū Pontificem in Ecclesiasticis causis . He swore also that he would neither let Appellatiōs nor suffer them to be letted , but that they might be made in his kingdom to the Bishop of Rome in causes Ecclesiasticall &c. 77. All which things could not but be knowne to Syr Edward before he wrote this his Preface : and that the Catholicke Deuine in his āswer to the fifth part of his Reports , had produced so many euident arguments and probations , that King Henry the 2. was most Catholick in this point in acknowledging the Popes supreme Ecclesiasticall authority ( notwithstanding the cōtention he had with S. Thomas , about the manner of proceding therin for the execution ) as none of his Ancestours were more : which in like manner is euidently seene and confessed in effect by Syr Edward himself , in that in his whole discourse of Reportes , for improuing the said Popes Supremacy he alleageth not so much as one example or instāce out of the raigne of this King : which in reasō he would not haue pretermitted , if he could haue found any thing to the purpose therin . 78. But yet now finding himselfe in straytes how to answere the Students demand about the ātiquitie of prohibiting Appeales to the Sea of Rome , he was forced to lay hands on this poore example , which was neither to his purpose , in regard of the time , being after the conquest , as now you haue heard ; nor of the thing it selfe , for that it was against him , as being only a moderation of abuses , yea and that in temporall things as Bishop Gilbert of London expresly a●oucheth , & recalled by the same King afterward● and finally is wholy from the purpose & chiefe question about the Popes supreame authority , whereof this of Appeals is but one little member only . And thus we see both how well and sub●tantially Syr Edward hath mainteyned his assertion of the supereminent antiquity and excellency of his Municipall lawes , and how direct and demonstratiue answers he hath made to the foure Questions or Cases deuised by himselfe , for confirmation of the ●ame . 79. And whereas he inserteth a note of Record of the decree of Claringdone , that this recognition was made by the Bishops , Abbots , Priors &c. of a certaine part of the Customes and liberties of the Predecessours of the king , to wit , o● King Henry the first his Grandfather , and of other Kings , which ought to be obserued in the kingdome : wherby it semeth the Knight would haue vs imagine ( though he vtter it not ) that the same prohibition of Appeales might haue byn made and practized by other former Kings liuing before the Conquest : it is found to be but a meere Cauill , both by the Catholicke Deuine , that shewed out of authenticall histories the cōtrary practise vnder all our Catholicke Kinges , both before & after the Conquest ; as here likewise it is conuinced by the words and confession of this King H●̄ry the second himself , that these pretended liberties of his Ancestours , were brought in by himself only , and in his tyme , as is testifyed by Houeden in two seuerall Charters , one of the Pope , and the other of the King : as also by an authenticall Record of the Vatican , set downe by Baronius in his tweluth Tome . So as here the Iudge hath nothing to lay hands on , but to giue sentence against himself , both of the Nimium , and Nihil dicit , as now yow haue seene . And so much for this matter . HOW THAT THE foresaid Nimium dicit , as it importeth falsum dicit , is notoriously incurred by Syr Edward Cooke , in sundry other assertions also apperteyning to his owne faculty of the law , which were pretermitted by the Catholike Deuine in his Answere to the 5. Part of Reportes . §. V. FOR so much as the most part of this seauenth Chapter hath beene of omissions , and pretermissions as you haue seene , and these partly o● M. Morton , in concealing such charges of vntruthes as had byn laid both against him , as also against his Client Syr Edward , & partly of Syr Ed. himself , in not answering for himself when he ought to haue done ; I thought it not amisse in this place to adioyne some other omissions in like manner on the behalfe of the Catholike Deuine , who passed ouer in silence sundry notable escapes of his aduersary M. Attorney , which he cōmitted in cyting law-books , and lawyers authorities against the Popes ancient iurisdictiō in spirituall cases in England , and this partly , for that he had not as then all the Bookes by him , which were quoted , and partly vpon a generall presumption , that in this poynt M At●orney would be exact , for that he had so solemnly protested the same in his booke of Reportes , as before hath byn touched , to wit , that he had cy●ed truly the ver● words and textes of the lawes , resolutions , iudgments , & Acts of Parlament all publike and in print , without any inference argumēt , or amplification quoting particulerly the bookes , yeares , leaues , chapters , and other such like certaine references , as euery man at his pleasure may see and read them . 81. This is his protestation : & who would not belieue a man ( especially such a man , and in such a matter ) at his word , or rather vpon so many words so earnestly pronoūced , especially if he had heard his new and fresh confirmation therof which he setteth ●orth in this other Preface to his sixt part , wherin he sayth , that euery man that writeth ought to be so care●ull of setting downe truthes , as if the credit of his whole worke consisted vpon the certainty of euery particuler period : which if it be true , then must it needs inferre a great preiudice to the credit first of the said 6. Part of Syr Edwards Reportes , for so much as so many periods haue beene now found false in this very Preface . And secondly it cannot but import the like discredit vnto his said fifth part , for which he framed his former protestation , for that vpon better view of the bookes , Statutes & lawes by him cyted , it is found , that he doth not only misalledge many both wordes and texts , resolutions , and iudgments , but peruerteth many other by wrong inferences , arguments , detorsions , and amplifications of his owne , quite contrary to his former protestation , which now breifly shall be declared more in particuler . 82. First then not to iterate againe the number of those many and manifold falshoods vsed by Syr Edward in the cyting of the Charter of King Kenulphus before the Conquest , for giuing priuiledge of Sanctuary to the Church of Cul●am belonging to the Abbey of Abindon , both by concealing the wordes that most imported , That all was done by the consent , and authority of Pope Leo : as also the like vnsincere dealing in Iustice Thorps case concerning the question , whether it were treason in the ●aigne of K. Edward the first for one subiect to b●ing in a Bull of excommunication against another subiect , wherof we haue treated in two seuerall precedent Paragraphes of this Chapter , and conuinced that there was much false , and fraudulent dealing in them both : this , I say , pretermitted , we shall note some more examples out of his other instances vnder English kings since the Conquest . 83. First he alleageth this instance vnder the Conquerour himselfe , not out of any law of his , but out of a fact . K. VVilliam ( saith he ) the first did of himselfe as K. o● England make appropriation of Churches with Cure to Ecclesiasticall persons : wherof he inferreth , that he had Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction , and cyteth for the proofe of his assertion 7. Ed. 3. tit . Quare impedit 19. which obiection though it be fully and substantially answered by the Deuine , shewing sundry and diuers waies , and namely foure , wherby a lay man may come to haue the collation or appropriation of bene●ices : yet the booke by him cyted being since that tyme examined , it is found that Syr Edward dealt very vnsincerly in alleaging this case to his purpose which maketh wholy against him . For this is the case set downe briefly by Brooke in his Abridgement , but much more larger , by the law-booke it selfe of 7. Ed. 3. fol. 4. 84. In the 7. yeare of King Edward the third by reason of an action of Quare impedit brought against the Deane , Chapter , & two Prebends of the Church of S. Peter of Yorke by the Abbot of Newenham , for that they had refused to admit his Clerke presented by him to the Church of T. wherunto he pretended to haue right to present : the case was handled in the Kings Bench , and the defendants pleading Plenarty for their defence , that is to say , that the place was full and not voyd , for that there was an appropriation , or vnion made of the said Church of T. with soke & sake , that is , with the appurtenances vnto the foresaid Church of S. Peter of Yorke , and vnto two Prebends of the same , by a Charter of King VVilliam the Conquerour , and afterward by another of K. Ed. 1. The chiefe Iustice at that tyme named Herle did foure or fiue tymes at least , during the discussion of that case , giue his iudgement , that by law the Conquerour , nor K. Edward could not make any such appropriation . And of the like opinion were the rest of the Iudges ( or at least contradicted not the same ) to wit , Syr Iohn Stoner , Syr Io●n Cantabridge , Syr Iohn Iugge , Syr Iohn Shardelow , and the rest , though two of them spake in the case , as may be seene , and gathered by reading the booke it selfe , and Stouffe and Trew that were of Coūcell of the Plaintife affirmed flatly , that no such appropriation could be made by the Cōquerour . All which the Attorney craftily concealed in his narration of the case , to the end that it might be deemed that the iudgemēt of the Court had beene in K. Edward the thirds tyme ( vnder whome this case was handled ) that the Conquerour might according to the cōmon-law , make an appropriation by his letters patent . And is this good dealing euen in the very first case which he proposeth a●ter the Conquest ? 85. After this he passeth ouer all the Conquerours lyfe , and six other kings ensuing , as VVilliam Rufus , Henry the first , K. Stephen , Henry the second , Richard the first , and K. Iohn , fynding no one example among all those Kings actions , lawes or orders , that might seeme to haue any shew of spirituall Iurisdictiō , but only that in the lyfe of K. H. 1. he alleageth a Charter of the said King , wherin he , as founder of the Abbey of Reading , doth appoynt out certayne orders and lawes , about the temporalityes of that Abbey , a thing very iust and lawfull for all founders to doe by their owne right , and consequently maketh nothing to the purpose of our questiō of Ecclesiastical power ; and moreouer the Deuine proueth by diuers examples , that sundry Popes were wont to giue faculty to Princes , and other founders to prescribe spirituall priuiledges for diuers pious workes erected by them : which the Popes themselues would afterward confirme , and ratify : so as this also was a fraud in M. Attorney to alleage so impertinent an example ; but it sheweth his pouerty and barennesse in examples of those yeares , which being aboue 150. vnder 7. kings , as hath beene said , he could fynd but these two poore examples ( nothing prouing the purpose ) to bring forth in all this tyme , wheras if he would looke ouer the tyme since K. Henry the 8. tooke vpon him indeed Ecclesiasticall authority by vertue of his temporall Crowne , and the other three Princes who in that haue followed him , whole volumes might be written of examples and presidents giuen therin of practising spirituall power : wherby it is euident : that those former Princes from the Cōquest downward , were not of the opinion and iudgement of these later Princes , and that Syr Edward doth but squeese and strayne them , to make them say or signify somewhat , which they neuer meant indeed : and this iniquity is not the least in the Attorneys proceeding in this matter , and yet doth M. Morton say of him , as you haue heard , exhorting euery man to resort vnto Syr Edwards storehouse for aboundance of good proofes , saying , habet ille quod det , & dat nemo largius , he hath store to giue , and no man giueth more liberally . Now then we shall peruse some of his store . 86. Vnder K. Edward 1. he alleageth this instance for proofe of his supposed Ecclesiasticall Iurisdictiō , that when Pope Gregory the tenth had determined in a Councell at Lyons , Bigamos omni priuilegio Cl●ricali esse nudatos , & correctioni fori saecularis addictos , that all such as had beene twice married are depriued of all priuiledge of Clergy men , and are subiect to the iurisdiction of the secular Court ; There arose a question in England in tyme of Parliament how this decree of the Pope should be executed , and obserued , some of the Prelates inclining , that it should be vnderstood only of such Bigamies , as should fall out after the Coūcell : and therfore demaunded to haue deliuered into their hands , and freed from the temporall gaole , such as presently were in prison , and had beene bigamies before the Councell . But the K. & his Counsell were rather bent to haue all bigamies excluded frō that priuiledge , both present and to come , for that the Popes Constitution now alleaged seemed rather to sound that way : for that it is generall and without exception . Vpon which determination produced , the Attorney hath this note , insteed of an inference : Obserue ( saith he ) how the King by aduise of his Counsell ( that is by authority of Parlament ) expounded how this Councell of Lyons should be vnderstood , and in what sense it should be receyued and allowed . And therof would inferre , that the king and his Counsell held themselues to be aboue the Pope , for that they tooke vpon them to determine in what sense the Popes decree should be vnderstood . And yet M. Attorney protesteth as before you haue heard , that he maketh no inferences , but only alleageth the bare law books as they lye , but yet heere euery man will see that it is vntrue : for that heere he maketh an inference , and that very false and impertinent . For he should rather haue made the quite contrary inference , to wit , that for so much as the King and his Coūsell did subiect themselues to the acknowledgment and obseruation of the Popes decree , and did accommodate the law of England therunto ( which before was otherwise ) they did therby acknowledg that the Popes power in making lawes for Ecclesiasticall matters , was Superiour to that of the King : and can Syr Edward or any man else deny this consequence ? And this shall suffice for this case ; but only I may not let passe this one note by the way , that wheras M. Attorneys words are , that certayne Prelats when such persons as haue beene attaynted for fellons , haue praied to haue them deliuered as Clerkes , he forgot himselfe , for that the wordes in the booke are : quando de felonia rectati ●uer●nt , when they had beene arraigned of ●elony , & not when they had beene attainted of felony : for that Clerkes be●ore attainder were wont to be deliuered to their Ordinaries : but being once conuicted , and attainted they cannot make their purgation afterward , as appeareth by Stanford l 2. c. 49. 87. Vnder K. Edward 2. the Attorney writeth thus : Albeit by the ordinance of Circumspectè agatis made in the 21. yeare of K. Edward 1. and by generall allowance and vsage , the Ecclesiasticall Courts h●ld plea of Tythes , obuentions , oblatiōs mortuaryes &c. yet did not the Clergy thinke themselues assured nor quiet from prohi●itions purchased by subiects , vntill that K. Ed. 2. by his letters patents vnder the great seale , and by consēt of Parlament &c. had graunted vnto them to haue iurisdiction in those cases &c. So M. Attorney . And what doth he inferre heerof thinke you ? the questiō in hand teacheth vs , to wit , that K. Edward 2. is proued by this to haue had supreeme spirituall iurisdiction . An inference you will say , very farre fecht : but this is the manner of Syr Edwards disputing , and yet he saith , that he maketh no inference , nor argumentatiō at all : marke then his guilfulnes . 88. He cō●esseth that before king Edward the 2. there was generall allowance and vse of Ecclesiasticall Courts in England for Ecclesiasticall matters , as appeareth by the ordinance of Circumspectè agatis , vnder K. Edward 1. and of magna Charta before him againe vnder K. H. 3. & many other proofes : he confesseth also that this vse and allowance was confirmed according to the Custome of his Ancestours by the same K. Edward 2. by a new statute made in the ninth yeare of his raigne , called Articuli Cleri . But what of this ? hence he inferreth , that the king was supreme in spirituall authority , for that he graunted ( ●aith he ) to them to haue iurisdiction : and do you see the good consequence ? I will reason with him in the like . The parlamēt de prerogatiuis Regis held in the 17. yeare of the same K. raigne did nūber and explaine and confirme all the kings prerogatiues which were allowable at the cōmon law : ergo , this statute did giue vnto the king his prerogatiues , and that he had them not before : which consequēce I doubt not but M. Attorney himselfe will deny to be good , and yet is it as good as the other : for K. Edward 2. in his statute of Articuli Cleri , did but concurre with his Ancestours in confirming those priuiledges which had beene vsed before , time out of mind , and in subiecting his temporall lawes to the lawes of the Church in the cases there specified : so farre of was he frō taking supreme iurisdiction vpon himselfe , as falsely and fondly M. Attorney would make his reader belieue . But let vs passe from K. Edward 2. to his sonne K. Edward the third , out of whose raigne M. Attorney alleageth more examples & instances , then almost out of all the rest , wherof we shall touch some few , for all would be ouer longe , and perhaps we shall descēd no lower then the time of his raigne , reseruing the more ●ull discussion of these , and other exāples , vntill the Catholicke Deuine or some body for him shall prepare a second edition of his forsaid answer to Syr Ed. Reports . 89. First then fol. 14. b. of this his fifth part of Reports ; he reciteth out of the raigne of this K. Edward 3. ( but quoting no particuler place ) that it is often resolued , that all the Bishopricks within England were ●ounded by the kings progenitors , and therfore the aduowson of them all belonged to the king &c. And that when a Church with cure is void , if the particul●r Patron or Bishop of that Diocese do not present another within the space of 6. monethes , then may the Metropolitan conferre the same : and if he also do it not within six other moneths , then the comon law giueth to the king , as to the supreme within his owne kingdome , & not to the Bishop of Rome , power to prouide a competent pastour for that Church . This is Syr Ewdards narration , full of deceipt as now you shall see . For albeit the cōmon law doth giue to the king as to the supreme within his owne Kingdome to present by lapse , as hath beene said : yet not as supreme in spirituall authority , as he would haue his reader mistake and belieue ; but as supreme in the temporall patronage , or as supreme temporall Patron of that Benefice to whō in such cases the aduowson of presenting belongeth , as appeareth euidently by Cirendon , and the Bishop of Lincolnes case in Plowdens Commentaries , fol. 498. where it is said , that because all aduowsons and lands within the realme are held eyther immediatly or mediatly of the King , & the land where the Church is situate before the Church was builded , was held of the king , so in respect of the tenure of the king , the presentment by lapse accrueth vnto him , as supreme Patron , and not in respect of the supreme iurisdiction Ecclesiasticall , which the Statute of 25. H. 8. did first of all ascribe vnto his temporall Crowne . 90. Vnder the same king 17. E. 3.23 . he citeth another law-booke thus : The king may not only exempt any Ecclesiasticall person from the iurisdiction of the Ordinary , but may graunt vnto him Episcopall iurisdiction , as thus it appeareth there , the king had done in ancient tyme to the Archdeacon of Richmond . So he . But if you read the booke it self here cited of 17. E. 3 23. you shall fynd that no such assertion can be founded there . For thus the case standeth in that booke : Stouff a Sergeant at law sayd , that the Archdeacon of Richmond had the office of the Ordinary , and I thinke , quoth he , by l●aue of the king . This is all the case there related : where you see that Sergeant S●ou●● affirmeth not that he knew it to be so , but did thinke so , that the said A●chdeacon of Ric●mond had the office of t●e Ordinary by leaue of the king , and much lesse did he auouch as Syr Edward doth for him , that the king gaue or graunted vnto him that ●piscopall iurisdiction , which is not warranted , but rather ouerthrowne by that booke , as you see , for that the Archdeacon might haue his Episcopall Authority , if he had any , by gr●unt from the Pope , and licence only of the king : and so this a●●●uera●ion ●tanding but vpon a collection of M. Attorney , falleth to the ground . 91. It ●olloweth in M. Attorney his Reports vnder the same K. Ed. 3. All religious , or Ecclesiasticall houses ( sai●h he ) wherof the king was founder , are by the king exempt fr● ordinary Iurisdiction , & only visitable , & corrigible by the K. Ecclesiastic●ll commission : and for this he citeth t●ese books 20. E. 3. Excō . 9.16 . E. 3. tit● Br● . 660.21 . E. 3.60.6 . H. 7.14 . Fitz. Nat. Breu● But in none of these bookes shall you find these words , that th●y are only visitable or corrigible by the K. Ecclesiasticall commissiō . This is Syr Edwards owne inuention . The books quoted do speake of hospitals , and free Chappels of the Kings foundation , which are not visited by the Ordinary , for that they are things temporall , and without cure of soules , and therfore not spirituall or Ecclesiasticall , nor to be visited in those dayes according to the common-law , by the Bishop , but by the kings Chancellour , as a temporall officer , as testifyeth Fitzherb . in his Nat. Br. ●ol . 42. A. though afterward in K. H. 5. tyme for remedying of disco●ders it was decreed in the 2. yeare of his raigne , that the visitation , and correction of such Hospitals and free Chaphels of the Kings foundation , or of his subiects , should be done by the Ordinaries , according to the Ecclesiasticll laws 2. H. 5. cap. 1. in Rastals Abridgment tit . Hospitals . So as heere , the principall wordes of controuersie , to wi● , by the kings Ecclesiasticall ●ommission , are feigned , and put in by M. Attorney ; and this is his ordinary art , to seeme to haue somewhat in fauour of his purpose , when it is nothing at all , but agai●st him . 92. It followeth in Syr Edw. instances ●ol . 15. The king shall present in his free Chappels ( in default of the Deane ) by lapse in ●●spect of his supreme Ecclesiasti●all iurisdiction , citing for i● , 27. Ed. 3. fol. 84. But heere againe I find a ●oule fitten , for his booke hath not these words , in respect of the kings supreme Ecclesiasticall Iurisdiction ( which is heere made the principall verbe of this part of speach , and often thrust in by M. Attorney of his owne inuentiō , ) but the meaning of his booke is , as he cannot but know , that the king in such cases shall present , not in respect of supreme Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction , but as supreme Patron temporall ; for that aduowsons , or patronage of such benefices are meere temporall inheritances , according to our cōmon-lawes , as oftē hath beene declared , and therfore the King being founder , may by lapse present . 93. An other like fitten or rather more foule is cōmitted by him in the same place , alleaging out of 22. Edward . 3. lib. Assis. pl. 75. that tythes arising in places out of any parish , the king shall haue them : ●or that he hauing the supreme Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction , he is bound to prouide a sufficient Pastour that shall haue the cure of soules of that place , which is not within any parish . And by the common lawes of Engl●nd ( saith he ) it is euident , that no man , vnlesse he be Ecclesiasticall , or haue Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction can haue inheritance of tythes . Thus much M. Attorney to proue that K. Ed. 3. had supreme Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction , & not the Pope in his dayes . But heere be so many scapes , fraudes and errours , as is a shame to see . For first in his booke quoted there is not foūd those words ( that principally import the controuersie ) that he , as hauing supreme Ecclesasticall iurisdiction● is bound to prouide a sufficiēt Pastour , but all this is thrust in by M. Attorney to make vp his market . Secondly much lesse is this yeelded for a reason , by his booke , why the king should haue such tythes , as lay out of all parishes : but another reason more substantiall is to be alleaged ( of being temporall Lord of the Lands ) which presently we shall touch . 94. Thirdly it is not true , that the king , as hauing supreme Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction is bound to prouide a sufficiēt Pastour to haue cure of soules , of that place which is not within any parish , both for that it may appertaine to a particuler subiect to dispose of those tythes , if he be temporall Lord of the place , without hauing supreame Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction , and the emolument may be so small , or the place it selfe so vast and remote , as eyther there be few soules to haue cure of , or the maintenance not sufficient for a Pastour . Fourthly it is false , that by the common-laws of England no man vnlesse he be Ecclesiasticall , or haue Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction , can haue the disposing of tythes , for that euery man before the diuision of particuler parishes was made , though he was bound by diuine and Canonicall-law to pay his tythes of his lands : yet might he according to the cōmon-lawes of England haue assigned them to what Parish he would . Now let vs see the case it selfe , as it is proposed in 22. Ed. 3. lib. As● . pl. 75. 95. The king granted certayne tythes vnto the Prouost of C. out of certayne lands newly asserted in the forest of Rockingā ; and the said Prouost therupon brought a writ of Scire facias out of the Chancery against some that tooke away the said tythes &c. and then ( after some altercation to what Court the said sute belonged ) the plainti●e , that is the Prouost , prayed execution , but Thorp the chiefe Iustice said ; that it was wont to be law , when there is a certayne place that is not of any parish , as in Engelstwood and such like , that the king should haue the tythes ( and not the Bishop o● the place ) to graunt them to whom he should thinke good , as he hath graunted them vnto you : notwithstanding ( saith he ) the Archbishop of Canterbury hauing sued vnto the kings Counsel to haue those tythes , for that the matter is not yet tryed : vntil it by tryed you shall not haue execution . So he . And this is all the Case : wherin you see that albeit Iustice Thorp said , that it was wont to be law , that the king should dispose of the tythes of such places , as w●re newly assert●d , and cultiuated that were of his inheritance : yet doth he not so resolutly affirme it , that he would giue sētence of execution against the defendants , albeit they had made default after they had pleaded to the issue , as there is manifest , but would haue the Archbishop of Cāterburies sute to the cōtrary to be heard also . And indeed he could not but know , but that in the booke of 7. Ed. 3. fol. 5. ( which was 16. yeares before this case was treated ) the opinon of Herle chiefe Iustice was , that the Bishop should haue such tythes : and much lesse doth Iustice Thorp assign the cause of right of those tythes vnto the king , for that he hath supreme Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction , as our Iudge doth now : but for that commonly such new wast asserted landes , appertained vnto the king , albeit as now hath beene said , they might haue appertayned also to a particuler subiect , if he had beene Lord of the place , as is most perspicuously declared , and set forth in an ancient Treatise intituled : O● the power of the Parliament , annexed to the Old Doctour and Student , or booke so intituled : where it is said as followeth . 96. If wast ground ( saith the Booke ) wherof was neuer any profit taken , and that lay in no parish , but in some forest , or that which is newly wonne from the sea , were brought into arable land , if the freehold therof were to the king , he might assigne the tythes to whom he would : and if the freehold were to a common person , he might do the like . For though tythes be spirituall : yet the assignement of tythes to other , is a temporall act . For before parishes were deuided , and before it was ordayned by the lawes of the Church that euery man should pay tythes to his owne Church , euery man might haue payed his tythes to what Church he would , & might one yeare haue giuen his tythes to one Church , and another yeare to another , or haue graunted them to one Church for euer if he would . And like as euery man before the seuering of the parishes might haue giuen the tythes to what Church he would , because he was bound to no Church in certayne : so may they do now that haue lādes that lie in no parish : for they be at liberty to assigne thē to what Church they will as all men were before the sayd law was made , that tythes should be payd to their proper Churches . 97. So farre this Law-booke : which doth not ascribe anything to the kings Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction , as heere you see , as neyther doth Iustice Brooke , who in his Abridgement abridgeth the foresaid ca●e of 22. E. 3. lib. assis . vnder the tytle of the Kings Prerogatives , signifying therby , that the said tythes are due to the king ( if they be due ) in regard of his prerogatiue Royall , and not of his spirituall supreme power a●d iurisdiction , See Booke 22. Ed. 3. tit . Prerogatiue pl. 47. 98. And as for the law mentioned in the foresaid Treatise , wherby men were appointed to pay their Tythes to their peculiar parishes , wheras before th●y were free to pay them where they would ; it is meat of a Canon of the great Generall Councell of Lat●ran held at Rome vnder Pope Innocentius 3. in the dayes of K. Iohn of England vpon the yeare 1216 which was aboue a hundred yeare before this other case fell out in 22. E. 3. in which Councell it was ordayned , That eu●ry man should pay his Tythes to his proper Church and parish . To which Ordination of the Pope and Councell the kingdome of England submitted it self , and the temporall lawes therof : and so the matter endured vntill the breach of K. H. 8. So as in all this tyme the Popes supreme Authority , and spirituall iurisdiction was acknowledged and obeyed , about this matter of Tithes in England , as is euident also ●y these books ensuing , to wit , 7. E. 3. fol. 5.44 . Ed. 3. f. 5.10 . H. 7. fol. 16. but yet for that the said Canon of Lateran did not comprehend expresly all such landes as were then wast and should after be asserted , K. Edward 3● in the case proposed might according to the former ancient law that was vsed before the said Canon , giue and appoynt the tythes of these newly asserted lands of Rockingham , to whom he would , as he did , though not vnder the title of his supreme spirituall iurisdiction , as the Attorney very falsely doth pretend , but as temporall patron of that land , for the causes before specified . And so much of this Case . 99. Another he cyted out of 38. E. 3. lib. Ass. pl. 22. in these wordes : The king d●d by his Charter translate Cha●ons secular● into Regular and religious persons : which he did by his Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction : and could not do it , vnlesse he had had iurisdiction Ecclesiasticall . So he : And heere is false dealing againe , for all that is said in that booke , is this , that it was pleaded for the king , that by his Charter he did graunt that the Prior & Couēt of Plymouth might transferre Secular into Regular Chanōs , which was but a grant or licence , as you see . Nor did the king translate Chanons Secular into Regular , which belonged vnto the Pope , but graunted only and gaue licence , that they might be so transferred ; nor hath the law-booke any one word of the kings Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction , but all this is feigned by M. Attorney himselfe . 100. Agayne he cyteth out of 49. Ed. 3. lib. Ass. pl. 8. where , the Abbot of VVestminster , saith he , had a Prior & Couent , who were Regular and mort in law : yet the king by his Charter did deuide that corporation , and made the Prior and Couent a distinct and capable body to sue , and to be sued by thēselues : whereof M. Attorney would inferre the kings supreme spirituall authority , and iurisdiction . But his booke fauoureth him not at all heerin , for albeit Candish said that the possessions of the Abbot & Prior of VVestminster were seuered the one from the other , and that this began with the Charter of the king , yet is it playne by the law 11. H. 4. fol. 10. that the Abbot and Prior of VVestminster had their possessiōs in seueralty from tyme to tyme out of mynd &c. Nor is there any thing spokē there of the kings graūt at all : and if there were , yet must it be vnderstood according to that which is declared by the Catholicke Deuine of the concession and confirmation of priuiledges granted by Pope Leo the 9. and Nicolas the 2. to K. Edward the Confessor concerning the said Monastery of VVestminster , to wit , that they gaue him authority to graunt priuiledges , which they themselues did ratify after they were granted , and so in this case , the separation and seueraltie of the said Abbot and Prior of VVestminster hauing bene time out of mind , must necessarily be presumed to haue proceeded originally from the Pope , as the booke 11. H. 4. saith , and that the Grant of the K. was but his allowance and good leaue to the same . 101. I might produce heere many other particulers both vnder this K. Edward the 3. and much more if I would descēd any lower to the raignes of other ensuing kings , but I thinke best to stay my selfe heere , leauing the rest to some other more fit oportunity which before I haue insinuated● and this which already hath bene spoken may be sufficient to declare and make manifest that Syr Edward is neither so exact and punctuall in his truth , as he would seeme when he saith ; That the credit of euery writers whole worke must depend of the verity of euery period therof : nor yet so sincere in the simplicitie of his allegations , as that he vseth not either inference , argument , or exaggeration , as of him self you haue heard him protest before ; for so much as now more or lesse you haue seen & beheld both these two as●euerations of his contradicted by himselfe in deeds : the first by many vntruthes vttered in his behalfe ; the second by a perpetuall course of crafty dealing to inferre and inforce such things to his Readers apprehension as his Authors neuer meant , nor the books by him cyted do affoard or beare , wherof I do vnderstād that he is like to heare more ere it be long , frō a Catholick lawyer that meaneth to ioyne with the Catholick Deuine in defence of their cōmon & Catholicke saith about these poynts : and to deale with Syr Edward in proprijs , vpon his owne grounds , as I doubt not , but that he may with great aduantage , in respect of the notorious difference of their cause ; the one hauing with him the authority & prescription of almost a thousand yeares in our Country , wherin all Lawyers , Iudges , and Learned men of that professiō were truly Catholick and of one faith iudgment , and Religion : and the other hath not yet full the prescription of one age to stand with him in his nouelties : and consequently no meruaile though he meane to stand to his owne wit only . OF ANOTHER Preface ins●antly come vnto my hands , prefixed before the L. Cookes seauenth Part of Reports , conteyning new iniuries offered to Catholikes by him . §. VI. BEING come to this place of my answere I receyued a new halfe sheet of paper printed in latin without the English , conteyning another Preface of the Iustice before his 7. Part of Reports : and albeit I expect the rest of the booke both in English & Latin , yet perusing ouer this in the meane space which already is come , I perceyue Syr Edward Cook● to persist still in his old animosity of pursuing Catholiks vpon euery occasion offered or sought for by him ; so as nothing can come from him , eyther in speach or writing , but some part must concerne thē and their imputation . And as for his speaches ( especially his Charges giuen vpon the Bench ) I haue said somewhat before : and how bitter , false and iniurious they are , alleaging in particuler some passages of his Charge giuen at the Assises of Norwich vpon the 4. of August 1606. published in print by R. P. & dedicated to the Right honorable Earle of Excester : which two leters of R. P. I knew not at that tyme whom they meant , vntill now in this Latin Preface Syr Edward calleth him inuidum & maledicum Pricket , an enuious and slaunderous Pricket , for that belike he had pricked somwhat his Lordshipps patience by the edition of his said Charge without his licence : he adding moreouer , That the said Pricket had not set downe any one least sentence of his speach truly and sincerely in that sense and signification wherin himselfe had vttered the same , which no doubt was a great fault in Pricket , if it were true . 103. But on the other syde is first the protestation of Pricket himselfe , who saith to the foresaid Earle , shewing both his sincerity and affection towards the Iustice. If therfore in this following worke ( saith he ) my memory hath giuen a true instruction to my pen , I hope my labours shall be accompted profitable , when it administreth a publike benefyt . And agayne : I humbly craue your Honour will vouchsafe to patronize this litle booke by me collected , not out of myne owne , but frō the words of that Reuerend , and learned Iudge the L. Cooke ; who at his comming vnto Norwich , did vpon the Bench deliuer a Charge so excellent , as that it worthily deserueth to be continued in perpetuall memory . These are Prickets words , which seeme to free him much from the passion of enuy and malediction obiected by Syr Edward , whom he pretendeth greatly to honour by this edition of his speach . And that no affection towards Catholiks did biaz him in this relation , may appeare by his other words that presently did ensue after the former , saying : I hope that this speach being produced to a publike view , shall remayne vnto our publike weale a worthy president , wherin Romes Champions may with shame discerne their long continued shamefull practises ; Puritans and Schismatiks learne to know with what iniustice they disturbe the happines of our most happy Peere . So Pricket , who sheweth himselfe as you see a perfect Protestant in profession , and therby it is made very probable that the enuie obiected vnto him by Syr Edward did not arise vpon any di●parity or partiality of religion ( notwithstanding it may be that the difference of their two particuler states in purse and wealth considered , Pricket being a poore souldiour , might enuy somewhat the rich lawiers great wealth and aboundant flowing fortunes . ) For thus he beginneth his Epistle to the said Earle , lamenting his owne penurie . 104. May it please your Honour , the obseruation , which this world begets , may teach experience truly to report , that loue and charity are for the most part growne so cold , euen in the hoatest sun-shine of our profession , as that despised pouerty , though addicted to the religious exercise of endeauours cōmendable , is in the best imployment ( which seemeth with greatest fauour to smile vpō our hope ) so coldly recompenced , as that poore , vnpittied , deiected , and miserable pouerty knoweth neyther meanes nor place , how or where to warme herselfe . Vnhappy I in this best tyme of greatest happines , who being , as I am , a poore despised , hated , scorned , and vnrespected souldiour , so vnfortunate , as no commended meanes ( though many vsed with confirmation both of loue and loyalty ) can be of power to raise a spirit drowned in the worst of misery frō despayres gulfe &c. Wherby it may appeare that Prickets chief endeauour was rather indirectly by laying forth his owne temporall needs to draw somewhat from Syr Edwards purse , and by writing the story of his glorious speach at Norwich , to gayne vnto himself his good will and affection for his reliefe , then any way to shew malignity against him : wherof I fynd no cause or probability , but rather his pricking stomake against vs , whom Syr Edward also impugned , and consequently , if any thing be found in his narration , that at this present displeased Syr Edward , it must be thought to proceed eyther from the errour of the others memory that directed not well his pen , or from some change of mynd in Syr Edward himselfe who now perhaps reprehendeth that which before he misliked not , but was well content to haue it published . And to this later coniecture I am the rather induced to incline for that there are now two yeares past & more , since Pricket set forth in print this speach , and I neuer heard that Syr Edward did mislike it , vntill at this present I see it so greiuously reprehended by him in this last Preface : for in the former that was prefixed before his sixt part of Reports ( which seemeth to haue come forth after Prickets relation ) no complaynt or mention is made therof . 105. But you will aske me ( perhaps ) why so great a charge should be found in Syr Edward , that he should so sharpely and vehemently inueigh against that which before he liked , or at leastwise tolerated for so long tyme ; wherunto truly I know not what other thing to answere , but that it may be , that the exceptions I tooke in my answer to M. Morton against diuers things in that narration , as notorious vntruthes might displease or stinge somewhat Syr Edward , who hauing no list to answere the matters thēselues , thought best to fall aboard the relator , & to lay the fault on him , saying , that he hath not related matters aright : wherin as I meane not to excuse him , so on the other side it seemeth very hard vnto me , that the substance of those points , wherin I touched Syr Edwards vntrue dealing , and many other , wherin I might haue said much more , should be feigned , or deuised by Pricket , or related by him more maliciously against vs , then they were meant or vttered by the Iustice himself , which is euident , partly by that which I haue heard to be continued still by him both there , and in other places , where since that tyme he hath giuen Charges to the Iurie : wherin the greatest part and most bitter of his speach is allwayes commonly against the Catholicks , as though they were the greatest malefactours of the realme , to be inquired of . And in this very Charge and speach related by Pricket , his malicious in●ectiue against them conteyneth aboue a dozen leaues printed , the whole thing it self scarce being as much againe . 106. And if you will behold the impertinency & vanity therof , considering the auditory of Norwich his Countrey , where he would needs triumph gloriously in that first Charge ( if I be not deceyued ) after he was Iudge , you shall fynd it not only like to be Syr Edwards , but worthy also of his veyne in that vanity : for that hauing first by a seuerall Exordium set down a tale of a Noble yong Roman that was by the Senate made a Iudge in his tender yeares , and for diuers reasons and considerations of the dignity therof made some delay , and difficulty in admitting the same , he did notwithstanding vpon some friends persuasion yeald at length to accept therof : all which Parable the Iustice applying to himselfe , beginneth his Charge with such plausible Oratoricall wisedomes eloquence ( to vse the words of his Relatour M. Pricket ) as first he expounded vnto them vpon his fingers the Grammaticall verse : Quis , quibus , quid , quomodo , and , de quibus , that is : who sent this Commission ? to wit , his Maiesty . To whom ? to Syr Edward , and others vnder him . What did it cōteyne ? Great and high authority . How must it be executed ? By doing iustice . Of whom and what causes must inquiry be made ? Principally , and in the first place against Catholiks that do professe the Roman religion and obedience of the Pope . 107. And is not this a goodly deduction ? Was there euer any English Iudge before the Apostacy of Martyn Luther , that gaue a Charge from the bench against such men , for being such ? If all the Iudges & lawiers of our Nation that euer gaue Charges to inquire of malefactours for nine hundred yeares together , and more in our Iland after Christian religion receyued , did giue such a Charge , & for such a crime then hath Syr Edward somewhat to excuse his insolency heerin . But if there be none , as most certainly there is not : how then doth he performe his promise made heere in this new Latin Preface of auoyding fiue things in setting downe his Reports ? Wherof the fourth he termeth Nouitatem , Nouelty , which he defyneth to be then , when , si ad amussim nostrorum librorum , & antiquorum exempla applicentur , nequaquam quadrant . If the things which he speaketh being applyed to the exact rule of their law-bookes , and examples of their ancients , do not agree therunto : Which he holdeth for a thing most vnworthy of their profession , indignissimam studiis nostris . VVherefore eyther he must bring forth such ancient bookes , lawes , and examples for himself and his cause ( that precedent Iudges haue giuen such Charges ) or els he conuinceth himselfe to be most vnworthy of that place and dignity of law which he holdeth . 108. But to returne to the Charge giuen at Norwich : after he had expounded the verse of Quis , Quibus &c. according to his manner of ostentation , he beginneth his narratiō thus : Our worlds admired Queene renowned Elizabeth , did , as you do know , in the beginning of her Raigne , change the State of religion in this kingdome , in her first Parliament , by the consent of her Lordes Spirituall & Temporall &c. and then he goeth forward to shew the continuall reclayme , and resistance made by Catholicke men from tyme to tyme for their religion : wherby thinking to disgrace them as rebellious , for their reluctation , doth in deed giue them the highest cōmendation that can be giuen to Christian men , which is to stand firme & constāt to the worlds end in their Religion once receiued , and continued to their tyme. And for himsel●e doth insinuate therby , that for the gayning of aduancement , and pleasing a worlds admired Queene , or any other worldly Prince , it were no hard matter to make him admit any change of Religion whatsoeuer , for so much as he alloweth so easily of this , which this VVoman-Queene made with admiration and wonder o● the world : & yet doth he vtter a notorious vntruth in that he saith , she did it by the cōsent o● her Lordes Spirituall and Temporall , for that all her Lords Spirituall ( which make the chie●e part of the Parlament ) resisted the matter , as appeareth by their depriuations , depositions , restraints or imprisonments that theron ensued . So as this is as true , as that other which followeth in the very next page , and hath beene handled by me in other places , to wit , that as well these that were restrayned or imprisoned , as generally all the Papists of this Kingdome , did come to the Protestants Church , nor any of them did resuse during the first ten yeares of the said Queenes gouernment , which I haue cōuinced * before by hundreds of witnesses , to be most shamefully false , as also the other deuised fable , that Pius Quimꝰ did offer to approue the Communion Booke of English seruice by his owne letters to Q. Elizabeth , if she would do him the honour as to accept it from him . 109. I do pretermit willingly as vnworthy of my pen , those scoffes and contemptible derisions , which it hath pleased his L. to vse against that holy man , and high priest of our soules Pope Pius Quintus , calling him Pope Impius V. his hellishnesse , his horriblenesse , and the like : which seemeth much to s●uour of the spirit of those that in Iudge Pilates house did scoffe at our Sauiour , bowing their knees , and crying : Aue Rex Iudaeorum : but yet there the maister Iudge did not descend to such scurrility . But surely I am sory to see a Lord Iudge vse the same in publike auditory , which were fitter for one of his Kitchin amongst his Companions : and when such things as these are related vnto strangers , they seeme incredible to men of e●timation and honour . 110. But Syr Edward passing on in this manner throughout his whole speach , bringeth in all the accidents fallen out frō the beginning of that Raigne vnto the end of the Irish warres , Doctor Sanders his being there , Steukley his going to Rome , and afterward to Portugall : the Duke of Guise his actions , and of Mēdoza , called by him Iesuite , though he were a Noble man , and Ambassadour of the K. of Spaine in Englād , Campian , Persons , Heywood , Shirwyn , and other Priests comming into England vpon the yeare 1580. and many other such like things little appertayning to them of Norwich , but that my L. would needs speake like a great Counsellour that day , and be Propheta in Patria , and fill mens eares with tales , and terrours : and yet in the end after all sayd , and much therof knowne to be false to the greatest part of discret men in his auditory , he commeth at length to be somewhat mor● mild and placable , saying : by this then our English Papists , eyther Iesuits or Seminaries may learne to know that it is not Religion that they striue for ; but only to mayntaine the Antichristian head of Romes vsurped Supremacy . And if there be in this presence any Roman Catholiks , or so many o● them as shall heare of that which now hath beene spoken , I intreat thē , as my deare and louing Country-men , that they will not any longer be seduced by any lying spirit sent from Rome , seing that the Pope ( whome they belieue ) hath hims●lfe allowed ( as before we have shewed ) that in our Church we haue a doctrine of faith and religion , su●ficiently necessary to saluation . Deare Country-men we haue then inough & need not the help of any Pope , sithence all the Papists generally came vnto our Churches be●ore our late Q. Elizabeth was excōmunicated &c. Thus he . 111. And do you see this Conclusion , all groūded vpon suppositions , that are manifestly false , or rather ridiculous in thēselues : for that first he would haue vs suppose , as a thing by him proued before , that it is not religion , for which we striue , but to maintayne the Popes supreme Authority in spirituall Causes , as though the article of supremacy were no poynt of Religion at all among vs , which is a great absurdity to imagine . For doth not the Catholicke Deuine in the Preface of his Answere vnto him ( and we before haue also repeated the same ) shew & demonstrate that this point of supreme spirituall authority , is so principall an article of Religion , as all other controuersies may be determined therby ? How then doth the Iustice trifle so in this matter ? Is he not ashamed to say in the face and ears of such an Auditory , that Catholi●kes striue not for religion , whē they striue for their supreme Pastours spirituall Authority ? It is as good an argument , as if a man should say , that Syr Edward when he was a Counsellour pleaded not for money , but for gold : as if gold were no money . 112. His second supposition is , that we belieue Pope Pius Quintus to haue allowed the Protestant Cōmunion Booke , for that Syr Edward saith , and sweareth it vpon his credit , saying : and this vpon my credit , and as I am an honest man is most true : which I haue els where shewed to be most vntrue , and that no Catholicke of cr●dit doth or will giue credit vnto it . Thirdly he supposeth that we belieue his former assertion , that all Catholickes generally did come to the Protestants C●urch for the first ten yeares of Q. Elizabeths raigne , which they do not only thinke , but know to be most false . 113. Fourthly he supposeth it to be a good consequence , that if Catholicks did come to their Churches for the first ten yeares , they haue inough for their saluation : and need not the help of any Popes authority , for absolution of their sinnes , or other spirituall power : For such is his inference , when he s●ith : Deare Country-men , we haue then inough , and need not any help of any Pope , sithence all the Papists generally came to our ●hurches , be●ore the late Queene was excommunicated : which inference and consequence is both false and absurd . For albeit some Catholicks came to the Church for feare or otherwise ; yet therby haue not Syr Edward and his partners inough for their saluation , for that the other came to their Churches ; for they might come with a repugnant mynd , condemning and detesting inwardly their Religion , no lesse , or perhaps more , then they that were Recusants , and openly refused to come , as no doubt , but at this day also many do , who are forced to Church against their consciences . 114. And it is to be noted that Syr Edward saith : VVe haue a doctrine of ●aith and Religion s●fficiently necessary to saluation : So as he ascribeth no perfection to his Religion , nor any aboundant sanctitie , latitude , or degrees of holines , one aboue the other ; but if it be sufficiently necessary , it is inough for him . And yet doth our Sauiour say : that there be many mansions in the house o● my Father ; and exhorteth men to perfection , Perfecti estote , which importeth somewhat more , then sufficiently necessarie . But if seemeth that Syr Edward would be content with a litle , and go no further then necessarily he must . God grant he go so farre , and keepe him in charitie , in which heere he seemeth in part to be by his offer of vnion and agreement , though in the very next leafe he falleth into extremities agayne , saying : That the most sacred person of Gods annoynted , king Iames , whome Pope Clement the ninth could proudly dare to terme the Scottish Her●ticke , shall vnderneath his Princely foote , tread downe Romes faithlesse , Papall , proud , and Antichristian heresy &c. 115. Do you see where the man is againe ? Euen now you haue heard him ascribe so much to Pope Pius Quintus , as for that he was presumed ( though falsely ) to offer the allowance of the English Communion booke to Q. Elizabeth , if she would take it of him , that therfore they had a doctryne of faith & religiō sufficiētly necessary to saluation , for that the Pope had allowed it : and yet now he turneth to his old rayling , calling the Romā faith , Romes faithlesse , Papall , proud , Antichristian heresy : And therby maketh all Christian kings that acknowledg the Popes spirituall authority to be faithlesse & Antichristian heretikes . How will this soūd in the eares of all forraine Monarches , and greatest Potentates that are touched therby ? Is this intemperate speach befitting a Iudges person ? yea a Chiefe Iudge ? But there is nothing more intolerable in this speach , then the base & odious flattering of his Maiesty , which vice it is read that diuers magnanimous Princes haue more hated and punished , then any cryme besides ; yea next vnto treason it selfe , especially when it is conioyned with notorious falsity as this is , when he saith , That Pope Clement the ninth ( he should haue said the eyght ) could proudly dare to terme the Scottish hereticke , which is indeed a famous English calumniation deuised by himselfe , or others , and can neuer be proued to be true : for that Pope Clement spake euer very respectiuely of his Maiesty in all occasions , both when he was in Scotland , and after : Neyther will the contrary be found in any of his writings . Wherfore it is both shamefull and shamelesse , that such open vntruthes should be spoken in publike audience without controlment . But let vs goe forward to a point or two more . 116. After his former exhortatiō & inuitation to draw Catholicks to his doctryne of faith and religion sufficiently necessary to saluation , he pas●eth to another point of threatning : first , that his Maiesty will neuer giue any toleration to Catholicks : and the second , that in the meane space , while they hope in vaine , they shall abide the smart of punishments . The first he proposeth in these words : If there be any Papist so ●oolish , and altogeather reasonlesse , as to expect , that his Maiesty may be drawne to such alteration or toleration , as they desire , I will them assuredly to know , they hope in vaine . The second he setteth downe thus : Such Papists as notwithstanding the impossibility of their hope , will still remaine peruerse , let them know for certainty , that the lawes concerning them shall receiue a most strict and seuere execution against them . 117. This is the dreadfull denunciation of our new Iudge , wherby you see , that in the one he forestalleth absolutly his Maiesties will , not only for the present , but for all time to come , further , perhaps , then he hath commission to take vpon him . For what knoweth he what God may inspire his Maiesty in succeeding yeares ? Or what other reasōs and circumstances of time , place , and state of things may induce his Royall Wisdome prudently and piously for benefit of his subiects to alter somwhat his present resolution ? Is not the hart of kings in the hands of God ? Wil my L. Iustice so make himselfe Pedagogue and Maister of his Maiesties will , as he will define or predetermine before hand , what he shall doe , or what he shall not doe for the time to come ? This is very predominant indeed , and were more then inough for a whole Counsell to doe : but much more and farre ouermuch for him , that hitherto , so farre as I know , hath noe place among them . We cannot but hope better of his Maiesties pious disposition , and trust , that in time we shall say also , Spes non confundit : notwithstanding the desperate resolution of Syr Edward to the contrary . 118. And as for the second point of his threatning punishment and vexation to Catholickes , it is litle to be wondred at , and lesse to be esteemed in such a Cause as they suffer for . Lesse to be wondred at ; for that such animosity of spirit is wont often to accompany them , that rise in hast to excessiue wealth and authority ouer others : lesse to be esteemed by Catholicks , who both take it for a glory to suffer for their Religion , and haue learned by experience of former tymes , that God is wont to extend his hand , and make an arrest , euen then , when those that persecute his seruants are most in their heate of pursuite against them . And I could wish that Syr Edward did but looke ouer the two ancient written Bookes , the one of Tertullian to Scapula ; the other of S. Cyprian , in imitation of the former to Demetrianus , both of them persecuting Iudges : whome the said Authors do earnestly exhort to looke vpon the endes of such , as had beene their persecutours in that their office before . Possumus ( sayth Tertullian to Scapula ) & exitus quorumdam Praesidum tibi proponere &c. We might lay before your face the ends also of certayne Presidents or Iudges , that after afflicting vs , felt the hand of God themselues : and then he nameth Vigelius Saturninus in Africa , that was suddainly stroken blinde , Claudius Herminianus in Cappadocia , that was eaten with life , Ceciliu● Capella of Byzantium , that after much cruelty perished miserably , when he least expected . And I thinke also , that I may truly adde , that whosoeuer shall looke vpon the endes of such as haue bene the greatest persecutours of Catholikes in England , since persecution began ( and among those also some Iudges of Syr Edwards ranke , if I be not deceyued ) will finde litle cause to brag or to vaunt , that they were happy therin . But howsoeuer this be , I say to our Iudge , as Tertullian sayd to his , when he layd before him the sayd examples : Non te terremus , quia nec time●●● , we do not go about to terrify you , for that neither do we feare you in this cause , though I know you may vexe vs , as you haue donne , and do : but when all is donne , our hope is where it was , in the Highest ; and our assurance and protection is the warrant of our Maister : Nolite timere eos , qui corpus occidunt &c. Doe not feare those that can vexe or kill the body , and afterward can do noe more : but feare him that after this life can cast into hell , and euerlasting torments : and this Iudge must our Iudge feare also . For he is Iudge of Iudges , and can both reuerse iudgments , and reuoke sentences at his pleasure . 119. And thus much haue we bene induced to speake and repeate againe in this matter of this Norwich-Charge , by occasion of Syr Edwards accusation of Pricket in setting downe the same : wherin if he had gone about to recall or mislike any part therof , as ouer iniurious to Catholicks , we should haue accepted therof most gratefully , and adioyned with him in the iust reprehension of Pricket , as hauing related that speach more maliciously , then it was meant against vs , but I can discouer no such meaning or moderation in Syr Edward by that he hath written since that time , or spoken againe in that place : whereof I haue heard by some that were present , that he hath borne himselfe no lesse insolently , then in the former speach , especially bringing in tales against Monks , to get applause therby of the vulgar people against that order of Religious men in the Catholike Church : whereof you haue heard one example before of the Prior , that was feigned to haue gotten by fraud a Gentlemans land in helping him to make his Testament : another was of an Abbot that made an inclosure , and tooke in a high way within his inclosure , and for that there was a rough and rude Country-man , that brake downe his inclosure , saying that he would passe where his father and grandfather had passed , the Abbot being a lustie , tall , fat , and strong knaue , sayth Syr Edward , desiring to fight hand to hand with this clowne or country-man , when he was to repasse that way , tooke on a seruing mans apparrel ( if you will belieue the story ) went to the place , watched his returne , ioyned with him in combat , and was well beaten by him . And then did Syr Edward both laugh hartily , and giue God thankes , that he had found out such a History to tell them in that place : and further he sayd that he was hartily glad , that it fell vpon an Abbot . And was not this graue matter , thinke you , for a Iudge to treate in that place and auditory ? VVhat would the Roman Senate haue thought of their yong Roman Iudge , ( whose imitation it seemeth that Syr Edward , in the beginning of his Speach had prefixed vnto himselfe ) if they had vnderstood that from the Bench and Seate of Iustice , euen pro rostris , he had vsed such leuity of speach and action , as this is ? 120. But heere now it may be , that my L. will be some-what displeased to haue his things published abroad , which he did but speake for his priuate pleasure , mirth , and triumph in his Countrie of Norwich . But the fault is his owne in speaking it so lowdely , and not obseruing the counsaile of his Honourable friend ; who hearing him one day o●erlash very much , as heere is reported , against Catholikes , said merily , but wisely , vnto him : speake softer my Lord for that otherwise you will be ouerheard beyond the seas . But for remedy of this also it seemeth , that his Lordship hath thought now vpon a more effectuall way to be free from these admonishments from beyond the seas . For in this new last Preface of his , after a great reprehension of those , that write in these our times saying , Quotidie plures , quotidie peius s●ribunt : that euery day more do write , and do write worse ( wherin I doubt not but his owne writings are excepted by his Lordship , being also a moderne writer himselfe ) he cōmeth to pronounce this terrible sentence vpon all Catholicke bookes and writings , that come from abroad : Si quisquam hominum &c. Yf any man shall bring into England any of those Bookes , which I haue seene lately written from Rome or Romanists , or shall by reading , seeme to patronize them with his suffrage , or with approuing them shall deliuer them to others to be read , he must o● necessitie ●or the first fault be condēned in a Premunire with losse of goods and lands , and to be imprisoned during life , at the Princes pleasure : and for the second he must suffer death , as in case of treason . This is his denunciation and determination , which he prooueth not otherwise in this Preface , but only by his owne asseueration . It may be that he will go about to prooue it afterward out of some lawes , that he is to relate in this his seauenth Part of Reportes : and that he will do it as substantially , as he prooueth before in his fifth part , that Q Elizabeth and her predecessours according to the ancient common-lawes of England had supreme Ecclesiasticall authority . Yf he doe , somewhat may chance to be sayd to the booke , whē it shall be seene , for hitherto I haue had no view therof at all : only I must needs say heere ; that in wise and indifferent mens iudgmēt Syr Edward being a writer himselfe against Catholickes , and hauing therby prouoked them to answere him ( as before you haue heard how ioyfull he was when any obiections were made by the Student against his writings , and the more , saith he , the better : ) he hath not prouided well for his credit and honour , to go about now to barre all writing on our side , by terrour of penalties , yea & of death it self . For this is plainly to prouoke to the field : and then to get a proclamation , that if his enemy do ouercome him , his victory shal be death . 121. But I cannot perswade my self that Syr Edward will easily get any such , vniust , and dishonorable refuge for his defence . For either he must procure it to be decreed of new by some moderne law ; which being so vnreasonable I cannot expect from the wisedoms of so many graue men that must haue voyc● therin : or he will deduce it out of some ancient lawes of England : and therin I dare ioyne with him , that he is not able to do it . 122. VVherefore my counsayle should rather be to Syr Edvvard , that either he would cease to prouoke vs by writing , or intemperate speaking against Catholickes , or take in good part our temperate answers , or cause them with like temperance to be confuted by himself , or by some on his part , or so finally change his course towards vs , as we may haue no speciall cause to complayne of him more then of others : which were a farre better way in my opiniō , to peace and profit of both parts , then by terrour of punishments to seeke to oppresse all Catholicke writings , which will be very hard for him to do . And when it should succeed , he were like to gaine least of all therby : For that most probable it is , that in such a case they would all turne their pennes against himself , insteed of other argument by his meanes prohibited . 123. And this is as much as I haue to say about this last Preface , which commeth intituled thus : Deo , Patriae , Tibi , signifying therby , as I comprehend the matter , that this seauenth Part of his Reports now come forth , is dedicated as seruiceable to all those three ; to God , our Country , and the Reader : which if it be no otherwise written then the fifth Part , that I haue read , it may very well be returned againe by the Reader saying : N●c Deo , nec Patriae , nec Mihi : It is neyther profitable , nor seruiciable to Gods honour , nor to our Countrey , nor to Me. Not to God ; for that it impugneth his only true and Catholike Religion , and that by false and indirect meanes , whereof God is an enemie . Not to our Country ; for that these Reports of law being contrary to all auncient lawes , and written with a contrary spirit to all our ancient lawiers , Iudges , & law-makers , before this our present age , can profit nothing our Country ; but set greater breaches and diuisions therein . To Me also , that am the Reader or Student , it can neither profit , nor import any thing , but losse of time , and breaking my head with con●radictions : For so much as all this must once againe be cast of and forgotten , as nouelties . when our old course of Commonlaw must returne to follow her ancient streame againe . 124. Wherfore a much more honourable and profitable course had it bene for so great a witt , & learned a man in our lawes , as my L. is said & held to be , that to the end his labours in writing might haue remayned gratefull and commodious to posterity , he had conformed himselfe , his spirit , knowledge and penne , to that of ancient precedent lawyers of our land , as Plowden did , and some others , whose wrytings for that cause wil be immortall . But Syr Edward , taking to himselfe a contrary new course by wrenching and wresting lawes to a contrary meaning frō the common sense , both of the lawes themselues , & law-makers , as also of the times wherin they were made , and torrent of authority , that gouerned the the same , his labours must needs in the end proue to b● both vnprofitable , and contemptible . 125. For I would demand him , what sound common lawier will ioyne with him in this point , which he so re●olutly auerreth in his last Preface , that all bookes cōming à Roma , vel à Romanistis , from Rome or Romanists , that is from any sort of Catholicks , haue punishment according to our anciēt lawes ( for of those I suppose he speaketh ) of losse of goods , liberty and life ? Will any man belieue him , that this is conforme to any ancient law of England ? Doth he not know ( as I doubt not but he doth much better then I ) the old ancient honour , that was wont to be borne to Rome and Romanists , by our English Common lawes ? Can he deny but that the Bishop of Rome is tearmed Apostolus and Apostolicus almost eu●ry where in the same ancient lawes ? yea Prince of the Church ? and that our Archbishop of Canterbury the greatest Peere and Prelate of England , is called in our law Apostoli Legatus , Legate of the Apostle and Roman Bishop ? And that his spirituall Court is but a member of the Court of Rome , which Court in England is called Curia Christianitatis , the Court Christian , or Court of Christianity , throughout our Common law-bookes , as I might shew by multiplicity of authorities , if it were not a matter so notoriously knowne , as no meanest lawier will , or can denie it . And is it likely then that according to those lawes it may be prooued , that it is Praemunire and treason , to bring in a Booke from Rome or Romanists , to read it , to praise it , or to lend it to another , as heere our new Iustice doth tell men with terrour against iustice , especially when he addeth , Hi sunt illi libri qui splendidos &c. These are those bookes , which doe carry goodly and religious titles , which do professe to help and comfort the infirme consciences of men , that are in trouble : These are they that take vpon them to bring miserable and sinfull soules vnto the desired port of tranquillity and saluation . By which words it seemeth that Syr Edward hath a chi●●e mislike of spirituall Catholick bookes , which treat the argument of quieting of soules . Which if it be so , then I hope that our bookes of Controuersies may passe with some lesse danger ; though indeed I doe suspect , that he meaneth these , when he speaketh of the other ; for that they doe most cōcerne him . For what doe spirituall bookes trouble Syr Edward , which I suppose that either he neuer readeth , or litle esteemeth the argument they handle , his cogitations being imployed about farre other obiects of this world for the present ? Albeit I doe not doubt , but if in some other circumstance of time , state and condition of things he should read them , or they should be read vnto him , as namely on his death-bed , when flesh and bloud and worldly preferments doe draw to an end , and himselfe neare to the accompting day , they would make other impression in him . Which being so , true wisdome would , that what we must doe in time perforce and perhaps to late , or with out profit , we should out of good will and free choice preuent by Christian industrie . Which almighty God graunt vs his holy grace to doe . And this is all the hurt I wish to Syr Edward for all his asperity against vs. 126. Now let vs returne to M. Morton againe , whome we haue left for a long time to giue place to this piece of Reckoning with Syr Edward . It followeth then in consequence after the precedēt Chapter of his omissions and concealments in diuers and different charges layd against him for vntruthes , wherwith he was charged in the Treatise of Mitigation ; that we see what new vntruthes he hath super-added in his defence therof , for increasing the burden . THE NINTH CHAPTER WHICH LAYETH TOGEATHER ANOTHER CHOICE NVMBER of new lyes , made wilfully BY Mr. MORTON ouer and aboue the old , in this his Preamble , whilst he pretendeth to defend , or excuse the sayd old , being aboue fifty in number . WE haue made a large intermissiō , as you see , of M. Mortōs affayres by interlacing some of Syr Edwards : now must we returne to our principal scope , which is to shew more new and fresh vntruthes of later date in this last Reply of M. Morton . And albeit those that are to be touched in this Chapter haue beene for the most part handled , & discussed before : yet to the end , that they may more effectually be represented to the eye , and memory of the Reader , by putting the principall of them togeather in ranke , vnder one mu●●er , I haue thought it expedient to take this paynes also , wherby may appeare how ruinous , and miserable a cause M. Morton hath in hand , that cannot be defended but by addition of so many new lyes vnto his old , and euen then when he standeth vpon his triall for the sayd old , and se●keth by all meanes possible to hide and couer the same in such manner , as before yow haue heard● And no maruaile , for that , both truth , reason , and experience do teach vs , that an old lye can neuer be well cloathed , or couered but by a new . Let vs passe then to the suruey of this Chapter , noting by the way , that we are rather to touch certayne heades , or principall branches that conteine commonly sundry and seuerall lyes vnder them , then simple & single vntruthes if they be well examined : nor is it our purpose to name all , for that would imply too large a prolixity for this place , especially for so much as I am to remit the Read●r commonly to other places of my booke , wherin the pointes themselues are more largly handled before . Now then shall I lay forth some 20. of the sayd heads , conteyning in them a greater number of particulers , as now you will see . 2. The first wilfull lye then , that I will note heere , is that which perhaps hath not byn layd opē b●fore , for that I discouered the same since the writing of the rest , 1 in perusing his Epistle to the Mitigator more diligently , where he pretending to haue obtayned the victory in his cause about the question of Equiuocation , by the Confession it selfe of his aduersary , he writeth thus : I do appeale from your position to your Confession● granting that there is a mentall Equiuocation , which no clause of reseruation can saue from a lye : which one Confession of yours is sufficient to conuince all your mentall ●quiuocatours●●o be apparently lyers : and thus haue I obtayned my cause &c. So he . And in diuers other places of this his Preamble he insulteth greatly vpon this Conf●ssion of myne : but let M. Morton shew that in all my booke I do confesse , that there is a mentall Equiuocation , which no clause of reseruation can saue from a lye , and then I will graunt that he obtayned somewhat indeed wherabout to wrāgle : but if I do neuer say so , nor he is able to proue it , but rather in other places of his booke doth deliuer me from that Confession , granting that the wordes , mentall Equiuocation are not myne , but his owne ( my wordes being only these ; that there is some speach which cannot be saued from a lye , by any reseruation , and not , that there is a Mentall Equiuocatiō which no reseruation can saue ●rom a lye ) if this ( I say ) be so ; then whatsoeuer he hath obtayned heerby for his cause he hath obtayned the same by false purchase of vntruth and deceipt as yow will easily see : Let vs examin then the matter a litle further . 3. First then ( as now I haue sayd ) it was neuer my mind to affirme , that there is a mentall Equiuocation which no clause o● reseruation can saue from a lye , but rather thus , that there is an outward speach which no clause of reseruation can saue frō a lye , such as was the speach of Saphyra , for example ( for of this was the treaty ) when she answered falsely vnto S. Peter her lawfull iudge about the price of her feild that was sold ; this speach of hers I sayd in the Treatise of Mitigation , though she might haue a mentall reseruation therin ( as M. Morton supposeth her to haue had , ) yet could not that reseruation excuse the same from a lye , in respect of the obligation she had absolutly to vtter the truth , which obligation he hath not , who speaketh to one that hath no iurisdiction ouer him , and consequently may equiuocate . 4. Now then M. Morton to obtayne ●his cause by a lye , falsely affirmeth me to say , that there is a mentall Equiuocation , whi●h no clause o● reseruation can saue ●rom a lye , which is in effect to make me speake contraries . For if it be a lye , then can it be no Equiuocation , as out of their proper definitions I haue largely proued in my treatise of that subiect : And if it be a mentall Equiuocation , then must it needs be saued from a lye by mentall reseruation . And finally that my wordes , that there was an outward speach ( as namely that of Saphyra ) which no mentall reseruation could excuse ●rom a lye , and consequently that it could be no Equiuocation , do proue not only my owne wordes , speaking therof , but also the wordes of M. Morton himselfe afterward in the 12. Paragraph of this his Preāble , where he saith & insulteth thus : P● R. is driuen to such a vertigo , and giddines , that euen when he would de●end his art of Equiuocating ●rom a lye , he is by consequence from Gods word ( in the example of Saphyra ) ●orced to confesse an outward speach , which no clause of reseruation could saue from a lye . Thus he . 5. And marke where the Vertigo is , for before in his Epistle he auouched me to say , That there was a mentall Equiuocatiō which no reseruatiō could saue frō a lye , & heere he affirmeth my words to be , that I cōfesse an outward speach , which no clause of reseruatiō can saue from a lye : which last I grant , & do deny the former , & do proue my deniall both by myne owne and his wordes now recited : what then can saue him from a lye , and lying Vertigo in his former assertion , wherin he braggeth so extrauagantly , as you haue heard , that therby he hath gayned his whole cause in the controuersie betwene vs. Is there any excuse for this Vertigo ? Or reason why this so ●otoriou● a ly of M. Morton may not be condemned for willfull ? But let vs see a greater . 6. Card. Bellarmine speaking of an old ancient heresie sprong vp in the Apostles tyme against the Reall Presence , as is recorded by the Greeke historiographer Theodoret , as taken out of the Epis●le of S. Ignatius ad Smyrnenses writeth thus : 2 Qu● sententia citatur à Theodoreto , in 3. habetur● which sentence is cited by Theodoret in his third Dialogue out of S. Ignatius his Epistle to the Christians of Smyrna , where notwithstanding it is not now found , that is to say in Ignatius : but how doth M. Morton cite it ? Thus : Quae sententia citatur à Theodoreto in Dialogo , vbi tamen nunc non hab●tur , and then translateth it , which sentence is cited by Theodoret in his Dialogue , but is not now to be found in Theodoret , which is so notorious and wilfull a falsification , as he that will but take the payns to looke vpon Theodoret , shall fynd it to be there both in Greeke & Latin : How then may be excused this foule escape ? Is it not wilfull ? did he not see & know that he fa●sifyed manifestly the text of Bellarmine ? And told also a manifest lye of Thodoret ? and thirdly went about to deceiue his Reader by his false English translation ? How then may be excused this trip●e ●alshood in one and the selfe same matter , wherin Bellarmine is abused , Theodoret corrupted , and his Reader by ●alse translation deceaued ? Is not one only of these tricks sufficient to des●rie , & discredit his bad conscience in wryting ? But let vs go forward . 7. In his former booke of Full satis●action parte 3. pag. 28. he , to disgrace Pope Hildebrand , brought forth a testimony of Claudius Espencaeus , 3 as af●irming the said Pope to haue beene the first that made schisme betweene Emp●rors & Popes , & now in this new reply of his he repeateth the same againe , saying , I produced Claudius Espencaeus their owne Romish Bishop , which doth plainly auer , that Hildebrand was the first Pope , who without any example of antiquity , made a schisme betweene Emperors & Popes . But now the matter being better examined for that P. R. could not get that worke of Espencaeus when he wrote his former Treatise , it is found that Espencaeus is so farre of from plaine auerring the same , as he doth not so much as once affirme it of himselfe , but only relateth it , as passionate wordes of cer●●ine Schismaticall Priests of Liege that were censured , and appointed to be punished by Pope Paschalis the second , as more largely we haue shewed before out of the second tome of Councells , where their whole speach is set downe vnder this title , Cleri Leodiensis ad Paschalem secundum Querimonia . And is this simplicity in writing ? Is this sincerity ? Is this tollerable in a Minister of simple truth , who vaunteth to his Maiesty of the constant assurance of his vpright conscience ? 8. Wheras Franciscus Costerus in his Enchiridion of Controuersies handling this argumēt for the authority of the B. of Rome , 4 that for so much as the old Popes before Constantines tyme & after , did take vpon them as heades of the Vniuersall Christian world to decide Cases of all Countreyes concerning Religion , and affirmed the same to pertayne vnto them , it is very lyke ( saith he ) or rather certaine , that if that had beene by vsurpation , or false meanes , some Catholick Prince , Prelate , or writer , would haue reproued the s●me . And then he addeth , Atqui verò nemo hactenus fuit Catholicus , v●l Princeps , vel Presul , vel Scriptor , qui mendacij , vel malae fidei Romanos arguerit . And yet neuerthelesse hitherto there hath beene no Catholicke , eyther Prince , Prelate , or Writer , that euer argued these Roman Bishops of lying or false dealing therin : Which wordes M. Morton peruerteth egregiously , as though Costerus had affirmed , that no writers , Prince , or Prelate , had euer accused Romanistes , or Roman writers of any falshood in writing : which is so notable a cosenage as a man of any good conscience would neuer deuise . For that Costerus was not so simple or ignorant to affirme , that no man ●uer accused Roman writers of falshood , seing and hearing dayly so many clamours and calumniations of Protestants against them : but his assertion is that no such exceptions were euer taken against these ancient Roman Bishops , that gaue their ●iues for Christ and his Religion : and consequently it is a notable imposture , in M. Morton to obtrude to his Reader moderne Roman wryters , for ancient Roman Bishops , of which fraud see more before Cap. 3. num . 13.14 . &c. 9. Furthermore pag. 25. 5 of this his preamble he goeth about to proue Gratian the Compiler of Popes Decrees to haue falsified a Canon of the Councell of Mileuet ( wherin S. Augustine was ) and for this cause as though he had now prooued the same , he writeth in the margent this note , Gratian a falsificator , for that he had added to the same Canon , a certayne exception which Cardinall Bellarmine doth not allow : but now vpon better search it is found , that M. Morton himselfe is the falsificator , and not Gratian , both for that he cutteth of fraudulently the beginning and first wordes of that Canon , and peruerteth the last . For whereas the question was in Africa , whether Priests , Deacons , or inferiour Clergy men , might appeale frō their Bishops of that Coūtrey vnto others abroad ( for of Bishops there was no question but they might ) the said Councell of Mileuet decreeth thus in the forsayd Canon , which is in order the 22. Placuit vt Presbyteri , Diaconi , vel caeteri in●eriores Clerici in causis quas habuerint , qui de iudicijs Episcoporum suorum questi fuerint , vicini Episcopi eos audiant &c. Quòd si ab eis prouocandum putauerint , non prouocent nis●ad Africana Concilia , vel ad Primates Prouinciarū suarum . We de decree that Priests , Deacons , and other inferiour clergy men , in the causes which they shall haue , if they complayne of the iudgem●nts of their owne Bishops , let the next neighbour Bishops heare them &c. And if any thinke good to appeale , it shall not be , but to the Councells of Africa , or to the Primate● of their owne Prouinces &c. So saith the Canō . But M. Mort. to make it seeme that this restraint was of the Appeales of Bishops to the Roman Sea , doth cut of cunningly the first words of Priests , Deaco●s , and other inferiour Clergie men , set downe in the Canon . And was not this a cunning cut ? 10. And then againe wheras Gratian did by way of Commentary , as hath byn sayd , adde this exception , Nisi ●ortè Romanam Sedem appellauerint , except perchance any should appeale to the Romā Sea : which exception C●rdinall Bellarmine vpon good reason doth in this thing impugne , as not agreeing with the matter in hand , M. Morton doth accuse Gratian , as if by falsi●ication he had added this clause , as a part of the Canon , and therfore noteth him for a falsificatour in his margent : but the falsi●ication in both points is proued to haue byn on M. Mortōs part , as yow may read before more largely cap. 3. num . 18.19.20 . &c. So as heere he is conuinced of a double falsity . 11. Againe Cardinall Bellarmine taking vpon him in his Treatise of the Notes o● the Church to proue that it is one euident note of heresie and hereticks to hold any one condemned errour that was held by any ancient hereticke , and that the Protestants of our tyme do hold many , he giueth two examples out of the heresyes of the Pelagians , 6 shewing how Caluin , and diuers other Protestants did simbolize with them in two principall heads of doctrine : wherof the first was about Originall sinne in Infantes ( which the Pelagians denyed , and especially in the children of the faythfull ) & the other about the distinctiō of veniall & mortall synns , which they also denied , and that Caluin , Zuinglius , Bucer , and other Protestants did hold the same , but with some distinction concerning Originall sinne ; for that Zuinglius denied originall sinne in all men , Caluin and Bucer in Christian infants only , and cōsequently that it was Pelagianisme . Bellarmines words are these ; Zuinglius negat simpliciter peccatum originale in quolibet homine : Bucerus autē & Caluinus ●olùm in filijs fideliū , quos dicunt sanctos nasci , & saluari etiam sine Baptismo : that is : Zuinglius doth absolutely deny Originall sinn● to be in any man : but Bucer & Caluin do onely deny the same in the children of the faithfull , whom they say to be borne Saints , and to be saued also without baptisme , for which Bellarmine cyteth the places of the Authors themselues , as Zuinglius lib. de baptis . Bucer . i● cap. 3. Matth. Calu. lib. 4. Institut . cap. 15. § . 20. 12. Out of which discourse M. Morton seeking to find some obiections against Bellarmine , pretermitteth first the one of the two heresies obiected , to witt , about the distinction of veniall & mortall sinne , and speaketh only of the poynt of Originall synne , saying : Let P. R. for a while take Cardinall Bellarmine into secret Con●ession , and first aske him with what conscience he hath charged Caluin with the heresie of the Pelagians , who denyed that there was any originall sinne in Infants , especially in the children of faithfull Christians . This is his demaund , and for ground heerof he citeth these latin words of Bellarmine out of the forenamed place : Pelagiani docebant non esse in hominibus peccatum originale , & praecipuè in filijs fidelium . Idem docent Caluinus & Bucerus . The Pelagians did teach that there was not Originall synne in men , especially in the children of the faithfull . And the same do teach Caluin & Bucer : which words if you conferre them with the words themselues of Bellarmine before cited , who accuseth not Caluin & Bucer of all the Pelagian doctrine in this poynt , but only Zuinglius , and as for the other two , to wit Bucer & Caluin , he accuseth them for a part only , Zuinglius denying originall synne in all , and these later only in Christian Infantes , two trickes at least of wilfull falsity are discouered : the first , that in his charge he wi●leth Bellarmine to be examined in confession about Caluin , wheras he ●pake of three togeather , to wit , Zuinglius , Bucer and Caluin : the second that he accuseth Bellarmi●e as though he had charged Caluin with all the Pelagian heresie in this matter , wheras he expresly prof●ss●th to charge him only with one point therof cōcer●ing the infantes of the faithfull . Wherfore these words , ●dē docent Caluinus , & Bucerus ( and this may be the third false tricke ) are not to be found in Bellarmine , but are thrust in by M. Mor●on : nor cannot agree with the distinction of Cardinall Bellarmine before set downe , these things then I leaue to the Readers discretion . For though the points themselues for their substance be not of great weight , yet is the mynd of the writer as much discouered in false tricks of small moment as of great ; see more of this matter before Cap. 3. num . 62.63.64 . &c. 13. It followeth pag. 55. of this his preamble that treating of the prohibition made by the ancient Councell of Eliberis in Spayne consisting of 19. Bishops not to set vp Images in the Churches , 7 & the diuers expositions of Catholicke doctours about the same , what the causes and motiues might be of this prohibition for that tyme of the fresh , and new conuersiō of that nation from Idolatrie to Christian Religion , among other expositors he citeth the opinion of Sixtus Senensis for the last vpshot of the whole matter ●aying thus : So that whatsoeuer the occasion of forbidding might haue beene , this is a confessed conclusion of Senensis , that the Councell of Eliberis did absolutly forbid the worship of Images . And then ●etteth down the same in latin in his margent , as out of Senensis al●o , in these wordes : Idcirco omnino ve●uit Synodus Elibertina imaginum cal●um . But he that shall looke vpon the text of the Authour himself shall not fynd any such confessed conclusion , or any such words of absolutly forbidding , and consequently this is conuinced to be an absolute vntruth , for it appeareth cleerly in Senensis that the prohibition was only for a time , vntill the new conuerted Spaniards should be better instructed in Christian Religion , and made to vnderstand better the difference betweene Pagan Idols , and sacred Images : so as heere are two grosse falsityes , first in obtruding , as the latin sentence of Senensis , that which Senensis hath not , in words or sense , and then in translating the same so punctually into English , & setting it down in a different letter , as though it were exactly so in good earnest : and can there be any excuse for these sortes of procedings ? Let the Reader see more before c. 3. nu . 38. 14. Gregorius de Valentia is brought in by M. Morton against Bellarmine as allowing of a sentence of Tertullian vsed by Bullinger the Caluinist as orthodoxall , 8 and iustifiable , to wit , Tres sunt in Diuinitate personae , non statu sed gradu , non substantia sed forma , non potestate sed specie differentes : and M. Morton stoutly cyteth in his margent for approuing therof Gregorius de Valentia Iesuita de vnitate & Trinitate c. 9. § . item Bullingerus , meaning therby to oppose the one of thē against the other in this matter● but when the thing is examined , the wordes of Gregorius de Valentia are found to be these : Bullingerus Sacramentarius &c. Bullinger the Sacramentary affirmeth that there are three persons in Deity , which differ not in state but degree , not in substance but forme , not in power but kind : by which wordes ( sayth Valentia ) he doth not only ouerthrow the Godhead of the sonne , but euen the whole Mystery of the most holy Trinity . 15. So sayth Valētia against Bullinger for whose defēce against Cardinall Bellarmins accusation of Arianisme he is produced . And let the reader iudge whether this be an allowanc● of that sentence for orthodoxall , which Valentia sayth , as yow see , to be so blasphemous as it doth ouerthrow the whole mystery of the Blessed Trinity . And the lyke lye yow may behold vttered by M. Morton against Cardinall Bellarmine himselfe in this very matter , affirming him to expound as orthodoxall and iustifiable , the forsayd hereticall paradox of Tertullian , wheras he expoundeth only in good sen●e the former part therof : So as heere are two conuinced falsi●yes , wherof yow may read more largely cap. 3. num . 88.89 . &c. 16. There falleth out a question betweene M. Morton , and Cardinall Bellarmine , whether the forme of arguing vsed by S. Cyprian were good and sufficient or no , 9 wh●̄ he defended the errour of rebaptizing hereticks à sufficientia scripturarum exclusiuè , to wit , this or that is not in the Scripture , ergo , it is not to be defended , it being the common forme of arguing in the Protestants of our dayes ; and Bellarmine sayth , no ; alleaging S. Augustine for his Authority , who defending the negatiue against S. Cyprians error , to wit , that men returning frō heresy were not to be rebaptized ( which was the opinion of the whole Church in his time , & grounded vpon vnwritten tradition of the sayd Church ; ) reprehended that forme of arguing in S. Cyprian , as not good● , and sufficient , shewing both that many thinges b●sydes this , are taught and belieued in the Church by tradition , which are not in Scripture , & that S. Cyprian himselfe whē he was out of necessity of defending this article , made recourse vnto vnwritten traditions , wherunto M. Morto● answereth thus . But whosoeuer shall consult with S. Augustine in the Chapter specifyed , shall fynd that this point by himselfe is excellently commended , saying , that , wheras Cyprian warneth vs to runne vnto the fountayne , that is , vnto the traditions of the Apostles , from thence to deriue a cōduct vnto our times , is chiefly good and doubtles to be performed . So he . 17. But when S. Augustines discourse is examined , it is found wholy against M. Morton : for though he do allow and prayse recourse vnto Scriptures when things may euidently be proued from thence : ye● doth he not hold that only such things are to be belieued as are expresly therin conteyned , but rather both in this controuersie of r●baptization , wherin S. Cyprian doth pretend to hold the affirmatiue by Scripture & S. August . the negatiue by custome and tradition of the Church , and preuayled also therin and in many other examples that scripture only must not be the rule of beliefe , for that there are many things which are , and must be admitted though they be not expresly in Scriptures . This is S. Augustins discourse , which being so , it sheweth a notable fraud , and desire to deceau● in M. Morton , that telleth his Reader that S. A●gustine did excellently commend that forme of arguing in S. Cyprian , which he indeed doth largely and expresly impugne , wherof see more before Cap. 3. num . 107.108.109 . &c. 18. In the 70. page of this his Preamble writing of Purgatory , 10 he seemeth to haue set downe one of the most manifest , and boldest vntruthes that euer commonly I haue read ; for thus he writeth : VVhen I speake of Fathers ( for proofe of the article of Purgatory ) the most of them ; when I speake of Canonicall Scriptures , all of them are ●ound by the iudgment o● their owne Doctours to be tortured wrested and forced , as it were , to say that which they neuer meant . This vntruth I say , seemeth so manifest & plaine , as there needeth , no other proofe to conuince i● , but only the bare narration therof . For how can it be possible , that our Doctours do belieue the article of Purgatory , if in their owne iudgments they hold & teach that all Scriptures alleaged for the same , and the most part of Fathers , are made to say that which they neuer meant therin , and this by turning , wresting , and forcing ? Is there any man that will admit so violēt a fact as this ? Or is there any man so light & foolish , eyther Protesta●t or Catholick , as will giue credit to so fond an assertion ? Wherof see more before , Cap. 3. num . 138.139 . &c. 19. In the 71. page of this his Preamble M. Morton taking vpon him , 11 and promising to discouer such notorious fashoods against me , as that he would inforce me by vertue of myne owne promise ( as he sayth ) neuer hereafter to credit my selfe , beginneth with this in the first place , that I in the end of the cōmon Preface prefixed before my treatise of Mitigation did signify , that whē I wrote that Preface , I did not know whome the letters T.M. did signify : & yet that in the dedicatory Epistle that goeth before the said Preface I did sūdry times signify that the said letters T.M. did import Thomas Morton , and this he setteth downe for the first notorious falshood , that he was to handle against me : but when matters are examined it is found that my sayd dedicatory Epistle was written long after the Preface , and in the last place after the whole Booke was ended ; and that this could not be vnknowne to M. Morton himselfe , for that it is expresly set downe both in the sayd dedicatory Epistle as also playnely declared in the third Chapter of the treatise , when , and by what meanes I came to know first the true signification of those two letters T. M. after the writing of the cōmon Preface , wherin I denied to know it . So as this is conuinced not to be any notorious falshood or falsity at all in me , but to be more then wilfull , and ridiculous in himselfe to charge me with it , as is shewed more at large before , Cap. 4. num . 10.11 . &c. 12 20. There followeth pag. 80. of his Preamb. a great conuiction of M. Mortons willfull falsity , which I do not see how any wayes possible he can auoyd or excuse : and the matter is , concerning the testimony of Holinshed in his Chronicle , about the cause of Syr Thom. VViats Rebellion , which M. Morton had stoutly denyed in both his former Bookes of Discouery , & Full Satisfaction to haue had any relatiō to Religiō , or mention therof in his pretence , for which he citeth in his margent Holinshed only Anno 1553. and when against this his Aduersary P. R. cited the playne testimonies of M. Iohn Fox as credible an Authour in his opinion as Holinshed , M. Morton in this his last Reply shifteth of this , with saying that his aduersary played the Fox , seeking to prey furthest of from home , for that he had cited Holinshed , and to Holinshed he would stand , to wit M. Morton : wherupon P. R. looking better into Holinshed findeth the very selfe same testimony and wordes in effect , which were alleaged before out of Fox ; and the like also set downe by Iohn Stow in his Chronicle , which M. Morton could not probably but haue seene . And how then did he make that stout deniall before mentioned in two or three bouts , and now the third tyme doth stand in it also ? can this be excused ? can this be thought tolerable ? can this be defended from wilfull falshood knowne to the speaker ? yow may see more of this matter before , Cap. 4. num . 54.55 . &c. 21. Furthermore page 94. of this his Preamble he going about to proue by examples that some Popes haue dyed disasterously , 13 nameth Pope Anastasius the second , and for testimony therof citeth in the margent Ioan● de Turrecreniat . lib. de sum . Ecclesiae , de Anastasio , whose words he sayth are , bene legitur Anastasiū diuino n●tu percuss●m i●●ter●sse , It is well read that Pope Anastasius dyed strokē by the appointmēt of God : & then he insulteth , that this is the testimony of one of our owne Doctours ; but whē the place is examined only it is foūd that Turrecreniata bringeth in this by way of obiectiō in the behalfe of others , for these are his words : Tertium etiā hic inducunt exemplū de Anastasio , qui licèt volueri● reuocare Acatium , non tamē p●tuit , quia diuino nutu percussus est . Heere also they bring in a third example of Anastasius , who albeit he had a mynd to recall the heretike Acatius ( to wit , to his communion at the vrgent instance of the hereticall Emperour called also Anastasius ) yet he could not do it , for that he was stroken by the hand of God , and so therby preuented from falling into that inconuenience● which is the end wherunto Turrecremata reciteth the example , to shew the prouidence of God in preseruing the Bishops of Rome from falling into such inconueniences , though o● 〈◊〉 Authors also do deny this example , for that Acati●● was dead long before , which M. Morton dissembling , as also that it was brought in the behalfe of Popes , and as an obiection : others by Turrecremata , and not setting downe his true wordes , as now yow haue heard , doth by all these three meanes shew that he wittingly dealt falsely , wherof yow may see more , Cap. 5. num . 30.31 . &c. 22. It followeth page 111. of the sayd Preamble that M. Morton to disgrace and discredit the Decretalls & Extrauagants of Popes , 14 auoucheth that Pope Gregory the 13. of late in this our tyme , did ( by a speciall breue ) ratifie the Glosses and Annotations ( vpon the said Decretals ) and gaue thē authority equiualent and answerable to the Decretals & Extrauagants themselues , which seeming a strange fact of the Pope , the sayd Breue prefixed , before that edition of the Canon law , was examined and it was found that Pope Gregory did only therin giue licence and priuiledge , according to custome , for printing the sayd Decretals , Extrauagants , and Corps of the Canō law , togeather with their Glosses and Annotations , as they were set forth in Rome , and Roman edition , without any one word of equalling them in authority the one with the other : which seemeth so notorious an abuse and imposture , as vnlesse we should imagine M. Morton to be a very simple and senseles man in mistaking quid for quo , which I thinke he would be loath to be accompted , he cānot be excused from manifest wilfull fraud , wherof we haue written before , Cap. 5. num . 92.93.94 . &c. 23. In the page . 64. of this preamble M. Morton accuseth Cardinall Bellarmine falsely to haue ascribed vnto Caluin the heresie of the Manicheans , 15 saying : Againe he at●ributeth vnto Caluin the heresie of the Manichees , who ( saith he ) did condemne the nature of men , depriuing them of Freewill , and ascribing the Originall and beginning of sinne vnto the nature of man , and not vnto his Freewill . So he . But when the Originall text of Bellarmine is examined , it is found that M. Morton insteed of the words , sayth he ( to wit Bellarmine ) should haue sayd S. Hierome and S. Augustine do say so , for that Bellarmine citeth the first part of the wordes of S. Hierome , and the second as the wordes of S. Augustine , which names of authority M. Morton cunningly clipping of , to the end the Reader should not be moued therwith to see the cōmon doctrine of Protestants about Freewill to be accompted Manichean heresie by those two Doctors , he reciteth the sentence as Cardinall Bellarmines owne speach , and not as of the other : and this the first tricke of falsitie in this point . 24. The second is , that wheras Bellarmine doth accuse Caluin to deny Freewill with the Manicheans , M. Morton obiecteth vnto him a contradiction in this matter , as though he had granted elswhere that Caluin had held the doctrine of Freewill : wherupon he vrgeth Bellarmine in these wordes : This contradiction in this point is no more then this to charge Caluin with that which he did not belieue : is not this singular falshood ? But when the matter is examined it is found that M. Morton endeauoreth to deceyue his reader with a notable equiuocation about the tyme. For that Bell●●mine granteth , that Caluin a●cribeth Freewill to man before his fall , but not afterward , wherin standeth the controuersie betweene vs and Protestants , and therfore when he sayth Caluin with the Ma●ichees doth deny Freewill ( to wit , after mans fall , granting it before ) it is no contradiction at all ; for that both are true : and consequētly I do not see how it can be excused from wilfull fraud , that M. Morton heere went about to deceiue his Reader with so grosse an Equiuocation in fact , & practise , the name wherof otherwise in sound of words he doth so eagerly impugne : about which matter see more Chap. 5. num● 79.80.81 . &c. So as heere are two notable fraudes as yow see . 25. But in the next place there is a greater multitude of fraudes discouered by me togeather , to wit , fiue , 16 and I cannot see how any one can be excused● For wheras M. Morton pag. 63 & 64. complayneth that Cardinall Bellarmine doth make Protestants guilty of the heresie of the Nouatiās in taking from the Church all power of reconciling men vnto God ( he should haue sayd heresies in the plurall number for that Bella●mine reciteth two , to wit this , and the denying in lyke manner the vse of holy Chrisme ; ) he so goeth about to deliuer his Protestants from this imputatiō ( I meane of the first only , without saying any thing of the ●econd ) as partly vnder the Equiuocation of the word Pennance , vnderstanding it now for priuate Pennance as it is a vertue only , and may be exercised by euery man of himselfe , both in wardly and outwardly of what religiō soeuer he be : and then taking it as it is a Sacramentall Pēnance , which prescribeth a certayne externall forme , and requireth absolution of the Church ; he so intangleth himselfe and his Reader ( I say ) with his defence , as he is conuinced before in this our answere to haue committed fiue seuerall falshoodes which cannot possibly be excused from witting and wilfull , wherof yow may see more at large , cap. 3. of this our Answere , num . 67.68 . &c. 26. But yet there followeth a more notable conuiction of falshood against him for alleadging pag. 84● & 85. of his Preamble the Iesuit Doctour Azorius , 7 as condemning all vse of Equiuocation , and that by fiue rules : wherof the last is vrged by him , as hitting the naile on the head , to vse his phrase : but when the matter is duely examined , it doth so hit M. Morton on the head , that I take pitty to consider how he reeleth at the blow : for it maketh him to fly and conceale foure rules of the fiue , for that they make wholy against him : As namely the first which resolueth that a Priest may Equiuocate , & say he knoweth nothing , when he is demaunded any thing concerning Confession : the second , that any man may Equiuocate , when he is demaūded by an incompetent iudge , euen with an Oath , wherof he setteth downe 4. or 5. seuerall cases resolued by him , directly against M. Morton in this doctrine . His 3. rule also , which concerneth common conuersation of men , determineth , That whensoeuer any iniury is offred to any man , it is lawful for him to vse Equiuocatiō , eyther in Oath or speach : & by this he resolueth foure other seuerall cases against M. Mor. wherof one is the famous Couentry-Case so oftē by him mētioned . The fourth rule setteth down no particular cases , but only giueth direction how we may not vse certaine formes of Equiuocatiō if no iniury be offred vs : & to lyke effect is the fifth rule so much esteemed by M. Morton : but for the former three conteyning the resolution of ten seuerall cases all directly against M. Mort. & his doctrine , being by him both seene & read , & yet concealed and dissembled , do conuince him of ten seuerall witting falshods , and cannot possibly be excused , for so much as he alledgeth Azor , as denying all Equiuocation , except he will say , that in reading the selfe same pages and lines of Azor his eye sight did not serue him to read the precedent foure rules that resolued so many cases against him , but only opened it selfe vpon the fifth , which were a strange case . Or if he did read them all , then it was a much more strange resolution to suppresse and embezell them , & yet to alledge Azor against his Aduersary with this confident tytle , ●hat P.R. his Equiuocation is proued a lye , & himselfe a ●alsificator by the Confession of three Iesuits ; wherof the first conu●ncing him is Azorius , a great Cas●ist , and learned Iesuit , How will the poore man defend himselfe heere ? See more of this before Cap. 4. num . 69.70.71 . &c. 27. In the next place after this , M. Morton introduceth for a second witnes , to vse his wordes ( for conuincing P. R. of falshood ) one Emanuel Sa another learned Iesuit , 18 in his Aphorismes , alledged by his former Aduersary the Moderate Answerer , which Emanuel saith that some Catholicke Authors there be , who do not allow that in all Cases where the party demanded is not bound to answere , he may lawfully Equiuocate : and perhaps ( sayth he ) these later speake with better reason then others that hold the contrary : wherupon M. Morton doth triumph exceedingly as though he had euicted , that Emanuel Sà the Iesuite had contradicted all Equiuocation , and therupon entreth into this vayne and childish insultation : Is it possible ( sayth he ) that my Aduersary can free himselfe from a falsity h●ere , corroding the consci●ce ? the Edition is but one , the translation is the same , the place is well knowne &c. So he . And yet when the matter is examined he himselfe is found to haue both the corroding and corroded conscience , for the many wilfull falsityes vsed in this point . 28. As first , for that this is brought in and vrged , as though Emanuel Sà did affirme , that diuers Catholick Authors did contradict all Equiuocatiō in generall , wheras he expresly speaketh of some particuler cases , that may fallout , wherin the party demaūded though he be not bound to answere : yet hath he not liberty at his own pleasure to equiuocate without necessity , but ought rather to hold his peace , especially when no violence or iniury is offred by the demaunder : which yet not withstāding was auouched to be but a particuler opinion of some , and left afterward by Emanuel himselfe . 29. Secondly he cutteth of the beginning and ending of his Aduersaries wordes , which do cleerly expound his meaning : and thirdly he doth conceale wittingly fiue particuler cases resolued by Emanuel Sà in fauour of Equiuocation against M. Morton : so as these be seauen witting & wilfull falsityes which by no art of tergiuersation can be auoyded . And by this yow may see how the number of his falshoods would multiplie vpon him , if I should pre●●e him with euery one seuerally , and spend tyme therin : but this would corrode too much , and therfore I remit the reader to that which hath beene said heerof before , Cap. 4. num . 77.78.79 . &c. 30. And now we shall draw towards an end , though many more of this kynd do yet remayne which might be produced in this briefe collection : as namely , 19 that which is handled by me before in the fourth Chapter of this booke , where M. Morton accusing me boldly and mo●t eagerly , that I going about to satisfy in my Treatise of Mitigation two different Authors Sotus & Maldonate , that do impugne the vile art of Equiuocating ( to vse his contumelious wordes , ) I do pretermit wittingly Maldonate the third witnes ( as the weaker aduersary will do his ouermatch ) though he were cited by him in the selfe same place , to the selfe same effect : But all this I do proue to be as full of falshood and forgery , as the former , conteyning at least foure● or fiue wilfull vntruthes . For that in the place of my booke by him cyted , neyther do I treate of Genesius & So●us togeather , but of Genesius alone : nor do I there endeauour to satisfy any of their testimonyes , for that there are none brought forth against me . And thirdly I do vrge M. Morton with an vn●nswerable testimony of Genes . in that place , affirming the lawfulnes of some Equiuocation , which he doth neyther answere , nor go about to answere in this his Preambling Reply . Fourthly I do not ioyne Genesius and Sotus togeather in any one place throughout my whole Book . Fifthly and lastly ( for I will touch no more points ) it is proued that the authority of Maldonate brought in by M. Morton , maketh nothing at all against Equiuoca●iō but rather for the confirmation therof , wherin I remit me to that which is more largely treated before of this matter , num . 83.84.85 . &c. 31. And now though I grow weary in recapitulating so large & loathsome a list of wilfull vntruthes , as yow haue heard , pretermitting many for auoiding prolixity : 20 yet cannot I altogeather let passe in this last place one which is very solemne . For wheras M. Morton in the Epistle Dedicatory of this Preamble to to the Earle of Salisbury , had made a solemne protestation , that it should be to him the greatest cryme of all others if it could be proued that he durst to make a lye before his Lordship ; & before this againe had affirmed the same in effect to the Kings Grace himselfe in his Epistle dedicatory of his Full satisfaction , assuring his Maiesty of the vprightnes of his conscience , and that he was a Minister of simple truth &c. now notwitstanding both to his Maiesty as also to the Earle , he blusheth not to vtter many lyes togeather , to wit so many as yow haue heard by me conuinced , but two especially in this very place concerning an obseruation out of Polidore Virgil. For wheras in the sayd dedica●ory vnto his Maies●y●e ●e hath these wordes : Polidore obserueth that the Popes a long tyme in their election , had their names changed by Antiphrase viz. the elected of he were by naturall disposition fearfull , was named Leo , if cruell , Clement , is vnciuill Vrban , if wicked ●ius , &c. Now in this Preamble dedicated to my L. of Salisbury he being prest to bring forth his authority and wordes of the Authour , he is constrained to conuince himselfe of two notable falshoodes and deceipts : first for that Polidore in his latin text by himsel●e alleaged doth not say , that the Popes for a long tyme in their election had their names changed by antiphrase , as M. Morton falsely auouched , but , vt ei statim creato liceat nomen mutare , that it was lawfull for him that was made Pope presently after his election to change his name , i● he would : and this is onely , and that a good one , to affirme that Polidore obserueth that Popes for a long tyme did change their names by Antiphrase : wheras he said only that they might do it if they li●t , but he do●h not , nor cannot giue any true example that euer any one did it for this cause . 32. But the second delusion is much more singular : for wheras Polidore sayd that he bringeth in this contemplation of his but in iest , and not in earnest . non ex●raiocum dict●m sit , be it spoken but in pastime ; M. Morton in his first allegation therof in his dedicatory to his Maiesty as a Minister of s●mple truth , quite leaueth out these words , therby to make his Highnes thinke , that Polidore vttereth this deuise in good ●arnest without any excuse or interpretation therof : but now heere in this other worke to my L. of Salisbury being forced to lay them forth , he deuiseth a new interpretation , saying , that non extra iocum dictum sit , doth signify that it may not be spoken without a iest , which is a very iest indeed , but a lying and malicious iest . And 〈◊〉 with these two new lyes , I shall end this recapitu●ation , referring the Reader for more particulers in this last two-fold lye to that we haue handled more largely before in the fourth Chapter , num . 12.13 . &c. 33. And thus hauing made this short reuiew and collection of these 20. branches of new , witting , and wilfull vntruthes , conteyning in particuler aboue fifty , as the Reader will fynd in perusing them ouer , I shall passe to the tenth and last Chapter of all wherin , notwithstanding all these euictions , you shall fynd the most strange confident animosity of his owne singular and simple truth , and the rarest braggs , vaunts , protestations , prouocations and new Chalenges , that euer , perhaps , yow heard in your lyfe : so as he proueth himselfe a Cocke of the game indeed , in crowing lowdest , when he is most battered . We shall passe on then to see his crowings . THE TENTH , AND LAST CHAPTER , CONTEYNING NEW CHALLENGES , PROTESTATIONS , VAVNTS , AND OTHER VEHEMENT assertions of M. Morton , that inwrappe him in bandes of further absurdities , then any of his former errours or ouersightes before layd downe . PREFACE . ALBEIT from the beginning of this Booke , and especially in our Epistle prefixed before the same , as well Dedicatory to the Vniuersities , as also Admonitory to M. Morton himselfe , we haue made manifest , that the manner of his answering in this his last Preambling defence was nothing els but a certaine florish and outcry of words , thereby to astonish the Reader , and to diuert his attention from the substance of the matter it self , by protesting , promising , threatning , vaunting , challenging and the like : yet for that he multiplieth more these shiftes , and relieth more vpon them in the Conclusion and last Paragraph of his said Preamble , then any where els before , intituling the same a Challeng against P.R. I am forced in this place to call againe into view this idle argument of braggi●g , craking , and outfacing , called in latin lactantia , sauouring either of a very vayne mynd , or desperate cause , or both . 2. And to begynue with the matter it self , and with his māner of proceding herein , you haue heard before what solemne protestations he hath made , what seuere conditions he hath specified , what grieuous punishments he hath appointed to himself , if he essectuate not great matters in this his Preamble : If he make it not manifest ( to vse his owne words ) that I haue preuaricated in my whole cause , betrayed my Countryes State , disgraced the Roman Schooles , and strangled my owne conscience , he refuseth not to be condemned : and that aboue all other crymes against him , he is content that this be added , that he durst a●●irme thus much before my L. of Salisbury his honour . ● . You haue heard more ouer how he threatneth so to presse me in the matter of Equiuocation , as no wit of man should be able to excuse me . And againe in the next Paragraph ensuyng : if I proue not ( sayth he ) their doctrine to be as bytter as the water of Meribah ( he should haue sayd Marah , as appeareth Exod. 15. v. 23. for Meribah was the sweet water that guished out of the Rocke , wherof both men and beastes did drinke , Exod. 17. v. 7 , and I meruaile he would erre so grossely ) then let them note me ( saith he ) for a man aboue the nature of man malicious . He threatneth to driue me to a vertigo and gyddines , that I shall repent , that euer I tooke this matter in hand : but heere he entreth into more vehement and patheticall protestations , which yet I do not see how he may well call Challenges , but rather certayne discharges or deprecations for himself , which he diuideth into three sortes , the first for his owne person , the second against me his aduersary , the third concerning the cause in hand betwene vs : and in euery one of these partes he hath foure members of challenge , so as in all they are twelue in number : we shall runne them ouer in order as they lye . CONCERNING M. Mortons owne person , and what new Protestations and Challenges he maketh therabout . §. I. HIS first challeng is this : As for the integrity of my conscience ( saith he ) I do auow , that if I haue not in the iealousy of my infirmity done that which no one to my knowlege hath done these many ages , to wyt , reuiewed some of mine owne bookes , and examined them not as an Author , but as a Cēsurer , discouering such my escapes , as I could at any tyme fynd , and publishing them in print with open animaduersions , to the end that myne owne correction might be my Readers direction : then I say I will con●esse my self worthy of all the criminations of frauds , tricks , deceipts , cosenages , & whatsoeuer opprobrious imputations P. R. either hath , or can fasten vpon me . 5. This is his first protestation : wherunto first I say , concerning his last words , that albeit it were true , that M. Morton had vsed this diligence which here he mentioneth of reuiewing and censuring his owne workes , which yet I neuer saw published , this doth not so defend him , but that his aduersarie P. R. may iustly fasten vpon him the imputations of falshood , which he pretendeth to do : for so much as he might ●leightly or partially oueruiew his own works , & either out of blindn●sse of selfeloue not see his owne errours ( which were hard to belieue , they being so manifest as before hath byn shewed ) or rather loath to strike thē out for want of other better matter to supply their place . And howsoeuer it be , P. R. standeth to the auouchment of his imputations , and appealeth to the triall already made : which being apparently true , and in many manyfest pointes not reprouable , M. Mortons reuiew must needs condemne himself , either of lacke of sight , or want of conscience . 6. Secondly how is it probable , that M. Morton out of the iealousy of his infirmity , as he calleth it , did make so diligent a search and inquiry vpon his works , as here he sayth , for so much as in this very booke of Preamble in the few points that he taketh vpon him to answere , he is forced to confesse for his owne defēce , that sometymes he did not see the Author whom he cyteth , as of a Nauclerus about the false allegation , that Pope Adrian was choaked with a fly , in his second obiection , and 8. Paragraph . And oftentymes he layeth the fault of his false allegations vpon others , as vpon one Richard b Sto●ke Minister of London in sundry false citations of Gratian : as also vpon c Tol●ssanus about Otto Frisingensis ; and vpon d Ri● Can. for the falsification of M. Reinolds testimony : may this be called an exact reuiew of his owne works ? what exact & diligent cēsure did he vse in this reuiew ? How did he discouer his escapes therin , as here he professeth ? How doth he giue me speciall e thanks for pardoning him in one of his escapes , and for ascribing it to that he had not seene the Author himself ? calling this my curtesy a dram● of sugar ? Was this diligence ? Was this iealousy of his owne infirmity ? Nay he saith more , that he hath per●ormed greater exac●nes in this point , then any one Author to his knowledg for many ages . Is not this exc●ssiue ouerlashing against others , and ouerweening in himselfe ? What one Author can he bring ●orth among Catholicke writers , who in a booke of this small bulke and bignes may be found to haue vttered the least part of such manifest vntruthes , as heere haue bin proued and conuinced against him 7. He hath taken in hand before , as you haue seene , Cardinall Bellarmine , to search & pick some matter out of him , that might seeme to beare some shew of vntruth : but hath bin able to find no one , as we in the third Chapter of this our Answere haue made it plaine : and yet is there great difference betwene the case of Cardinall Bellarmine and M. Morton , if you cōsider it . For wheras he writeth for some excuse of himself in this place , that it is almost impossible for any man citing ●oure or fyue hundred testimonies , as factors in their accompts , but that by chance he will erre in some particulers without note of ●raude or Cosenage : then much more may this be yelded to the Cardinalls works and authorities cited therin , which no doubt are fifty for one at least , in regard of this Preamble , and then ensueth this comparison , that M. Morton hauing vttered so many grosse and witting vntruthes in so little a booke , & the Cardinall so few , or rather none at all , that M. Mort. can find and prooue in so many thousand authorities as in his volumes are cyted , it maketh more notable the vanity of this first challeng or brag , that he hath done more in strict examination and censuring of his owne bookes , then any other author for many ages togeather . 8. Thirdly the reckoning is now made so cleere and perspicuous , subductis ex vtraque parte rationibus , by casting the accompts most exactly on both sides , especially by our last three precedent Chapters , to wit , of the fourtene falshoods obiected against him which he chose out to answere but could not : and then by the twice fourteene which he wittingly pretermitted as vnanswerable : and lastly the number of new lyes and falshoods vttered in discharge of the former ; the reckoning ( I say ) is made so euident and palpable , as it must needs cause great laughter to see M. Morton come forth , and say after all this , That if he haue not in the iealousie of his infirmity so reuiewed and examined his booke , not as an Author but as a Censurer , discouering his owne escapes &c. he will confesse himselfe worthie of all the criminations , fraudes , tricks and deceipts layd against him by his aduersarie : wherin I see no other way can be taken by iustice , but as in suites of obligation when the conditions are not fulfilled , the penalties must be vndergone by the obliged , wherunto by band and obligation he is lyable ; that is to say M. Morton must be cōdemned of all the imputations before recyted . 9. Fourthly , to the end it may appeare , that not only I , who am his Country-man , haue obserued this manner of dealing in his treatises written in English but strangers also in such pieces as he hath set forth in the Latin tongue ( though I confesse in all truth & sincerity , that I neuer read or saw any thing of his in that tongue ) I shall heere set downe the words of a learned stranger , that some daies past wrote a letter out of Germany to a friend of his about two books of M. Mortons confuted by hym , and almost ready to go to the prynt . I know not the very title of the said bookes , but I haue the originall Letter of the writer imparted vnto me by my learned friend , to whome it was written , & I haue shewed the same to sundry others , who will testifie that it is not feigned by me . By which letter is euident , what stuffe is conteyned in the said two Bookes , and what opinion he hath of the Author . And if I shall vnderstand that any fraud or falshood is suspected on my part in this relation , I shall procure the Answerer to cause this Epistle of his to be printed with the said Answere : his words therefore are these , treating with his friēd of the edition of his said Answere . The Censure of a stranger concerning two books of M. Mortons , set forth in Latin , against the Iesuits . Quid Mortoni editionem retardârit , in proximis iam perscripsi . Liber , quin magnus sit , nullo breui●atis studio effici potest . Nam & Mortoni liber crassus est , & ex nostrorum potissimùm scriptis mendaciter citatis , totus ille cento consutus est . Vnde , vt hominis mendacissimi impudentia prodatur , necessarium est singulorum verba sic primò poni , vt abillo relata sunt ; eadem deinde cum fide ex ipsis Authoribus recensenda , cum tempestiua aliqua Mortonianae artis commendatione . Primum librum ( habet ille ad 100. circiter Capita , & varias materias , imo omnes pene iam controuersas continet ) prout ab illo emissi● est , totum confutaui : & tot in illo , adeoque crassa mendacia demonstraui , vt frustra sit ad alterum progredi : in quo homo insulsissimus plerumque ex primo repetit , & familiarissimis sibi figuris , hoc est mendacijs alijs , aliterilla exornat : itaque ex hoc paucula tātùm delibabo . Si Scribam inuenero legendi gnarū , dabo operam , vt exscribatur &c. Nam in hoc labore suscipiēdo non aliud spectaui , quàm vt errantibus asieno sub nomine viam & veritatem ostenderem . Vnde in singulis Capitibus Catholicum primo sensum , quem Mortonus peruertit , exposui , & aliqua Scripturae vel Pa●rum authoritate stabilini . Mortoni deinde mendacia & calumnias detexi . Quòd factu non admodum suit difficile , nisi quod laboriosum fuit Authores quos citat conquirere , singulos excutere , vt de Mortoni perfidia euidenter constaret . Librum Passauij reliqui , quò simul atque rediero ( spero autem nosilluc ante Pentecosten redituros ) me operi ac●ingam &c. Grecij 20. Aprilis 1608. G. I. 11. Thus that learned stranger : who I assure my selfe must needs laugh hartily , if he shall vnderstand that M. Morton maketh such speciall protestations and challenges of the integrity of his conscience and iealosy o● his infirmity , and of the seuere examining and censuring his owne bookes before they come abroad , and yet that they come forth with so many grosse falsities , as both he , and we , and all other his Readers that be not passionate do find . I haue not thought good to translate this Epistle into English , for that there be some wordes more sharp therin , then I would willingly vse against an Aduersary , whome I seeke rather to pacifie and satisfie with reason ( if it be possible ) then to exulcerate by sharpnes of speach : albeit I cannot let passe to set downe the iudgement of another learned stranger , extant in a printed booke of his in defence of Cardinall Bellarmin , whome M. Morton chiefely pretendeth to impugne , but so weakely and absurdly , as the said learned man giueth a very contemptible censure of the whole worke , saying : Hoc opus merito suo inter stulcissima , quae ex Nouatorum officina prodierunt , sedem sibi deposcit ; adeò fatuè , stolidè & insulse non dissertat , sed delirat . Which words also for the forsaid cause I leaue vntranslated . And this may suffice for his first chalenge : there followeth the second . 12. If I haue not earnestly desired ( saith he ) and by the law of loue challenged of my frends strict iustice , in noting such deprauations as might any way occur : and ( least they should suspect their reprehension to become lesse acceptable vnto me ) if I haue not pro●essed it to be my greatest offence , not to be in that māner offended : If I haue bin euer so peruersly obstinate , as not willing to be reformed by any aduersary : then I will confesse my selfe worthie of all criminations , fraudes , trickes , deceipts , cosenages &c. 13. To which challeng I answere , that if M. Morton haue had this earnest desire indeed , which he speaketh of , and haue requested his friends by the law of loue , to note in strict iustice his d●prauatiōs , as he protesteth , we must needs conclude , that either he hath had few faithfull friends to performe that friendly office vnto him , or that they were very carelesse in their annotations , or he not very prompt to follow their aduertismēts , supposing the multitude of faults that are found , wherof neither he , nor they did take any notice , or seeke to correct them . And as for his willingnes to be reformed by any aduersary , and that his greatest offence was , and is , not to be in that manner offended , I do not see how it can be true or held for probable : for so much as my selfe being his aduersary in the cause and controuersy betwene vs , hauing sought friendly in my booke of Mitigation to admonish and reforme him in many errours and falsities vttered by him , he hath byn so farre of from taking it in good part , or not being offended therewith , as he hath vtterly lost himselfe through impacience in diuers passages in this his answer , as before you haue heard vpon diuers occasions , & no where will it more appeare , then by the second part of this his challenge concerning his aduersary presently to ensue : wherein he passeth the scolding of any bad woman lightly that euer I haue heard of , if inuectiue scurrility be scolding . Wherfore in this he protesting one thing and doing the contrary , within so few lines , it may easely be seene what credit may be giuen to his wordes . Let vs passe to his third chalenge . 14. Although I can not ( saith he ) but choose to be strooke rather of a friend who woundeth , that he may heale , t●en of an enemy , who intendeth only to hurt : a friendly animaduersion , being as an Antidote , which is a reprehending of me , least I might be reprehensible : and the taxation of an enemy bei●g as toxicum calummously poysoning whatsoeuer deserueth good : yet if I haue euer byn so wickedly peruerse as not ( whensoeuer iustly ) to be willingly reproued by my aduersary , turning his venome in●o treacle , his deformation into reformation , then I say , I will confesse my self worthy of all the criminations as before . 15. This Challeng if we consider it well , is only a multiplication of words without new sense or substance , for that in the later part of the former Challeng , he protested the same that he doth heere : that he was willing to be re●ormed by any Aduersary , which here he repeateth againe with some more Rhetoricke of phrases , but no more truth . For that I being his Aduersary and reprouing him of so many vntruthes , and offering to stand to the triall , as now I haue done , he hath not only not taken it patiently nor turned venome into treacle , but quite contrariwise treacle into venome : for that my admonitions were treacle indeed to resist the venome of a lying spirit infused by heresy , if he would haue taken the benefit thereof . And as for the Antidote , which here he speaketh of to be reprehended friendly , least he might be reprehensible ; if it be so much to be estemed as he saith ( & so it is indeed ) then much more obligation is there to be patient in receauing reprehension , where a man is actually reprehensible indeed , and that in so high a degree as I do pretend and proue that M. Morton is , by his false dealing before laid downe , which yet he holding for toxicum , I haue very litle hope though much desyre , that it may do him good : but to others I trust it will , that are not so partially and passionatly interessed in the matter . 16. His fourth Challeng is vttered in these words : If in my ordinary course of life ( saith he ) any man can charge me with a bent to this vice of ●alsity , though it were for hope of whatsoeuer aduātage &c. then I will confesse my selfe worthy &c. Vnto which Challenge , if so he will needs call it ( for I neuer saw Challenges runne in this forme ) I haue this only to answere , that the falsifications obiected are extant à parte rei , and auouched out of his Bookes published in his name : and whether he wrote the same either of a bent to this vice , or of a back , that is to say , of a necessity or kind of compulsion for manteyning of a bad cause , I will not stand to dispute or determine . Neither will I alleage any thing iniuriously against M. Mortons person , which I do loue from my hart in the true loue of Christ our Sauiour , wishing his best spirituall good as myne owne , and do esteme him also for the good partes that God hath bestowed vpon him , though I do pitty the euill imployment thereof , in the cause he defendeth . And this shal be sufficient concerning his chalenges & protestatiōs about his owne persō . Now to the person of P. R. his Aduersary . CONCERNING the person of his Aduersary P. R. and absurd Challenges made against him . §. II. IF in any other place of his whole Booke ( which yet are many , as you haue seene , by the perusall therof , and of my answere ) M. Morton forgot himself , or rather lost himself by vehemency of passion , grief and choller , he seemeth principally to haue done it in this place , where he cēsureth his aduersary in foure seueral challēges , which I haue thought best to set downe together , & not to answere thē seuerally , as I did in the fo●mer Paragraph . For that indeed there is nothing in these but excesse of intemperate heat in cōtumelious speach . Thus then he writeth . 18. Concerning the disposition of my Aduersary ( saith he ) if he be not manif●sted to haue so behaued himself in tearmes , so dispitefully mal●gn●nt , as if the Capitall letters o● his name P. R. did iustly be●oken Princeps Rabulatum . ●f not so dotingly ●a ne in ostentation of his owne wit and learning , as if P. R. did truly signify Phormio Romanista . If not in desence of his cause in both the questions of Rebellion and Equiuocation so dis●olute , as if P. R. might be worthily interpreted Praeuaricator Rasus . If not in his criminations and obiections of falsifications so vnconscionably and impudently vniust , as if P. R. naght certaynly deserue the interpretation of Perfidiae Reus &c. then will I assume all his odious attributes , as proper vnto my self &c. So M. Morton . 19. And doth not the discrete Reader see by these manner of Challenges , that the man hath more need of compassion & commiseration from me then confutation ? Truly I cannot thinke so ill of his nature or condition , that he would haue fallen into this ridiculous distemperature of words , but vpon some great straites and extremities of mynd . For first what Grammer scholler is there , that hath neuer so small measure of a malicious wit , that cannot inuent twēty of these opprobrious termes and combinations vpon any two letters , that shal be giuen him to that purpose ? And do you not thinke that the letters T. M. may receyue in like manner variety of such allusions ? at least wise the interpretation of T. M. Thomas M●ndax or lying Thomas , could not faile to offer it self to euery mans cogitation that had read the multitude of witting and wilfull vntruthes conuinced by me against him before . Wherefore this inuention of reuēge was a very poore and feeble one . 20. Secondly these opprobrious interpretations vsed heere by M. Morton haue not only any truth , sap , salte , or acumen in them , but neither any meane conueniency or congruity with the things wherunto they are applied . As in the first , in regard of despitefully malignant tearmes , he will haue P. R. to signify Princeps Rabularum , as though Rabula did signify a railer which is more I thinke then either his dictionary or Lexicon will allow , though it import a more intēperate kind of action or defence then M. Morton can with any shadow of truth iustly ascribe to his aduersary P. R. in this respect . 21. Phormio Romanista in lyke manner is very vnfitly applied ; for whether he will allude to Phormio Captayne of the Athenians ; or to Phormio the Philosopher in Hannibals time , or to Phormio the parasite in Terence , I do not see how the said allusion may agree with any correspondence to the thing heere obiected of doting vanity and ostentation of wit & learning . For flattery is rather of other men , then of our selues . 22. But most impertinent is Praeuaricator Rasus in the third Chaleng ascribed to dis●olute defence of his owne cause : wheras a Preuaricator is he that colludeth with his aduersary-Attorney to betraie the cause , for which he will seeme to plead . And whether I haue done so , and haue betraied myne owne cause , giuing the victory and conquest to M. Morton , vnder pretēce to impugne him , let the Reader be Iudge that hath seene both our pleadings : only I must say that my will was not to doe it . And as for the word Rasus , it was put in and ioyned to Praeuaricator , without sense or salt , as the prouerbe is . For what can it impor● either to be shauen or be long-bearded , to vse collusion in treating of a cause ? Wherfore this only came in to correspond with the letter , & from some good esteeme perhaps that M. Morton holdeth of his owne beard , with contempt of vs , for that some among vs doe vse somtimes to cut or shaue our beards : which custome notwithstanding he cannot deny to haue byn in vse in the ancient Christian Church , & held for Religious for many ages past . 23. As first , to pretermit lower ages , a Venerable Bede doth testifie in his history of England , where also he giueth the reason thereof , and sheweth that the vse o● tonsure , & of crowne , made in their haire , was from the time of the Apostles themselues . Which in like manner b S. Isidorus almost 200. yeares before him doth affirme , though he yeeld another reason also thereof . Before S. Isidorus againe c S Hierome , and d S. Austine do make mention of the same religious vse of cutting their haire . And so do the two Councells of e Carthage , and of f Toledo in Spaine , the one holden at that time , the other a litle after . Yea the matter was so vsuall then , as the old g Emperour Iustinian speaketh therof in his Authentikes . And yet before these two Fathers , also mentioneth the same h S. Epiphanius Bishop of Cyprus , and doth sharply reprehend certaine Monkes of his daies , that would needs be criniti , that is to say , to w●ar● their haire : and the same doth i S. Augustine in his booke De opere Monachorū . And yet aboue this and before this k S. Athanasius in his booke De Virginitate doth not only affirme Monks but Nunnes also and holy Virgins to haue had this religious vse in his daies to be shorne in the haire of their head . And with him do testifie the same both S. l Hierome , and m Palladius an anciēt Historiograph●r of the same time . And before all these againe for diuers ages n S. Dion●sius Areopagita scholler to S. Paul maketh mētion of this vse of cutting of haire and chāging apparrell in them that professed solitarie or religious life . 24. So as M● T. Morton scoffing at vs & our Church for this vse and custome of so many ages , scoffeth also at all Christian antiquity therin . But this perhap● is the glory of such Yonkers to scoffe at their elders , and to frame to themselues conquest and Victories vpon their contumelies . But let vs make an end of this wise censuring of his Aduersary . 25. His fourth and last contumely of Perfidiae Reus , guilty of perfidy , is so deuoid of all faith and tru●h , as the guylt of perfidy , if any be , must needs fall vpō the vnfaithfulnes and infidelity of the accuser , that raileth so bitterly without all ground or substance . For what one thing hath he proued before of perfidious dealing in me , who do cyt● my Authors , my arguments , my proofes , my demonstrations for euery thing , wherof I do argue or accuse him ? And now in the reuiew therof in this last Reckoning , I do so establish my accompts against hym , as there seemeth scarse any place to remaine for any probable defence on his part : Yf there be , let vs haue it , the Booke is extant , the Chapters are set downe , the places are quoted , the words are recited , the arguments and all●gations are examintd on both sides , not one wilfull falsity hath byn able to be proued against P. R. or any one Catholicke wryter that could be picked out for that purpose ; but many , and manifest , grosse , witting , and wilfull haue bin proued and defended and conuinced against M. Morton , though he professe protest and proclayme neuer so much his innocency and s●mple truth to the contrary . Where then remayneth the Charge of Perfidiae Reus ? I am content to remit my selfe to the Iudgement of any two ciuill learned men of either of the Vniuersities , to giue sentence in this behalfe , though neuer so alienated from vs in opinion of Religion . And thus much of the men . Now of the matter , booke , and cause it selfe ● . CONCERNING his Booke and Cause it selfe , foure other of M. Mortons Challenges . §. III. IN the last place M. Morton maketh new Challenges about the Cause and matter it self , wherin he threatneth great things to be performed by him ; & that vpon great and seuere penalties if he achieue not all that is put downe in his Challenges , to wit : That his Treatises be purged with fire , and himselfe forced to recantation . Which conditions if his Aduersary should accept , I doubt not but he would quickly find himselfe in inextricable brakes , if we may frame a Iudgment of things to come , by things past : and of his prowesse what he can doe , by that which he hath done in time of most necessity . For if euer he could do much , it was time to do it now , and shew his valour when he was most pressed , as you see he hath byn in these precedent Chapters , wherin he found himselfe ouerloaden with multiplicity of apparent witting and inexcusable vntruthes , so fastned vpon him , and so earnestly exacted , as all his credit , honour and honesty lay vpon it to defend himselfe or giue satisfaction . Which not being able to do but by pretermitting wholy the most and chiefe points , and falling downe vnder the burthen of the other ; we may imagine what he will be able to do for the time to come , especially seing that he is so recharged with new Charges in the last precedent Chapter , as if before he shrunke vnder the burthen , he must needs now both sinke & fall downe . And yet let vs heare him crow once more at this very last cast , like a battered Cocke of the game beaten out of the Cock-pit , as before we haue likened him vnto . 27. Lastly ( saith he ) for the cause , if I do not auouch the Discouery of Romish positions and practises of Rebellion to be iust : I● I proue not the Treatise of Mi●igation to be like an Apothecaries box of poiso● , with the outward insc●iptiō of Antidote . If I manifest not his specious and glozing reasons for defence of their Mentall Equiuocation , to be no better then the apples of Sodome which vanish into ashes at the first ●ouch : If lastly I shew not that the chie●est aduātage of Romish aduersaries doth consist in falsifications : all which this Preamble hath but touched , and my Incounter ( god willing ) must handle : then let my Treatises be purged wi●h fyre , and my selfe challenged to a recantation . So he . And these conditions I accept willingly . but well knoweth M. Morton , that bargaine , promise , or leesse he what he will , there wil be no execution made against him , and therfore he may be as liberal as he list in offering large conditions . But let vs examine in a word or two the particulers . 28. If I do not auouch ( saith he ) the Discouery of Romish positions , and practises of Rebellion to be iust . If he do not : But when ? What time will he take ? What day will he appoint ? He hath had now three or foure boutes and hath done nothing . For ●irst he proposed his cōtumelious Discouery , alleaging ten fond reasons for the same , which were beaten backe and turned against him●elfe by his first ●duersary the moderate Answerer : which he taking vpon him to d●fend in his reply , intituled his full Satisfacti●̄ , did so fully ouerthrow his ow●e cause , as hath byne seene by my Reioynde● , or Tr●atise tending to Mitigation , but much more by this his Preambling answere , which lightly passeth and walk●th ouer all , and toucheth scarce any one point of moment appertaining to the matter . And for this I alleage ●or witnesses the former Chapters , wherin the exact view of all hath byn made . 29. Secondly ( saith he ) ●f I proue not the ●reatise of Mitigation to be like an Apothecaries box o● poison with outward inscription of Antidote : then &c. But what poison there may be in mitigation of exasperating proceedings toward subiects that desire to liue quietly and dutifully , reason teacheth not : and much l●sse I thinke Religion , wherof this man in word is a great professor . And what ruynes and rufull ends the contrary hath wrought vpon sundry occasions , experience the best Mystresse of ●●ue prudence hath t●ught the whole wo●ld . 30. I do shew and demonstrate in the first Part of my said Treatise , that M. Mortons malicious humour in sowing diffidence and distrust betweene Prince and people , and in egging forward the Magistrate by Sycophancy to exaspe●ation , is neither holy nor wholsome , nor profitable , nor secure , nor any way fitting a Christian Common-wealth . And that whatsoeuer he obiecteth to moue enuy against either doctrine or practise of Catholike Religion for disobedience to temporall Princes , is false ; first in it self in regard of Catholickes , and then is found infinitely more in those of his Religion . Why had he not answered to these things in this his last Reply , & opened his Apothecaries box which now he promiseth ? 31. Thirdly ( saith he ) If I manifest n●● his specious & glozing Reasons for de●ence o● their mentall Eq●iuocation to be no better then the apples of Sodome , which vanish into ashes at the first touch , then will I be challenged t● recantation &c. But many touches , yea and many batterings hath M. Morton made to these my Reasons & proofes for the lawfulnes of Mentall Equiuocation , and neuer a one of them hath vanished or yelded to his batteri● . For if it had , we should haue byn sure to haue seen● it in this his last Reply , when it stood so much vpon him to ouerthrow but any one of them , if he had byn able . But we haue now beholden their strength and his weaknes . For that I hauing set downe my Reasons for the sayd mentall Reseruation out of Scriptures , Fathers , doctors , Scholemen , exāples and other proofs for aboue two hundreth and fifty pages together , M. Morton hath not found out any one instance wherof to treate in this his Reply , or to fasten his pen vpon the same , but only the Equiuocatiō of the poore woman Saphyra in the Actes of the Apostles , which yet I told him before was no Equiuocation , but a flat lye , as commonly his and his fellowes Equiuocations are , wherof I haue giuen many examples in the last Chapter of my Treatise of Mitigation , both in himselfe , and his antecessours , M. Iewell , M. Horne , M. Fox , Hanmer , Charke , Perkins , Syr Francis Hastings , Syr Edward Cooke , and some others : whereof M. Morton thought not best to take vpon him the defence of any one in this his last Reply , but by silence rather to condemne them all , and consequently heere were no apples of Sodome to be found that vanish at the first touch , but all are dusands and hard wardens that will weary his fingers to bruze them , if I may trifle with him a litle in following his owne comparison of apples . 32. Fourthly and lastly , saith he : If I shew not that the chiefest aduantage of Roman aduersaries doth consist in falsifications , then &c. VVherunto I must answere with this distinction , for so much as M. Morton speaketh somewhat doubtfully , that if falsifications be taken heere passiuely with relation to Protestants , then I grant , that one of the chiefest aduātages which their Roman aduersaries hau● against them consisteth in falsifications discouered daily in their bookes and writings . For that I confesse that no one thing doth more confirme a Catholicke mind in the truth of that Religion which he pro●esse●h , then to see the enemies and aduersaries thereof , to be driuen to vtter such and so infinite apparent wilfull falsities in defending the contrary . For that no man doubtles of any credit , honesty , or good nature would lye or falsity willingly , if he could defend his cause with truth : VVhich consideration doth greatly worke also with many Protestants , that be iudicious , and desyre indeed the truth it ●el● . So as in this sense I confesse , that one of the chiefest aduantages of Romā Adu●rsaries doth consist in the fal●ifications of Protestant writers . 33. But if we take it , as I thinke M. Morton meaneth it , actiuely in regard of Catholicke writers , as though our owne fal●ifications were our chiefest aduantages against the Protestant Religion● it is meerly false . For how poore should our Cause be , if we had no better proofe for tho truth therof , then our owne fictions and fal●ifications deu●●ed by our selues ? whereof M. Morton hath not byn able to proue any one , against any sort of Catholicke writers in all this his Preambling Reply , though wholy it was bent and intended by him to that end , as may appeare by the third and fourth Chapters of this our Re●kon●ng . And on the other side , there are so many proued & conuinced against him , as he neither is , nor euer will be able to answere the half of them , as you may behold in the fifth , sixth , and eight Chapters immediatly going before So as this contradiction being so manifest in it self , I see not why I may not call for iudgement and iustice against M. Morton , that his bookes be purged with fyre , and himself challenged to recantation . 34. But presently he leapeth away to the contrary syde , and placeth himself in the ●ea●e of a Conqu●●our , saying thus : But these things being 〈◊〉 Gods grace dir●ctly by me per●ormed , the fruite therof wi●●be ( Chr●stian Reader ) to establish thee in the truth of speach , and dutifull allegiance , and to put my aduersary P R. I hope vnto silence , I pray god , to repentance . So he : and with this he endeth his Booke . 35. And as for my silence , what successe M. Mortōs hope hath had , you see by this my Answere , which hath byn drawne out to somewhat more prolixity , as I suppose , then my ●ormer Treatise it self of Mi●igation , which notwithstanding was far from my intent and purpose at the beginning , meaning only to haue made a brief conference of things vttered by me in my Treatise of Mitigation , with the Answere of M. Morton in his Reply : but I found such great store of aduantagious matter ●ast out by him vpon neces●ity of his bad cause , as I could not possibly passe ouer the same without saying somewhat to ech point ; so as I haue byn inforced to write more then I had thought to haue done , for that he hath giuen more aduantage , then I imagined he would o● reasonably could in so short a worke . And thus much for my silence . 36. But as for my repentance for which he praieth , I must professe that hitherto I find no least motion of mind therunto , nor yet cause to moue that motion , for the substance of the controuersy it selfe : though for the asperity of speach , I could haue wyshed that sometimes it had byn more mollified , but the reasons inciting thereunto are s●t downe more largely in the Admonitory Epistle to M. Morton himself . Here only I will adde , that if I could perswade my selfe , that he could proue or performe directly or indirectly the things which here he promiseth , I should not only be sory , that I had written against him in these matters , but should endeauour al●o to do the works of true repētance indeed , which were to recall my said wrytings , and confesse that M. Morton had reason and truth on his side , and were not i● these points to be contradicted . But hauing seene , read , and examined with attention so much of his workes as I haue , and this also with so great equ●nimity and indifferencie of iudgment , as the loue of truth and regard of myne owne soule could worke in me ; I haue not found any one thing in the matters themselues affirmed by me , that might cause the least scruple of mynd : th●y being cleere and euidēt truthes in the sight of him , that hath the light of a Catholicke conscience . And for the manner of M. Mortons dealing , I must protest , that I find it so vnsyncere ( which I ascribe to the necessity of his cause ) as I take great compassion of him , and do beseech almightie God to giue him true light to see the dangerous way wherein he walketh , whilest he seeketh by sleightes and indirect meanes to defend fancies of his owne , & of his sect against the truth , grauity , and authority of his Mother the Catholicke Church . AN APPENDIX CONCERNING A CASE OF EQVIVOCATION LATELY written out of England , wherin resolution is demaunded about the false Oath of two Ministers : Whether it may be salued by the licence of Equiuocation or no ? TOGEATHER WITH A NOTE OVT OF DOCTOR King his Sermon , preached at the Court 5. Nouemb● 1608. so far forth as it toucheth Equiuocation . TO THE READER . I Receaued , Gentle Reader , not long since by a letter of the 8. of Nouember anno 1608. from a fri●nd of mine dwelling in the North parts of England● a certaine Aduertisment about a case of Equiuocation , fallen out in those parts , wherin my sayd friend requested my iudgement , whether the same where tollerable or excusable or not ? And for that it seemed he had some right to vrge me in this matter , in respect of the Treati●e written by me of that argument against M● Morton , I thought my self the more bound to yeld him some satisfaction to his demand . The case then in effect was this . 2. A certayne Minister in Yorkeshire named VVh . ( for I thinke not good to set downe all the letters thereof ) dwelling at a towne called Thorneley , if I misse not the name , being married and loaden with many children , and there vpon ●ot content with the ordinary ti●he● , that we●e wont to be giuen and payd in that parish , beg●n to vrge one of his parishioners to pay him other tithes also out of a certayne closse or field , that was pretended not to haue payed tithes before to other precedent Incumbents . Wherupon this Minister deuising with himself , how he might further his owne cause , resolued vpon this meane among others , to deale with another Mininister , which immediately before had possessed that benefice , intreating him aswell by request , as by offering him a peece of money ( as hither is written ) to assist him in this behalf , by lending him the ayd of an oath , that he had receaued tythes before that time out of that closse or field . Wherat though for a tyme the second-Minister did seem t● stick much , ●aying that he could not do it with the peace of his conscience ; yet afterward i● seemeth by the earnest persuasion and inductions of the other Minister , his repugnance of conscience was so mortifyed , as he yealded to the others intreaty ; especially , for that he told him , ●hat he had so great friendship and acquaintance with those , that must be iudges and examiners of the cause in Yorke , as he doubted not , but that their two oathes would carrie it away . 3. To Yorke Assises then they went , where hauing taken their oathes , and pleaded the case , at length they found not that successe , which they expected : For that the whole towne and parish of Thornley offering themselues confidently to sweare & depose the contrary in behalf of the defendant ( to wit , that tythes were not accustomed to be payd out of that place ) the Ministers had sentence giuen against them , with no small note of publike periury . Whereof one that was a particuler friend of M. VVh . demaunding the reason , how they could sweare or rather softweare in such manner , the thing being knowne to be so notoriously false ? He answered , that they in their owne sense did sweare truly ( behold then the case of Equiuocation ) & that so they were ready to prooue it , if they had bene vrged by the Iudges therin , to wit , that their meaning in swearing was● that the former Incumbent had receaued tythes out of that closse or field , or without that closse or field , namly , in other closses adioyning , though not in the field . And with this Equiuocation of ( out ) and ( in ) they thought themselues cleared , both for deceyuing the Iudges , and their parishioners . Now then to the resolution of the case . 4. And first of all by this we see , how these good fellowes that do cry out so hideously , and reuell euery where both in bookes , sermons and cōmon speach ●gainst the moderate & lawfull vse of Equiuocation in iust and necessary causes , and for iust and lawfull ends , without hurt of any , doe notwithstanding vse and practise themselues the same with contrary vnlawfull circumstances , wicked ends & purposes . For that heere ●hese two Ministers end was their owne interest , and hurtfully to deceyue their neighbour and parishioners . Their cōspiracy togeather by way of money , corruption , and bribes , was detestable . Their guilefull deceiuing their lawfull Iudges , that were competent in the cause , & proceeded iuridically , was abhominable . The scandall giuen to them that knew they sware falsely , was impious . The obligatiō they had to answere directly vnto the sense and meaning of the said Iudges , was indispensable : all which points are different in a lawfull Equiuocation . Wherof I do inferre , for resolution of the case , that this was no true or proper Equiuocation at all , but rather a flat lie , and open periury , as by that we haue treated before with M. Morton in the s●cōd Chapter of this booke may appeare more largly ; but much more throughout diuers Chapters togeather in my former Treatise of Mitigation . 5. And heere now I would end with this alone , were it not that a new peart-Brother-Minister of M Mortons is come forth of late with a new printed Sermon , wherein he taketh occasion after the imitation of M. Mortons veyne , to rayle excedingly against all Equiuocation whatsoeuer , without exception , & to inueigh most impotently against Iesuits for defēce and practise therof , as though they were the only and principall men , that did either allow or vse the same . Which is so shamlesse an assertion after he hath seene what I haue written in my sayd booke of Mitigation , concerning the multitude of learned authors that for many ages haue taught the same doctrine in publike schooles , before Iesuits were heard of in the world , as this latter Minister can neuer defend or excuse so manifest an vntruth about Equiuocatiō , but by Equiuocation ; feigning to himselfe some such absurd reseruation in mind as his foresaid brethren the ●orekshire-Ministers did , for sauing their publicke periury . But let vs heare what he sayth of the Iesuits about Equiuocation . 6. VVhat hope of truth ( saith he ) or simplicity may be had from these men ( the Iesuits ) or their impes , when they haue not only practized through infirmity of flesh and pusillanimity , but with the faces of Sodome and Gomorrah ●aue patronized , published , and persuaded to the whole world , the lawfulnesse o● their Heterogenious and Mungrill propositions . From henceforth let them ●ase the inhabitauts of Crete from the deserued infamy , which the Apostle layth vpon them , that Cretensians are lyers &c. So he . 7. But I would demand of this New-prachant-Minister , that is so hoate and vehement in his calūniation , when he , or his can prooue , that any one Iesuite in the world , amongst so many thousands as are extant , hath euer practized , patronized , published , or perswaded any such Equiuocation as this , which was vsed by the Ministers of Yorkeshire ? When would either M. Southwell or M Garnet , whome they are wont to accuse for this doctrine , haue taken such an oath , for deceauing their neighbour as those Ministers did ? Was this out of the infirmity of the flesh and pusillanimity , or rather out of couetousnes and iniquity ? Was it with the faces of Hierusalē and Iuda , or not rather of Sodome and Gomorrah ? Nay I would aske of this new Gamester , that is so exorbitant in his outcryes , with what face he cā auouch so many manifest vntruthes in this idle inuectiue of his , that cannot be excused from flat lyes , but by the pretence of some fond Equiuocation or exaggeration ? as namely when he saith and auerreth of Q. Elizabeth now dead , that she was a Saint , and neuer did any thing against the Catholicks in her li●e : Iusta quid fecit ? ( saith he ) Mansueta quid fecit ? Gratious and meeke Lady what hath she euer done ? whose finger did she euer cause to ake , and her hart aked not with him ? Wherto I answer , that the prisons filled , the mulcts imposed , the confiscation exercised , the bowels of them that were quartered , the heads of them that were beheaded , may suffice to satisfy this idle question of the Minister , especially and aboue all , the royall and sacred Head of his Maiesties Mother , most iniuriously against all law of nature & nations , cut of , and so many continuall toyles giuen by the said pretended Saint to the kingdome of Scotland , whe●by his Maiesties peace & person , life and state were not a little , nor seldome indangered , as is euident to the whole world , and testified not only by the wrytings of Catholicks , but of Protestants also themselues . These things , I say , do easely answere the flattering Ministers demand of , Gratious meeke Lady , what hath she euer done ? 8. And as for the other part , whose finger did she euer cause to ake , and her hart aked not with him , is too to childish and ridiculous ; & no man can read or heare it , but with derision and laughter , her hart being knowne to haue bene of other mettall , then to ake for other mens fingers . For to pretermit these particuler afflictiōs layd vpon particuler people , whome now I haue mentioned , without compassion or aking of her hart , who doth not know , that when all Countries round about her , France , Flanders , Holland Zeland , Scotland , Ireland , and some other states , were all in warre and combustion , killing and destroyng one another , about quarrels of Religion , principally set one foot and mainteyned by herselfe , she passed her dayes in England in mirth & ioy , as all Courtiers of that tyme will remember : nor did so much as her finger ake for their harts aking , for any thing that euer I heard of to the contrary . How then can this be excused without some shift of Equiuocall meaning in this false Minister , saying one thing , & meaning another ? For that in no sincerity of conscience can he possibly thinke it to be true . This is then one example , let vs see another . 9. He writeth of the Iesuits thus in the same place : That their whole order , institute , and practice are such , as they say in effect vnto Christ , as the Diuels did , Quid nobis & tibi est Iesu ? VVhat haue we to doe with thee ô Iesu ? This sentence being vttered in such an auditory , as that was , wherin his Maiesty was present , and much of the Nobility of the land , & so many learned hearers besides , must needes presuppose , as to me it seemeth , that the vtterer had perused well the Iesuits institute , and had conferred the same exactly , as also their life and practice with the law and life of Iesus , and had found therin this extreame opposition and contradiction between Iesus and Iesuites , no lesse then between him , and the Diuels themselues . But then me thought on the other side if this had beene so , he should haue alleaged some particulers at least : wherin this contradiction did stand : and it had bene perhaps no vnfit argument to be handled in that so great an assembly for discrediting that sort of people , throughout the world : and tho●e of the same order in England would haue blushed to haue made any answere for not discouering further their owne wickednesse , wants or imperfections . 10. But now seing nothing at all brought forth to the view or triall , except only certaine idle Nick-names , as that , the Iesuites are the great Mercurialists of the world , Archimedians , Centimans ( or men of a hundred hāds a peece ) o● coūterfait names , Iesuits by antiphrasis , Suitae by apheresis , flyers of Iesus by diëresis , Iebusites by agnomination , Ignatians in Spaine , Theatines in Italy , Iesuines in Campania , Scotiots in Ferrara , Priests of S. Lucia in Bononia , reformed Priests in Modena , and other such like inuentions of a ridiculous Grammaticall and Hystrionicall head , far vnfit for that place and noble auditory . Seing this , I say , I assured my selfe , that the Authour had no substātiall matter to produce against them : for that otherwise this had bene a worthy market to haue sold his wares with great gaine and applause , if any he had had worth the bringing forth , 11. Wherfore I cōclude with my self that this speach of the Minister concerning the opposition betweene Iesus and Iesuites was as false an exageration and lying Equiuocation as that other before of the aking of Q. Elizabeths hart at the aking of other folkes fingers . And furthermore I co●sidered , what a compari●● might be made betwene the Institute and life o● Iesuites , and this Minister with his fellowes in England , in respect of the law and life of Iesus , which of them goe nearer the same . And albeit I do not meane to ent●r in●o that matter , but rather leaue it to some other , that may chance to answer that idle & vaine Sermon , & hādle this point more largely & particulerly : yet are there so many things apparently seene and knowne in the world , which do lay fo●th this d●fference betweene Iesuits and Ministers actions in this behalf , as noe intelligent man can but obserue the same . 12. For what shall we say of the labours of Iesuite● throughout the whole world for conuersion of Infidels , as in Mexico , Perù , Brasile , Aethiopia , China , Iapone , and in other vast Kingdomes , wherin aboue a hundred of them besids other afflictions haue shead their bloud ? Is this opposit to Iesus or no ? Is this to be cōpared to the actions of Diuels ? Do English Ministers take vpon them these labours ? What shall I say of their manner of life , bare diet , simple apparell , punctuall obedience , strait pouerty , exact chastity , much prayer , s●uere discipline , cōtinuall mortification ? Do not these thing● simbolize with the life of Iesus ? Or do Englsh Ministers trouble themselues much with such matters ? And hath not this contumelious Minister , that so desperatly presumeth thus to speake , a wi●e and good benefices ? fareth delicatly ? sleepeth his fill ? fasteth seldome or neuer ? pestreth the Colledg● with his brattes , which the founder neuer thought of ? decketh his body with the best apparrell he can get ? pampreth his flesh ? pursueth all wayes and meanes of ambition ? flattereth , raileth , lieth in this his Sermō against Catholicks , without all respect of truth , ciuility , or honesty ? Are not these actions opposite to Iesuites ? oposite also to Iesus himselfe , and conforme to those of Diuels , whome he bringeth in saying , quid nobis & tibi est Iesu ? 13. But I would not the Reader should thinke that the impotēt & passionate behauiour of this Minister had put me also into passion , though somwhat I cōfesse it hath moued me . But I shall passe no further therin : it may be that some other will supply herafter more fully , as before hath bene sayd . For as for matter it will not want him : for if euer there was published a more fond , vnlearned , malicious , spitefull , opprobrious , and contum●lious libell , then this , I am much deceiued : and hardly can it be answered with patience , which yet I wish the Answer●r● 14. But yet notwit●standing I cannot but adde some few words more , about the point it self of Equiuocation , in regard of the excessiue int●mperate s●olding , which ( as now in part you ha●e heard ) our English Ministers do vse against the same , and I take it to be peculiar to them alone : and this not so mu●h out of ignorance or stupidity , as some may imagine ( in respect of the clearenesse of the cas● it self ) as of obstinate wilfull peruicacity in defending an absurd cauillation , which once they haue taken in hand to prosecute by right or wrong . And so you haue seen● that the last named Minister King ; though a very trifler , and not able to answere any one of the arguments , reasons , Scriptures , Fathers , examples and other anthorities alleaged for the lawfulnesse of Equiuocation in the booke of Mitigation , or at least wise did attempt to answer none ( wherin notwithstanding he should haue yealded great assistance to M. Morton , that durst vndertake the answere of no one ) yet doth he fall in iumpe with him in raging and rayling against the same : though if a man might come to deale calmely with them hand to hand , & enter into a quiet and sober Reckoning about the matter , as we haue donne before with M. Morton , I doubt not , but that they would be forced to reason , euen by common sense and experience it self , and therby see their owne egregious folly . For I would demaund them in good earnest , what they thinke of the better and wiser sort of men , not only of our religion , but of theirs also , who make a conscience to lie , for that they hold it for a damnable sinne , & yet would be loath to vtter matters of secr●cy or preiudice against thēselues or others ; and that these men be of the best sort for example , which we haue in E●glād , as namely priuy Coūsellours , Iudges , Magistrates and others , to whome businesses of importance , that require secrecy , are committed : if these men should be demaunded by persons of respect , whome by a flat deniall they would not willingly offend , what passed in this or that matter , which were not conueniēt to be vttered , or that thēselues by way of speach or narration should fall into mentiō of such matter , whereof they would disguise for the present the certayne truth : what in this case would they do thinke you ? What would the say ? What cuasion would they find to free themselues from these inconueniences ? For if they vttered simple truth● they should breake secrecy : if they denied the same ●latly without Equiuocation , they should lie : if they refused to answere , they should both offend the person , whome they would not , & oftentymes thereby confesse that which they would conceale . For that to say , I will not tell you , besids the offence , inferreth oftentimes a secret confession of that , which he denieth to tell . VVherefore who seeth not , but that commonly the refuge must be to Equiuocation , that is to say , to vtter so much as in their sense is true , though the hearer mistake it in another sense , and thereby the secrecie of the thing it self is conserued . 15. And is not this an ordinary practise euen amongst the best men of what religiō soeuer , and such as most of all do detest lying ? And how then do our Ministers so raue against it ? Nay can the cōmon cōuersatiō of humane life be without it , where lying is auoyded ? Let vs imagine that there were a man both learned , prudent & godly , & adorned with all gifts belonging to a wise and good man , but yet were of our Ministers opinion , neuer to conceale any thing by Equiuocation , and further then this had also a resolution more then our Ministers haue , to wit , not to lie at all for any respect whatsoeuer , out of which two determinations it must needs follow , that he would simply deny or confesse whatsoeuer should be demaunded of him : would any mā euer commit matters of coūsell or secrecy vnto him ? Or were he a man tractable or conuersable in a common-wealth ? or fit to mānage any matter of importance , though otherwise neuer so learned , neuer so prudent , neuer so good , neuer so godly ? I think no. Heere then the absurdity or rather senselesse stupidity of our Ministers continuall clamours and outcries against vs for the moderate vse of this Equiuocation in lawfull occasions , is euidently discouered & reiected . 16. Neither shall it be needefull for me to adi●yne in this place any further store of examples & authorityes out of Scriptures for proofe of the exercise and continuall vse and practise of this kinde of Amphibology , Equiuocation , or doubtfull speach , when occasions require it , hauing shewed the same largely and aboundantly before , euen in the best men that euer were , as Patriarches , Prophets , Apostles , and especially in our Sauiour Christ himself , that was truth it self , and the wisdome of his eternall Father , it shal be sufficient to remit the Reader to the particuler place it self of my Booke , which is the ninth Chapter of the Treatise intituled of Mitigation , deuided into foure parts , & all hādling this only matter o● exāples of Equiuocall speach vsed by the best mē : yet must I needs say , that hauing considered since that time , & made some more particuler reflection vpon diuers passages of the new Testament & speaches of our Sauiour , I find them so frequent euery where in this manner of concealing secrecyes , or things not fit to be playnly vttered , by this doubtfull and ambiguous kinde of speach , as in one only Chapter of S. Iohns ghospell I finde Christ to haue vsed the same aboue 7. or 8. times at least , setting downe certaine propositions , that of themselues , and as they lie , are in the common hearers eare false , though true in the speakers meaning by some mentall reseruation : which reseruation though he vttered not in words , yet is it necessarily vnderstood : and this is properly Equiuocation in our sense & doctrine . And if our Kingly Minister in the heat of his exaggeration will call these also mungrill and heterogenious propositions , or M. Morton , out of his modesty , will tearme them , monstrous , and impious illusions of the black-art , they would in these countries be punished both of them for blasphemy , though at home among their friends I know not how fauorably the censure might passe vpon thē : but of lesse then fond impiety I thinke no man of iudgment and discretion will , or can condemne thē . 17. The place then which I meane is the 8. Chapter of S. Iohns Ghospel , where Christ our Sauiour entring into a large speach with the Iewes , vseth first these words , which I haue examined before in my said Treatise of Equiuocation : Ego non iudico quemquam , I do not iudge any man : which seeming to be contrary to that other saying of himself , within a very few lines in the same Chapter : I haue many things to speake and iudge of you : and further in the same Ghospell three Chapters before : For neither doth my Father iudge any man , but hath giuen to me his Sonne all iudgment : it doth not appeare how the proposition can be true but by some mentall reseruation in the mind of our Sauiour ; which being examined by the ancient Fathers , what it might be , S. Chrysost. with Leontius Theophilus , and others , do thinke the sayd secret meaning or reseruation of our Sauiour to haue bene this : I do not iudge any mā in this my first cōming , but do reserue it for my next , at the day of iudgment . Other Fathers gather another , as though he had secretly meant : I do not iudge any man , as you the Scribes and Pharisies do , according to the flesh and outward shew , but in truth : yet neither of these reseruatiōs being vttered , they do make the speach to be ambiguous and Equiuocall , as cannot be denyed . 18. In the same place he saith to the Iewes : Yf you perseuere in my sayings , you shall truly be my disciples , and know the truth , and the truth shall free you : which freedome or deliuerance the Iewes vnderstood from tēporall bondage● and therefore answered him , that they were the seed of Abraham , and had neuer bene in bondage to any : which errour of the Iewes proceeded from the ambiguous speach of our Sauiour , reseruing in his mind , and not expressing in his proposition , what bondage he meant : for that his reserued meaning indeed was of the bondage of sinne . 19. The like may be obserued in those words : Ego non quaero gloriam meam : I do not seeke my glory : & yet doth Christ most iustly seeke his owne glory that is due vnto him , and punisheth them that giue it not vnto him : and so in the verse immediatly before he obiecteth this vnto them , Vos inhonorastis me : you haue dishonored me : and in another place to his disciples he saith , Vos vocatis me Magister & Domine , & bene dicitis , sum etenim . You call me Maister and Lord , and do well therein , for that I am your Maister & Lord indeed . And in another place , Creditis in Deum , & in me credite . You do belieue in God , belieue also in me , which is the highest honour , that he could exact : and consequently there must needs be some mentall reseruation in this other speach , when he saith , that he seeketh not his owne glory , which the Fathres do indeauour to seeke out in their Commentaries . 20. It followeth in the ●ame place : Amen , Amen , I say vnto you , if any obserue my words , he shall neuer see death . Which the Scribes and Pharisies ( though otherwise learned in their law ) vnderstood of corporall death ; and in that sense gaue an instance of Abraham and the Prophets that were dead , notwithstanding they had obserued the words and commaundements of God ; and consequently in their sense Christs sentence could not be true : but our Sauiour had another intention and meaning reserued in his mind , by which reseruation the truth of the sentence was iustified : to wit , that they should not die in soule . 21. It followeth yet further in the same place : If I do glorify my self ( saith Christ ) my glory is nothing : which yet I think no man will grant to be true according to the letter , and as it lieth . For albeit Christ should ●et forth his owne glory , yet may it not be said , that this glory so published by himself , is nothing or vaine . VVherefore some reserued sense must heere also be sought out ; which according to the opinion of sundry expositours is , that he meant this according to the opinion of the Iewes , who esteemed that for nothing , which came from Christ himself . As also a little before in the fifth Chapter , he vsed the like speach saying ; If I beare witnesse of my self , my witnesse is not true . VVhich sentence I thinke our Ministers thēselues will not hold to be true in the sense which here it beareth : for then should they condemne our Sauiour of falfity , as often as he affirmeth any thing of himself : and then must we of necessity runne to ●ome reserued sense in Christs meaning , which is the thing that we call Equiuocation , so reuiled by our Ministers . 22. Furthermore in the very next verse , talking of almighty God , he sayd to the Iewes : Non cognouistis eum : you do not know him : which semeth vntrue in it self , for that the Iewes did professe to know him , and serue him aboue all people in the world . And in the old Testamēt it is often said of them , that they of all other people did best know God : and therefore some other reserued meaning must Christ our Sauiour needs haue had , then these externall words do insinuate : which reseruation S. Chrysostome , S. Augustine , S. Bede , and Theophilact vpon this place do thinke to haue bene this in Christ his s●cret meaning , that they did not know God , as they ought to know him , by seruing him , as he would and ought to be serued , according to the speach of S. Paul to Titus : Confitentur se nosse Deum , factis autem negant . They confesse to know God in words , but do deny him in deedes . So as here also an Equiuocation of speach was vsed by our Sauiour . 23. Againe in the ensuing verse , which is the 56. Christ said to the Iewes : Your father Abraham did reioyce to see my day : he saw it , and tooke ioy therby . Which wordes in the common sense do seeme to import , that Abraham had liued with Christ , and had seene the day of his birth and life , and taken great ioy therby : and so did the Iewes vnderstand his meaning to be , not only the common people , but the Scribes & Pharisies also , when they sayd vnto him : thou hast not yet fifty yeares of age , and hast thou seene Abraham ? wherin notwithstanding they were greatly deceiued , for that Christ our Sauiour had another reserued meaning in his mind , which the holy Fathers do labour greatly to expound vnto vs , what it was : and in what true sense our Sauiour sayd that Abraham had seene his day : whose different opiniōs , reasons and coniectures I will not stād to relate here ; It is sufficiēt for me to haue shewed , that this was an Equiuocall speach of our Sauiour , whereby the hearers being deceaued , the truth of the speach may only be defended by a reseruation in mind of the speaker . 24. And finally in the next verse after this againe Christ vseth a greater Equiuocation , then any before , saying vnto them : Amen , Amen , dico vobis , antequam Abraham fieret , ego sum . Amen , Amen , I say vnto you , that before Abraham was made , I am : which being an earnest speach , and as it were an oath , as elsewhere we haue noted , the Iewes vnderstood it , as it lieth , that Christ our Sauiour was borne in flesh before Abraham : and so it seemeth that he should haue meant according to his former speach , when he said , that Abraham desired to see his day , and saw it , and reioyced thereat : which was vnderstood of his incarnation or day in flesh , which Abraham in faith & spirit did see and reioyce . But yet heere when he saith that he is before Abraham was made , he must needs meane of his Diuinity , and in that he was God : which S. Augustine vpon this place doth excellently note to be so by the differēce of the two words , Abrahā fieret , & ego sum , the one belonging to the creature , saith he , the other to the creatour . So as more then one Equiuocation is vsed by our Sauiour in this one sentence : and if we lay all these Equiuocall speaches togeather , which are 8. or 9. at least conteyned within a piece of one only Chapter of our Sauiours talke with the Iewes , Scribes and Pharisies , we shal be able to make some ghesse , how many might be found throughout the whole new Testament and Bible , if we would examin the same particulerly , as we haue donne this : and thereby see how true M. Mortons bold assertion was in his booke of full Satisfaction , that no one iota in all Scripture , no one example in all Catholike antiquity could be ●ound for the same : His tearmes also of , heathenish , hellish , heynous and impious Equiuocation , with other infamations of his brother-Minister King , may appeare what substantiall ground they haue . 25. For heere except they will condemne our Sauiour himselfe of all these obiected impieties , they cannot condemne the manner of speach vsed by him , especially in so graue and weighty matters : and if they permit the same in him , then can they not cōdemne it in vs , who haue so good a warrant & president for the same , especially seing we do restrayne our vse thereof with many limitations , as in our larger Treatise of that matter is set downe , to wit , that it may not be vsed in matters of religion , where cōfession of our faith is required , nor yet in common trafficke , and conuersation of humane life , where any may be preiudiced or damnified therby : neither to any Iudge or lawfull Magistrate , that proceedeth lawfully , and hath iust authority to demaund vs , and we obligation to answer him to his meaning . And finally except some iniury or preiudice be offered vs ( for auoiding wherof it is conuenient to vse the refuge of this manner of speach ) and except our speach be all waies true in our owne lawfull meaning , we are not permitted by Catholicke doctrine to vse the same , and much lesse with open lying , as the two Ministers before alleaged , and many of their fellowes are shewed to haue donne . And this I thinke is so much as needeth to be treated of this matter at the present , by occasion of this Appendix . FINIS . A TABLE OF THE CHAPTERS AND PARAGRAPHES . THE FIRST CHAPTER , ANswering to the first of M. Mortons three vaine Inquiries , concerning the wit , memory , learning , charity , modesty and truth o● his aduersary P. R. ( It hath 10. Paragraphes . ) pag. 1. § . 1. M. Mortons imputation of P. R. his with examined ( about the sleeping souldiers of Hierusalem . ) pag. 3. § . 2. M. Mortons obiection against P. R. his memory . ( about the clause of reseruation vtterred in Latin. ) pag. 10. § . 3. Against the learning of P. R. especially in Logicke . ( about a Logicall argument of the competency of God. ) p. 15. § . 4. The ●xamē of that which M. Mort. obiecteth against P. R. in the same ●acul●y . ( about a diuision and subdiuision . ) p. 32. § . 5. The confutation of what M. Morton obiecteth against the skill of P. R. in Greeke and Hebrew . ( touching the verse of the Prophet Isay cap. 29. vers . 9. ) pag. 41. § . 6. VVhat M. Morton alleageth against the Charity of P. R. ( about verè and verò in Carerius . ) pag. 46. § . 7. The obiection of M. Morton against the modesty of P. R. ( touching a false allegation of Doleman . ) pag. 49. § . 8. An answer to M. Mortons calumniation of the truth o● P. R. ( about the authority of Otho Frisingensis . ) pag. 55. § . 9. The examination of this controuersy of F●isingensis more at large . pag. 60. § . 10. The Conclusion & generall Reckoning of all this Chapter , or Inquiry . pag. 70. THE SECOND CHAPTER , ANswering to M. Morton● second Inquiry , whether P. R. may be iudged a competent Aduocate in this cause , which he ha●h assumed : and o● some other poin●s b●longing thereunto : especially touching the title or argument o● the Booke of Mitigation . ( It hath 2. Paragraphes . ) pag. 76. § . 1. VVhat M. Morton answereth to the former part o● my Treatise about Rebellion , and against the title therof , which in effect is nothing but a Cauill . pag. 79. § . 2. VVhat he answereth about the later Treatise , concerning Equiuocation . pag. 91. THE THIRD CHAPTER , ANswering to M. Mortons thi●d Inquiry , concerning falsities obiected by him ( though falsely ) against Catholi●ke writers , but especially against Card. Bellarmine , whereof no one can be prooued . ( It hath 18. Paragraphes . ) pag. 115. § . 1. Of wilfull falshoods obiected by M. Morton to sundry Catholicke writers : and namely his abuse offered to Franciscus Costerus . pag. 118. § . 2. His first example of voluntary falshood falsely obiected against three ancient Popes . pag. 125. § . 3. His second example of wilfull fraud falsely o●iected against moderne Catholicke writers . ( about the Councell of Eliberis in Spayne . ) pag. 133. § . 4. His third example o● like deceipt obiected against the same Catholick authours . ( about the Councell of Frankford in Germany . ) pag. 140. § . 5. His fourth example of like falshoods o●iected against the same authors . ( about the Epistle of S. Epiphanius touching images . ) pag. 144. § . 6. The second part of this Chapter of instāces against Card. Bellarmine in particuler touching imputatiō of old heresies . p. 149. § . 7. The first obiection against Card. Bellarmine of false imputation of the Pelagian heresy to Protestants . pag. 152. § . 8. The second iniurious obiection against Card. Bellarmine of false imputation of the Nouatian heresy . pag. 15● . § . 9. The third obiection against Card. Bellarmine for false imputation o● the Manichean heresy vnto Protestants . pag. 166. § . 10. The fourth obiection against Card. Bellarmine about pretended false imputatiō o● Arianisme vnto Protestants . p. 170. § . 11. The fifth obiection against Card. Bellarmine for fa●se imputation of heresies vnto sundry Protestants . pag. 174. § . 12. His sixth and last obiection against Card. Bellarm. ●or false imputation of the Sacramentary heresy vnto Protestāts . p. 176 § . 13. The third part of this Chapter conteyning other obiections against Bellarmine●or ●or falsifications in alleaging other mens authorities . pag. 185. § . 14. His second obiection against Card. Bellarmine touching false allegations . pag. 192. § . 15. The third obiection against Card. Bellarmine touching false allegations . pag. 196. § . 16. The fourth obiection against Card. Bellarmine touching false allegations . pag. 199. § . 17. M. Mortons Conclusion and obseruation about the article of Purgatory examined . pag. 209. § . 18. The summe & Reckoning of all this whole Chapter . pa. 216. THE FOVRTH CHAPTER , COnteyning certaine imputations of falsities and falshoods falsely obiected by M. Morton against his aduersary P. R. which are shewed not to be such , but that the obiectour falsifieth also in obiecting them . ( It hath 15. Paragraphes . ) pag. 221. § . 1. His first obiected falshood against P. R. ( about Tho. Mortons name . ) pag. 225. § . 2. His second falshood against P. R. ( about the clause of reseruation in Latin. ) pag. 230. § . 3. His third obiected falshood against P. R. ( about presumptuous Doctors mentioned by S. Paul , 1. Tim. 2. ) p. 232. § . 4. His fourth obiected ●alshood against P. R. ( about iustifying of Goodman . ) pag. 235. § . 5. His fifth obiected ●alshood against P. R. ( about Knox & Buchanan . ) pag. 239. § . 6. His sixth obiected falshood against P. R. ( about Caluins Autotheisme , and misplacing of Card. Bellarmines name in the margent . ) pag. 242. § . 7. His seauenth obiected falshood against P. R. ( about the iustifying of Protestants from rebellion . ) pag 246. § . 8. His eight obiected falshood against P. R. ( about dissembling the wicked practises of Caluin , Beza , and others . ) pag. 248. § . 9. His ninth obiected falshood against P. R. ( about Syr Thomas Wiats Rebellion , and the Duke of Suffolke , and others . ) pag. 251. § . 10. Foure other obiections of M. Morton against P. R. in matter of wilfull falsity : to wit , the 10.11.12 . and 13. in M. Mortons Catalogue . ( about the text of Isay , Carerius , Frisingensis &c. ) pag. 260. § . 11. His fourteenth and last obiected falshood against P. R. ( about the doctrine of Equiuocation granted for 400. yeares . ) pag 264. § . 12. The opinion of the Doctor - Iesuit Ioannes Azor , about Equiuocation obiected by M. Morton as making for him . p. 269. § . 13. M. Morton his second witnesse pretended aga●nst Equiuocation , is the Doctor-Iesuit Emanuel Sà . pag. 275. § . 14. M. Morton his third Iesuit-Doctor Ioannes Maldonatus brought in to wit●nesse against Equiuocation . pag. 280. § . 15. The finall Reckoning about this whole Chapter with the cōclusion of all these 15. Paragraphes . pag. 288. THE FIFTH CHAPTER , CONcerning the chiefe point intēded by M. Morton in this his last Reply , which is the clearing of himselfe from many notorious vntruthes , obiected as willfull and wi●●i●g by his aduersary P. R. and how insufficiently he per●ormeth the same . ( It hath 15. Paragraphes . ) pag. 292. § . 1. The first obiected falsity pretended to be answered by T. M. ( about Popes names changed , out of Polidor . ) pag. 295. § . 2. The second Charge of wilfull falshood against M. Morton . ( about the death of Pope Adrian by a flie . ) pag. 305. § . 3. The third Charge of falshood against M. Morton , which he pretendeth to a●swere . ( about the assertion of Doctor Boucher peruerted . ) pag. 318. § . 4. The fourth Charge of falshood pretēded to be answered or rather shifted of by M. Mort. & cast vpō the Lord of Canterbury ( about the abuse of M. William Reynolds . ) pag. 324. § . 5. The fifth imputatiō of lying pretended to be answered by M. Morton , or rather by M. Stock for him ( about the decree of Gratian wrongfully alleadged . ) pag. 332. § . 6. The sixth imputation of falshood pretended to be answered by M. Morton with the help of the same M. Stock . ( about another false pretended decree in Gratian. ) pag. 342. § . 7. The 7. imputation of falshood pretended to be answered by M. Mort. ( about the Extrauagant for the Glosse . ) pag. 352 § . 8. The eight imputation of falshood pretended to be answered by T. M. ( about the heresy of Autotheisme obiected to Caluin , and the corruption of Bellarmines words therin . ) pag. 358. § . 9. The ninth imputation twice handled before Cap. 1. § . 5. and cap. 4. § . 10. and now againe brought in by M. Morton . ( about a place of Isay. cap. 29. ) pag. 364. § . 10. The tenth imputation twice also handled before Cap. 1. § . 6. and Cap. 4. § . 10. ( about verè and verò in Carerius . ) p. 365. § . 11. The eleuenth imputation pretended to be answered , which is handled also before Cap. 1. § . 7. ( about Doleman falsely alleaged . ) pag. 366. § . 12. The tweluth imputation handled before Cap. 1. and pretended now againe to be answered● ( about the succession of Protestant princes . ) pag. 367. § . 13. The 13. imputation handled before Cap. 1. § . 8. and Cap. 4. § . 10. and now brought in againe by T. M. ( about Otho Frisingensis peruerted . ) pag. 367. § . 14. The fourteenth and last imputation of falshood pretended by M. Morton to be triumphantly answered . ( about Lambertus Scafnaburgensis peruerted . ) pag. 368. § . 15. The Sūme & finall reckoning of this whole Chapter . p. 390. THE SIXTH CHAPTER , COnteyning a recapitulation of many manifest vntruthes , wherwith M. Morton being charged by his aduersary P. R. did wittingly pretermit to mention them in his last Reply , and therby left suspition that he could not answere them . ( It hath 23. Paragraphes . ) pag. 392. § . 1. The first pretermitted falshood by T. M. ( Vasquez mistaken and slaundered about the nature of heresy and pertinacie . ) pag. 393. § . 2. The second pretermitted falshood by T. M. ( Azor corrupted about the word pertinaciter . ) pag. 398. § . 3. The third pretermitted falshood by T. M. ( Azor corrupted about the case of Couentry . ) pag. 399. § . 4. The ●ourth ●retermitted ●alshood by T. M. ( Azor falsified as reiecting a case which he plainly alloweth . ) pag. 403. § . 5. The fifth pretermitted falshood by T. M. ( Card. Tolet abused about grosse and a●fected ignorance . ) pag. 407. § . 6. The sixt pretermitted falshood by T. M. ( Card. Bellar. egregiously iniured about the questiō of ancient gathering of Councells . ) pag. 409. § . 7. The seauenth falshood pretermitted by T. M. ( The Iesuite Salmeron much peruerted in sundrie points . ) pag. 415. § . 8. The eight pretermitted falshood by T. M. ( Salmeron againe abused by egregious cauillation . ) pag. 420. § . 9. The ninth pretermitted falsho●d by T. M. ( about Dolmā and other wryters abused by him . ) pag. 423. § . 10. The tenth pretermitted falshood by T. M. ( Carerius iniuriously handled about his opinion of Priesthood , and Kingly authority . ) pag. 425. § . 11. The eleuēth falshood dissembled by T.M. ( Fra. de Victoria abused touching the exēption of Clergimē . ) p. 428. § . 12. The twelfth falshood pretermitted by T. M. ( S. Bonifacius Archbishop falsified notably in the question , whether a Pope may be an heretick . ) pag. 432. § . 13. The th●rteenth falshood wittingly pretermitted by T. M. ( S. Leo deceiptfully alleaged about the oath of Supreamacy . ) pag. 436. § . 14. The fourteenth falshood pretermitted by T. M. ( Sepulueda abused about Equiuocation . ) pag. 439. § . 15. The fitfeenth falshood preterm●tted by T. M. ( Sotus manifestly peruerted against his owne assertion of Equiuocation . ) pag. 442. § . 16. The sixteeenth falshood pretermitted by T. M. ( Cunerus falsified against his owne meaning , about the nature of religion . ) pag. 444. § . 17. The seauenteenth falshood pretermitted by T. M. ( Cass●der and Bellarmine abused at once about the meane of concord betweene Catholicks & heretikes . ) pag. 446. § . 18. The eighteenth falshood pretermitted by T. M. ( Royardus and Cunerus peruerted against their words and meaning about obedience to temporall princes . ) pag. 452. § . 19. The nineteenth ●alshood pretermitted by T. M. ( Sayer grossely abused about Haereticus pertinax● ) pag. 454. § . 20. The twētith falshood pretermitted by T.M. ( Cicero falsified in the questiō about swearing to a theefe . ) p. 457. § . 21. The 21. & 22. falshoods pretermitted by M. Morton ( of two abuses offered in citing Doctour Barkley . ) p. 462. § . 23. Of ten other falshoods set downe togeather and dissembled by T. M. ( Of diuers authors falsified about the deposition of Popes . ) pag. 464. THE SEAVENTH CHAPTER , VVHerin are set downe diuers other sortes of M. Mortons omissions , besides the former ; and namely in not defēding certaine Clients of his , whose credit was commended to his protection in the treatise of Mitigation● , and amongst others Syr Edward Cooke , now L. Chief Iustice of the common Pleas. ( It hath 6. Paragraphes . pag. 469. § . 1 Of the pretermission of the chiefest points concerning the argument & subiect of Rebelliō in my Treatise o● Mitigatiō p. 472. § . 2. Of M. Mortons pretermissions in the second argument of my Treatise about Equiuocation . pag. 483. § . 3. Other omissions of M. Mortons concerning the defence of ten other Protestant writers charged with ●alse dealing , which defence being remitted ouer vnto him , was wholy pretermitted and concealed by him . pag. 490. § . 4. Of M. Mortons omissions concerning the de●ence of Syr Edward Cooke wholy pretermitted by him . pag. 500. § . 5. The discharge and reckoning about the former charge made to Syr Edward Cooke . pag. 510. § . 6. To the other ●oure Cases obiected by M. Morton out of Syr Edward Cooke . pag. 523. THE EIGHT CHAPTER , VVHich by occasion of two new Prefaces lately set forth by Syr Edward Cooke doth handle diuers controuersies with him , aswell about a Nihil dicit obiected by him to his Aduersary : as also about the antiquity and excellency of the Municipall Common-lawes of England , and some other points . ( It hath 6. Paragraphes . ) pag. 529. § . 1. Of a new Preface set ●orth lately by Syr Edward Cooke now Iudge : wherin he condemneth his Aduersary the Catholicke Deuine of a Nihil dicit : and with what iustice or iniustice he doth the same . pag. 531. § . 2. That the imputation of Nihil dicit doth fall more rightly vpon M. Attorney , as doth also the Nimium dicit , which is to vtter more then is true . pag. 542. § . 3. VVhether the common Municipall lawes of England be more ancient and excellent , then any other humane lawes of the world . pag. 551. § . 4. About foure seuerall questions sayd to be propounded by the student in law , and solued by the Iudge for confirmation of the antiquity and eminency of our moderne English lawes . pag. 573. § . 5. How that the foresayd Nimium dicit , as it importeth Falsum dicit , is notoriously incurred by Syr Edward Cooke in sundry other assertions also appertayning to his owne faculty of the law ; which were pretermitted by the Catholicke Deuine in his Answere to the fifth part of Reports . pag. 587. § . 6. Of another Preface instantly come vnto my hands prefixed before the L. Cookes seauenth part of Reportes , conteyning new iniuries offered to Catholickes by him . pag. 604. THE NINTH CHAPTER , VVHich layeth togeather another choice number of new lyes made willfully by M. Morton , ouer and aboue the old in this his Preamble , whilst he pretendeth to excuse or defend the said old . ( It hath 20. severall heads . ) pag. 625. 1. About the equiuocatiō of Saphyra he affirmeth me to say , that there is an Equiuocation , which no reseruation can saue from a lie . p. 262. 2. About Theodoret egregiously corrupted by him . pag. 629. 3. Claudius Espencaeus falsified , and made to say , that which he doth not . pag. 629. 4. Of Doctor Franciscus Costerus notably abused , & made to write that which he neuer thought . pag. 630. 5. About Gratian falsely accused for ●alsification . pag. 631. 6. About symbolyzing of Protestants with Pelagians , three witting vntruthes . pag. 632. 7. Concerning the Councell of Eliberis and Sixtus Senensis , misvnderstood . pag. 634. 8. Of Bullingers blasphemous doctrine about the Trinity falsely ascribed to Gregory de Valentia . pag. 635 9. The contention betweene S. Augustine and S. Cyprian about rebaptizing , misrelated . pag. 636. 10. VVhether Catholike authors do speake contrary to their owne iudgments in the article of Purgatory . pag. 637. 11. VVhen the letters of T. M. came to be vnderstood what they signified . pag. 638. 12. About Holinshead and Iohn Fox guilfully alleadged and stood vpon . pag. 638. 13. Fraudulent dealing in relating the death of Pope Anastasius . pag. 639. 14. About Pope Gregory the thirteenth his licence for printing the C●nnon-law , egregiously calumniated . pag. 640. 15. How the Manichean heresie is imputed to Caluin : and T. Mortons deceiptfull dealing therin . pag. 641. 16. About the Nouatian heresy obiected to Protestants and false trickes therin . pag. 642. 17. D. Azorius his fiue rules about Equiuocation fraudulently and falsely applyed . pag. 643. 18. VVhether the Iesuit Emanuel Sà doth cōtradict all Equiuocatiō or no : and how egregiously he is abused therein . pag. 644. 19. VVhether Iohn Maldonate were against all Equiuocation : and whether P. R. did fly to answer him . pag. 645. 20. About Polydore Virgil falsified in two very materiall points . pag. 646. Out of which twenty heads , aboue fifty particuler falsities are deduced and plainely demonstrated , besides the former . THE 10. AND LAST CHAP. COnteyning new Challenges , Protestations , vaunts , and other vehemēt assertions of M. Mort. that wrappe him in bāds of further absurd●●ies , then any of his ●ormer errours and ouersights before layd downe . ( It hath 3. Paragraphes conteyning 12. new Challenges of M. Morton . ) pag. 649. § . 1. First concerning his owne person ; and what new protestations and Challenges he maketh thereabout . pag. 651. § . 2. Then concerning the person of his aduersary P. R. and foure new Challenges against him . pag. 659. § . 3. Thirdly about his book & cause it self , foure other Challenges wherwith he concludeth his whole worke , offering to haue it burned if he performe not what he promise●●● pag. 664. AN APPENDIX● COncerning a case of Equiuocation lately written out of England , wherin resolution is demaunded about the false oath of two Ministers , VVhether i● may be salued by the licence of Equiuocation , or no ? Togeather with a note out of Doctour King his Sermon , preached at the Court 5. Nouemb. 1608. so ●ar ●orth as it toucheth Equiuocation . p. 671. AN ALPHABETICAL TABLE OR INDEX OF THE CHIEF MATTERS HANDLED IN THIS BOOKE . A ABsurdities of M. Mortō cap. 2. num . 34. Adriā the Pope whether choked with a fly c. 5. n. 20.22 . Ananias and Saphyra their fact discussed cap. 2. num . 23. &c. The ridiculous Antiquity of the Venetian lawes . cap. 8. n. 40. Appeales to Rome cap. 3. num . 18. & cap. 8. num . 75. & seq . Azor alleaged to condemne Equiuocatiō in that place , wher he expresly auoucheth it . c. 4. n. 69. &c. & cap. 6. n. 16.17 . &c. See ibidem num . 9.10.11 . &c. B BEllarmine charged to impute falsely Pelagianisme to the Protestants cap. 3. num . 58. His true assertion touching the same . ibid. num . 61. He truly chargeth Protestants with the heresy of Nouatus . ibid. n. 67. Most falsely accused of contradiction by M. Morton touching a place out of Theodoret. ibid. n. 94. &c. Item for cyting S. Cyprian and S. Augustine for traditions . Ibid. n. 104.105 . &c. Item for alleaging S. Ambrose , S. Hilary , S. Augustine for Purgatory num . 123. Bellarmines words cūningly clipped and changed by M. Morton concerning an errour of Caluin and Beza . cap. 5. num . 96. Binius abused about the death of Pope Vrban , cap. 5. num . 34. Broughtons censure of the English Bible . cap. 1. num . 67. Britans their manners , conuersa●●on and lawes in Cesars time c. 8. n. 35.36.37 . & deinceps . British lawes . See Lawes . Q. Brunde●ica her speach . cap. 6. num 38. C CAluin intangled about Purgatory , and concerning his atrium or porch . c. 3. n. 92. Caluinisme is heresy by the iudgment of other Protestants cap. 7. num . 6.7 . & 9. L. of Cāterbury charged to haue corrupted a passage in M. Reynolds . cap. 5. num . 88. The place in Carerius about Verè & Verò examined c. 1. n. 70.71 . Cassander abused cap. 6. n. 79. The Catholicke Deuine defēded against Syr Edward Cooke . cap. 7. & 8. The particulers of his booke cap. 8. n. 6.7 . &c. Not impossible for Catholickes to liue together in ciuill obediēce with Protestants . cap. 2. n. 5.6 &c. Greatest daungers not imminent by Catholickes . c. 2. n. 14. &c. The Censure of a stranger vpon two Latin bookes of M. Morton cap. 6. num . 76. Chrisme in Confirmation , impugned by Nouatians and Protestānts alike , cap. 3. num . 71. Syr Edw. Cooke his Equiuocation cap. 7. nū . 47. his proofes against the Popes Supremacy proued to be nothing to the purpose ibid. num . 71. Item to be falsely alleaged num . 73.74 . &c. The case of Ed. 1. about bringing into Englād the Popes Bulles discussed . n. 74.75 . & c● He streineth his law-bookes n. 94. &c. 8. n. 8.4 . His preface to the sixt part of Reports answered cap. 8. per totū . His iudgement of a Nihill dicit . ibid. num . 2.3 . &c. The two causes of a Nihil dicit nu . 4.5 . &c. His precipitant māner of speaking against Catholickes . nū . 19. Syr Edward charged with a Nimium dicit . num . 20 . 21.2● . &c. his vntruth . n. 22. His rayling speaches against Catholickes n. 26. & n. 104.113 . His Pedanteria . n. 27. & 28. His merry fiction of the Monke at Norwich . n. 59. the same auswer'd with a serious history . n. 60 The foure questions proposed by himselfe in a Students name , discussed . ibid. num . 62.63 . & deinceps . his bad illations n. 67. He corrupteth Cesars Commentaries about burning of wiues for petty treason , num . 70.71 . &c. His fraudulent dealing in the matter of Appeales , n. 75.76.77 . His false alleaging of the law n. 82.83 . &c. He forgetteth himself num . 85 , in fine His Preface to the seauenth part of Reports iniurious to Catholiks num . 101.102 . &c. His vaunting vanity ibid. num . 105. He mislyketh nouelty and yet practiseth it . 106. His spea●h at Norwich n. 109. 110. &c. His threats against Catholickes n. 116. The tale of his fatfighting-Abbot nu . 118. his dreadfull commination against Catholick books n. 119. good counsaill giuen to Syr Edward num . 121. He misliketh spirituall bookes . n. 123. The Comedy betwixt M. Mort. and M. Stock cap 5. num . 80. Contradictions of M. Morton for want of memory cap. 1. § . 2. n. 13 14.15 . &c. Item about the mayd . that examined S. Peter cap. 2. n. 33. Costerus notably abused by M. Morton c. ● . n. 10. &c. Touching the Councell of Eliberis about Images , see c. 3. n. 33. &c. as also of the Councell of Frākford c. 3. num . 46. &c. D DEcretals , see Greg. XIII . A hard Demand proposed to M. Morton c. 1 n. 99. Another reall Demand ibid. n. 114. Item another touching true and false writing of Catholicks & Protestants c. 3. num . 7. Dissimulation discouered in M. Morton cap. 9. num . 6.7 . Dolmā peruerted about the succession of Protestant Princes c. 1. num . 76. Dowries , see Lawes . Diuides c. 8. num . 71.72.73 . E K. Ed. 1. abused by Syr Edw. Cooke c. 7. n. 74.75 . &c. &c. 8. n. 88. Item Ed. 2. c. 8. num . 86.87 . Item Ed. 3. c. 8. n. 87.88 . &c. ibid. n. 98.99 . Emanuel Sà , see Equiuocation . S. Epiphanius improued not the vse of Images c. 3. n. 48. &c. Equiuocation as it is false & lying , subdiuided cap. 1. n. 45. what is materiall lying Equiuocation , and what formall ibid. n. 49.50 . Materiall Equiuocation worse thē materiall lying num . 56. it is neuer lawfull n. 61. Sundrie cases resolued for Equiuocation by Emanuel Sà c. 4. n. 78. see more hereof cap. 7. § . 2. n. 19.20 . &c. of Equiuocation of Protestāts ibid. n. 32.33 . &c. of Ministers and others ibib . n. 42. Espencaeus egregiously abused cap. 1. n. 103. Q. Ethelwicks Charter discussed c. n. 65.66.67 . &c To much Exasperation alwaies dāgerous in any state c. 7. n. 16.17 . F IN what sense M. Morton said that the chiefest aduantage of his Roman aduersaries doth consist in Falsifications c. 9. n. 32 His fond vaunt of Fetters and shackels cap. 2. n. 35.36 B. Fishers opinion concerning Purgatory wrongfully carped at cap. 3. n. 134. Flatterers and the effects that follow of them cap. 2. num . 10. Forfeiture of lands for fellonie cap. 8 n. ●9 . Fox his lyes ca. 1. nu . 116. Frankford , see Councell . Frifingensis abused concerning Gregory the 7. whome he cōmendeth cap. 1. num . 89. G GRatiā falsely accused by M. Morton with diuers shifts cap● 3. nu . 19. Item his Glosse auouched for an ancient decree c. 5. n. 59.60 . &c. againe ib. nu . 73. Gregory the 7. Pope calumniated by M. Morton cap. 5. nū . 114 &c. ibid. n. 132.133 . Gregory the 13. falsely alleaged c. 5. num . 92. H THe ancient heresy against the reall presence● cap. 3. n. 101. Heretikes seuerely censured by S. Augustine cap. 5. n. 76. The History of good counsell giuen to a sick man● c. 8. n. 60. Holinshed abused . c. 4● n. 50. M. Hornes vntruthes c , 1 , nu , 116. I THE vse of Images not improued by S. Epiphanius ca. 3. n. 48. Iewels lies . cap. 1. num . 115. &c. 6. num . 120. His Equiuocation . cap. 7. n. 43.44 . &c. The truth of a speaker may depend vpon the cōpetency of the Iudge c. 2 , num , 29 , 32. K THE case of a seditious makebate against his King vnder colour of prouidence , cap● 2 , num , 12. Kings how they haue their authority from God , and how from man , cap , 5 , nu , 54. D. King the Minister his Equiuocatiōs in Append. n. 5.6 . &c. L LAmbertus Schaffuaburgensis abused by M. Mort. c. 1. n. 90. M. Mortōs Latin wanteth the principall Verb cap. 3 , num● 39. Lawes , the antiquity of our English common Lawes ca. 8 , nu , 30.31.36 . Whether euer altered by our Conquerours . ibid. num , 43. &c. The Brittish Lawes altered by the Romans . ibid. n. 46.47 . Item by the Saxons , Danes , Normans , ibid● n. 50. their excellency , n. 54. They are shewed to be defectuous in triall of life and death . ibid. in the matter of Dowries . n. 56. in prouiding for yonger brothers . n. 57. in the wardships of pupils n. 58. in the liberty and auarice of L●wiers , ibidem . S. Leo abused cap , 6 , n , 62 , 63. Lyes of M. Morton . See cap. 2. n. 45. &c. 9● per totum caput . Logicke of P. R. defended c. 1. nu . 45.46.47 . &c , M MAncinus , see Carerius . The Mayde that examined S. Peter . cap. 2. num . 33. Principall points of the Mitigation repeated cap. 7. n. 5.6.7 . M. Mort. taxation of P.R. his memory , wit , skill in Logike , Hebrew , Greeke &c. discussed . c. 1 . per totum . His fond comparison of Catholick Priests with Iewish . c. 1. § . 1. His fond inference against his Aduersary about the resurrection , c. 1 , § . 1. his exorbitant & false exaggeration about the false dealing of his Aduersary cap. 1. num . 114. M. Mortons ridiculous interlude cap. 2 n. 2 His foolish insultation . cap. 2. n. 9. his vaunting entrance to the impugning of Equiuocation . ibid. nu . 20. & . 22 he is much troubled about the example of Saphyra . ibid. n. 26.27 . his childish mistaking . ibid. n. 36. his miraculous victory . cap. 2. num . 44. The excesse of M. Mort. malice c. 3. n. 3. He vseth fiue seuerall false shiftes and voluntary corruptiōs in one accu●ation of Card. Bellar. ibid , 72 , 73 , &c. his three fraudes concerning the Manichean heresy obiected by Bellarm. to the Protestants , ibid , num , 79 , &c. he calleth diuers of the Fathers , Knights of the posts , ibid. n. 136 , his false accusation of Catholicke writers , n. 137. He is much pressed with wilfull lying about the matter of Purgatory , n , 139 , M. Morton in obiecting a contradiction to P. R. lieth himself , cap , 4 , n. 6 , he denieth Syr Thomas VViats attempt to haue bene against either Queene or State , ib. nu , 48. Fox contēned by M. Mor●● and Holinshead belied ibid , n , 50 , &c. He vseth 5. different fraudes at one time about Azor , cap , 4 , n. 74 , His fraud in alleaging Emanuel Sà , n. 75 , 76 , &c. the like he vseth in citing Maldonate , n. 82 , 83 : M. Morton citeth diuers authors for that thing , which they expressely do refu●e in the same places , cap , 5 , nu , 34 , he confesseth an exorbitant fault , & casteth it on my L. of Canterburie , nu , 88 , for want of more matter , he doth handle the selfe same things diuers times to fill vp paper , cap , 5 , nu , 103 , 104 , &c. M. Mortons corruptions in citing Cassander and Bellarm. cap. 6 , n , 79. What substantiall matters handled in the Mitigation , are wholy pretermitted by him cap. 6. n● 116. M. Mortōs debts and accōpts , cap , 7 , n , 2 , 3 , &c. & n , 29. his bad dealing n , 31 , he defendeth not Syr Edw. Cooke , n , 48. his helping the die , n , 75.76 , &c , his fiue cases out of Syr Ed. Cookes Reports at large discussed and answered , ib , n , 74 , 75 , &c. his fond comparings , n , 95 , 96. his pretermissions , cap , 6 , per totum , his new lies added in his Preamble , cap , 9 , per totum . His vanting chalenges . c. 10. per totū . N NAucleru● abused by M. Morton about the death of Pope Adrian the fourth , cap 5 , n , 20 , 22. The Nicene Councell not falsified by Zozimus cap , 3 , n , 30. For a Nihil and Nimium dicit , see in Syr Edward Cooke . Two causes of a Nihil dicit c , 8. nu , 2 , 3 , &c. Nouatian heresy in Protestāts , see Bellarmine . O OTho Frifingensis abused . c , 1 , n , 87 , 88. P PElagianisme in Protestants , See Bellarmine . Persecuting Iudges come to ill ends , ca , 8 , nu , 117. S. Peters answer to th● mayd concerning Christ. cap , 2 , n , 33. Pius V. scoffed at by Syr Edw. Cooke cap , 8 , nu , 108. Polidore Virgil belied , c , 5 , n , 12. Preamble of M. Morton , vayne , obscure , & confused , cap , 2 , n , 1. It is a great head with litle wit ca , 2 , num , 19. M. Mortons vaine descants vpon the letters P. R. cap , 10 , nu . 18 , 19 , P.R. his iust demaund to haue M. Mortons bookes purged by fire cap , 10 , n , 3● . Pricket pricked by Syr Edw. Cooke for seting forth in print his Charge giuen at Norwich , cap , 8. num , 101. He is cleared from all malice against the Knight , n , 102 , & 103. Protestant Princes neuer censured by the Sea Apostolike , c. 2 , numero 7. Protestants agree with the Nouatian heretikes , cap , 3 , n , 71 , inexcusable in matters of rebellion , cap , 4 , n. 39. Prouidence a principall part of prudence cap , 2 , nu , 10. Purgatory prooued by Coc●ius out of many Fathers , cap. 3 , n , 130. Q THe Question betweene M. Morton & P. R. cap. 2. n , 17. Of Queene Marie , see VViat . Of Queene Elizabeth , see the Appendix against King the Minister , In fine operis . R REbellion by what religion most taught and practized ; c , 7 , n , 13 , 14 , Rebellion of Protestants . c , 4 , num . 39 , Rebellion of VViat : See VViat . M. Reynolds exorbitantly abused , cap 5. n. 88. the blame and shame cast vpon the B. of Canterbury . Ibid. S THe Salamanders nature , ca , 8. n. 20. Saphyra , See Morton . The sleeping souldiers at our Sauiours Sepulcher . cap , 1 , § 1 , n. 2. &c. The distinctiue signe of true & false spirits , cap , 3 , n , 5. The Stage-play of M. Morton , cap , 2 , num , 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , &c , Stratagemes in warre lawful although they be Equiuocations . cap , 4 , num , 88. The Popes Supremacy confirmed by an inuincible argumēt of Costerus , cap , 3 , num . 13. see more in S. Leo. Suspitions without grounds breed nothing but vexations & iealousies in Princes mindes . cap. 2 , n , 11 , &c. Sutcliffs manner of answering Catholike bookes , cap , 6 , n , 57. The absurd Sillogisme of T. Morton againe examined , cap. 1. num . 27●28 . &c. T THe case of Tythes examined cap. 8. num , 92 , 93. &c. Toleratiō of diuers Religiōs , see M. Morton . Traditions vnwritten allowed by S. Cyprian , cap , 3 , nu , 111 , V VNtruthes vrtered by M. Morton . See cap , 6 , and 8 , & alibi passim . Vntruthes of other Protestāts . See vnder the names of Iewell , Horne , Fox &c. Vowes of voluntary pouerty approued by the Fathers cap , ● , num . 23. Pope V●banus his death . See Binius W THe sweet waters of Meribah grosly mentioned by M. Mortō , for the bitter waters of Marah cap. 10. n , 3 , VVh . the Minister his Equiuocation in Append. n. 2 , 3. &c. VVitaker reiecteth all the Fathers at once . cap. 7. n. 45. VVilliam Conquerour changed our English lawes cap. 8. nu . 50.51 . Misreported about appropriatiōs by Syr Edward Cooke n. 82.83 . The VVit of P. R. taxed by M. Morton cap. 1 , n. 2 , 3 , &c. The lying VVoman and lying Priests foolishly paralleled by M. Morton , cap , 2 , n , 38. VViats rebellion falsely defended by M. Morton cap , 4 , nu . 48. &c. See more in M. Morton . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A09106-e780 In his Epistle dedicatory . La preface de la sixiesme pa●t des Reports . Preamb. pag. 2. M. Mort. diuisiō of his worke Impertinent proceeding . The methode vsed for M. Mort. confutation . First Inquiry . Witlesse contentiō about wit. Second Inquiry See his Preamble pag. 31. Preamble pag. 32. Threates of scratches . What was principally required of M. Mort. and what he performeth . The cont●ary succes●e of M. Mort. expectation . The sūm● of all this my Answere in 10. Chapters . The reasō of the tytle of this booke . Notes for div A09106-e1900 Two calumniations . August . lib. 2. cōt . Petil. cap. 83. & ep . 48. ad Vin●ent . Rogat . Optatus l. 2. cont . Pa●m . & lib. 6. August . cont . Donat . in psalm . 132. & cont . Petil. lib 3. c. 40. & lib. 4. Preamb. p. 43. & 48. About the Equiuocation of Saphyra . That I am in charity with M. Morton . Three causes of exasperation . M. Mort. great presumptiō . Preamb. p. 51. The secōd cause of exasperation . A story out of Lactantiꝰ , about the circūstāce of time , which an enemie of Christian Religion tooke for his aduātage . The third cause of exasperation . M. Mort. prouocatory speaches . Act. 5. Preamb. pag. 48. A fond insultatiō . Preamble . p. 48. M Morton taken in an open contradictiō . M. Mort. epistle to the Earle of Salisbury . Ezech. 31. M. Mort. confidēce . His strong presumption . Rom. 2. vers . 1. M. Mort. seeketh some association . The multitude of M. Mortons vntruthes . In the same Epistle dedicatory . The new Encoūter threatned The Catholi●ke A●●logie intituled by the Author : The Protestants Apology . M. M●rt● triumphant c●̄culsi●● . Notes for div A09106-e6440 Holding of frō the matter . 1 About the sleeping souldiers of Hierusalē . The treatise of Mitigation in the Epistle to the Vniuersities . num . 23. 1. Tim. 2. The story of the sleping soldiers . Matth. 28. How men may know what is donne whē they are asleep● Preamb. pag. 4. num . 4. Aug. tom . 10. hom . 36. ad finē . The souldiers speach was against truth , but not common sense An euidēt example . Pream . pag. 4. Diuers fond absurdityes of M Mortons speach . Mitig. in Ep. to the Vniuersities . The vpshot of the reckoning 2 About the clause of reseruatiō vttered in Latin. Preamb. p. 5. Full satisfact . Epistle to the King. Contradictions of M. Mortō for want of memorie . Preamb. p. 6. M. Mortons insultation . M. Mortons cauill fully answered . The true meaning of P. R. in this matter . Confu●at . of ●●ui●oc . pag. 48. The Reckoning or conclusiō . About a Logicall argument of the cōpetency of God. Preamb. p. 7. An eager demaund Two false propositions of M. Mort. Mitigat . cap. 11. p. 441. The false ground of M Mort●s syllogi●me Mitigat . pag. 472. nu . 48. First argument Tolet. lib. 4. ●nstruc . cap. 20. A false principle and generall proposition . Pag. 86 : The absurd syllogisme of T. M neither true in forme nor matter . Arist. lib. 1. Prior. resolut . c. 1. The faultes of Th. Mortons syllogisme . Pag. 53. The syllog●sme of T. Mort. brought into forme . Diuers absurdityes ensuing vpon M. Mortons syllogisme . The maior proposition abādoned by M. Morton , and the Minor worse defended . Pream . p. 8 A meere shift of M. Morton . Full. satisf . p. 86. A shamf●ll ●enial of his ●yllog●●me . Preamb. p. 8. Another ab●urd shift . M. Mort. presumeth not to defēd his syllogisme . The reformatiō of M. M. syllogisme . Preamb. p. 9. T. Mort. woundeth deeply himself to scratch his aduersary . Arist. l. ● . prior . resosolut . c 2. A grosse error in Logick against him self . Preamb. p. 9. A third cauill turned wholy against himself . Preamb. p. 10. Mitig. p. 475. M. Mort. absurd scurrility M. Mort. brought to cōfesse his errour in his former syllogisme . The finall rekoning of this Paragraph . Concerning a diuision & subdiuisiō of false equiuocation . Mitigat . c. 12. p. 485. Mitigat . cap. 12. Mitig. p. 484. False and lying Equiuocation . Two sortes of lying Equiuocation . Mitigat . p. 485. n. 5. A materiall & formall lye , and the difference Materiall false Equiuocation . Formall false Equiuocation what it is . Formall lying Equiuocation in T. Morton . Mitigat . p. 485. Two sortes of lying Equiuocation . Prea●b . p. 11. M. Mort. vayne insu●tation . A manifest fraud . Differēces betwen a materiall Equiuocation and a materiall lie . An obiection answered . Two other obiections answered . Touching the verse of the Prophet Esay c. 29. v. 9. Mitigat . p. 87. The very first text of Scripture alleaged by him ●ost corruptly . Pream . pag. 13. Hugh Broughtō in his aduertisemēt of corruptions . pag. 2.3 . &c. The originall text examined . About Verò and Verè in Carerius . A slippery shift . The Cullen editiō helpeth nothing Verè for Verò . A foolish scornfull speach . The finall reckoning● Touching a false allegation of Dol●ā by T. M. Preamb. pag. 18. Mitig. p. 71. A Very malignāt con●lusiō of M. Morton . Mitigat . c. 3. Malitious peruerting of the Authors meaning . Dolman part . 1. p. 216. A Dilemma to be answered by M. Mo●ton . Mitig. cap. 3.4 . Protestāts most forward in taking armes for pretence of religiō , against their lawfull Princes . The examination of M. Mortons fond and mali●ious syllogisme . A case proposed about the Dolphin of France . About the authority of Otho Frisingensis abused . Preamb. pag. 25. Preamb. pag. 25. Cunning dealing of M. Mort. A craftie trick . Mitigat . p. 214. The 7. example out of Otto Frisingensis . Fri●in . l. 6. hist. cap. 32. Otto Frisingensis abused . Ibid. l. 6. c. 36. The 8. ●xample of Lamb. Schafnaburgēsis . Concerning other po●ntes about Frisingensis . Pr●●mb . pag. 27. M. Mortons defence . The Confutation therof . Full satisfact . par . 3. c. 11. p. 28. Ibidem . A double shift . Polidore Holinshed Stow & others in anno 1066. The words of Frisingensis curtolled . Frising . in Chron. c. 35. Guilfull omission Preamb. pag. 27. A Demaund hardly to be answered by M. Morton . Tolos . de rep●b . l. 6. c. 13. n. 20. Two other exāples omitted . Zonoras in vita Leonis Isaur . Niceph. 13. Histor. c. 34. Whether Frisingēsis were alledged against his owne meaning . Pream . pag. 27.82 . Full satisfact . part . 3. cap. 11. §. 29. Schafnaburgensis ann . 1077. See Otto Fri●ing . lib. 6. Chronic. c. 34.35.36 . The notable abusing of Espencaeus Claud. Esp●n● . lib. 2. digress . in Epist. 1. ad Timoth. c. 6. p. 274.275 . edit . Paris . 1561. Claudius Espenceus egregiously a●used and that wilfully . Preamb. pag. 28. Foure malicious tricks obiected by T. M. returned vp●on himselfe . Preamb. pag. 29. M. Mort. 4. trickes returned vpō himselfe . The recapitulation of all the precedent Paragraphes . Preamb. pag. 29. A rash & precipitous censure . The sleeping souldiers of Hierusalē . Errour in counting obiected . 3. and 4. About his syllogisme 5. and 6. The place of Esay misalleadged . Verè for Verò . 7 About Dolman . 8 About Frisingensis . 9. and 10. A reall demaund to M. Morton . The cōparison with some of the Protestāt Religion for truth in wryting . D. Hard. in his preface of the Reioynder . Mitigat . cap. 12. n. 43. M. Mortō much pressed . A comparison of a wilful lyer . Notes for div A09106-e19690 Prea● . pag. 30 T. M. fō● Interlude . Mitig. pref . n. 10. Scratches threatned by M. Morton . Prou. 26.5 . Preamb. pag. 34.35 . The question whether it be possible or impossible for Catholicks and Protestāts to liue togeather in ciuill obedience . A compari●on . His first reason of Impossibility Preamb. pag. 36.37 . Mitigat . prof . pag. 24. Most Protestant Princes neu●r censured ●y the Sea Apostolicke . His 2. and 3. reasons . His 4. reason . Preamb. pag. 39. Mitig. c. ● . p. 95. Pream . pag. 40. M. Mort. fooli●h insultation . Will●ull mistaking . The pestilent effects of flatterers . Suspitiōs without ground only vexations . The case of a turbulent fellow against his King vnder colour of prouidēce Reasons why greatest dangers are not imminent by Catholickes . Motiues of speciall loue towards his Maiesty i● Catholickes . Why the Puritans 〈◊〉 is not cōsidered . His fifth deuised reason of impossibilitie . The proper state of the question betwene M. Mort. and me . Considerations to benignity . Preamb. pag. 43. §. 12. A fond vaunting entrance to the impugning of Equiuocation . True Equiuocation . Ibid. pag. 43. The case of a bragging banque-rupt debitour . Ibid pag. 43. M. Mort. glorious triumph . Achitophels halter . Act. 5. Mitig. pag 458. The fact of Ananias and Saphyra discus●ed . Act. 5. Pag. 64. * Chrys. hom . 12. in Acta Apostolorū . Hier. Ep. 8. ad Demet. August . Serm. 27. de verbis Apost . Fulgent . ep●de debito coni●gali c. 8. Gregor . l. 1. ep . 33. ad Venāt . Oecumen . Arator , Rabanus , Lyra , & alij in hūc locum . Pag. 65. The womans examination by S. Peter . Preamb. pag. 44. & 45. Fōd bragging . Act. 5. The exāple of Saphyra maketh against him . Faltering in the principall point . Whether cōpetency and incōpetēcy of the Iudge may al●er the truth of the speach . Preamb. pag. 46. Preamb. p. 46. Mittig . c. 8. num . 54. p. 344. How the truth of a speaker may depēd vpon the competency of the Iudg that heareth or demaundeth . Preamb. pag. 46. Preamb. p. 46.47 . Mitig. c. ● . num . 49. How cōpetency or incompetency of the hearer causeth truth or falsity of the speaker . D. Thom. 1.2 . q. 18. art . 10. & q. 72. art . 9. Crafty shufling . Full satisfact . part . 3. chap. 15. The contradiction of M. Morton about the maide that examined S. Peter . Supra cap. 1. Full satisfact . pag. 86. The maides case very troublesome to M. Morton . Mitig. cap. 11. nū . 53. pag. 476. Three instances examined . Gen. 35.22 . Preamb. pag. 47. The fetters and shackells that M. Morton vseth . Childish mistaking or false supposing Act. 5. Preamb. pag. 48. The principall verb wanting in M. Mortons latin . Act. 5. Extraordinary vaunting . M. Mort. vaunt . To ●he first demaund . To the second . To the third . To the fourth . Preamb. p. 43. §. 12. M. Mort. miraculous Victory . A new lye cōuinced against M. Morton . The conclusion of this chapter . Notes for div A09106-e25860 Three generall heads to be handled . M. Mort. measure in malice towards Catholicks . Gal. 4. Catholicks answere to M. Mort. A signe distinctiue betweene Protestant & Catholicke writers . Mitig. p. 488.489 . A very iust demaund & reasonable offer . Preamb. pag. 50. A strange māner of boasting where no substance is at a●l . Preamb. pag. 51. Coster . Ies. En●hi●id . c. desumm● Pontif. §. Constat . Costerus notably abused . Costerus vbi supra ●ap . 3. The argument or inference of Costerus . M. Mort. conuinced of egregious fraud August . l. 2. de gratia Christi c. 2. & 6. & cōtra duas epistolas Pelag. cap. 4. Concil . African . epistola ad B●nifaciū . See Baronius tom . 5. in vitis e●●●m Pō●tificum . Gratian 2. q. 6. §. Placuit . The questiō about Appeales in the Councell of Meliuet . Preamb. pag. 52. Diuers false shifts in accusing of Gratian. Bellarmin . lib. 2. de R●man . Po●● c. 24. §. 3. Caluin . l. 4. Instit. c. 7. Mag●eburgens●s C●n● . 5. c. 9. Iewell in his 4. article of Reply . M. Mort. cauil about 3. Popes six times ●nswered ●lready 1 Hardings detection . l. 4. fol. 249. 2 D. Sanders de visib . mon. l. 7. p. 356. & deinceps in Zozimo . 3 Stapl. Returne of vntruthes . art . 4. p. 29. 4 Harpsfield Dialog . 1. cap. 6. & 7. 5 Bellar. l. 2. de Rom. Pont. cap. 24. & 25. 6 Baron . tom . 5. ann● 419. non lōgè à fine . A simile well shewing M. Mortons vnsincere dealing . The true state of the question . a Praef. in Iudi●h . b Epistol● 110. c Epist. 82. Ruff. l. ● . Histor. Athan. Epistola ad Marcū . Athan. Epist. ad ●olitariam vitam agētes & Apol . 2. Socrat . 2. hist. cap. 15. Zozo . l. 3. cap. 11. The generall Councell of Sardica . Matt. 27. The mali●ious clamours of Protestāts against three ancient renowed Bishops of Rome . August . ●pist . 26● . Premb . p. 53. What this bragger is bound to do . Preamb. pag. 53. M. Morton taken in a great absurdity . The story of the Eliberian Councell in Spaine . The Eliberian Councell contrary to Protestants . M. Mort. art in answering . Preamb. p. 53. The decree of the Eliberian Councell examined Lib. 1. Cod. tit . 8. leg . Cùm nobis sit . A weighty consideration . Vasquez l. 2. de cultu & ador . disp . 5. n. ●26 . & 135. Preamb. pag. 55. Sixt. Senē . l. 5. Bibl. annot . 247. * An absolute lye● M. Mor● taken in a manifest false trippe . Cent. 8. c. 9. citātur Ado in Chron. an . 795. Vrsperg . in chron . anno . 793. Hin●mar . l. cōtra Episc . Iandun . c 20. & alij . All from the purpose . Three opinions about the Councell of Franckford 1 Surius in praefat . ad Concil . Francof . 2 Dialo . 4. & 5. 3 in l. de Imagin . Bellar. l. 2. de imagin . 14. Preamble pag. 58. A willfull vntrruth . Lib. 2. de cultu im●gin . Preamble pag. 59. M. Mortons manner of stickling betwene our Authors . Preamb. pag. 61. A fond offer of M. Mort● Baron . tom . 4. anno . 392. in fine . Suar. tom . 1. in 3. par . disp . 54. sect . 1. §. ad 3. Synod . Nic. 2. act . 6. Damas● . Orat. 1. de Imagin . Greg. l. 9. Epist. 9. A very strong argument , that S. Epiphanius impugned not the doctrine of image● . New Interludes brought in by M. Morton . Baron . tom . 4. anno 392. fin● . M. Mortons intētion by singling out Bellarmine . Preamb. pag. 62. Strange craking and boasting . The true ground of my moderate Chalēge . His pretences against Cardinall Bellarmine . Preamb. p. 63● Bellarmin . l. 4. de Eccles . militant . c. 9. §. Pelagiani . † Greg. de Valent. l. de orig . peccat . c. 2. initio . &c. 8. & in tō . 2. disp . 6. q. ●● . punct . 1. M. Mort. perpetuall wandring from the purpose . Shifts to make Bellarmin and Valētia seeme contrary . The true opinion & discourse of Card. Bellarmin about Pelagianisme in Protestants . Bellarm. l. 4. de Eccles. c. 9. §. Pelagiani . Zuing. l. de baptism . Bucer . in c. 3. in Matt. Calu. l. 4. Instit. c. 15. §. 20. Iniurious dealing . Valēt . tom . 2. disp . 6. pun . 2. Zuing. lib. de bapt . Calu. l. 4. Inst. c. 16● Tom. 4. disp . 4. §. 3. Caluinus . Preamb. p. 63. Valen de peccat . Orig . c. 2. initio . &c. 8. & tom . 2. disp . 6. q. 11. punc . 1. §. Quā quaestionem . Bellarm. l. 5. de amiss . gratiae c. 5. &c. Preamb. pag. 63. Valen. l. de Orig. pec● . cap. 2. Aug. l. 6. contra Iulian . c. 2. & 3. & l. 4. ad Bonif. c. 2. & 4. Hierom. l. 2. contra Pelagian . Caluin graunted vnderhād to hold one point of Pelagianisme . Preamb. pag. 63. * Castro de haeres . l. 12. haer . 3 tit . de poenit . Vega l. 13. de Instit. c. 2. pag. 486. Maldon . cōm . in Ioan. Bellar. l. 3. de Iustif. c. 6. Bellar. de poenit . l. ● . c. 1. §. Vt igitur . Nec●ssitie of lying in M. Morton . Lib. 12. de haer . ●erb . Paenitētia §. ●ertia haeresis . Ep. 52. ad Antonianum . Lib. 1. c. 1. & 2. S. Chrisost . de reparat . lapsi a Suar. disp . 16. de poen . sect . 1. b Bellar. l. 1. de poen . c. 9. initio . Valent. in 3. par . disp . 7. de poen . q. 9. pū . 2. sect . 2. §. respōdeo , esto . Idem Hasselius Ruardus & alij . A strained and counterfait cōtradictiō . Bel. 3. de Iustisic . c. 6. Fiue seuerall false shifts and voluntary corruptions . Bellarm. l. 4. de notis cap. 9. §. Quae sententia . Luthers inconstācy . Pream . p. 64. M. Mort. Conclusion out of false premisses . Pream . p. 64. Bellar. l. 4. de notis Eccl. c. 9. §. 8. * Bellar. l. 1. de gratia primi hom . cap. 1. §. In eodem principio . Three notorious f●audes about the Manicheā heresy . C●l● . l. 2. In i● . c. 2.3 . & 4. The secōd ●●aud . Hierom. praef . Dial . contra Pelagianos . August . de haeres . haer . 46. The third fraud . Aug l 22. cōt . Fa●st . & duobus lib●is cont●a ad●ers . l●gis & P●o●het . * C●l l. 3. Ins●● . c. 2. §. 3. &c. 5. §. ● . &c. 14. ● . 11 &c. 20. ● . 15. & l. 4. c. 15. §. 22. Preamb. pag. 64. Tertull. l. aduersus Prax. See Pamel . in parad . 31. & annot . 316 in Apol●geti . & 29. in l contra Prax. Greg. de Val●nt . l. 1. de vnit . & trin . c. 9. ● . Item Bulling . Valentia and Bellarmine grosly abused . Tert. l. ●on● . Hermog . lōgè ante medium . B●ll●r . l. 1. de Be●● . Sanct. c. 4. p●●l● post i●●ium . Bellar. l. de Purg. cap. 12 Valen. de P●rgat . cap. 8. Bellar. l. 1. de Beat Sanct. c. 1. Tert. l. 4. con●●a Marcion . Hi●●om● in Vi●il . 〈◊〉 . Armeni apud G●idonē in sūm● de ●aere●i●is . Caluin intangled about his atrium or porch . A sly Fox-like tricke about cōcealment . Pream . p. 65. Bel. l. 4. de notis Ec●l . cap. 9. in fine . * Bell. de Euchar. c. 1. in initio . ib. §. Secūd● docet Greg. de Valent. tom . 4. dis . 6. q. 3. pūct 1. §. Item . Three poyntes wherin M. Mort. is takē to haue falsifyed . The first poynt of falsitie . Bellar. l. 4. de Ecclesia cap. 9. Card. Bellarmine his assertiō about the antiquity of the Sacramentarie heresie . Sundry false trickes . The first false contradiction obiected to Bellarmine out of Theodoret . Bellar. l. 1. de E●char . cap. 1. initio . A shameles falsification of Theodoret & lye against Bellarmine . Theod. dial . 3. Bell. ibid. The ancient heresy against the Reall Presence declared . The secōd point of imagined contradiction in Bellarmine . Val●ntia tom . 4. dis . 6. q. 3. p. 1. § Item . a B●ll●r . de Eu●har . lib. 1. cap. 1. b Calu. in sine . cons●n . 〈◊〉 Pas●●● . Tigu●in . c C●lu . i● 26. Mat. & ●ib . 4. Ins●it . cap. 17. §. 5. d lib. 4. In●tit . cap. 17. §. 7.10 . & 32. Lib. 4. Ins●it . cap. 17. §. 5. & 31. Ibid. §. 33.34 . I●id . §. 2.5 . lib. de c●●n● cap. 3. Preamble pag. 66. A vaine confident conclusiō . A markable point . Aug. lib. de heresib . ad Quod-vult-deum in fine . Preamb. p. 66. Cypr. Ep. 10. ad Pomp. B●ll●r . lib. 4. de v●●b . D●i . cap. 11. §. profert Cyprianus . Aug. contr . Donat . cap. 23● Aug l. 5. de Bapt. cap. 26. Preamb. p. 66. §. 16. The State ●f the question concerning S. Cyprians rebaptizing . Whether S. Cyprians forme of argument was good , or no. A●g . l. 6. co●tr . Donat . c. 26. A●g . l 2. d. ●●pt . 〈◊〉 Don●tis● . ● . 7. S. Augustines learned censure for vnwritten traditions . Aug. l. 5. de Bapt. contra Donatist . cap. 23. M. Morton conuinced of euident f●aud in cyting S. A●gustins meaning . Bellarm. l. 4. de verbo Dei. cap. 7. S. Cypriā standeth much vpon vnwritten traditions Preamb. p. 67. B●●lar . lib. 1. de Ponti● . Rom. c. 23. * F●●n● . de Victor . 〈◊〉 . 2. con●l●s . 1. §. quod . * Card. Cusanus de Con●ord . Cathol . lib. 3. cap. 2 A false tri●k . Whether S. Peter were only made Bishop by Christ. Turrecr . lib desummae . 2. Ecclesia c. 32● Victoria rel . de pot●state Eccl●si●e §. 8. Many abuses of●fered to Card Cusanus and others . Preamb. pag. 67. B●llar . lib. 4. de Rom Pont. c. 13. §. Extat . Bellar lib. 3. de po●nit . c. ● . §. Sed neque . Pl●tin . in prafat . 〈◊〉 . Hieron . ●●l●us de co●onatione . ● . Post mortem C●nstantini . About the authority and credit of Platina his history . Calu. l. 5. Instit. cap. 4. §. 7. Plat. in vita Zepher . Pontif. Bellar. l. 3. de poenit . c. 13. §. Sed neque . Cardinall Bellarmine cleerly defendeth himselfe . Preā . p. 68. a B●●lar . lib. 21. de Purgat . cap. 1. §. vocatur . b Bell. l. 2. de Purg cap. 1. §. Adde . c Bell. lib. 1. de Purg. cap. 6. §. Deinde . d Bell. ibid §. Adde . e Bell. l. 1. de Purg. c 7. §. Hilarius . f B●ll . l. 2. de Pu●g . cap. 1 § Idem videtur . Bell. l. 1. de Purg. c. 6. §. Deinde sunt . Sixt. Sen. Bibliot . l. 5. annot . 171. g Salm. Iesuit . Com. in 1. Cor. 15. disp . 25. in fine . h Roffen . art . 18. aduers. Lutherū . Bell. l. 1. de pu●g . c. 6. Bellarm. l. 1. de Purg. cap. 1. §. Vocatur & c. 4. §. Superest . & l. 2. c. 1. §. Adde . Hilar. in illa verba Psalm . 118. Concupiuit anima mea . Ambr. in psal . 118. serm . 20. Bell. l. 1. de Purg. c. 5. §. Quarta difficultas Three fiers mentioned by S. Paul. Bellar. l. 2. de Purgator . cap. 1. §. Adde . S. Ambrose and Bellarm. deliuered from a cauill of contradiction . Bellar. l. 1. de Purg. c. 7. lib. 2. c. 1. Hilar. in Psal. 118. S. Hilaries censure of purging fire . Ibid. p. 69. Iudoc . Co●cius lib. 7. Thesa●ri art . 5. About threscore auncient Fathers alleadged for Purgatory withi● the first 600. years Sixt. Senensis l. 5. Bi●lo●h . Annotat. 17● . in fin . Aug. l. 21. de ciuit . Dei. c. 26. & 27. Origens playne testimony for Purgatory . Orig. lib. 8. Epist. ad Rom. Basil. in c. 4. Esay . Ambros. i● psalm . 118. Roffens . art . 18. cōtra Lutherum . The opinion of B. Fisher about the antiquitie of Purgatory . Preamb. pag. 69. Twenty auncient Fathers brought by Bellarmine for Purgatory . A second grosse vntruth about Apocryphall writings . Baron . anno . 441. Ib. p. 70● A third notorious & intollerable lye . M. Mort. sore pressed and challēged for wilful lying about Purgatory . Bellar. l. 1. de Purg. c. 3. & 4. Con● . Carth. Canon . 47● Preamb. p. 70. Psalm . 63. Preamb. p. 70. A notorious foolish vaun● about tre-trip . How detestable wil●ull lyes are to honest men . See before in the preā . p. 50. M. Mort. successe with Popes and other Cath. Authors . Supra 11. His successe with Bellarmine . In important & frendly consideratiō layd by P. R. to T. M. Preamb. pag. 70. ●ell● . l. 1. de Purg. c. 6. Coccius tom . 2. titul . de Poenitentia art . 5. Cal. lib. 3. Instit. cap. 5. §. 10. Vpon what māner of tre-trip . M. Mort. doth hazard his saluation . A comparison of much cōsideration . C●lu . vbi sup●a . Notes for div A09106-e50280 Ch●p . 6. & els where . M. Mort. sleight for escaping . Mitig. pag 489. n. 11. My iust offer . Prea●b . ibid. p. 71. §. 17. Mitig. in Pref. p. 28. ●●●ter a ●ad con●●●●nce , th●● n●●●●t a●● . About Thomas Mortons name . * p. 28. Prea . p. 71. Num. 5. & 25. Preamb. fol. 71. Mitig . Pref. pag. 28. A verie vaine cauill about the vnderstanding of the letters T.M. A plaine conuictiō of witting falshood . Mit. c. 3. n. 1. pag. 90. About the ●lause of re●er●ation in Latin. Preamb. p. 5. §. 3. See sup . c. 1. §. 3. Preamb. p. 72. See aboue cap. 1. §. 3. The great pouerty of M. Mortons proofes . Presumptuous Doctours mentioned by S. Paul. 1. Tim. 2. Epist. Dedic . nu . 23. M. Mort. contemptible opinion of our Catholicke Priests . M. Mort. conceipt of Con & science . About iustifying of Goodmā . Pag. 73. Mitig. p. 100. Mitig. pag. 99. n. 14. A fraudulent citation . Mitig. ● . 114. Moder . Ans. c. 4. Goodman p. 94.119.203 . &c. cap. 1. Full satisf . part . 2● pag. 103. Dang . Posit . l. 2. c. 1. See Full satisf . part . 2. Mitig. pag. 100. About Knox and Buchanā . Preamb. pag. 71. ●●ll s●ti●f . part . 2. p. 103. Cautelous answering Mitig. p. 119. Full Satis . part . 2. p. 97.98 . & deinceps . About Caluins Autotheisme , & mispla●ing of Card. Bellarmins name in the margent . Full Satisf . pa● . 1. p. 20. A very impertinent cauill . Bellar. l. 2. de Christo , cap. 19. Caluins manner of speach condemned by Be●larmine . Mitig. p. 231. A nimble sleight of M. Mort. Preamb. pag. 75. See a●te● cap. 5. The iustif●ing of Protestāts from Rebellion . Preamb. p. 75. & 76. 2. Cor. 3. Mitig. p. 113. Nothing can in truth be answered for excusing Protestans in matters of Rebellion . About dissembling the wicked practises of Caluin Beza and others . Preamb. p. 77. Preamb. p. 49. M. Mort. falleth into great imapatiēce . Ibid. Mitig. p. 132. Vbi supra . About Sir Tho. Wiats rebellion & the Duke of Suffolke and others . Pream . p. 79. & 80. Mitig. c. 4● p. 127. nu . 36. Foure vntruthes conuinced against M. Morton Full Satisf . pa● . 2. p. 102. Fox Acts and Monum . an . 1554. p. 1289. nu . 30. Whether Ministers had any part in Wyats commotion . * In the in Stories an●o 1553. & 1554. See their lines in the t●●rd part of the 3. Conuer●iōs of N. D. Sander . l. 2. de Schis . p. 322. Fox ibid. Holinshed anno 1553. p. 1096. Full Satisf . par . 2. p. 120. Notorious lying . Preamb p. 80. A mad defence . Preamb. p. 81. M. Mort. conuinced of intolerable falsities . Holinsh. an . 1553. p. 1593. column . 2. num . 10 Stow an . 1554. pag. 1046. M. Mort. taken in a notorious open falshood . About the text of Esay 29. of Ca●erius F●ising . & others . See Pream . §. 5. nu . 15. & 16. About the 29. of Esay vers . 9. vid. Supr● c. 1. §. 2. See Pream . §. 6. n. 17. & 18. Pream . 82. Supra cap. ● . §. 6. Preamb. §. 7. n. 21. Preamb. §. 8. n. 21. About Protes●āt Princes succession . About Frisingēsis corrupted by T. M. See supra c. 1. §. 8. Of the doctrine of Equiuocation graunted for 400. yeares . Mitig. p. 279. Preamb. p. 83. Full Satisf . par . 3. p. 54 My inference of the generality of Equiuocation vpon M. Mortons graunt for 400. yeares . Preamb. p. 84. M. Mort. obscene comp●rison . Sepul . Dialogo Theophilus . c. 19. Tritemius lib. de Scriptor . Eccles. in Gabr. Biel. Iniury offered to Doct. Gabriel Biel. Preamb. p. 84. Three learned Iesuits wrested against Equiuocation . Iesuits restraine the vse of equiuocation but do not cōdemne it generally . Azor falsely alleaged against all Equiuocation . Preamb. p. 84. Mit. c. 11. nu . 18.19 . pag. 450. & 451. Azor the Iesuit notably abused by M. Mort. Azor. Inst. moral part . 1. l. 11. c. 4. §. Meotamen . Fiue rules of Azor about Equiuocation . Diuers cases resolued by Azor for Equiuocation . An adultresse how she may equiuocate . How Equiuocation may be vsed to a theef . The Couentry case about comming from an infected place . Insolent fond insulting . Preamb. pag. 86. Azor proued to defend Equiuocation . Fiue different fraudes & lyes at one time . Emanuel Sà vntruly alleaged against all Equiuocation . Sà in Aphoris . verbo mendacium 3. & 4. Satisf . part . 1. cap. 26. Moderat . Answ . c. 10 Pream . 86. The Reader required to stād attent . Eman. Sà in Aphor. verbo Mēdac . 3. & 4. Wilfull fraud inexcusable . Equiuocation in case of restitution . Aphor. 25● de Confes. Sūdry cases resolued for Equiuocation by Emanuel Sà . Ibid. Aphor. 8. de Testib . Aphor. 7. de Reo . M. Mort. is posed . Moderate Answerer c. 11. initio . The manner of falsities conuinced against M. Mort. in this allegation of E●anuel S● . Ioannes Maldonatus falsly alleadged for a witnesse against all E●uiuocation . Preamb. p● 87. Meldonat . Com. in vlt. Luc. ver . 28. Satisfact . par . 3. c. 4. pag. 59. False and absurd shifting Full satis . par . 3. c. 4. pag. 59. Mitigat . pag. 431. Desperate dealing . Preamb. p. 87. Two absurdityes cōuinced against M Morton . Lib. d● mēda . c. 4. & lib. con . ●enda . cap. 12. Mi●ig . c. 8. pag. 336.337 . Stratagems lawfu●l though they be equiuocations . Aug. q. 10. in Iosue . Gra●tian . in causa 23. q. 2. §. Don●mus . Iosue 1. 4. Reg. 6. Iudith 11. Mit. c. 7. num . 23.24 . See of t●is i● gely c. 8. nu . 56.57 . &c. 9. n. 71.72.73 . & deinceps . See the former places quoted : and more cap. 9. n● . 77.78.79 . M●ld . cōm●nt . in Luc. c. 24. ver . 28. Tol●t . lib. de 7. Sacram . c. 46. Au● . ser. de v●● . Do mint 44. Matt. 9. M●●c 5 Lu● . 8. Mar. vlt. v. 15. Maldonat teacheth plainl● Equiuocation . A most f●d in●ulting conclusion of M. Mort. A briefe answer to the follies before promised . The conclusion of all these 15. Paragraphes . Preamb. pag. 71. Exceeding vaunting . Pream . p. 71. sup . §. 1. Pag. 72. Pag. 72. Pag. 81. Pag. 82. Chap. 5. Chap. 6. Cap. 7. Notes for div A09106-e64300 Volūtary wandring from the purpose . Preamb. pag. 88. A manifest falsity . A fond vaunt . Preamb. pag. 88. About Popes names chāged out of Polidore . Preamb. ibid. Preamb. 8● . & ●● . Pream . pag. 90. Lib. expurgat . ex Hispanico & Belgico verbo Polidorus p. 457. A great probability that Polidore is abused . Preamb. pag. 80. & 90. The tale out of Polidore cōfuted . Platina in vita Sergij secundi . Onuphrius Panuinus in vita Sergii 2. Anastasius Bibliothecarius ibidem . Consider of this reason . What Pope first changed his name . A detectiō of M. Mortons lyes about this matter . A wilfull vntruth vttered to the ●ing and to the L. of Salisbury . The secōd falshood in abusing of Polidore . What M. Morton answereth to these two notorious lye● Preamb. pag. 91. Two impertinent answers of M. Morton . * Warn-word against Syr Franc. Hastings , enc . 2. cap. 9. nu . 22.23 &c. How iust a thing it is that Catholike bookes should be ouerseene and corrected when need requireth . How bookes of Hereticall authours are permitted . A demād made to M. Mort. about cēsuring of bookes . About the death of Pope Adrian by ● fly . Preamb. pag. 91. Mitig. p. 79. c. 2. num . 46. Nau●l . p. 1. gener . 39. Our English Pope Adr. egregiously abused by T. M. An absurd Confession . The first reason . The second reason . A comparison shewing vnconscionable dealing without regard of credit . The third reason . Many probabil●ties of false dealing . The second part of his answere . Preamb. pag. 92. The third part . The 4. part of his answere . Many bad shifts of T. M. against Nauclerꝰ . Foure other Po●es obiected impertinently to haue had il ends . Preamb. pag. 94. About Pope Anastasius the secōd his death . Anno Domini 499. Turrecre . lib. 2. de sum . Eccles . cap. 112. Sap. 4. v. 11 Nicep . l. 16. c. 12. E●ag . l. 3. c. 18. ●● 23. ●ib●●at . c. 19. * Dis●in . 19. cap. 9. a lib. 4. Hierarc . cap. 8. b Lib. 2. Prop●g . c In visib . monarchia lib. 7. fol. 386. d tomo 6. in Anastasio . e Lib. 4. de P●ntif . cap. 10 §. Decimus nonus est Anastasius 2. In vita An●st●sij Imperatoris . L. de vitis Pontif. Rom●n . cap. 115. About the death of Vrbanus tertius calumniated . by . T. M. Anno 1187.13 . Cal. Nouemb . a in Henrico 20. p. 362. in fine b Lib. 3. c. 34. in fine Preamb. p. 98. & 99. The authors that wrote of Pope Vrban his death . A●out the as●●rtion of D. Boucher peruerted . P●eamb . pag. 95. D. Boucher de abdic . l. 3. c. 16. Mitig. pag. 80. Dis●ou . pag. 23. A notable corruptiō about D. Boucher . 1. Pet. 2. Concil . Cōstant . S●ss . 15. Catholick moderatiō towards censuring of Princes . Knox in hist. p. 372. Knox appel . fol. 33. A very pretty euasion of M. Mort. The ouerthrow of his euasion . M. Mort. condemned in the principall . Two accessoryes . The secōd Accessory . About the abuse of M. VVilliam Reinolds Mitig. pag. 68. Discou . pag. 8. R●inold . de iusla R●ip . aucto●itate . c. 1. M. Reynolds discourse . Rom. 13. Pag. 100. A strange euasion of M. Mort. by accusing R.C. A moderate satisfaction demaunded for a great crime . The word ( but ) maliciously inserted . Preamb. pag. 100. How the authority of Kings is from God and how from man. The particle ( b●t ) slily inserted ●y M. Mort. An obiectiō made by himself , which he is not able to solue . Matth. 16. Marc. 5. Diuers shiftes to get out . About the decree of Gratian wrōgfully alledged . Mitig. pag. 82. Another Cosenage about a text of Gratian. Apud Grat. causa 15. q. 6. cap. 4. Gloss. A doubt proposed & solued . See of ●his ●●sto●y the dis●utatiō b●f●●e the King of F●ance , a●nexed to the Confut . of the first 6. Mon●thes of Foxes Calendar . Foure fal●●●oodes about one thing . Pream . p. 104. Mitig. p. 84. nu . 52. Considerations vpon the former co●fessiō of T. M. Supra . c. 2. The conference betweene M. Stocke and M. Morton , for diuiding the shame of falsifying . Discou . p. 4. full Satis● . part . 1. pag. 21. Mitigat . p. 82. Pream p. 104. M Stocks defence . The sword & scabbard both wounding M. Mortons cause . Greg. 9. decret . l. 5. tit . 7. c. 16. Medin . Cod. de restitut . q. 3. causa . 9. Tolet. lib. 1. Instruc . cap. 13. §. Sextus . About another false pretended decree in Gratian. Mit. p. 84. Decret . l. 5. de haeret . tit . 7. c. 5 The seuere sentence of S. August . against hereticks . August . l. ●e Fide Cath. Hier. cont . Vi●il . cit . a Gratiano caus . 23. q. 8. c. Legi . A Catalogue of corruptions . The Comedy b●twene M. Mo●tō & M. Stock . Preamb. pa. 107. Vide Posse●in in ●iblioth . verbo Gratianus . M. Mortō more pardonable then M. Stocke . Deutr. 31. M. Mort. fond Dilemma . Whether spilling & shedding of bloud be all one . Preamb. pag. 108. A shamefull denying of a Canon in the third Councell of Carthage . About the Extrauagant for the Glosse Mit. p. 173. & 174. Disco p. 34 Extrauag . cōmunium de Maior● & Obediētia . §. Vnā sanctam . Extrauagant of Bonifa . 8. falsly alleaged . Addit . ad ●om . extrauag . de maiorit . in c. 1. ad finem . Preamb. p. ●10 . A ridiculous answere by a figure . Preamb. p. 111. A notorious & sēsles falsification of Pope Gregory the 13. Extrauag . Cōmun . l. 1. de maiorit . & Obed. cap. 1. ad finem . About the h●●●●●e of Autoth●isme obiected to Caluin and the corruptiō of Bellarmines wordes th●rin . Mitig. p. 230. Bellarm. wordes fraudulē●ly alledged . Caluins manner of speach cōdemned by Bellarmine . Poore & weak answeres . Preamb. p. 113. M. Mortō hardly pressed . M. Mort. idle repetition of thinges before discussed . About a place of Isay 29. See before cap. 1. §. 5. & cap. 4. §. 10 Isay. 29.9 . Mitig. p. 88. About verè & verò in Careriꝰ Mitigation p. 234. See before cap. 1. §. 6. & cap. 4. §. 10. About Dolman falsely alleged . See cap. 1. §. 7. Mitigat . p. 72. Impertinēt ●itations . About the succession of Protestāt P●inces Mitig. p. 72. full satisfact . part . 1. c. 13. p. 9. Preamb. p. 116. About Otho Frisingensis peruerted● Supra c. 1. 〈◊〉 . 8● . & 103. & cap. 4. §. 10 About Lāmbertus Scafnaburg . peruerted . M. Mortōs fond animosity , whereo● see afterward c. ● . ●iti● . p. 215. nū . 37. Lamb. Schafnab . in histor . Germaniae , ann . 1077. sub finē . The submission of the Emperor Henry the fourth to Pope Hildebrād at Canusiū . Lambert . vbi supra . A comparison expressing the fraud of T. M. Preamb p. 119. & 120. Pag. 1●●● M. Mortons narration out of Lābert . about Pope Gregories excōmunication . What manner of Italiā Bishops impugned Gregory 7. A case expressing the nature of M. Mortons calumniation out of Lambertus . p. 120. L●mb . vbi supra an . 1077. Preamb. p. 120. & 121. The vnfaithfull dealing of T.M. in alleaging Lābertꝰ his wordes . About the folly obiected to P. R. How Lamb. autority might haue byn alleaged without lying . Infelicity obiected against the argumēt of P. R. Diuers acceptiōs of Sāctity . 1. Cor. 1. 2. Cor. 1. & 15. The description of sāctity by S. Dionysius c. 12. De diuin . nominib . The bad Card. Benno and his feygned booke by the Protestantes . Bellar. l. 4. de Rō . Pontif. c. 13. Preamb. p. 123. Vrsperg . in anno 1080. p. 224. edit . Basil . anno 1569. How Vrspergensis writeth in fauour of P. Greg. Preamb. p. 124. M. Mortons whole supposal false . Benno the coūterfaite Cardinall . A comparison expressing M. Mortōs case of vnfaithfull dealing . Binius tomo 3. Concil . p. 1281. The testimony of Binius for Pope Gregory . How absurdly blasphemy is obiected to P. R. for alleaging an example of the Euanglists . Mitig. p. 217. What blasphemy is . D. Tho. 2.2 . q. 13. art . 1. Preamb. p. 125. Comparisons may be piously made betweene God & creatures . Math. 13. Luc. 23. Matt. 20. Luc. 19. Luc. 12. Luc. 13. A false trick or two in T. M. for a parting blow . Notes for div A09106-e85480 Epist. dedicat . to the L. Sal●●b . Preamb. p. 88. Vasquez mistaken and slaundered about the nature of heresie & pertinacy . Mitig. pa. 219. The first example of corruptions . Vasq. disp . 126. c. 3. in 1. Tom. About the the nature of heresie and pertinacy . Ibid. c. 1● Valentia 2.2 . qu. 11. puncto 1. Turrec . 4. sūma , par . 2. c. 1. & Doctores omnes 4. d. 13. & D. Tho. 2.2 . art . 2. vide etiam Cau. 14. q. 3. Can. Dixit Apostolus & Can. Qui in Ecclesia . Obstinacy necessarie to heresy . Vasquez his discourse about pertina●ie . How heresy is consummated in the vnderstanding and not in the will. Aug. l. de vtil . cred ad Honor. Aug. l. 4. con●i . Do●at . c. 16. S. Austins explication of the whole matter . Azor corrupted about the word Pe●tinaci●er . Mitig. pag. 225. De i●st . pun . H●er . l. 1. cap. 10. Azor corrupted . Azor peruerted about the Case of Couētry . Mitig. 430 §. 7. Tho Mortons Case of Couentry . Azor l. 11. i●st . c. 4. §. Primò quidem . Azor. ib. §. tertia regula . Syl Verb. Iuramentum 3. q. 2. Nauar. in Manual c. 12. nu 196. Tolet. in Instruct. Sac●r . c. 21. l. 4. Rod●r . in sum . p. 1. c. 1●1 . con . 4 Cos●us Phil. p. 2. l. 3. c. 14. Say●r . l. 5. c. 4. ●1 . 22 . Egregiou● impudency of T. M. Diuers Gr●sse vntruthes of T.M. T. M. Metro●olitan of his lying Metropolis . Azor falsyfied as reiecting a Case which he plainely alloweth . Exod. 20. Mitig. 450 §. 18. Pag. 60. & 61. Azor notably belied by T. Morton . lib. 11. c. 4. §. Quinto quaeritur . Azor lib. 11. ● . 4. §. Primò quidem . Wilfull and perfidious de●ling . Tullies 〈◊〉 aga●●st liers . Cardinall Tolet abused about grosse and affected ignorance Mitig. 225. Tolet abused . Lib. 1. Instr . Sac. c. 19. Cardinall Bellarm. egregiously iniured about the question of ancient gathering of Councells . Mitig. pa. 208. A childish insultatiō of T. M. ouer Card. Bellarm. Barkleius l. 6. a●●● s. Monarch . c. 26. Bellar. l. 1. de Conc. c. 13. §. Habemus ergo . Diuers sorts of corruptiō . The summe of Cardinall Bellarmins discourse falsifyed by ● . M. Bellar. l. 1. de Conc. c. 13. § Habemus ergo . Athan. in . Ep. ad solitar . vit . agentes . Foure causes why Emperours consents were necessary for gathering of Councells in old time . See ff de Col. ill . & l. conuent . de Epis● . & presbyteris Euseb. l. 3. de vit . Cōst . Th●od . l. 1. Hist. c. 16. The Iesuit Salmeron much peruerted in sundry points . Mi●ig . pa. 191. Pag. 2. Salmeron disp . 12. in Ep. Pauli in gen . §. Sed cōtra . Aug. l. 19. cōt . Faust. cap. 31. in princ . 1 Corruption about the meaning . Disp. 12. pag. 324. & 325. Leuit. 4. Deut. 17. Num. 27. Philo. l. de victimis par . 2. circa med . Ioseph l. 3. antiq . cap. 10. 2 Corruption about the words Sundry sleights . 3 Corruption about the translation . Confut. pag. 2. Malicious interpretations to make vs odious . Salmeron againe abused by egregious cauillatiō . Mitig. pag. 143. Salm. disp . 12. in Ep. Paul. Carer● l. 2. cap. 1. Heb. 4. How the old Testament was a figure of the new . 1. Cor. 9. Deut. 25. 1. Cor. 10. Confut. pa. ●● Cauillatiō of T.M. About Dolman and other writers abused by him . Mitig. pag 65. Dolman . par . 1. pag. 13. ●yted in Discou . pag. 9. About Dolman● text abused in words & sense . Carerius iniuriously hādled about his opinion of Priesthood and Kingly authority . Mitig. c. 6. nu . 60. pag. 234. Mi●ig . pag. 141. Pag. 2. Carer . l. 2. de Rom. Pont. c. 18. & Sander . in visib . monarch . The dignity of Priesthood proued to be more the● Regall . False dealing against Carerius . Confut. p. 2. Carer . l. 2. cap. 1. Franc. de Victoria abused touching the exemption of Cleargy men . Mitig. pag 199. Franc. de Vict. relect 1. de potest . Eccl●●iae sect . 4. Variety of corruptions . Relect. 1. sect . 4. no● sect . 7. Victoria his propositions about exemption of Clergy men , and and ●● M. his corruptions therin . ● . Boniface Archb. falsifyed notably in the question , Whether a Pope may be an hereticke . Mitig. page . ●●● . Shamles facing of vntruthes A note of M. Sutcliffs manner of answering . Warn-word , Encounter 2. c. 13. n. 18.19.20 . &c. The errour about S. Boniface the English Martyr . Great impudency S. Leo deceitpfully alleadged about the Oath of Supremacy . Mitig. pag. 203. Pag. 26. Many falshoods . Leo ep . 75. ad L●onem Augusti●● Ibid. c. 5. The Christian sacrifice ceased in Alexādria . Notable corruptiō of S. Leo his meaning . Mitig. pag● 208. Sepulueda abused about Equiuocation . Mitig. pag. ●84 . n● . 57. Genes . Sepulu● l. de●rat . dicend . testim . ● . 3. Genesius much abused by M. Morton . Sotus manif●stly preuerted against his owne assertion about Equiuocation . Mitig. pag 433. Sotus l. 5. de iust . q. 6. art . 2. Sotus falsely abused by T. M. Matth● 13● Sotus expressely impugneth T. M. Lib. de teg . Se●r . nu . 3. q. 3. Concl. 4. T. Mortons Doctor Genesius refuted by Sotus . Cunerus ●asifyed against his owne meaning about the nature of religion . pag●23 ●23 . Cunerus de offic . Prin● . cap. 13. Aug. in Psal. 54. in verb. Psal. In multis erant mecum . & Ep. 48. B. Cunerus egregiously peruerted Cassander and Bellarmyne abused at once about the meanes of concord betweene Catholiks & heretiks Mitig. pag 238. Pag. 55. Bellarm. l. de laicis cap. 19. C●ssand . l. de offi● . pij viri . Eusebius 5. Hist. c. 13. Euag. l. 3. Hist. c. 14. & 30. Cassander what māner of man he was . Mitig. pag 239.241.242 . Index expurg . in l. Cassandr . De Off●●io pij ●i●i fol. 314. Bellarmin . l. de laicis cap. 19. Full Satisfact . pag. 55. Cassanders iudgment not allowed by English Protestāt● The ●leight of his English trāslation . Bellarmins opinion falsified . Royardus and Cunerus peruerted against their words & meaning about obedience to temporall Princes . Mitig. p. 232. Pag. 30 . 3●.34 . Royard . Serm. 1. in Domin . 1. Aduent . Serm. 2. in Domin . 23. post Pentecost Royardus and Cunerus abused . Act. 25● Cap. 8. Sayer grossely abused about Haereticus pertinax . Mitig. pag. 227. Sayer in ●as●b . consc . l. 1. c. 9. §. 30. A notable falsificatiō of Sayer . The definition of contumacy . The difference betwene cōtumacy & pertinacy . Many false sleights . Pag. 4. Cicero falsyfied in the question of swearing to a theefe &c. Mitig. p. 462. Full satisf . p. 90. p. ● . The cause s●t downe by ●icero of prison●rs let forth vpō their oath by ●●niball . L. 3. Offi. §. Regulꝰ . Cic. 3. Offic. §. Regulꝰ & §. Sed si . T.M. pressed with Punica fides about falsification . Cicero most plainly against T. M. and for Catholicke doctrine . T. Mort. cōuinc●d of egregious cosenage . Of two abuses offered in citing D. Barkley . Mitig. pag. 198. Enumeration of falsities . Ibid. c. 11. Mitig. p. 202. Full satisfact . p. 24. Barkleus l. 3. c. 5. Ambr. l. 5. Ep. 33. A cleare authority of S Ambrose , imbezeled by T. M. Of diuers authors falsified about the depositiō of Popes . Mitig. 235. Full satisfact . p. 38. Bellarm. l. 4. de Rom. Pon. c. 2. Carer . l. 1. c. 24. Azor. l. 5. c. 14. Grat. can . Si Papa dist . 40. That Popes may fall into heresy and be deposed for the same . ●●llarmin . l. 2. de Pontif . c. 30. Foure notorious lies togeather . Greg. de . Val. anal . l. 8. cap. 3. Salm. com in Gal. 2 , disp . 24. Can. l. 16. loc . Theol. cap. 8. Stapl. doct . T●in● . l. 6. initio . Coster . de Pontif. in ●n●●i● . ●ap . 3. Though Popes may fall into he●esy : yet shall not they be pretermitted to decree it . Full satisf . p. 38. Ten lyes made at once . Notes for div A09106-e100880 How prudent creditours doe proceed with doubtfull debtors . Mitig. c. ●● What is heresy according to S. Austin . Stancar . l. de Trinit . & Mediatore . Philip Nicolaus l. cōt . Caluinum in prafat . &c. p. 1.2.3.4.5.6.7.8.9.10 . &c. Luth. lib. Contra Sacr●ment●r . in Ep. ad Marchion . Pruss . Mitig. p. 58.59.60.61.62 . &c. Item p. 107 108.109 . &c. M. Mort. defendeth himselfe with silence . Mitig. p. 248. D. Aegidius Hūnius his booke of Caluin . Anno 159● . VVittemberg . apud viduam Matth●i VVelaci . Iohn Caluin an angel of darknesse with the Lutherās . A cōsideration of much weight . How Caluinisme is heresy by the iudgment of learned Protestāts . Two other heads of controuersy . Catholick doctrine touching Obediēce to Princes Mitig. p. 38.39 . &c. & p. 116.117 . &c. Protestāts doctrine about restrayning and punishing Princes . The practice of Protestāts against P●●nces . S●● Mitig. p. 44.45 . ● d●●●●●ps ●●●m p. 116.117 . &c. Great om●●ons of M. Morton in his Reply . A wicked and pernicious course of exasperating● & driuing to desperatiō Preamb. pag. 36. Mitig. p. 274.275 . About the peruersity of our aduersaries . How Equiuocation is defended . Matth. 5. Gratian. Causa 22. c. 2. Diuers things are commendable , and of perfection , but not of ob●ligation . Fiue consideratiōs about the vse of Equiuocation . Preamble p. 82.83 . Mitig. c. 8. & 9. p. 307 Forcible proofes for equiuocation . Aug. ser. 28. de verbis Apostol . Ioan. 1. See mitig . c 9. §. 2. pag. 362. & deinceps . Full satisf . p. 48.49 . Ioan. 8. Ioan. 5. Act. 10 Math. 9. Marc. 5. Luc. 8. When T. M. is like to pay this debt . Mitig. p. 3●0 . Mitig. c. 9.10.11 . M. Mort. iniquity in dealing maliciously with vs. Act. 5. Supra . c. 1. §. 4. Mitig. p. 486. Formall lying Equiuocation in T. Mort. T. Mort● talents in lying Equiuocation . Asigne distinctiue betweene Protestāts and vs. A iust chalenge to M. Mort. Ten Protestant writers brought in for lying Equiuocators . M. Iewels egregious Equiuocation . In his sermon in the Court , and at Pauls Crosse. Diuers reasons c●̄uincing that M. Iewell spake wittingly against his consciēce . Mitig. p. 501. D. VVhitaker in his answer to D. Sanders Demōstrations . p. 21. Six seuerall examples of M. Iewells Equiuocation . Syr Edward Cooke . Full satisfact . c. 17. fol. 40. In the Answer to Reports in the liues of Edward the ●irst , Ed. 2. &c. Mitig. p. 535. The Charge layd against Syr Edward Cooke . See the answere ●f the Cath. Deuine to the 1. p. of Syr ●●ward Cook● . Reports c. vltimo . A notable fiction against Pius V. Decret . p. 1. dist . 40. ca. 6. Si Papa . The L. Cookes charge against Catholickes . The Deuine deceiued by the subtility of the Lawyer . K. Kenulphus his charter notably falsified by M. Att. Reports fol. 9. The charter as M. Attorney alleageth it , anno 755. Stāford l. 3. c. 39. fol. 1012. Marke M. Attorneys inf●rence vpon his owne falsifi●ation . * This is false . * This also is false . M. Att. solemne protestation falsifyed , Reports fol. 40. The relation sent out of England about the true charter of K. Kenulphus . This decideth the whole cōtrouersie : and therfore was fraudulēt●ly cut of by M. Att. 1. Henr. 7. printed by Pinson , & Brooke tit . Corone , pl. 129. A falsification of Protestā● printers . When Parliamentes began in England . The conclusion . Fiue cases taken out of Syr Ed. Cooke his Reports . Full satisf●ct . par . 3. pag. 41. 1 Reports fol. 12. 2 Repo●ts fol. 15. 3 Reports fol. 21. 4 Reports fol 23. 5 Repo●ts . fol. 26● False inferences . False dealing . The 1. case againe discussed . Full satisf . par . 3. pag. 41. Reports part . 1. fol. 12. Mitig. p. 267. T. M● clipping of hi● Author . 30. Ed. 3. l. Ass. pl. 19. Brooke in his Abridgment , tit . Praemunire pl. 10. Answere to the Reports pag. ●67 . The Deuines resō against the probability of the Attorneys assertion . VVestmō . in hist. anno 1197. A conuincing argument against M. Attorney . 11. Henrici 4. fol. 64● Reports fol. 15.31 . E. 3. tit● Excōmunic . ● . Note the force of this argument . An addition to the former answeres . The case betweene Syr T. Seaton and Lucy . Peter Bourchets case anno 1578. Foure other reasons against Syr Edward . The begining of abiurāce . Pleading of Bulls no treason vnder K. Ed. 3. Hen. 4. Hen. ● . Brooke in his abridgment tit● Premuni●e . pl. 10. The secōd case about aduousōs and collations of benefices● An Alias and Pluries . The third case about disturbing the pat●ons Presentee . Statute of Carliele 25. E. 1. The 4. case about dependāce of the Crowne . Ans. to Reports p. 211. The 5. case about suites in Rome . Answere to reportes pag. 232. 9. E. 4. fol. 3. Iustice Yelue●tō . 14. H. 4 ● . 14. Fitzh . abused . The true case set downe . Fiue fond cōparings not worth a paring . Notes for div A09106-e110860 Prefaces and Preambles insteed of bookes . In the preface to the 6. part of his Reports . Two causes inferring a Nihil dicit . The principall point , that Syr Edward must prooue . Answere to Report● in the Preface . The high importāce of this cōtrouersie . Th●ee different professions of Religion in Englā● , with their grounds or spirituall iurisdiction . The origen and ordinance of both powers spirituall and temporall . The di●ferent excellency of these 2. powers . Nazianz. orat . ad Ciues timore perculsos Answere to Reports pag. 24. Nazian . orat . ad ciues timore perculsos , Chrysost. l. 3. de Sacerdotio & to . 4. in c. 6. Esaiae . Ambr. lib. 2. ep . 33. tradendi●● Answer to Repo●ts p. 74 75.76.77 . & dein●eps . Two sorts of proofes de iure & de facto . Ten Demonstrations against M. Attorneys assertion de facto before the Conquest . Two instances of M. Attorney before the Cōquest , helping him nothing . Concerning the English Kinges after the Conquest Syr Edward precipitant in au●rring things against Catholickes . Psalm . 140 A manifest vntruth vttered by Syr Edw. Variety of legall authorities out of law books Manifest and wilfull vntruthes vttered by Syr Edward . The true state of the question . The temperate proceeding of the Deuine in his wrytings . Plinius lib. 10. histor . natural . cap. 67. The Pedanteria of Syr Edward . Syr Edw. his ordinary and cōtinual railing against Catholickes . Impertinent Grāmaticall phrases . About the antiquity & excellēcy of our English lawes . In the Preface to the 6. part of Reportes . Answere to R●ports pag. 14.15 . &c. Syr Iohn Fortescue . A great exaggeration o● an●●●uity . His first meanes of proofe by an●iquit●●f Nati●ns . Galfridus Monumetensis lib. 1. historiae . The state of Britany for lawes and customes in Iulius Cesar his tyme. C●sar lib. 5. de bello Gallico . Solinus c 35● in fi●e . Plin. 22. histori● naturalis cap. 1. Claudian . in Laudes Stilicō . paneg . 2. pag. 258. Diodorus lib. 6. rer● antiquarū . Strabo lib. 4. Geographiae . Mela l. 3. Geograph . Tacitus in vita ●ulij Agricol●e . Herod . l. 3. hist. Dio in epit . hist. Xephil . in hist. Omnes in vita Alexandr● Seu●●i . The rudenes of the Britās 200. years after Christ. Dio in Nerone . The speach of the Qu. Br●nde●i●ke . A ridiculous imagination of the great antiquity of the venetiā Lawes . Blondus l. 1. ●ist . Ital. & lib. spe●ia●i de ●ebus Venetorum . An impertinent exception . His secōd medium for proouing the antiquity and excellency of our English Lawes . Whether the anciēt British Lawes were euer changed or altered . Plin. lib. 30 hist. cap. 1. Hector Bo●th . hist. S●ot . lib. 3. pag. 45. The British lawes changed by the Romanes Cambdē . in descrip . Brit. pag. 42. Guliel . Malmes● . in fastis Anno Domini 86. Why it is not lik●ly that the Saxons or Danes would admit the ●ritish lawes . Ingulphus in historia de Croylād . Malmes● . in Guli●l . p●rimo , i●i●ue P●lidorus . Iohn Fox in his Acts and Monumen●s . Doctor Ha●pesfi●ld in ●istor . 1 S●culo 8. cap. 10. 2 Saeculo 9. cap. 5. 3 Saec 10. cap. 2. 4 Ibib. c. ● . 5 Saec. 11. cap. 2. 6 Ibid. c. ● . Three positions of the two Iustices ouerthrowen . Polidor . l. 9 p. 391. edit . Gandau . The iniquity of the Conquerours lawes that now are English. Ingulf . in ●isto . de Croyl●nd . pag. 513. &c. Fox acts & mon. p. 154. col . 1. ●um . 83. Anno Christi 687 See the Saxon lawes imprinted at London cap. 3. & 4 These also were printed anno 1568. Alred . Rieual . de Regibus , in Edgarum . See Fox Acts & monu●●ts pag. 148. Polydor. l. 8. hist. in Edwardo Conf●ssore . Defectuous lawes . Answer to R●po●tes pag. 13 . 14● 15. &c. Iudgment of life and death . Iury of 12. men . Dowry of marriage . Prouision for yonger Brothers . Pupills & Pupilage . Liberty & auarice of some Lawyers . A merry tale deuised by Syr Edward against Monkes . A true serious story answering to Syr Edwards tale The Fathers prudent and pious resolution . Daniel . 4. Preface to the 6. part of Reports . Ibidem . ●ower questions proposed & solued . Arist. lib. ● poster . c. 2. Answere to the first The charter of Q. Ethelswith . Anno 868. Syr Edwardes bad argumentatiō . The true story of Q. Ethelswith . Gul. Malmesb . l. 1. de gestis regū Angl. c. 5. Malmes . l. ● . c●p . 2. See Ethelwerd lib. 3. chron . cap. 3. Huntingt . lib. 5. histor . prope initium . Answer to the second question . K. ●thelred . Anno 995. Answer to the third question . About burning of women for petty treason in Cesars time . Caesar lib. 6 comment . de bello G●lli●o p. 157. edit . Manucianae . The custome of Frenchmen about authority ouer their wyues in Iulius Caesars tyme. Wilfull fraud by embezeling of words . Why one part of the Brittish law descēded to our tymes and not the other . Answer to the 4. question . Henricu● secundus Anno Domini 1164. Syr Edward flieth from the point in controuersie . Answere to Reports Chap. 6 demonst . 5. pag. 1 , 3. Iustice Rastall in his Abridgment of Statutes . The Coūcell of Claringdon . An. 1164. Houed . in vita Hen. 2. fol. 287. Houeden ibidem . K. Henry the secōd very Catholicke in the point of the Pope● supremacy . A shift of euasiō taken from Syr Edw. Houedē in Hē . 2.302 . & 303. Baron . Tom. 12. in An. 1172. non longè ab initio . Reports part . 5. fol. 40. Pref. to the 6 part of Reports f. 6. See before §. 4. & 5. The first two falshoods . Reportes fol. 10. b. The third fraud about the Conquerors case . 7. Ed. 3. fol. 4. Fi●zh . tit . Quare impedit 19. Herle chiefe Iustice . Henry the first founder of the Abbey of Reading . Anno 26. H●m . 1. qui f●●t anno Domini 1125. In the Answere to the 5. part of Reports c. 8. p. 18● . Straining & squeesing of ancient Princes actiōs , for some shew of supremacy Ecclesiasticall . 4. E. 1. Reportes fol. 13. a. In 6. Decretal . l. 7. tit . de B●ga●is . Reports p. 5. pag. 13. Arraigned . Attainted . Stanford l. 2. cap. 49. 18. E. 1. The statut of 9. E. 2. Articuli Cleri . c. 16. 18. E. 1. Fraudulē● dealing . Plowd . Cō . fol. 498. 25. H. 8. Reports f. 14. b. 17. E. 3.23 . The Archdeacon of Richmond . Sergeant Stouf . 20. E. 3. Excōm . 9. &c. ●itzh . Nat. Br. f. 42. A. 2. H. 5. c. 1. Rastals Abridgment ti● . Hospitals . 27. E. 3. fol. 84. 22. E. 3. lib. Ass● pl. 75. Notable abuses about the case of Tythes . Poure vn●ruthes vttered in one case . 22. E. 3. l. Ass. pl. 75. The state of the question . Thorp chief Iustice . 7. E. 3. f. 5. The Booke of Doct. & studēt f. 25. printed by the dutch print in the time of K. Henry the 8. Brooke 22. E. 3. tit . Preroga●iue pl. 47. Concil . Lateran . can . 53. & 56. The law of paying tythes to particuler parishes . 7. E. 3. f. 5.44 . E. 3. f. 5.10 . H. 7. fol. 1● . 38. E. 3. lib. Ass. pl. 22. Repo●ts . fol. 16. b. 49. E. 3. lib. A●s . pl. ● . Reports f. 17. Candish . 11. H. 4. fol. 10. Answere to Reports c. 6. p. 30. et 31. 11. H. 4. A Catholick lawyer like to ioine with the Cath. Deuine against Syr Edward . See before §. 4. & ●● R Prick . accused by Syr Edw. Pricket in the Epist. dedicatory to the Charge . Pore Pricket a cold in the heat of his gospelling sunshine . Why Syr Edw. misliketh now Prickets narration . Syr Edw. parable about a yong Romā Iudge applyed to himself . Pr●fat . ad part . 7. Re●lat . Syr Edw. protesteth against Nouelity when he practizeth the same . Charge p. 10. Pag. 18. * Supra §. 4. Vndecent ●coffing for a Iudg. Charge p. 19. Mat 27. Marc. 15. pag. 36. Syr Edw. strāge exhortation . The Article of supremacy in Spirituall matters , of how great importance . Ioan. 14. ● . Mat. 5. & 19. Charge p. 40. Syr Edw. intemperate rayling Charge p. 36.37 . The fore-staling of his Maiesties will. Prouerb . 21. Rom. 5. Example of two persecuting Iudges . Tertull. l. ad Scapul . cap. 3. Cyprian . l. ad Deme●rianum . Math. 10. Syr Edw. tale of the fighting Abbot . Syr Edw. loude tongue in speaking ill of Catholicks . Prafat . ad par● . 7. Relat. A dreadfull new cōminatiō of Syr Edw. against all Catholick bookes . A charitable and equall offer to Syr Ed. About the intituling of his 7. part of Reports . Syr E●w . his nouelties like to preiudice all his writings , as not cōforme to our ancient lawiers . Spirituall bookes mislyked by Syr Edward . Notes for div A09106-e128490 New lyes added to old . 1 About the Equiuocation of Saphyra . In the Preamblatory ●pistle to P.R. Pream . pag 47. & 48. False purchase by lying . Act. 5● Mitig. pag 344.346 . & 348. Pream . pag 47. & 48. A lying vertigo . 2 About Theodoret corrupted . Bellar. l. 1. de Euchar. cap. 1. mitio . see supra cap. 3. num . 99. Pream . pag 65. Three falshoods in one allegation . 3 About Claud. Espencaeus falsifyed . Preāb . pag. 28. See supra c. 1. num . 100 4 The false allegation of T. M. about Costerus . Cap. 3. quod est de summo Pontif. §. constat . Pream . pag 51. 5 About Gratian abused . Bellar. l. 2. de Rom. Pont. c. 24● §. Tertio . The Decree of the Councell of Mileu●● in Africk . 6 About simbolizing with Pelagians . Bellar. l. 4. de notis Eccle●iae c. 9. ● Pelagiani . Preamb. pag. 63. Bellar. lib. 4. de notis Ecclesiae c. 9. §. Pelag. Three other falshoode● . 7 About the Councell of Eliberis , & Sixtus Senensis . Sixtus Senen● . Biblioth . lib. 5. Annot. 247. 8 About Bullingers assertion of the Trinity . 9 About S. Aug. & S. Cyprian . Supra c. 3. num . 107.108 . & deinceps . Bellar . lib. 4. de verbo Dei c. 7. Aug. l. 5. de bap . cap. 23. Pream . pag. ●6 . & 67. S. August . against M. Morton . An audacious vntruth . 10 About Purgatory A most absurd assertion . 11 When the two letters of T. M. were vnderstood . A ridiculous ouer●ight in M. Mortō . 12 About Holinshed Fox & Stow. M. Fox an . 1554 pag. 1289. Strange impudēcy 13 About the death of Pope Anastasius . Turre●r . l. 2. de sum . Ecclesiae cap. 112. Three fal●ities in one . 14 About Pope Gregories licence for printing the Canon Law. 15 About the Manicheā heresy imputed to Caluin . Bellar. l. 4● de notis Ecclesiae cap. 9. §. 8. Pream . pag. 64. 16 About the Nouatian heresie . Bellar. l. 4. de notis Ecclesiae c. 9. §. Nouatianorum . 7 About Doctor Azorius . Ten lyes about Azor. Preamb. pag. 84 18 About Emanuel S● : whether he contradicteth all Equiuocation ? Pream . pag 86. Mo●erate Answer . cap. 10. Pream . pag 86. Eman. Sa A●hor● 25. de Conf●s . 8. de testib● Seauen wilful vntruthes vttered togeather . 19 About not answering of Maldonate . Pream . pag 87. Mitig. c. 14 pag. 409.410 . Fiue vntruthes togeather . 20 About Polidore Virgil falsified . Preamb. pag. 90. Polid. l. 4. de Inuent● cap. 10. Pream . vbi●supra . The Conclusion . Notes for div A09106-e134130 Bragging and craking . Epist. dedicat . pag. 3. Preamb. §. 12. p. 43. A grosse errour about Meribah . Pream . 49. Exod. 15. Exod. 17. Three partes of this chapter . His first charge concerning himselfe . To the 1. protestation . a Preamb. pag. 91. b Preamb. pag. 1●4 . & 106. c ●reā . 84. d Preamb. pag. 100. e Preamb. pag. 104. Preamb. §. 15. p. 62● Preamb. p● 128. Preāb . 128. Comparisons of the exactnes in writing betweene Cardina●l B●larmin , and ● . M. The penalties wherunto T. M. is alliable● by his owne obligation . Gretzerus in ●ef●ns . B●lla●m . pag. 435. His secōd Challēge . M. Mort. preuaricateth his promises . His 3. chalenge . Preamb. p. 127. The Answere . His fourth Chalēge . The Answere . Preamb. p. 128. 4. absurd Chalēges . The Answere . The vanity of his Chaleng●s con●uted . Princepa Rabularum . Phormio Romanista . Praeuaricator Rasus . a l. ● . c. 22. b Lib. 2. c. 4. de diuin . offic . c Ep. ad Aug. quae est 26. inter Ep. Aug. & ad Sabinian . Diac. d Ep. ad Procul . Ep. 147. & l. de opere monach . e Conc. Carth. 4. can . 44. f Conc. Tolet. 4. can . 40. g Authēt . collat . 7. tit . 5. c. ● . h In pānar . haer . 80. i Cap. vlt. k Lib. de virg . l Ep. ad Sabin . Diac. m Hist. Laus . c. 41. n Lib. de Ecclesiast . Hierar . cap. 6. Perfidiae Reus . The vpshot of the Reckoning . T. M. a cock of the game . Preamb. 128. The first chalenge about the cause . The secōd Chalenge or brag . M. Mort. sycophancie . The third Challēge . His 4. & fondest chaleng , or rather calumniatiō . How falsifications of Protestants do help Catholickes . Iudgment demāded against M. Mort. About his putting me to ●ilence . About my repētance . Notes for div A09106-e137780 The case proposed . A fraudulent and lying Equiuocation . The resolution of the case . D. Iohn King in his sermon at the Court p. 27 Pag. ●3 . About Q. Elizab. sanctity & meekenes . See Buchanan , Holinshead , Hooker & others in the histories of Scotland . Q. Elizabeth made others harts to ake , when her owne aked not . Pag. 26. An exaggeration about the Iesuites institute . Nicknam● of Iesuits . Differences betweene the life & actions of Iesuites and Ministers . The Ministers agree to raile togeather . A case and instance proposed to the Ministers . See the examples of Equiuocation in holy men throughout the 9. Chapter of my Treatise therof . Ioan. 8. Sundry Equiuocations in our Blessed Sauiours speach . Versu 5. Ioan. 13. v. 13. Ioan. 14. v. 1. vers . 51. vers . 54. Cap. 5. v● 31. vers . 55. Tit. 1. v● 16. vers . 56● pag. 49. Ibidem .